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[ 233 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 contestation of religious public space: christians vs muslims cases in papua zuly qadir muhammadiyah university of yogyakarta abstract the land of papua has often been associated with the papua independence movement (gpm), in addition to the independent papua organization (opm) which has been known since the 1990s. the battle between the civil society of papua against the military seems to keep happening. killing and shooting each other has always been a public discussion and media coverage. however, the thing that escapes people’s attention is a contestation that occured between the adherents of the religion of the indigenous papuans who claim to adhere to christianity, known as the ‘mountain people’, and the muslims, known as the coastal and inland people who are regarded as non-natives of papua. the contestation took place observably in public spaces like the streets, mountains, fields and various religious activities that involved mobs such as kebaktian kebangkitan rohani (spiritual awakening mass) among the christians, as well as talbligh akbar (huge gathering) among the muslims where they bring in speakers from outside papua as an attraction. such contestation has been going on since 1998 that sometimes triggered massive demonstrations and bans on religious activities as well as the establishment of a muslim school. in the papuan society, a lot of trouble is religious matters, coming both from the internal and external followers. to data were obtained through direct observations, in-depth interviews with a number of key informants, literature study and written documents related to the issue. the data were processed using interpretative approach as commonly used by clifford and geertz in the socio-anthropological tradition or social sciences in general. key words: freedom of religion, public contestation, papua introduction the annual  report on  freedom of religion  and  belief  issued by the wahid institute 2013 stated that from january through december 2013, the number of violations or religious belief reached 245 cases of intolerance. these cases were made up of 106 events (43 percent) involving the state actors and 139  cases  (57%) by  non-state actors.  meanwhile the  total  number of acts of violence  and intolerance  reached  280 cases,  where  121  of them  (43%) were  done by the state actors and 159  cases  (57%) by  nonstate actors. (the wahid institute, january 2014) [ 234 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 based on the  fact delivered  by the  wahid  institute  above,  there is a fundamental  question  to be answered  by  every citizen  who claims to have religious belief: what causes violent behavior and actions that violates the constitution concerning freedom of religion to occur? isn’t freedom to adhere to  religious beliefs a human right  that cannot be  replaced  in  indonesia, but why  does public  contestation related to  religion  always  take  place  and tend to lead to physical violence and murder? based on the data, the state was often criticized as it has actually been regarded as a «failed state» in protecting its citizens to practice a religion and worship. therefore, if a state is considered a failed state especially in terms of protecting the  freedom of  belief  and  worship, it is an uncontested  fact, especially  with regard to the minorities. papua  became the spotlight  which this study will focus on. papua road map written by  muridan  widjojo,  s.  et al, and  other  works of  widjojo  (2009,  2001) and  the papua way – dinamika laten & refleksi 10 tahun otsus papua (laten dynamics and reflection on 10 years of papua special autonomy by  anthony  ayorbaba  (2011)  highlighted  how the  papua conflict  should be approached  in order to get  the best solution for  papua and the government.  in the meantime,  as far  as  the author  knows  there are only  two  written works that really focused on religious conflicts that occurred in papua, i.e. christian warta and a thesis by cahyo pamungkas (2008). cahyo pamungkas study was entitled: papua islam dan otonomi khusus: kontestasi identitas di kalangan orang papua (muslim papua and special autonomy: identy contestation among the papuans) (2008) discussed how the discourse of islam and christianity is used in the formation of the discourse papua and indonesia. further, cahyo pamungkas (2008: 174175) by using bourdieu’s analysis of the discourse of capital, habitus, and domain concluded: first, the  papuan  muslims  in the subordinate  position are trying to  get recognition of  their cultural  identity  which  is flexible  in the midst of  the ongoing special  autonomy.  second,  the subordinate  position  of the  papuan  muslims  in  the realm of  the islamic  diversity  on the land of papua contested credentials with muslim immigrants through construction of papuan identity  politics as  represented in  the islamic  discourse  of blessing on papua and peace on the papuan land discourse as well as other praxis on the advocacy  of human rights violations.  third,  muslims  the subordinate position  in  papua  in  the realm of  politics and  diversity  in papua  contested their identity with the papuan christians  through  discourses  that islam  is part of the  customs of the  indigenous  papuans  and  the praxis [ 235 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 of  mediation  between  muslim settlers  with  christian  papuans  related to the  question of the  establishment of  places of worship and  islamic schools.  conclusion  of this study  is a strategy  by muslim  papuans  to get recognition of their cultural identity will be carried out by formulating their true flexible identity,  i.e.  combining  islam  and  papua,  contesting its cultural  identity  with muslim  settlers  and christian  papuans  in the  arena of identity politics in the land of papua, as well as internal consolidation through the creation of the papuan muslim assembly  (mmp). the above mentioned research  is interesting and  intelligent,  but like  other researchers, they only  focused on the  contestation  discourse  of religious identity  in the frame  of the state relational discourse  hegemony  with  the existing religious conflict. this sort of subordinating approach to religion as an entity and the reality of politics in the shadow of the dominant discourse of  the state, which  in  the post-war period  of the new order, religion was capable of transforming back to be a dominant and hegemonic discourse on the lives of  communities and  even  countries.  this occurs because it is  a  transcendental  role  as  sacred  canopy  of rationality  of individual  and communal  political  action.  thus,  through  this understanding, it is possible to  explain  how religion becomes  a dominant  discourse  between the  society and the state  that potentially  generate the emergence of  vertical and horizontal  conflicts  in  this  state of pancasila.  this  constellation  has not been  explained by  cahyo  pamungkas  in depth. that is  why  there are muslims in papua who favor the status quo, while the christian immigrants tend to melt in the discourse about papua. generally, research with ethnic groups and religion as the object and subject of the study has been widely conducted by many, either in the form of theological or practical  studies.  each  successive  researcher  presents various  findings  that inform the specificity and diversity of the community in the performing religious rituals in everyday life. unfortunately, religious conflicts sometimes cause not only a large number of  casualties, but also  serious damage to the material possessions which are looted  and burned.  in the  case of  a conflict  in jayapura and papua in general, the overall ethnic and religious conflicts seem to find synergy of the issues of immigrants versus native people. santoso  (2002)  explained  the social  construction  on  the reasons  underlying the  political-religious  violence  in  situbondo.  according to him,  the destruction of the church was an attempt to channel public discontent against the  attitudes and decisions of  authorities.  the social construction  of the perpetrators’  argument regarding the  actions of  the church  was that it deserved to be destroyed due to justification in the name of religion in order [ 236 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 to maintain religious identity (santoso, 2002: ix-x). in line with  santoso,  research conducted by  ratnawati  (2003), showed  that the conflict of ambon on january 19, 1999 was the tip of the iceberg of a long history of  religious conflict which was engineered by a  certain group  who the fought for land ownership and economic power  in the community of the moluccas. however, eventually ratnawati concluded that the tragedy showed that the  people  of ambon  lacked  the skills needed to  manage  religious differences  and  other differences  in society,  including  the power  to refuse outsiders who intended to destroy the harmony in the community. she concluded that the ambon tragedy was an example of the failure of the state to build a multicultural society (ratnawati, 2003: 10-13). meanwhile,  still in  the same case,  asyumardi  azra  (2003)  argued  that religion  played an important part  in the  communal  conflict  in maluku, though the it noticeable later. he asserted that there was another factor that created  hostility and  conflict between the  two religious groups.  when  a dispute  occurred between the  religious groups  (muslims and christians), religion  was used  as a tool for a mob  to legitimize  acts of violence.  in addition, mass riots in maluku came from competition in contested economic resources and the distribution of political power that was disproportionate in the local bureaucracy between the muslim and the christian community, at least in the last two decades. another important factor was the failure of the police and military authorities in tackling the conflict thus it turned out that the they also became the perpetrators the religion-affiliated clash (azra, 2003: 69-71) likewise  research  by bartels  (2011)  on  the maluku  conflict, concluded that the most important thing in the case of a religious conflict in maluku is due to a world religion that does not offer much that can support a resolution of the conflict. maluku was like a bag of gun powder that could explode any time if  ignited.  this happened because there were  some  major obstacles, such  as the  muslims  did not fully  accept  the ambon muslim  immigrants, and that  muslims and christians  in ambon,  with the  new autonomous region made possible by  new  regulations,  could agree  to jointly  be  more assertive against the outsiders (bartels, 2011: 141-142). this is a conclusion of some studies that address the problem of conflict in several parts of indonesia, including  papua  in  a diverse  perspective.  from there,  we get a  picture of  that  conflict of religion occurred  and it is the real thing, including  in papua due to contested public spaces as indicated by this article [ 237 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 contestation of public space in theory and concept the theory of  “construction  and reproduction  of culture” which was  put forward  by abdullah (2006)  will be used  here.  abdullah  revealed that the  community  can longer be understood  as  a  whole  entity  resulting from  a process  of differentiation  that occurs  in various forms,  such as  (1)  the process of  community  boundaries  obscuration caused by  incoming and  outgoing  migration  that takes place in  various communities;  (2)  weakening  cultural  boundaries  that  lead to  socialization process to experience a shift; (3) weakening compliance due to the loss of local leadership in a community (abdullah, 2006). cultural processes that cannot be avoided  will pose for potentially  conflict,  beginning with the  existence of tensions. the theory  is a continuation of  the theory of  phenomenology that was proposed  to view the paradigm of  social facts.  approach to  the derivation  of  phenomenology  is a theory of  social construction  which  was conceived  by peter  l.  berger and  thomas  luckmann (1990).  berger and luckmann saw that the effort to understand the social construction is done by defining a reality and knowledge. the fact is implied in the social association expressed through communication via language, cooperation through forms of social organization and so on. the society is a fact of objective and subjective reality at the same time. as the objective reality, society is beyond the human self and should deal with it, whereas  as the subjective  reality,  individuals  within  the community  are an integral part. in other words, the individual is a shaper of society and the community  is  forming  the individual.  the fact  is  not singular  but plural, which is  why it is called objective and  subjective fact. objective  reality  is a reality  that exists  outside of the  human self,  and  subjective  reality is a reality which is within the human (berger and luckmann, 1990: 66-225). by looking at  it that way,  this study  looks at how  individual  religiosity  and social construction of jayapura is formed, so the currently it tends to crystalize toward primordialism, not only ethnicity or religion but also the symbiosis of ethnicity and religion  into one.  this phenomenon  is  also  marked  by a shift in values and social order in the study of nationalism (nurkhoiron, 2005: 31). primordialism  discussed  in  society,  that has  a  diversity of  customs  and cultures,  is an  inevitability.  currently, the development  of community  values  often practiced  by the community  members in line  with the birth of religious doctrines with the new strengthened understanding that leads to  a notion  and  claims are constantly  being developed  and deployed.  meanwhile, the process of  the development of  diversity  is [ 238 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 also  growing.  therefore,  when  religious education  is  not applied  either through  family or  institutions  of formal education, it  will lead to  a problem that can result in conflict in society. in addition, public space such as the theory of approach put forward by jurgen habermas  can  show that  any  public  arena  always  has  a fight  (contestation) between  groups of people.  their  interplay  among  the community  is to gain influence and win the fight. therefore, there is almost no public arena that is not related to contestation, including contestation which emerges from the religious dimension. jayapura as a contestation of public space jayapura  in terms of  number of  religions  shows  a trend that christianity  (protestantism) is becoming the  religion of  the most widely  embraced by  the population with  the number of  followers is approximately 118,981.  islam  is  the second  religion  embraced  by more or less 95,506  followers,  and christianity (catholicism) with 45,109 followers  , buddhism 1,845 followers, and hinduism 1,569 followers (bpsjayapura, 2012: 74). this data clearly shows that in fact the christian religion is observed by the majority of the people of papua. the religious proportion of the population in jayapura that can be  used  as a representation  of papua,  where  the number of christians and muslims show an increasing number of followers, can be used as an indication of the geographical and political consciousness of people of papua, and  the christians  in general feel threatened  by  immigrants  and islam.  muridan  widjojo,  s  (2009: 17)  a researcher  from  lipi, explained that  in 2011,  the composition of  the  newcomers  was more  than  the native papuans, so it gave rise to concern particularly for the indigenous people of papua, who are predominantly christian, especially with regard to the issue of islamization. jayapura in the 2000 census, according to the statistical data, gave a real picture of a very rapid population growth which was intertwined with religions. if the focus of  the attention devoted to  the composition of  the  population  based on  religion  by comparing the number of christians (protestants)  and muslims.  in the city of  jayapura, the  adherents  of islam were the second biggest with a number of 70,072 followers or 45,05% of the total population which was 155,548. the majority were christians (protestants) with a total number of 75,288 followers or 48,40%. the third place was the catholics with 8,968 or 5,77%. muslims were predominantly newcomers reaching 121,837 followers and  the indigenous muslim population  was  4,958.  while  native papuan christians (protestants and catholics) were 149, 272 followers and christian [ 239 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 immigrants  were  62,996  followers (crcs, 2010:  14-15).  the composition of  the  population  based on  religion  could not be separated from  the presence of  the massive  migration of  settlers  from outside  papua, and thus the  presumption  of  islamization  and  christianization  in papua  in some contexts is very complex. in the social life of religious dynamics in jayapura, especially after the reform movement that swept indonesia experienced ups and downs. this happens due to a number of fundamental changes in the social life of jayapura. when the reform era  came, the courage  of  both the natives  and  immigrants  seemed to be  seen  in a variety of  life practice  like  the  improvement of  migrants’ economic condition  and  the  rise of  the demands of  the indigenous population  that began to  become marginalized population.  the tension  was  inevitable  where previous  suspicions  began to  resurface  in the minds of  the natives  about  the immigrant population  being in control of local resources.  suspicion of  the presence of  immigrant  population expansion and  control  strengthened  among  them,  even to the  claim of the rise of islamisation through public sector such as the control of economic and educational resources. in  fact, many  people  from jayapura  still  embraced  local  belief  as  the conviction of their religion. they believe that the local religion is something that has been  firmly established  before the days of  independence  even  from the days of  dutch colonialism  in the past.  however due to  the  mission carried out by  the dutch colonialism, there have been a lot changes to the religions we embrace today.  even  since the  new order  regime  came to power, indonesian society could only embrace the official state religions such as  protestantism,  catholicism,  islam, hinduism, buddhism,  and not other religions. crucifix and home church the cross  is now a  prominent  landmark  in the city of  jayapura.  in several corners  of the city,  this symbol  can be found  with  many different sizes  and variations. such symbols can be seen clearly on top of the hill, at the corner of the street, atop a small island in the bay of jayapura, even on an entrance gate of a village street. this phenomenon, for researchers is relatively new. in contrast to  the phenomenon of  the  pondok natal (christmas lodge)  that has long been  there  and decorated  christmas celebrations  every year  in jayapura. the phenomenon, according to several informants, appeared after the  2000s. it is  interesting to  be traced  even further, especially  with regard to the emergence of this phenomenon and its connection to the relationship [ 240 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 between christianity and other religions in jayapura. in addition to the cross symbol, some places now jayapura are also decorated in typical  christian  names,  and this  visual  phenomenon, now  extended  by making sites such as the island of metu debi, which was declared a site of the evangelists on the land of the tabi, on sunday, march 10, 2013 with the slogan “it is god who chose and set metu debi as the start of a new civilization for the people of tabi.» historical origin of the awareness about religion in papua seems to affect or at least gives the new awareness to muslims in papua to know the history of their existence in papua. then the papua islamic history books came into existence such as one by wanggai  (2009) and athwa (2004) or the jayapura  mosque  committee  effort  as already  described in  the earlier chapter  .  the writing of  this history  can be viewed  as an attempt  of reconstruction  and reproduction of  the myth of  the validity of  a group  over something,  in this case the people of papua and their land. the history constructed and reproduced by the church, where the church is depicted along with the papuans who are impoverished, persecuted, chained and  even eliminated of their  rights and  dignity  as  the original owners  of papua by the government and along with the anti-islamization sentiment (not to mean anti islam), have been able to make the identity of the real papua a single  start  to unfold.  however,  the muslims  in  their efforts to reconstruct their own history in papua could not be practically regarded as useless or even created a  desperate  situation in  papua.  the establishment of  the  muslim  council of papua (mmp) is one of the significant impacts of the new his torical consciousness response toward islam and papua. even muslim immigrants of yemeni descent, thahaal muhammad  al-hamid, was able to fight side by side in harmony for the sake of peace and independence of papua. the other extreme movement is the growing trend of islamic liberation theology which is carried out by the new generation of muslims of papua, ismailasso, going hand in hand with the liberation theology which is carried out by the churches of papua since 1995. according to the  observations of the  researcher,  after the year 2000, the construction of  the monuments  (crucifix) in jayapura (even across  cities  in papua) was  triggered by the  consciousness  regarding  the relevance of christianity as the papuan identity. the advent of the christian identity of papua like this is in fact the result in the wake of the euphoria to the emergence of a discourse of raperda manokwari as the city of gospel, as a counterpart of the discourse construction of mosque and islamic center around manokwari in september 2005 proposed by one of the candidates for deputy governor to gain the sympathy of muslim voters in west papua. [ 241 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 according to the  icg  report  on 19th october, the leaders  of the church, through the agency of cooperation between the churches district of  manokwari  (bkag),  issued a joint statement  of a “deep concern” over  the establishment  of  governments that  “discriminatory  and unjust”  to the development  of christianity in  indonesia. they cited  991  attacks on  churches  across  indonesia  since  indonesia’s independence  in 1949  until  today;  the pattern  of intimidation  against  christians and attacks on  pastors and  churches;  material losses  experienced by  churches and christian schools; the trauma suffered by christians in the area of conflict such as  in ambon and  poso;  and discrimination  law  through the  “joint decree of two  ministers.”  the arrival of  the gospel  on 5 february  1855 in  mansinam  island, said  the  joint statement,  was  «a milestone  to the start of  a new  civilization  on the land of  papua,  opened a”  dark  curtain” and instill confidence through sacrifice and martyrdom of the missionaries. the church and home-based religious instruction in brief,  from  the icg  report, it is  found  that what happened  in jayapura  with  a proliferation of  home  churches,  was an influence  from  the influx of  pentecostal  charismatic  groups churches,  also known as  the neopentecost. the churches and  the group  are known for  controversy,  not only  because  they claim  to attempt to convert the muslims, so  as to cause conflict  with  the muslim community, but also  because sometimes  they receive the material and moral support from the government or military, so it keeps them away  from  local church  groups.  not only  muslims,  devotees  of other church  denominations are also  threatened  and this  would jeopardize  the their financial  donations.  active  in several cities  in papua, in terms of  doctrine  and practice of  religion, the  charismatic and  pentecostal movements are almost identical, and they practice “a quality way of worship is  a dynamic and  expressive way which is  physically  demonstrative»  and therefore  their  devotion  in small  houses and  village  halls  often causes noise to the neighbors nearby. the small home church is characteristic of the activity of those who are likely to meet in cells or prayer groups who move from one place to another. these cells are used for recruiting new members, just like radical muslim groups that rely on a  small  study  group to identify  members that  might be  recruited.  when it reaches a sufficient number of members, they could set up a particular church or a study group. this is the factor that makes the church quickly mushroom in the villages of  jayapura.  most  charismatic churches  consider themselves to be between denominations. so, they want more formal organization. [ 242 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 the charismatic  church  emphasizes on  the holy spirit and  divine healing.  they believe  the holy spirit enters  the people  after  they are baptized  and give  the gift of  speaking in  tongues, where a person  is suddenly pulled out foreign words or language which has never been learned before. this is one of their methods because of its apolitical and taught “the theology of  success”,  by linking  belief, wealth,  and success. believers  are the ones who are rich; poverty, sickness or sufferings are a sign of lack of faith. as depicted by a priest, “if sinners have a toyota, then the pious will certainly get a bmw”. this doctrine is become popular in papua as it is so intertwined with the religion  of melanesian  people  of papuan  native,  i.e.  cargo  cult:  “cult of object”, which connects  the arrival of  foreigners  in hopes  to  gain access to the merchandise and spiritual salvation. its apolitical nature, is similar to the salafi, that also  tend to be  aggressive and provocative  in the  expression of proselytization. the rumor  about and the promise of  aid to the  church  by the  local government  after the victory of  the governor  and the mayor of  jayapura  in papua, as reported by the informants (and members of the papua task force and  dprp, interviewed on 3rd june  2013)  appeared to be  a hot  issue  among the  churches particularly regarding the internal  distribution.  the case  became complicated  concerning  the distribution of  aid  because of  the mushrooming neo-pentecostal and charismatic churches. to date, the church (protestant) is dependent on donations from its followers. toa (loud speakers), adzan, and talbligh akbar in reality, the  toa  (loud speakers)  also have long been  used by  several churches in jayapura, for example  in areas  such as  hamadi  as reported by the papuan task force and youth members of the dprp interviewed on 3rd june 2013 and also shared by amirullah, a research colleague from the state college of islamic studies (stain)  who spent  quite a while  in the region. however,  from  the experience  of an  informant  who had  lived in  jayapura for decades, it was revealed that  before the year  2000  no  churches used  a loudspeaker (toa) with the sound that could be heard from outside. these issues are now brought to discussion by kh masdar farid masudi (in donesia mosque council) in the event of a talbligh akbar (huge gathering of people listening to a sermon)  themed  khawarij dan dajjal salafi, wahabi amalan sunnah yang dianggap bid’ah (sunnah which is considered heresy) at al  ikhlas  mosque mekarsari,  eastern bekasi,  onsunday  may 26,  2013.  he said, “if a person is interested in listening to a sermon or recital of the verses of the holy qur’an, then they should go into the mosque. in addition to disturb[ 243 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 ing peaceful of surrounding, the sermon, according to masdar, contains information that will open the secret and the rules of islam. it’s like we are stripped in public. so people know all the good and bad about us”. in jayapura, the toa at mosques can also be regarded as intolerant especially when the adzan is called with loud sound, and before the adzan (call of prayer) is called, long tahrim is read out. the problem with the noise from the view of the church is the reality that exists outside of papua, especially in java, where toa loud speakers from the mosque have dominated the sound and without pauses  except  from sunrise to noon. there is a  habit  now  before the  adzan is called five  times a day, not only  loud  tahrim can be heard  but recorded recital of the qur’an, praise to god, can also be heard out loud. the voice of children  learning  the qur’an  and  sermons  (friday  or  other day),  always comes out of mosque when the time has come to do so. obviously this is very disturbing not only to people of other faiths, but also to the muslims themselves. in addition, muslims  also  do the same thing  through  the activities of  talblighakbar  with a variety of  themes.  such activities are held  almost every  month, organized  by  religious organizations  in jayapura.  the talbligh akbar is carried out with almost the same pattern with the christian mass. the organizers usually invited speakers from outside papua particularly a preacher from java.  muslims  flock  to the event venue  on  the  transport that is  also  prepared by  the organizers. the deployment of  largescale  mass  is  possible  due to the  wide range of facilities prepared by the organizing committee. the activities are often held in public places such as the trikora square, mandala square, ptc entrop, and other public places. ustadz  fadlan  is one of  the most  popular  among the  muslims  that frequently  comes to papua  to give a talbligh  akbar.  ustadz  fadlan  is a native of  papua (fak  fak), where  its muslim population  is  nearly the same as christians. christian spiritual mass vs talbligh akbar islam after the reform, religious activities that involve a lot of people kept increasing and  in the midst of the highs and lows of  christian-islamic  relations  in jayapura. the christian spiritual activities, for example, are always held each month. this has become a regular agenda in addition to worship services and is also interspersed with free medical treatment. christians flock from all corners of the city. transportation is prepared; banners can be seen almost in every part of the city;  pamphlets and information  are disseminated through the  mass media. this activity is highly anticipated by people because it is held openly in a public place  such as  the  mandala square,  ptc  entrop,  trikora  square, [ 244 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 and other public places by inviting speakers from java, even from overseas. the christians in  papua  until now  have yet to have a bishop  of native papuan origin. this also indicates a ‹pressure› or the watchful eye of the government. this led to a prolonged situation of sentiment full of bias in the mind of the church. the church have to adapt as they are working under the government of indonesia that sympathize with the muslims more than they do with the christians (mujiburrahman, 2006). as much as 80% of the religious  aid from the government went to the muslims, even though the muslims are the monority. the government transmigration program has made it possible for the muslim high ranking senior official to enter the local administration. in addition the iron fist approach on the side of the military and the police toward the opposition and even innocent papuans has also worsened the situation. anyone trying to show their papuan identity is oppressed and sometimes punished. jayapura in the wake of various religious phenomena that occurred lately showed a correlation between  the muslim  reaction  in jayapura  with the events  that occurred outside of the city, particularly  the enactment of  perda  evangelical  perda (regional law) in manokwari.  muslims  in jayapura did not address the matter quietly. some of the muslim leaders held a meeting sponsored by  indonesia  muslim  intellectuals  (icmi)  papua to prepare for possible strategy should the law be actually passed. this shows that the role of  religion  is very significant  because it is always  positioned as  an encouragement  among  believers.  description in this chapter  is focused on how religion emerges as a shared entity based on the papuan identity. it is based on the condition that the praxis of religious harmony in jayapura is in contrast to the discourse of peace stated by elite theologians. conclusion based on the study  that has been  conducted,  it can be concluded that the reality between religion and public (political) space  in the context of jayapura is indispensable to each other. what’s happening in religious circles also occurs in politics. in terms of social life, it indicates that both religion and politics, in the social life of  the community come together to meet.  religion  becomes  very sacred, but at the same time very easy to ‘sell’. the permissive culture of the society provides a space for people to take a variety of forms of culture that come from the outside. people welcome new ideas as a result of the emergence of a new culture, copying everything that fits their way of life and later acknowledging  as their own.  this excessive  claims  turn out to be an arena to show influence and power that gives rise to conflict among [ 245 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 the people in jayapura. this situation is worsened by migrants coming from papua bringing their own culture which is different from the local culture. public  space  for religious  struggle  in jayapura  occurs in  various  forms  of  symbolic nature. it even takes form as  practical  politics such as competition for local government offices in the region between christians and muslims. the public space is a religious arena to present religion in the society so that the adherents can show their belief in the middle of a pluralistic community. references abdullah, irwan, dkk. 2008. dialektika teks suci agama strukturasi makna agama dalam kehidupan masyarakat. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. abdullah, irwan. 2006. kontruksi dan reproduksi kebudayaan. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. andito.1998. keberagamaan, wacana agama dalam dialog bebas konflik. bandung: pustaka hidayah. aritonang, jan sihar and karel steenbrink. 2008. a history of christianity in indonesia-studies in christian mission. leiden-boston: brill. astrid, s. 1994. kebudayaan jayawijaya dalam pembangunan bangsa. jakarta: pustaka sinar harapan. athwa, ali. 2004. islam atau kristenkah agama orang irian? jakarta: pustaka da’i. azra, azyumardi. 2003. “kerusuhan-kerusuhan masal yang terjadi di indonesia baru baru ini: kemunduran nasionalisme dan kemunculan separatism” dalam konflik komunal di indonesia saat ini. leiden-jakarta: inis dan pbb. ______. 2003. “merajut kerukunan hidup beragama antara cita dan fakta, dalam jurnal harmoni: jurnal multikultural dan multireligius, vol ii no. 7, juli-september. jakarta: puslitbang kehidupan beragama, badan litbang agama dan diklat keagamaan departemen agama ri. badan kesatuan bangsa provinsi papua. 2005. undang-undang repulik indonesia, no 21 tahun 2001 tentang otonomi khusus bagi provinsi papua. berger, peter l dan thomas luckmann. 1990. tafsir sosial atas kenyataan. risalah tentang sosiologi pengetahuan. jakarta: lp3es. ______. 1991. langit suci, agama sebagai realitas sosial the sacred canopy. jakarta: lp3es. bourdieu, pierre. 1991. language and symbolic power. cambridge: harvard university press. [ 246 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 budiman, hikmat. 2007. hak minoritas dilema multikulturalisme di indonesia. jakarta: yayasan tifa. cholil, suhadi. 2013. “kata pengantar”, dalam agus indiyanto (ed.). agama di indonesia dalam angka: dinamika demografis berdasarkan sensus penduduk tahun 2000 dan 2010. yogyakarta: crcs ugm. mujiburrahman, mengindonesiakan islam, pustaka pelajar 2010 mujiburrahman. 2006. feeling threatened: muslim-christian relations in indonesia’s new order. amsterdam: amsterdam university press. nasikun. 2006. sistem sosial indonesia. jakarta: rajawali press. noorsalim, mashudi. 2007. hak minoritas multikulturalisme dan dilema negara bangsa. jakarta: yayasan tifa. nurkhoiron. 2005. “agama dan kebudayaan: menjelajahi isu multikulturalisme dan hak-hak minoritas di indonesia”, dalam hikmat budiman (ed.).  minoritas, multikulturalisme modernitas dalam hak minoritas: dilema multikulturalisme di indonesia. jakarta: yayasan interseksi / the interseksi foundation. pamungkas, cahyo. 2008. “papua islam dan otonomi khusus: kontestasi identitas di kalangan orang papua”. tesis. jakarta: program pascasarjana sosiologi universitas indonesia. parekh, bhikhu. 2008. rethinking multiculturalism: keberagaman budaya dan teori politik. yogyakarta: kanisius. perwita, a.a banyu. 1996. “konflik antaretnis dalam masyarakat global dan relevansinya bagi indonesia,” dalam analisis csis tahun xxv no.2 maret-april. jakarta: csis. purwanto, bambang. 2006. gagalnya historiografi indonesiasentris. yogyakarta: ombak radam, haloei noerid. 1987. religi orang bukit. yogyakarta: yayasan semesta. ratnawati , tri. 2003. “mencari kedamaian di maluku: suatu pendekatan historis politis”, dalam konflik komunal di indonesia saat ini. leiden-jakarta: inis dan pbb. ronald, petocz g. 1987. konservasi alam dan pembangunan di irian jaya. jakarta: pttemprint. ronowidjojo. cornelius d. ‘peran umat kristen dalam pembentukan sosok & karakter bangsa’. makalah sumbangan diskusi partisipasi kristen di bidang politik, kerja-sama dpc piki pematang siantar dan stt hkbp, pematang siantar 30 november 2012. roy, olivier. 1995. the failure of political islam. cambridge: harvard university press. rumere, zeth dan ot loupatty. di tanah orang papua. papua: yayasan timo[ 247 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 tius papua-yayasan hapin belanda. russell, bertrand. 2008. bertuhan tanpa agama. yogyakarta: resist book. santoso, thomas. 2002. kekerasan agama tanpa agama. jakarta: pustaka utan kayu. [ 133 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 book review historiographical reflection on the malay world published in kuala lumpur by universiti malaya, 2011 by tatiana a. denisova reviewed by hadenan towpek, phd (academy of contemporary islamic studies, universiti teknologi mara, sarawak) this work began with a very interesting criticism from the author, tatiana a. dnisova, who argued that: “every time there is a need to understand the malay view on various subjects or areas of human life, a researcher must refer to primary sources, i.e. the malay literary treasures, including works on the historiography of islamic malay. “ this is obviously a pure thought of a high academic level based on the study of history which is deeply-rooted in the motive of curiosity and awareness. in addition, historians often find lessons that should be learnt, even though the application and practicality of past experiences in a new context in the current time is no easy matter. here is a description of what denisova has done through this work. denisova is an expert in the malay historiography, a russian citizen, holding a position as a division chief of the islamic historical resource research, institute of oriental studies in moscow. denisova found that the work to understand primary sources requires a lot of time and complicated work, especially for those who are not knowledgeable in the malay historiography, and do not know the jawi alphabet, or have no knowledge of old languages. ultimately, a researcher might end up writing about his study based on secondary sources or references of the west and repeat all the mistakes and misunderstandings that may exist in the referenced sources. denisova acknowledged that this book was written as a reference for various studies on the malay world. denisova did her best to develop an interest and passion of readers and researchers through the search and primary reference materials. therefore, this book presents the treasures of islamic malay literature as a very interesting and useful sources of history. it also introduces materials recorded in the old malay historical texts in order to prove the supremacy of these texts. at the same time, it also indicates that these works carry the ideals of great importance, which serve as the foundation of the civilization of the malay. [ 134 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 simultaneously, denisova also introduced the writing and thought of the malay that created their works from the 13th to the 19th century. in this light, this book incorporates many passages from the historical texts of the islamic malay, then attaches and complements it with some scientific explanation and analysis. this aspect can be viewed through the contents of the book that presents three main parts, i.e. background of malay studies, intellectual life, and economy. in the first part of this book, denisova discussed the background of the study as the introduction to the development of the early history on how western researchers built a tradition of writing in malay studies that began around the 18th century. this tradition clearly showed that the orientalists chose topics related to non-islamic tradition as a subject of study. among them were preislamic tradition, culture, history and customs of hindu-buddhism; while there are a lot of works about the new history and modern situation that have been put aside as they contained the elements and the influence of islam. according to denisova, this is where the real character of the orientalists who regarded islam as a negative factor in the development of the malay world. they refused to see that islam has managed to advance the development of communities of the malay. they were reluctant to admit that islam had a significant influence in an effort to develop culture and thought, including science, philosophy and the malay language. in addition, denisova concluded that the orientalist character was overshadowed by the prolonged conflict between muslims and the west. so, it is not surprising when they generated and used a variety of prejudices and myths about the islamic malay and the heritage of islamic malay history. typically, they had prejudice that islam in the malay world is not as classical, pure or true islam. the malay islam is a mix of some islamic terms with hindu-buddhist tradition and local paganism. their prejudices are also concerned with the arrival of islam into the malay world at that time that occurred merely by accident. it is understood that islam does have any importance in the history of the malay world. islamic presence did not change anything in the society and culture of the malay. moreover, they stressed that the westerners came into the malay world as a peacemaker without aggressive goals, and they helped with the development of the malay community. denisova is trying to frame, analyze, answer, and correct these prejudices by making the primary sources of the malay heritage as a true historical recorder. therefore, denisova stressed that the historiography of islamic malay which [ 135 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 includes the texts of the islamic malay history of the 13th to the 19th century is very important as a source of history. thus, denisova selected six historical texts representing a number of periods and different directions in the history of the development of islamic malay civilization, i.e. hikayat raja pasai (the story of the pasai king), sejarah melayu (malay history), hikayat aceh (story of aceh), peringatan sejarah negri johor (commemoration of the history of johor state), hikayat siak (story of siak), and tuhfat al-nafis. the research methods denisova used were classification, systematization, comparative analysis, and statistical analysis. the second part of this book focuses on three things: myth, science, and philosophy. these mythological elements are entrenched in the history in the form of chronicles or annals. mythology as an important part of the intellectual life is a reflection of the traditional thought that is usually unchanged. this is because the original text cannot be changed according to one’s own views or the perspective of modern times. scientists need to understand the meaning of information and messages they intend to communicate. ore discussion is related to the pre-islamic myths through an analysis of family tree of the kings in kutai kingdom, as the earliest manuscript dated 1849, while the oral version was in fact available earlier, i.e. since the 17th century. while the spread of islam here took place as early as the 16th century, but it also includes many elements of pre-islamic mythology, an overview of the kutai kingdom being isolated from the center of politics, culture and the spread of islam, which is confirmed as the “main story content of islamic nature but the motivation of the arrival of islam and the spread and introduction of the new religion are still traditional in nature, namely excellence through witchcraft and unseen powers. meanwhile the myth of the early islamic historiography can be found in the story of pasai king and the malay history. according to denisova, what is interesting is that the story of pasai king did not the arrival of islam from india or persia, but instead it came from the arabia, i.e. sultan muhammad who was a descendant of abu bakr al-sidiq. in the same way, in the story of the malay told of the malay rulers who descended from king iskandar zulkarnaen, a hero who fought for the religion of allah, the most fair and famous all over the world. then, in the 16th century to the 17th, hikayat aceh can be referred to as representing mythological tradition in the period. once more, king iskandar zulkarnaen was made the concept of the origin of the malay rulers, who still maintained a quasi-historical nature, by introducing the era of sultan iskandar muda. [ 136 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 for the 18th century to the 19th denisova presented the historiography of johor in the language of jawi that continued the transformation of myth of the origins of the malay rulers influenced by islam. the historiography of johor covered three directions of writing history, the tradition of johor malay, tradition of siak-minangkabau johor, and tradition of johor bugis. moreover, after the mythical aspect, the aspect of science is also the core of the discussion in denisova’s book. this is because the rate of development and spread of knowledge on the general view shows the degree of advancement of social awareness and the community development. an analysis of works of islamic malay historiography during the 13th to the 19th century help to understand and explain some of the problems mentioned especially the definition and conceptualization of science, science category, related scientific works, scientists and scientific figures involved, and scientific elements contained. meanwhile, with regard to the philosophical aspect, denisova describes the terminology and related information in the text of philosophy of islamic malay in the 13th to 19th century. among the categories and definitions of the most debated include the source of wisdom, the concepts of nature, afterlife, monotheism, justice, government, punishment or retaliation, hudud, origin of the king, obligation, mysticism, desire, martyrdom, islamic brotherhood, and many others. denisova found that the analysis of the texts shows and proves that the malay world already had a historiographical tradition that has special characteristics. among other things, it reflects that the malay world has extensive international relations covering not only economics and trade, but also in the field of intellectual activities. the malay world during the melaka kingdom had become a well-known islamic center throughout the islamic world and was part of muslims and could not be separated anymore. the information recorded in the texts also reflects that the development process and intellectual life of the community were influenced by islam, from myth to science, and from polytheism to monotheism. the third part, which is the last section, denisova analyzed the economic aspects which include the debate on the details of the economic history of the malay world. she also discussed the sources of economic history, followed by a discussion on islamic malay historiography as economic history. furthermore, the toponym aspect, which is the names of places of economic activities, was also studied by denisova. furthermore, denisova described the malay definition of the terms related to the sea and the weather, as well as the terms for estuaries, bays, straits and rivers. the aspects of ships and shipping were also analyzed, and continued her discussion on aspects of foreign relations. [ 137 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 denisova also included a discussion on the aspects of prosperity and decline in the history of the malay recorded in the primary sources. information about state prosperity was normally used by employees to prove the justice of the sultan/king who ruled the country during the period. in contrast, a description on economic decline reflects tyranny and injustice of the state including imposition of unfair punishment, an unjust government, war, oppression, rebellion, disobedience toward islam and other factors. denisova concluded that information about the number of weapons and military development indicated the security and prosperity of the country, rather than a passion for war and violence. denisova critically analyzed business and financial aspects with a careful study on the primary materials of the historical works of the islamic malay from the 13th until the 19th century. she also covered trading, merchants, purchase agreement, trade methods, prices, weapon business, opium, tin, gold, etc. in addition, denisova also analyzed the records of ships and shipping, sea and trade routes, international relations. the same goes for information about urban development and urban construction, drainage system, mosques, houses, and palaces were also discussed. denisova found that large cities, such as malacca and aceh, served as an entry port in which trade revenues were collected from all of the surrounding areas such as the manufacture of goods, handicrafts such as decorative items, jewelry, weapons, musical instrument and other luxury goods. denisova finally concluded that islamic malay literary heritage is a very important, useful and relevant source of history. these old texts can be regarded as an encyclopedia of the malay life. the research on the islamic malay historiography helps to understand the history of economic development in the malay world. the economic elements recorded in the texts provide us with a description on the role of the malay world in the international economic system and on the skills of the malays in the economic field. jurnal bjrs___edisi 1 tahun 2012____english version.indd [ 49 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 1 number 1 december 2012 islam and the failure of modernization in the middle east ahmad sahide gadjah mada university abstract th is paper tries to see the encounter between islam and modernity in the countries where the majority of the inhabitants are muslims, particularly in the middle east that is currently in the state of turmoil. in general, modernity failed to adapt to the islamic states, for example the failure of democracy, which became the current joint attention in some arab countries where the iron fi st regimes are still a part of the political system. furthermore, this paper attempts to see why modernity is diffi cult to adapt itself in the middle east which began to build relations with europe in the 18th century. bernard lewis, an expert who focuses on the islamic world, argued that the failure of modernity in the middle east and islamic countries because of cultural factors and understanding of religion that hampered the pace of modernity. th e understanding of religion is still centered on debating the democratic system and gender equality which come from the west; all of which is part of modernity. in addition, the young generations that learn a lot from the west, are not given broader space to apply their knowledge in developing and setting up a system of nationhood and statehood. th ese are the core issues that will be discussed further in this paper. keywords: modernity, middle east tensions, and islam introduction speaking of the relations between the west, which is oft en represented by the christians, and the east, represented by islam seems to be interesting and important when we are entering the era of globalization. globalization is characterized by the intense relations between communities and between countries. bernard lewis argues that contacts or encounters occur in three aspects: diplomacy, trade, and war. during the encounters, people always identify themselves by their origins (ancestry), religion, language, history, values, customs, and institutions. samuel p huntington divides the world into two modes: us and them, the in-group and the other, our civilization and those barbarians. muslims, traditionally also divided the world with their own term, dar al-islam and dar al-harb, the abode of peace and war. edward w said criticized the presence of the mention of us and them because us, in this case the west, is always [ 50 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 1 number 1 december 2012 identifi ed with superiority and excellence, while them, the east and the islamic world, are seen to have a lower culture. departing from the criticism leveled by said above, comes the sense of curiosity about who is right and who is wrong. if edward w said is right with his criticism it means it is wrong to say that they are inferior. but, if said is wrong, why is not there culture dialectics in east-west relations? th e case is the east is ‘infl uenced’ by progress and the modernization of the west (westernization). what went wrong? why does the islamic world adopt modernization from the west? th e next question how is modernization applied in the islamic world, especially in the middle east? when we glance at the history of several centuries ago, islam enjoyed success. in the seventeenth century, the territory of the muslims’ rule expanded from saudi to syria, palestine, egypt, north africa, and some christian areas were occupied. even spain, portugal, and france were conquered in the 18th century. at the height of its power and glory, there is no civilization that can be juxtaposed with the level of islam, be it in terms of quality, achievement, except china. th e diff erence is, the chinese civilization was not global, limited only to one region, and one race group. th e treaty of carlowitz became a record of historical signifi cance in the history of the ottoman empire, in particular, and the history of the islamic world in general. agreement (the treaty) of peace was marked by the defeat of the ottoman empire and victory on the part of the enemy, the christiana. th is agreement provided two important lessons for the muslims: fi rst, in terms of the military, the defeat was due to the superior weaponry; second, more complex, defeat in diplomacy, and lessons in the negotiation process. th e treaty of carlowitz in 1683 began when turkey tries to beat austria and conquer vienna. vienna, feeling threatened, then asked for reinforcements to the king of poland, john sobieski, and the request was granted by the king of poland by sending his most powerful and organized forces. th e polish cavalry attacked and defeated the enemy (the ottoman empire). th e ottoman army, which had never suff ered defeat, could not do anything but had to retreat and lost 10,000 of their men and 300 units of the weapon. th e carlowitz treaty was signed to end the war in 1699. in this agreement, turkey was obliged to give up all the regions of hungary, slavonia, croatia and to the habsburg transylvania and ceded ukraine and podolia to poland. in the wake of this agreement, european countries started to appear and threaten the integrity of the ottoman empire, including russia, which had strong ambitions to conquer turkey. th e defeats suff ered by the muslims against russia between the years 1768 and 1774 became the beginning of threats to the muslims. besides, major changes [ 51 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 1 number 1 december 2012 with rapid progress in europe in terms of science, technology, and culture have further left the muslims far underdeveloped. th e scholars agreed to allow the two fundamental changes. first, by accepting teachers from the unbelievers to teach muslim pupils; and second, by building alliance with the unbelievers to fi ght other unbelievers. new relation between the ottoman empire and europe which at the same time became their enemy looks very strange. th en the start was seen quite clearly that there is something wrong. and this is realized by many of the ruling elite of the islamic world that europe has done the right thing, and the muslims are getting weak and in danger. being aware of the reality that the triumph of islam is now just a thing of the past, the muslims were curious and seeking answers from questions that popped up: “what errors have we done?” and “what are the right things have they (europeans) done?” kocu bey, a public servant from the balkan, in 1630 observed that on the weakness lied on both the community service and military service of the state, so he proposed a reform to address the matter. unlike kocu bey, lutfi pasha, who wrote a booklet, did not focus on internal weaknesses, but on external factors instead. he argued that it is important to build strength at sea. according to him, the ottomans secured victory on land, but the unbelievers (europeans) were more superior at sea. and from lutfi pasha’s point of view it posed danger to the muslims. bernard lewis did not say that the opinions of lutfi pasha was wrong. he argued lutfi pasha did not notice that the awakening of europe was due to more concentration on domestic issues, especially in matters of administration and fi nance. another important factor of rapid development in europe was that they were open and received reports and recommendations from the people of europe (the west) who travelled to the islamic world. previously, many westerners who traveled to the islamic world had a variety of motives and goals. some came to carry out rituals at sacred places for christians, some came as traders looking for profi t, some came as diplomats. th ere were also detainees from the battlefi eld. some of them were employed in the government institutions of the muslims. th e inmates from the west who had managed to escape or redeemed and returned to the west wrote about the journey describing the results of their adventures, told about the territory and anything they saw including people they met in the world of the mysterious east. muslims did not do the same thing as the westerners. firstly because muslims do not have sacred places to visit in europe. european powers were also followed up with maintaining the embassy and consultants in the islamic world. on the contrary, muslims did not do so. islamic governments only [ 52 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 1 number 1 december 2012 sent envoys to other countries when there were important things that they wanted to convey, and the ambassador returned aft er conveying the important message. as for muslims, there is a consensus that muslims were forbidden to live in the area of the infi dels. it is for the life of a good muslim. th ere were fears for the muslims of the potential conversion, from islam to christianity if they live in the christian areas. th is view appeared when they saw that many of the europeans converted to islam aft er making a trip to the area where the majority of the inhabitants were muslim. a radical change in the 18th century aft er going through a relatively long process, which gave rise to an awareness that europe has enjoyed a very rapid development, and the eastern or islamic world was increasingly left far behind, in the 18th century there was a radical change. several ambassadors or representatives were sent to europe instructed to observe, learn, and most importantly to report anything that might be useful for an islamic state, such among others as how to face enemies. th e ambassadors sent are as follows: 1. mehmet efendi who was sent to paris in 1721 2. resmi efendi who went to vienna in 1757, and to berlin in 1773. 3. vasif efendi who was in madrid from 1787-1789 4. asmi efendi who served in berlin in from 1790-1992 5. ebu bekir ratib efendi who was in vienna from 1791-1792 from these ambassadors, the islamic governments got a lot of feedback and reports. azmi efendi provided interesting accounts and reports on how a state is led and governed. ebu bekir ratib ali described the civil and military government systems in the kingdom of austria in greater detail, and especially gave recommendations on such matters which may be benefi cial to emulate. diplomats who were sent to europe showed their admiration to the government systems in europe. it was sadik rifat pasha who had an important role in introducing the idea and system of nation and state in europe. he provided important notes of what he saw when he was an ambassador in vienna in 1837 and was amazed to see the progress and prosperity achieved by europe. sadik rifat pasha observed that wealth, industry, and science were the result of defi nite political conditions that ensure stability and security. th is is what should be emulated by the islamic governments, pasha argued. diplomatic travels to europe were the beginning of the opening of the modernization door in the islamic world of the ottoman empire. [ 53 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 1 number 1 december 2012 modernization: connecting the east to the west th e rise of power and the spread of western infl uence brought major changes to the three community groups in the states where the majority of the inhabitants are muslim. christians who benefi tted economically –-with the presence of the equality, and the jews also got the benefi ts. th e east, in response to the advancement that has been achieved by the west, emphasized more on the aspects of science. th e changes brought by the west could be seen in the form of technology used both for war and for the purpose of propaganda. other changes can be seen in terms of dress code, the public servants and bureaucracy have started wearing a suit and a tie, which is more comfortable. th e military imitated the uniform from the west or europe. only kofi ya and turban are still retained and distinguish things from the west. in the nineteen century, the number of young muslims, the majority of the ottoman empire, began to discuss how europe, the smallest continent, could achieve a lot more things in the modern world through the mastery of science. in his essay, published in 1840, mustafa sami, who worked at the embassy in paris, gave an account of his admiration that she saw in every country in europe where men and women could write and read. th ey were equal in getting access to education ten year education. mustafa sami also wrote his admiration in which there was a special school to teach people with visual and hearing impairment. from the essay written by the former head of the embassy in paris, it was interesting to note that men and women have equal rights in education. of course this is very much diff erent from that in eastern countries where women’s rights are restricted to domestic duties. women take care of the house, while men work for a living and protect their family. domestic duties of women in islam are maintained with the legitimacy of religion understood by muslims. th erefore, one of the most interesting issues as part of the modernization is the emancipation of women. in the eyes of the traditional conservatives and radical fundamentalists, the emancipation of women is westernization and that it is not important, is useless, dangerous and against the values of islam. th e role of women in islamic society is viewed diff erently by the west regarding the role of women in socio-economic life. th at men have a duty to fi ght while women provide pleasure to men is seen by the west as a form of injustice in which women’s rights are restricted. related to this case, sayyed hossein nasar, in his book entitled “islam, religion, history, and civilization”, said that in the context of social and economic diff erences, the role of men and women are not in a situation to oppose each other, but rather to complement each other. he also added that the role of women is considered important, but [ 54 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 1 number 1 december 2012 not always exclusively as keeping the household and raising children, but on the other hand men are seen as protector and breadwinner of the household. up to now, the discourse about women and gender equality has become an inseparable part of the discussions surrounding islam and modernity. it is the awareness raised by the issue of the democratization that has been transformed by the west in the muslim world. as a result, we are more familiar with the idea of feminism who ‘criticized’ the religious teachings that put women lower than men. it was aminah wadud, who appeared as a controversial fi ghter for women’s rights. according to wadud, the teachings of the islamic religion that are considered unfair to women are because the tafsir works were all written by men. men and their experiences have been incorporated into the interpretations, while women and their experiences are not included, and only interpreted according to the vision, perspective, will and interests of men. th e emancipation of women is still a problem by itself as a ‘gift ’ from the modernization for the islamic world. th e history notes that, apart from the emancipation of women, the infl ux of western ideas of patriotism and nationalism has changed a lot of things and led to the creation of a number of modern nation states that extend to the islamic world from morocco to indonesia. th e infl uence of western modernization, particularly in the system of governance, also gives rise to new problems for the islamic world because it will give birth to new elites who will replace old elites who are not technology-wise but tend to maintain the status quo. th erefore, apart from the issue of women’s emancipation brought by western modernization, secularization in the system of a democratic government is another interesting issue. secularism was born in the west in an attempt to resolve a long and destructive struggle over church and state. th e separation, which was adopted by america and the french revolution and by other states, was created to prevent two things: the exploitation of religion by the state to strengthen and expand its authority and the use of power of the state by religious fi gures to instill or infl uence their doctrine. secularization or separation of religion and politics is not relevant to the muslim world because europe had a diff erent experience with the islamic world. from the history of the christians, and almost in all the christian areas, the church and the state continue to exist side by side as diff erent institutions, each with its own rules and its jurisdiction, hierarchy and chain of authority respectively. th e highest structure of the leadership of christianity as a religion is in the vatican, rome, led by the pope. in christianity, the church and the state can work together in their relation, sometimes also with confrontation or confl ict. islam does not recognize this kind of leadership. islam recognizes the [ 55 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 1 number 1 december 2012 leadership with the caliphate system, where the holder of the highest authority is god, and the caliph is the representative of god on earth. th erefore, in the islamic teachings it is understood that, “islam, the teachings, and the congregants are like the tent with its poles, ropes and pegs. th e tent is islam; the poles are its teachings (sharia); the ropes and pegs are the congregants. th ey are inseparable.” th erefore, it is not necessary to separate the religious institution from the state. th e correct form of human government, according to the qur’an, is the existence of a state acknowledgment of the leadership and power of allah and his messenger with regard to legislation, submitting all legislative power and the sovereignty of the supreme law to both of them and believe that his caliph (leader) represents the judge, allah almighty. the failure of modernity in the middle east aft er we see how modernization evolves with great dynamics in the islamic world, and also the response of many circles of the islamic world, particularly the middle east, the modernization in the islamic world has suff ered a great failure. almost the entire muslim world was hit by poverty and tyranny. we can see it in the arab world today, from tunisia, egypt, to libya, and their neighboring countries. th e combination of low productivity and a high birth rate in the middle east made an unstable mix with a large number of unemployment and growing fast. by all indications from the united nations (un), the world bank, and other countries, arab countries – in issues like job creation, education, technology and productivity – lagged far behind the west. even worse, the arab countries also missed from countries that adhere to the pattern, the modernization of the west, such as korea, taiwan and singapore. th e failure of modernity in the islamic world, one of which was caused by the presence of the two challenges in the arab world, namely the cultural and intellectual challenges. one of them is because of internal factors, which is represented by a confrontation between those who hold the doctrine of secular versus fundamentalists, with incessant questions about how to fi nd the intersection between “political islam” and things that are not clear (ideas from the west). another factor is the external factor, which is represented by a historical encounter with the west and how to defi ne the interaction of the arab world with it. arab social scientists in general are aware of the signifi cant diff erence between “modernization” (tahdith) as a process of change that is only on skin deep, for example infrastructure development which is the sheer [ 56 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 1 number 1 december 2012 material and consumer culture, and “modernity” (hadathah) as a dynamic cultural project associated with a cultural and productive change capable of aff ecting the orientation of the society and individuals both intellectually and in terms of organization and civilization. th e modernization that did not work in the islamic world, the middle east, is caused by two factors, both external and internal. th e internal factor is the emergence of diff erent response that is properly addressed. in that respect, it is supposed to create internal dialectics for improvement and more productivity. however, this is not the case. th e west cannot serve as a dialectical partner. th e democratic system brought by the presence of the west is not treated as a dialectical partner to build a democratic system of government in accordance with the values of islam and the east as proposed by muammar qadafi of libya. building a democracy that is integrated to islamic values is important because according to qadafi western capitalist democracy will only create a gap. in my opinion, bernard lewis actually wanted to fi nd out what is wrong with the modernization in the middle east and the response to the progress of the west. lewis showed us all that the west was once left behind by the east, but the west responded by improving science. in pursuit of advancement, the west tried to institutionalize doubt which establishes an idea to reach the level of progress. th ere are fi ve stages of the birth of an idea, according to amien abdullah, namely: belief, habits of mind, doubt, inquiry, and all of which will fi nally produce meaning. charles s pierce distinguished between doubt and belief. th e diff erence between people who are sure and those who are hesitant, according to pierce, at least can be seen from two things: feeling and behavior. th ose who have doubt will always feel uneasy and will strive to eliminate the doubt to fi nd the right belief. lewis did not fi nd this in the way the islamic world responded to the progress of the west. in fact, the institutionalization of terrorism emerged from among the fundamentalist muslims in responding to the progress of the west and the modernization in the islamic world, the middle east. abdullah saeed said that the emergence of militant muslim extremists (fundamentalists) is caused by several factors. first, western colonialism over the lands of muslims. second, the limitation and control of economic resources of islamic countries; islamic countries are controlled in order to remain weak; the prevention of the power of muslims to rise up against the western hegemony; and the occupation of muslim lands by the west. th ird, the politics of double standards applied by the west; islamic propagation restrictions and support for the missionary circles. fourth, the feeling of helplessness in the face of the dominant west. [ 57 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 1 number 1 december 2012 from here it can understood that fundamentalism emerged because of the deep hatred toward the west. modernization is seen as westernization such as the western-style code of dress. th is is a wrong perception of modernization. th en what is modernization? modernization can be seen from various aspects, namely education, science, politics, and religion. and the modernization that is understood by the west the institutionalization of doubt. modernization is not imitating the style and pattern of western life. th is view seems to be in line with the modernization that is understood by mohammed arkoun. arkoun said that modernization, both in the islamic world and the western christian world, have two views that are interrelated: a) the old view: the ancient, traditional, classical; and b) the future view: innovation, future orientation, and decision-making by taking many things into consideration. between the two views, there is a relationship in such a way that the changes that result in modernization is actually a potential combination of the past and the future. from traditional to modern and in the course of time from modern to traditional, and so on. imitating the western style and pattern is a modernization in the form of material, not intellectual or cultural modernization. how then should the islamic world respond to modernization and advancement of the west? bassam tibi observes that the islamic world, the middle east, in the face of westernization took a defensive stance-culture. th is culture is seen by arnold hottinger, a german journalist, a stance that almost all of the islamic literature in modern times takes the form of apology and is void of creativity, a fact that cannot be attributed to the defi ciencies of muslim reasoning. tibi warned that european culture is out to dominate the world community because it is born of the industrial revolution. th e western european culture is dominant because it has a scientifi c-technological basis, and islamic backwardness because of the absence of this scientifi c-technological dimension. th erefore, in order to catch up with the development of the west, the islamic world (middle east), according to tibi, must build the scientifi ctechnological culture, not defensive and anti-the-west culture. because, in tibi’s view, the future of the middle east cannot created by the pre-industry culture. europe as well as the tradition of the european enlightenment and democracy cannot be condemned but it is the hegemonic powers of europe that should be condemned since it was propagated in the past and in the present. modernization is not purely a transformation of values. it is the industrialization and democratization of the third world, including the middle east. [ 58 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 1 number 1 december 2012 conclusion history has recorded that islam enjoyed times of triumph, but in the 13th century, islam began to collapse. europe and the west are experiencing a revival that came out as the hegemony of the world to this day. europe and the west rose from underdevelopment because they open up to the islamic world, have a spirit of curiosity and do not remain closed to new ideas. learning from case of the west and europe, we can see that the failure of modernization in the middle east and the islamic world is because the islamic world is closed to the outside world (the west). th ere is also a strong presumption that what comes from the west is un-islamic and modernization is nothing more than westernization and americanization. modernization of the west is only captured skin deep, such as the way people get dressed, not its substance, which is institutionalization of doubt. th us, the modernization in the middle east has not managed to create a system of good government, failed to establish a state with good management systems in order to achieve progress. looking ahead, the relations between the west and islam, especially in the countries of the middle east, will still be fi lled with tension. th is is because the presence of the west, in this case the united states, is seen as a symbol of the exploitation of the abundant natural resources in the territory where three great religions were born. it has been responded with a defensive culture. in the aft ermath of the revolution in several arab countries recently, the relations between the islamic world and the west should be dialectical, and islam should be willing to open up and learn how to build a system of good governance, eff ective, and effi cient in serving the people. th at is exactly what the west did when they realized they were left out of the islamic world and thus they could catch up and go forward as we see it today. th e underdevelopment experienced by the west and the progress of the islamic world did not make the west close their door to the outside world or take the attitude of defensive culture. references al-maududi, abul a’la. khilafah dan kerajaan, evaluasi kritis atas sejarah pemerintahan islam. bandung: penerbit mizan, 1996. choir, th olhatul, dan ahwan fanani (editor). islam dalam berbagai pembacaan kontemporer. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 1999. hendrik m., johan (penyunting). tradisi, kemodernan dan metamodernisme, memperbincangkan pemikiran mohammed arkoun. yogyakarta: lkis, 1996. hooker, virginia and saikal, amin (editor). islamic perspectives on the new millenium. singapore: iseas, 2004. [ 59 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 1 number 1 december 2012 lenczowski, george. timur tengah di tengah kancah dunia. bandung: sinar baru algensindo, 1993. lewis, bernard. what went wrong, th e clash betwee islam and modernity in the middle east. united states: perennial, 2003. ........................ th e crisis of islam, islam dalam krisis; antara perang suci dan teror kotor. surabaya: jawa pos press, 2004. mintarja, endang, politik berbasis agama, perlawanan muammar qadafi terhadap kapitalisme. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, 2006. nasr, seyyed h., islam, agama, sejarah, dan peradaban. surabaya: risalah gusti, 2003. said, edward w. orientalisme, bandung, penerbit pustaka, 2001. tibi, bassam. krisis peradaban islam modern, sebuah kultur praindustri dalam era pengetahuan dan teknologi. yogyakarta: tiara wacana, 1994. [ 60 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 1 number 1 december 2012 [ 55 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 religion and the local tradition of life cycle rituals in kampung naga, west java abdurrahman misno bambang prawiro al hidayah state college of islamic studies, bogor abstract west java  is one of the  provinces  in  indonesia  which is culturally rich and diverse. the cultural wealth in tatar sunda (west java) is centered on several areas that serve as the  settlement of indigenous  communities, from the  eastern region of  ciamis,  to sukabumi.  each region  has  its own cultural  uniqueness. among  the  cultural heritage  which is still  in existence  and  preserved  is  kampung naga. it  was  a traditional village  that firmly preserves its  ancestral  tradition (karuhun) passed down from generation to generation. one of the interesting features of the community of kampung naga is the life cycle ritual which they  perform  with no outside influence.  this article  will describe  the  life cycle ritual performed by the indigenous community of kampung naga. the ethnographic  method approach  is used in this study, where the author  was directly involved  in the process  of performing  the  ritual. observations,  in-depth  interviews and participation in any activity were used to collect verifiable data. this research showed that the daur hidup (life cycle) ritual performed by the traditional community of kampung naga included the rituals for pregnant mother, child birth, circumcision, gusaran, marriage, and prayer to the dead. the ritual carried out  by the community  is derived from  the old  sundanese  belief  combined with islamic culture that came in later. keywords: life cycle ritual, kampung naga, traditional community, tatar sunda  introduction west java is one of the provinces in indonesia which is culturally rich and diverse. different tribes who populated this region have contributed to the unique culture as compared to other regions. the northern area of this province is inhabited by the tribal communities that originally came from demak which controlled the region of cirebon. in the following period, this region was occupied by descendants of the soldiers of the mataram kingdom in central java. in the region, the culture that thrives is javanese culture mixed with others. the southern part of the region is where the indigenous tribes of west java, the sundanese live. they are scattered in various areas with their own characteristics. however, they are bound in the bond of sundanese ancestral [ 56 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 culture. sundanese culture developed to adapt the civilization of society, so to date it has slight differences in each region. sundanese culture in ciamis for example is different from that in tasikmalaya, garut, bandung, cianjur, sukabumi or bogor. the cultural centers are still well-preserved, particularly by people who live in traditional villages. one of the traditional villages in west java is kampung naga which has its own uniqueness when compared to the other regions. this is due to minimal influence of outside cultures, so its culture is unmixed when compared to other regions. kampung naga is one of the traditional villages where its people still preserve their ancestral traditions. they live without electricity, not using modern agricultural equipments and rejecting any form of foreign intervention which does not conform with the values of their culture. they also reject the use of lpg and prefer to cook with firewood. their culture also prohibits the art that is unsuitable with their traditions. for example, they disallow dangdut music, western music, organ, puppet show, martial arts and all things foreign to their ancestors’ common practice. as a traditional community, they have a culture and rituals held in each week, month and year. in the field of agriculture, they have a lot of rituals beginning with rice planting until harvest time. likewise, they have a life cycle ritual performed for various occasions such as pregnancy, child birth, aqiqa, circumcision, marriage and death. all are performed without any interference from cultures outside of their own. they believe that by carrying out these rituals, they have fulfilled the will of their ancestors, and this is a form of respect for them. this paper aims to discuss the life cycle ritual performed by the community of kampung naga. this location was chosen since the community has not been affected by the beliefs and cultures outside of their own. in addition, they are also an indigenous community that continues to exist to date and is able to survive in the middle of the cultural changes in west java in particular and in indonesian society in general. by reviewing their life cycle ritual, we hope to learn about the local wisdom of the indonesian people that may serve as a lesson for all of us. the traditional village of kampung naga kampung naga administratively is located in the area of rt 01 rw 01 neglasari village, salawu sub-district, tasikmalaya regency, west java province. the total area is 10 hectares consisting of a protected forest area of 3.5 hectares, land for settlement of more or less 1.5 hectares and for gardens [ 57 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 and agriculture around 5 hectares. the position of the village, based on the gps, lies on 7o21’30” s dan 107o59’30” e. when viewed using google earth, it lies on 7021’37.02”s 107059”33.03“t. the geographical conditions of its territory are made up of valleys surrounded by hills, and the land surface in the western part is higher than that in the east. the sundanese people call the condition of the land surface with the term taneuh bahe ngetan (condition of the land surface that has more contours sloping eastward as a result of land excavation directed eastward). based on their belief, an area that has a slope is an ideal place, both for residential and agricultural land. rationally, the belief makes sense because the area that has a slope of the land to the east will receive more morning sunlight. therefore, people living there will be healthier due to the ultraviolet light in the morning. kampung naga has the boundaries as follows: to the east is the ciwulan river and the opposite of it is elongated hills, called bukit naga (dragon hill). to the south of the village are rice fields and the entrance to the village. to the west are the hills among which the makam karamat (sacred tomb) is located, while to the north are the rice fields on the edge of the ciwulan river. kampung naga is one of the villages located in the village of neglasari, salawu sub-district, tasikmalaya regency, west java province. neglasari is situated at an altitude of roughly 584 m above sea level. the distance from neglasari to the center of the sub-district is approximately 5 km, while the distance to the sub-district capital is around17 km, and it takes about 15 minutes to get to the sub-district capital using public transport while to get to the district capital is around 1 hour using public transport. the map of salawu sub-district, tasikmalaya regency, west java province shows the position of kampung naga. neglasari is located on the provincial road that connects tasikmalaya and garut districts, and is one of the villages belonging to the territory of salawu subdistrict, tasikmalaya regency. astronomically, the coordinate of the area is 48 m 0830263 and utm 9185211. the borders of neglasari are as follows: to the north: nangtang village, cigalontang sub-district, to the east: karangmukti village, to the south: sundawenang village and to the west: tanjungsari village. neglasari, now 102 years old, was originally named pasir angin, then renamed as neglasari. the name is a combination of two areas, namely negla village on the west and bantarsari village on the east. the person who united the two villages was eyang arbasan, a bantarsari kuwu (village head). kampung naga is part of naga village, which is one of the four hamlets of the area neglasari. each village is headed by a village chief, who oversees several rw (wards) and rt (neighborhood associations). kampung naga head is suharyo. while the [ 58 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 rt chairman is uron, and the rw chairman, munir. all government officials are housed in kampung naga as a center kadusunan. figure 1. neglasari village map u = batas kecamatan = batas desa = batas dusun (rw) = jalan desa = jalan desa tanah = jalan lingkungan = sungai besar = sungai kecil / saluran air / irigasi = pusat pemerintahan desa = mesjid / mushola = jembatan = sd / smp = mda = paud-kober / ra = lapang volley / sepak bola = pekuburan umum legenda peta mda sd/mi paud/ra = sawah = ikan / kolam = kebun = bambu = pohon/hutan = batu = mata air potensi = sejahtera = rtm = rtsm kategori rumah tanggamasalah = saluran irigasi sering rusak ( perlu normalisasi ) = sarana air bersih belum memadai = bangunan posyandu belum ada = jalan desa rusak = jalan desa masih tanah = jalan lingkungan masih tanah = pertanian ( sawah / kebun / kayu )kurang produktif ( hama, pupuk mahal ) = tanah rawan longsor, perlu tpt a b c d e f g h sal. batu wulung o.w. kp. naga sa l. c im ala ti sal. pem buan gansal. garunggang s al. c ilangkob sa l. le uw ig ed e sa l. g aru ng ga ng sal. cilutung irigasi biuk legok dage lengkong negla cijeleran sukaratu neundeut rancak ps. menteng cikeusik sindanglengo bantarsari penclut tanjaknangsi panugaran lgk. kicau cinuralin babakan pawitan s. ciwulan s. cimawate w il . d e s a k a r a n g m u k t i wil. desa sundawenang wil. desa tanjungkarang kec. cigalontang ra /paud pkbm al adnan lengkong pesantren sd balai desa pesantren toko toko toko pabrik pabrik pabrik bunisari sd penggergajian pabrik tahun 2011 desa neglasari kecamatan salawu kabupaten tasikmalaya peta sosial desa mengetahui : kepala desa neglasari sobirin diperiksa / disetujui : lpm desa mumu mudin dibuat : kader desa e. kurniawan dibuat : 01 januari 2011 skala : 1 : 9.000 w il . d e s a t a n ju n g s a r i sd/mi kk orang kk orang tanjaknangsi 150 507 cikeusik 124 417 11 30 sukaratu 231 725 naga 158 487 663 2.136 11 30 rtm rtsm dusun pabrik k dsn. tanjaknangsi dsn. cikeusik dsn. sukaratu dsn. naga pabrik toko pabrik g g g a a b b b b b c c c cd d f f f f f f f f g g g g g g g g ha ha ha wil. desa sundawenang = penggergajian kayu / hueler = objek wisata kp. naga = pesantren = perkantoran = garasi = usaha persemaian bibit kayu = ojek pesantren pabrik k g mda mda cipulus ( tanah desa ) g p pabrik pabrik pabrik radio pabrik sd pabrik r m mda source: neglasari village document, salawu subdistrict, tasikmalaya regency neglasari has an area of ± 326 hectares, with the use of land for rice fields, ponds, yards and people’s forest. in 2012 the population was 5,384 with the number of men and women as many as 2,355 and 3,029 respectively. the number of families were 1,595 households. this village had a relatively rapid population growth where the number of births reached 78, and only 35 people died, 8 moved out, and 7 people moved in. based on these data, the current total population in neglasari is 5,246, with men and women numbering 2,249 and 2,997 respectively. the number of people living in naga village is 1,829 with men and women 1,005 and 824 respectively. kampung naga, as one of the parts of the current hamlet according to mr. uron, chairman of rt 01 rw 01, has a population of 315 with 108 households. however, this research found that the number of households in kampung naga was 100 with four families still living in one house. the overall number of people in accordance with the tally was 305. the difference in data could be due to the increase and reduction of the kampung naga [ 59 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 population that continues to occur. for example, not long ago the lebe of kampung naga, mr ateng jaelani died, whereas not long after that a baby named rindi was born. the baby was the grand child of mr. uron chairman of rt kampung naga. the research location was kampung naga which is administratively part of the territory of neglasari village. although the population is only 305, they are unique indigenous communities compared to the surrounding population. this village becomes the center of the implementation of the customs of sanaga community living in the surrounding region. the sanaga community is not the object of study. they are only a comparison and data sources if the information cannot be obtained from members of the community who live in kampung naga. the unity of the people of sanaga descent who live inside and outside kampung naga serve as the source for the customs there. the sanaga community lives in the surrounding area of kampung naga, especially in the village of nangtang, nangkabongkok, jahiang, bongas, and other areas of neglasari. in addition, they are also live in several cities such as tasikmalaya, garut, bandung, bogor and jakarta. during the time of the performance of the hajat sasih ritual, they will return to kampung naga to join other sanaga residents. another term for sanaga community is seuwe putu naga (descendants of kampung naga). religious teachings embedded in the life cycle ritual the rituals and celebrations held at kampung naga related to the life cycle range from pregnancy, birth, gusaran, circumcision, marriage and death. as a community that has a tradition passed down through generations, they do it attentively and enthusiastically. local religious values have also been combined into the rituals as part of the life cycle. unlike in other places, in kampung naga, the ritual of life cycle rarely is hardly exposed so it is not widely known by the general public. the selamatan of pregnant women is held in the seventh month of pregnancy. this ritual serves as an expression of gratitude and prayer that the unborn child until birth. in this ritual, people recite verses of the qur’an especially sura yusuf and maryam hoping that children born later will be as handsome as joseph or and as beautiful as maryam. the recitation of the qur’an is usually done by seven people invited specifically because of their fluency. before the recitation starts, first, mr. danu as a theologian, performs tawasulan and prayer for the good of the baby. then, seven different people who attend will recite the qur’an with their respective division of verses. the suras commonly [ 60 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 recited are sura yusuf, maryam, al-kahf, al-mulk, and yasin. it normally takes approximately one hour to read the entire sura in the quran. then, mr. danu delivers prayer to close this ritual, and a meal (ngariung) is served as a closure. in this ritual, the family of the baby provides a variety of ritual properties that have been prescribed by indung beurang. these properties will be used by the baby’s mother, such as water, flowers, needles, thread and other equipment that will be placed on a nyiru. the nyiru will then be placed in the middle of the people reciting the qur’an until completion of the event. the water that has been recited upon with the quran verses will then be used for bathing so that the baby in the womb will survive and get blessing. childbirth is highly expected by the community of kampung naga so the process is welcome with joy. welcoming the birth of a baby is done by selamatan (prayer ritual) as a form of thanksgiving to allah who has bestowed a child to a family. the selamatan is done by inviting the neighbors to pray for the baby, giving a name to the baby and finally ended with eating meals together. currently in kampung naga, the birth process is performed by midwives assisted by village traditional midwife (paraji). the circumcision ritual is a process in the life cycle for kampung naga community that must be performed as part of islamic requirement for a man. circumcision in kampung naga is called sepitan or ngislamkeun. it is called sepitan because in the past, the process required pinning a man’s genital organ before cutting the outer skin portion. meanwhile, it is called ngislamkeun because it is a process that complements for a man’s the islamic faith. a circumcised man will be spared from any form of dirt so that when he performs prayer, it will be legitimate and perfect. in this village the circumcision ritual is performed in conjunction with gusaran which is circumcision for girls. the tradition of circumcision is usually held in the month of rayagung (dzulhijjah in islamic calendar), but the author also witnessed it was implemented in hapit (dzulqaidah). to the community of kampung naga, rayagung is believed a good month to carry out rituals. they believe that a boy who would be circumcised must be accompanied by a girl, because the girl is a shadow of the boy, so circumcision is always accompanied by gusaran for girls. the tradition of circumcision in kampung naga is usually jointly performed in order to make it more celebratory. the stages for sepitan (circumcision) and gusaran ceremony in kampung naga will be described here. [ 61 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 a) bebersih similar to the participants in the hajat sasih ritual, those taking part in gusaran and circumcision ceremony are required to perform bebersih or bath ritual. the bebersih ritual is performed on the ciwulan river. the participants are children who will be circumcised accompanied by his mother and father. together with them are also girls who perform the gusaran and their parents. the bebersih ritual begins with the reading of prayers by a kuncen or other people such as indung beurang. when prayer is done, the head of participants taking part in circumcision and gusaran will be rubbed with water mixed with the leuleur liquid (liquid soap substitute), then immediately followed by each parent bathing their children before circumcision. some parents of participants taking part in circumcision also take a bath, and some just wash their head with herb and rinse it with water from the ciwulan river. after the ritual is done, the participants then return to their respective homes and change their children’s clothes (usually with taqwa clothing), then walk to the mosque. when the ritual starts, the kuncen will sit near the pulpit delivering a speech, followed by greeting each child in the ceremony. the kuncen will also greet the parents one by one while giving advice and quick prayer. before starting the circumcision and gusaran ceremony, the kuncen, lebe and village elders will recite prayers. the first ritual concludes with a meal eaten together. each of these parents and their children get a piece of dish placed on a rigen (a palate made of leaves). b) parade around the village after completing the first ritual, the next stage is to take the participants of gusaran and circumcision to parade around the village. this event begins when traditional leaders and elders kampung naga walked hand in hand out of the mosque. they are followed by the parents of participants of circumcision and gusaran ceremony by carrying their children on the shoulders. meanwhile in front of the mosque, several other residents begin to play typical instruments of kampung naga community, consisting of angklung and terebang sejak. the kuncen and the elders on the front row walk slowly, accompanied by the patunggon carrying offerings with them. c) ngala beas ngala beas literally means “taking rice”. the ceremony is held after the entire group return to their own place. in the middle of the field, the kuncen and people accompanying him will be greeted by five middle-aged women who [ 62 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 have waited there. they pound the alu (pestle) into the lisung (a place for grinding rice), to indicate that the ngala beas ceremony is ready to start. the properties of ceremony consist of eight pieces of shroud, three pieces of fabric worn by women called samping kebat, three pieces of headbands or iket and tamaya (panganggo). inside the boboko carried by the patunggon is white rice or beas bodas and sticky rice. later, after the rice is boiled, it is distributed to the children that will be circumcised. facing the lisung, the kuncen then recites prayers in the presence of kampung naga community elders and other participants. d) the peak of the ceremony and scrambling for sawer the height of the gusaran ceremony on the first day concludes with a return to the front side of the mosque. each child while being held by his/her mother is called on to approach a paraji. a paraji is a traditional midwife or traditional circumcision “paramedic” in kampung naga, usually female. the paraji then washes her left hand into the rice water mixed herb leaves jawer kotok, panglai, onions, tektek or betel leaves, and chicken eggs are stored inside a black plastic bucket. water is then washed on the forehead of the participants of gusaran. next, the paraji shaves fine hairs on the forehead of the participants using a dagger. the event is accompanied by bela ceremony. outside, on the yard of the mosque, several men are holding chickens and slaughtered them and shouted “belaaaaa!” children whose forehead has been cleared of fine hairs will then be decorated by the paraji’s maid while asking them to bite the coins made in the dutch period. children who have completed the procession then march around the village, following lekasan ceremony. before returning home, the last event held on the first day is a ritual of sawer. this event is accompanied by verses of songs containing advice about life. occasionally, after one verse is sung, rice --mixed with turmeric slices candy and coins-is thrown to the crowd, and the crowd will be is busy fighting over candy and coins thrown at them. e) wawarian the actual implementation of circumcision is performed on the following morning. a special knife is used in circumcision for boys, while for the girls, needles are used. after the whole procession is completed, the ceremony is closed with a wawarian. trash and leftovers of the activities such as household waste will be collected at the shelter and then burned. this is what wawarian is all about; they are trying to maintain a healthy environment. [ 63 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 the implementation of circumcision and gusaran ritual in the sanaga community is almost similar. the bebersih activity is carried out in the public bath, while the whole series of ritual is centered an the place of the participant. the difference is that outside the village people normally hire some musicians or gamelan as entertainment for the invited guests. the wedding celebration is performed by the community of kampung naga with full reverence. as a sacred event, the wedding day should be carefully chosen in accordance with the heritage of the ancestors. wedding cannot be held in certain months and on the ill-fated days. for example it cannot be held in the months of muharram, sapar and mulud or on the day of birth, or on the day one’s parents died. wedding traditions in kampung naga begins with a proposal by the man, followed by choosing the wedding day (musytari). the procession begins with the ritual of ngeuyek seureh at night before the nuptials. the ceremony is held at the mosque by inviting the officials of religious affairs office of salawu. then, the newlyweds return home and perform the customs of sawer, sungkeman, ngampar and munjungan. the complete research on marriage can be found in the social system of kampung naga. death is inevitable for all beings, and the community of kampung naga believes that it is a natural way to eternity. so when someone dies, soon he will be laid in the funeral home facing north or south. near the head of the dead body, people usually place an oil lamp, incense burned on the parupuyan, and the qur’an. the neighbors and friends attend yasin recitation to provide a bright path for the deceased. women come with rice as a donation to the deceased family. because many guests usually come, neighbors help with cooking for the guests and the people who take care of the dead body. the prayer held for the dead body is in kampung naga is similar to that in other places. in the past, only a few (2 or 3) people led the prayer, not because of the small number of population at the time but it was due to the requirement that only very religious people could perform the prayer. before the prayer starts, first incense is burnt near the head of the deceased. the imam leads the prayer by standing on a piece of golden banana leaf. the use of banana leaf is a form of carefulness in maintaining the sacredness. the use of the banana leaf freshly picked ensures purity so it is expected that the prayer will be valid and accepted by god. golden banana symbolizes the nature of the shiny yellow gold, so it will be able to light the way for the deceased in the hereafter. each person taking part in the prayer is given an envelope containing idr ,5000 (five thousand rupiahs). if the family of the deceased is rich, they will [ 64 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 give shalawat to all the villagers, especially children. in addition they will also slaughter a goat and distribute janteke which is donation from deceased relatives in the form of rice and meat. giving shalawat is actually dependent on the economic condition of the deceased family, but there is a belief that the dead man needs a reward, so shalawat in the form of charity money or rice and meat should be distributed. the kampung naga community also believes that a person who dies is mulih ka jati mulang ka asal or returning to nature where the human spirit was once located. in order for the return journey of the deceased easy and well-lit, people hold certain rituals to accompany the journey. elsewhere, tahlilan is held on the 3rd, 7th, 21st, 40th, 100th up to 1000th day and every year and every eighth year. in kampung naga, after a person dies, the family will invite a few neighbors who are fluent in reciting the qur’an. it is held on the 3rd, 7th, 21st and 40th day after death. the ritual of the qur’an recitation is performed by gathering at the home of the late by first reciting certain prayer led by the lebe or his representative. after that each person recites the qur’an with the amount of recitation depending on the number of people present. for example, if there are 10 people, then 30 chapters will be divided into ten and completed around 3 nights. after completion of the qur’an recitation, it is followed by eating meals and the family of the deceased will give out some money as shadaqah of which the reward is expected to be given to the deceased. the recitation of the qur’an (30 chapters in all) will be repeated on 7th and 40th day. after that there is no more ritual. however, the observations conducted by the author showed that the sanaga residents in nangtang and nangka bongkok village held the recitation on the 100th day and one year after a member of a rich family dies. in fact, it could be held when the death period has reached the eighth year. in this ritual, especially on the 40th day, and if the family is rich, they will slaughter goats and distribute to nearby neighbors, especially those who participate in the recitation of the qur’an in the evening. slaughtering the goat for the people who have died is called nyusulan i.e. a supplementary shadaqah for the deceased to get the reward. interview with a resident of kampung naga, kang iin sholihin, who often participated in the tahlilan revealed that recitation of the qur’an is performed several times after a person’s death; 1) poena, the day after death, 2) tiluna, the third day after death, 3) tujuhna, the seventh day after death, 4) opat puluh, the fortieth day after death, 5) natus, the one-hundredth day after death and 6) newu, the one-thousandth day after the death. based on the information [ 65 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 collected, the community of kampung naga also held recitation of the qur’an after death. if the family can afford it, it is advisable to slaughter a goat as ikah for the deceased. the annual celebration is also held if the family can afford it. the people in kampung naga today are not allowed to build a wall on the grave or a tombstone on top of the cemetery (tetenger). this practice has been around since the times of their ancestors. a tomb in this village is a stone placed at the head and feet or a piece of wood carved with the person’s name (called satangtung stone). the funeral is adjusted to the descendants or families of deceased. with regard to the grave visit, the kampung naga community has a tradition of visiting the astana gede or great cemetery together which is located on west of the village. it takes place every muharram, especially on friday. the whole community of kampung naga both men and women visit the tomb of their respective families. they clean up the location of the cemetery, but first a prayer is performed by the kuncen. the grave visit for them is one of the forms of worship to pray for the dead, and at the same time, to remind them of death. one of the characteristics of this community is that that their grave is not cemented or bricked. it is considered taboo because it was never done by their ancestors. no wonder the cemeteries in this area are not cemented or have tombstone placed on it. conclusion several conclusions can be drawn from discussion of the life cycle ritual in kampung naga above. first, they carry out the ritual a form of adherence to traditions inherited from their ancestors. the ritual is performed with full reverence, and they believe that when they do it, they have respected their ancestors. the life cycle ritual in this village is unique compared to other regions. this is due to the fact that there is no change in the procedures for its implementation. they do not dare to add new things that were not included previously. in addition they are also unwilling to accept things outside their culture especially those incompatible with the system of their culture. basically, the life cycle ritual performed by the community of kampung naga is almost the same as other the tradition of sundanese communities particularly the ritual to keep the fetus in the womb will be born in good health. the rituals of akika and naming giving are an expression of thanksgiving because of the long-awaited child born safely. meanwhile, the rituals of circumcision and wedding are performed as a form of joyfulness. whereas, the death ritual is the prayer of those who are left behind for people who have died to get a ‘bright path’ and happiness in the hereafter. 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[ 211 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 the concept of peace in islam and its relevance to international relations rizki dian nursita univeristas islam indonesia email: rizki.dian.nursita@uii.ac.id ahmad sahide universitas muhammadiyah yogyakarta email: ahmadsahideumy@gmail.com abstract islam is often described as a religion that emphasizes the use of violence in its da’wah method. the stereotype is formed by a number of literature and media that depicted islam as a religion of violence. this paper aims to analyze the causes of stereotype against islam, and provides an overview of the concept of peace in islamic perspective, and seek the relevance of the concept of peace in islam to the study of conflict and peace in international relations. through some literature research, the author finds that the stereotype is caused by the gap in the discourse on war and peace in islam, thus the discourse related to the peace in islam needs to be buzzed. unlike the two mainstreams in international relation studies (realism and idealism), al-quran, as the primary source of islamic teaching, describes that a human is basically both keen to cooperate and prone to conflict, and favoring to managing the conflict through peaceful settlement. three terms-as-silmu, as-shulhu, and al-amanu are used to conceptualize the three levels of peace in the quranic perspective. keywords: as-silmu; islam; international relations; peace; war. introduction the 11th september attack has became a major momentum that influenced a number of changes in the international relations discourses. the concept of security which is initially understood by realists as states’ capacity to deal with threats from other countries in the midst of international anarchy, it must immediately be doubted after 11th september attack. it also has brought up a number of new terms in international relations, such as terrorism, terrorist; as a new actor in international relations, and global war on terrorism; the united states foreign policy which emerged in the bush administration has also affected the foreign policy of countries around the world. [ 212 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 several media have been involved in the formation of stereotypes of global society towards islam and the middle east. famous newspapers and electronic media, such as cnn and bbc have intensively broadcast news and stories about the middle east during the gulf war i and gulf war ii. internal conflict has also been a major trend in recent years. unfortunately, statistics seemed to support stereotypes. some countries in the islamic world, such as pakistan, libya, sudan, ukraine, yemen, somalia, afghanistan, iraq, and syria have been identified as countries with the lowest security index, even saudi arabia, egypt, turkey, and palestine are on the alert status (gpi, 2016). the relation among islam, war, and terrorism is also often depicted in a number of fictions. the three kings portrays the story during the gulf war i. the hurt locker tells the story of explosive disarmament missions in the second bay war. we also find other movies, such as homeland movie, zero dark thirty, united 93, and a number of western films portray the story of alqaeda and osama bin laden’s actions that might be considered as the threat to the national security. literature about ‘islam and war’ and ‘islam and terrorism’ seem to be more popular compared with ‘islam and peace’. some books which offer the discussion on ‘islam and peace’, start the discussion with the concept ‘war’ in islam. as if the concept of peace in islam is valid if islam is acceptable as both religion and a political system. the term of jihad in islam seems to be understood as ‘jihad bil anfus’ (by risking life) or ‘jihad bis sayf ’ (with sword, violence). the concept of jihad is also often equated with the concept of holy wars that have occurred in the west (firestone, 1999). although the concept of jihad also includes wars and risking the lives, etymologically, the term of jihad does not take root from the word war like ‘qital’ or ‘harb’, rather it has a broader spectrum. jihad is probably the most controversial and emotive word that the west associates with islam today; not a day goes by in the media when the word is not invoked, either by the jihadis themselves or critics of islam (fuller, 2010). the stigma of islam as a common threat has contributed to the emergence of islamophobia, mainly in the era of george walker bush after september attack (sahide, 2018). in fact, the middle east which is always associated with ‘islam’ is not always lulled by wars and may be less compared to the other regions in the world. according to the war historian, quincy wright, the number of wars that took place around the world from 1484 to 1945 shows that of 278 wars, 187 wars occurred in europe while 91 battles took place in other regions (firestone, 1999). most of the stigma of islam often begins with methodological issues. western [ 213 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 scientists or perhaps orientalists who are not accustomed to islamic tradition often regard islam as a religion that merely teaches violence by simply taking a number of relevant verses and hadiths. the research is also supported by references to the history of islam which tells several cases of communal violence and political conflict. so they come to the conclusion that islam is a religion that basically justifies acts of violence due to differences in beliefs and politics (nimer, 2001). primary sources in islamic law, both the al-qur’an and sunnah have encouraged the attitude of peace. even the term of ‘islam’ itself has its root to the verb ‘salima’ and the noun ‘salam’ means salvation and peace. al-qur’an encourages muslims to have good behavior toward followers of other faiths (yunus 10:99), to settle disputes (al-hujurat 49: 9), to know each other (alhujurat 49:13), and to cooperate in goodness, not enmity. the concept of peace in islam may get less spotlight in islamic political literature, but it is actually very much mentioned, even written with very detailed in the books of adab (ethics) of social life. this paper tries to enhance the idea of peace in islam which has so far been neglected, without disproving the existence of the concept of war in islam. this paper discusses the gap that occurs in the discourse between war and peace in islam, the basic assumptions of islam on peace compared with two mainstreams in international relations, the classification of the concept of peace in islam and its relevance to the contemporary peace studies. war and peace in islamic perspective this section attempts to provide an overview of the inequality between the discourse on war and peace in islam. the recent literature on islamic politics tells more about the use of violence, wars, the treatment of combatants and prisoners of war, international law, and so on. nonetheless, the classical islamic literature has actually dealt with these concepts, and some classical scholars have been asked for judgements or fatwas related to war and peace in islam (nimer, 2001). one of the classical scholars who was also the disciple of imam abu hanifa, muhammad bin al-hasan as-syaibani was one of the classical scholars of the eighteenth century who has involved in the field of international law studies; eight centuries earlier than hugo grotius; the father of international law from the west. syaibani’s masterpiece, ‘siyar’; ‘siyar as-shagir’ and ‘siyar al-kabir’ tell a lot about fatwas from abu hanifa and syaibani himself. siyar which is the plural form of ‘sirah’; which not only means ‘history’, but also ‘journey’, [ 214 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 then simply interpreted by modern. the book of siyar contains a set judgements that guides muslims interaction with non-muslims; whether in a state of war or peace, whether interaction among individuals or in a state level; interaction between darul islam and darul kufr within the territory of islam as well as outside; and interaction in the particular situations such as apostasy, rebellion and piracy (munir, 2012). the book of siyar was later reconstructed by a number of muslim scholars, one of them was muhammad abu zahra in his syarh kitab as-siyar al-kabir, as well as prominent orientalists such as majid khadduri. the work of majid khadduri which contains the introduction and translation of the book of siyar written in 1966, ‘the islamic law of nations shaibani’s siyar’ has been reviewed widely by western scholars. perhaps we may find few writings in the islamic classical literature that specifically address the study of international relations. the book of siyar could be seen as a positive thing, although the fatwas were not codified as a set of rules. we can see that siyar has been written based on the idea that interaction among nations is conflictual; between islam and kufr or islam and rebels. peace in the islamic classical literature is understood as negative-peace or the absence of war; between islam with kufr, or between government and bughot or rebel; and when the dhimmis are at ‘safe conduct’, or ‘aman’ . the legal view on peace and violence in the classical period was articulated and applied on the basis of maqâsid as-shari’ah; teachings or purpose (intent) of the whole islamic law which aims to protect religion, life, humans’ reason, humans’ property, their honor, and descents. these six points of purpose are considered as fundamental needs or dharuriyat in islam. maqashid is used by considering context or fact that occur in a particular society. it should be noted, that in islam political conflicts set forth in a juridical decision or fatwas, remain a political conflict. they have never been extended to religious wars, such as the war between islam and christianity, judaism, hinduism or any other religions that islam has ever encountered in history. the juridical judgment is certainly in accordance with the conditions faced by muslims; fatwa of an expert that allows the use of force against a pagan ruler in certain conditions, is not a reason to attack a neighbor who has different beliefs (nimer, 2001), nor it is a holy war with the aim of killing certain people with different beliefs. such inequality also occurs in contemporary islamic studies. orientalists such as majid khadduri had earlier issued war and peace in the law of islam in 1955, several years before the publication of ‘the shaibani’s islamic law of nations [ 215 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 siyar’. this book describes both war and peace concepts comprehensively in one book. however, the discussion of the peace is placed in the third chapter after the war, and it still contains discussions about the treatment of islam against other religions, dhimmis, peace agreements, arbitration and neutrality; despite there is also a part discusses about international diplomacy and trade (khadduri, 1966). this book became the most frequently used reference by academics in explaining the concept of war and jihad in islam. on the other hand, this book is also often regarded as a book that has justified stereotypes about islam; that islam is a religion of violent doctrines and terrorism. the work of abu sulayman ‘towards an islamic theory of international relations’ published in 1987 has shown a novelty in the discourse of international relations of islamic perspective. although abu sulayman did not exclusively discuss the concept of peace in islam, at least it has raised some peace-related concepts, such as tolerance, cooperation and mutual support, diplomacy and building alliances (abu-sulayman, 1993). similarly, abu zahra in his work ‘al-’alaqah ad-dauliyyah fi-l-islam’ or ‘international relations in islamic perspective’ explains the normative aspects of international relations; international relations are bound by values such as dignity, the unity of people, encouraging muslims to help each other, and tolerance (abu-zahrah, 1995). however, these books are still infrequently used as the reference by contemporary scholars. indonesia may have become one of the examples of the spread of islam through peaceful means. according to abdullah bin nuh, the spread of islam in southeast asia did not occur in the 13th century ad. historical evidence from china and some muslim settlements in indonesia show that islam come to indonesia since the 7th ad through the preachers and traders. people in the arabian peninsula have established trade cooperations with various countries, such as africa, india, southeast asia, and east asia. these relations have occurred long before mohammed’s prophecy. arabian merchants have become the intermediaries between these countries and european merchants. it is estimated that islam has penetrated to the southeast asia since the 7th century ad, or in the second year of hijriyah. this estimate is supported by the findings of t.w. arnold, which shows that muslim traders have been in sailan and sri lanka since the second century of hijriyah (suryanegara, 2017). according to karen armstrong, western assumptions related to islam; islam as a religion that teaches violence and jihad considered as twin brother of the crusade, such assumptions can not be separated from the trauma of the west against the wars occurred in the middle ages (armstrong, 2001). before the era of colonialism, indonesia which was far away from the story of the [ 216 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 holy war in the west, certainly had a different response to a comprehensive religious teaching; islamic belief which is not only understood as ritual, but also provides security and social and political order. the spread of islam in indonesia has been done through diverse concepts of da’wah, whether da’wah through diplomacy with local rulers, trade, assimilation, marriage, and sufism; considering muslims are obliged to involve in the da’wah regardless their status and occupation. yet, both the islamic world and the west are often fixated on the heroic stories that are identical to warfare, but ignorant of the stories of how the messenger and his companions, as well as some political leaders sought to create the peace. conflict and human nature two mainstream in international relations, both classical realism and classical liberalism or idealism cannot be separated from the fundamental thinking about the nature of human being. the emergence of realism and idealism both started from assumptions about the nature of human beings. realists see that human nature is selfish, and interaction among people is conflictual. thus, realists tend to have a pessimistic and skeptical view about cooperation and peace in international relations (pettiford, 2015., and heywood, 2011). within the state, the selfishness within a human being is limited by government. whereas in international relations, the selfishness that exists in human beings may unleash the worst potential of human nature, thus forming an anarchic structure (donnelly, 2005). morgenthau as a classical realist scholar saw that the state was the first institution to ignore the human values to gain the power. meanwhile, according to neorealists, international violence is not the impact of human egoism, but a social phenomenon that is formed due to the anarchic international environment (guzzini, 2003). the state is seen as its own organic structure, which has its own interests and strengths, not merely as a humandriven instrument. on the contrary, liberalists see people are bound to human virtue. the conflict that occurs between people will not become a problem, if the cause of the conflict can be identified, then the problem can be solved. according to kant, humans are not always associated with selfishness, greed, and aggression. humans are naturally affectionate and able to distinguish between good and bad (pettiford, 2015). liberalists see that war is not caused by human nature or the structure of the international system, rather war is the product of social interaction (burchill, 2005). discussion about human beings becomes very important in the study of [ 217 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 international relations of islamic perspective. regarding human nature, islam is neither realistic nor idealistic. however, it should be noted that the discussion is not intended to build a synthesis between the two mainstream debates; as the english school was born to become via media between realism and liberalism (linklater, 2005). islam is a religion that encourages wasathiyah, as it has been mentioned in the qur’an, that the character of muslims is ummatan wasathan (al-baqarah 2: 143). wasath is a stand-alone position, neither side nor both. wasathiyah attitude does not mean ‘ghuluw’ or exaggeration (al-maidah 5:77). a man who is wasathiyah will be able to understand reality, priority, nature or sunnatullah, and comprehend religious texts comprehensively (tamam, 2017). islam recognizes the human nature equally, that man also has the potential to do good and evil. as in the word of god in sura as-shams; “and by the soul (nafs) and the perfection of his creation, he inspired the soul what is wrong and what is right for it.” (as-shams 91: 7-8). refer to tafsir ibn kathir, what is meant by the perfection of creation is that allah has directed man to a righteous nature. as the words of surah ar-rum allah says, “then face your face with the righteousness of allah (allah), (on) the nature of allah who created man according to the fitrah. no change in the nature of allah.” (ar-rum 30:30). but god then inspired man to the way of good and evil, as it is mentioned by mujahid, qatadah, ad-dhahak, as-tsauri (katsir, 2004a). in the hadith, it is narrated that someone who asked the prophet mohammed, “o messenger of allah, how do you think about what is done by human beings whom they laboriously overcome. is it fate that has been set upon them, or is it something that they receive from what their prophet said to them, then reinforced with the argument?” so the messenger of allah answered: “no that is the thing that has been established for them. “the man asked again,”then what is the use of charity?” the prophet replied, “that whoever is created by god to do one of them, then allah prepare it for it, as it is said in the book of allah: and the soul and the consummation of it, then allah inspires the soul the right and wrong path.” (katsir, 2004). in islam, the first conflict accompanied by use of violence that occurred in human history has been narrated in the qur’an. that is the story of the son of adam, when qabil and abel compete each other to be the best, as well as fighting for a potential spouse. as it is hinted in surah al-maidah, “his lust encourages the killing of his brother, so he kills him, and he is among the losers” (al-maidah 5:30). conflict is also mentioned in the qur’an in a number of terms and levels, ranging from enmity (az-zumar 39:31), disputes (ali-imran 3:103 & 105), disagreements (an-nisa 4:59), and wars (muhammad 47:4), (al[ 218 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 baqarah 2:217), (al-anfal 8:57). although islam exposes the human nature to do good and evil. however, it does not mean that evil deeds become permissible in islam; including violence, crime, and hostility. as it is mentioned in the verse after that, “it is indeed a lucky man who purifies the soul, and indeed he fails who corrupts it.” (as-shams 91:9-10). according to qatadah, this verse explains it is to be fortunate that one who purifies himself from a disgraceful attitude and contemptible things; is considered obedient to allah, as it was narrated by mujahid, ikrimah, and said bin jubair (katsir, 2004a). the striking difference between islam and other paradigms is the concept of after life, and the concept of reward and sin or reckoning. in islam, all human deeds can not be separated from the hisab and will be accounted for in the hereafter. as allah says in the quran surah az-zalzalah; “whoever does good deeds of zarrah, he will see the reward, and whoever does the evil weighing of zarrah, will surely get his reward” (az-zalzalah 99:7-8). we may often hear a proverb, “my country, right or wrong” that indicates state’s superiority as an actor that has the immunity to do anything to defend its national interest. realists separate national and international negotiations with morality. thus, diplomacy in the classical era is full of hypocritical actions and lies (iqbal, 2000). in islam, international relations are not merely inter-state relations, but human beings as the main actors who run the state; as well as other entities considered as actors in international relations; international organizations, corporations, interest groups. man as an actor who runs the state and other relevant entities in international relations, thus all of activities including social and political cannot be separated from the reckoning, and cannot be apart from the norms, values, and divine rules that bind people from acts that can cause hostility, conflict, and damage. the concept of peace in islam etymologically, the word islam is closely related to the salvation, peace, and submission. in arabic, the word islam itself is rooted to the verb سلم (salima) and mashdar or noun taken from the verb السالم (as-salaamu) meaning نجا (najaa) or “to be safe” or “salvation”. the word سلم (salima) can also turn into or “reconciled”, and (shaalaha) صالح which is synonymous with (saalama) سالم the noun السلم (as-silmu) also has the same meaning as الصلح (as-shulhu), which means peace; as it is found in the phrase أنا سلم لمن سالمني وحرب لمن حاربني (ana silmun liman saalamani wa harbun liman haarabanii) which means “i make [ 219 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 peace to those do the same, and fight against those who fight me”. whereas the word اإلسالم has the meaning of إظهار الخضوع والقبول لما أتى به محمد, الدين الذي جاء or submission and full acceptance of religion conveyed by muhammad به محمد (ma’luf, 2007). the term “silmun” is also contained in the qur’an, as allah has commanded the believers, “o ye who believe, enter too silmi (islam) completely, and do not follow the paths of shaitan” (al-baqarah 2:208). this verse encourages muslims to the peace and to perform good deeds and all kinds of virtues, as it was stated by qatadah and mujahid (katsir, 2004b). peace in islam can be interpreted by both positive and negative peace. according to galtung, positive peace indicated by cooperation, equality, peaceful culture, and dialogue. while the negative peace is the absence of violence, or the condition when the conflict actors are in a truce, withdraw from violence (galtung & fischer, 2013). negative peace is needed to prevent violence among parties, disputes, or further violence and international conflict. positive peace or substantive peace provides a broader view to address the causes of a conflict (nimer, 2001). the term positive peace is associated to human values and the application of a peace culture in life. allah is known as ar-rahman or the most beneficent and the al-raheem or the most merciful. so human beings as his creations certainly can not be separated from those two characters. as it is mentioned in the qur’an, “indeed, those who have believed and done righteous deeds the most merciful will appoint for them affection” (maryam 19:96). “perhaps allah will put, between you and those to whom you have been enemies among them, affection. and allah is competent, and allah is forgiving and merciful.” (almumtahanah 60:7). therefore, positive peace is substantial in islam. the values found in positive peace is the basis of morality (akhlaq) in islam that should be attached to each individual. so the real peace can exist. according to abu zahra, there are ten principles of mu’amalah or relationship among people, such as respect for mans’ dignity (al-isra ‘17:70); unity (al-baqarah 2:213) (ali-imran 3:103); cooperation in good deeds or humanity (al-maidah 5:2), tolerance (al-kahf 18:29) (al-kafirun 109:6), freedom (to decide fate and religion) (al-baqarah 2: 256) (al-rahman 55:60); justice (al-hujurat 49: 9); equality in human relationships (al-hujurat 49:13) (al-balad 90: 11-13) ); integrity (al-maidah 5:1) (an-nisa 4:58); and compassion (maryam 19:96). these principles are not just principles that bind to individuals or intergroup relationships, but also the state, since the state is a human-driven political entity. [ 220 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 islam also recognizes the concept of negative peace; through conciliation and peace-making efforts in resolving conflicts among individuals or groups, to ensure the positive peace among communities can be formed. as it was stated, that the term السلم (as-silmu) which has the same root as islam, it is also equivalent to الصلح (as-shulhu) which means peace, and al-ishlah means conciliation, peacemaking, making a change or reformation, as well as the integrity to the truth (nimer, 2001). the word الصلح (as-shulhu) is originally derived from the one-level verb صلح (shaluha) which means the opposite of destruction, which then becomes the second verb, صالح (shaalaha) which means antonym of enmity (ma’luf, 2007). the term as-shulhu is also contained in the words darus-shulh, a term for a country that does not join darul-islam but chooses to make peace with it. islam emphasizes the importance of creating peace among people. the virtue of peace-making or al-ishlah has been mentioned in a number of verses of the qur’an and hadith. in an-nisa’ allah says, “no good is there in much of their private conversation, except for those who enjoin charity or that which is right or conciliation between people. and whoever does that seeking means to the approval of allah then we are going to give him a great reward.” (an-nisa 4:114), in al-hujurat, “and if two factions among the believers should fight, then make settlement between the two. but if one of them oppresses the other, then fight against the one that oppresses until it returns to the ordinance of allah and if it returns, then make settlement between them in justice and act justly. indeed, allah loves those who act justly.” (al-hujurat 49: 9), then in surat al-anfal, say, “the (decision concerning) bounties is for allah and the messenger.” so fear allah and amend that which is between you and obey allah and his messenger, if you should be believers” (al-anfal 8: 1). in a number of hadiths, messenger of allah (s) said, “may i tell you something better than fasting, prayer and alms?” the companion replied, “yes.” he said, “reconcile the relationship (two warring people), because the destruction of the relationship is the cutter. i do not say cutting hair, but cutting off religion.” the hadith shows that peacemaking not only counts as a virtue, it also reduce unnecessary hostility and damage. in order to ensure the absence of violence, islam also promotes security. the word األمن (al-amnu) means serenity and peace, while األمان (al-amaanu) also has other meanings, ie العهد والحماية والذمة(al-’ahdu, al-himaayah, adh-dhimma); it means covenant; protection, and guarantees (ma’luf, 2007). it also can be understood as the security from the violence (nimer, 2001). these words also have their roots to the word اإليمان (al-iman) or belief. state’s security is essential to maintain the survival of human life. as the prayer of prophet ibrahim in the qur’an “and remember when the prophet ibrahim [ 221 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 prayed “my lord, make this a secure city and provide its people with fruits whoever of them believes in allah and the last day.” (al-baqarah 2:126), then in other verse, “my lord, make this city (makkah) secure and keep me and my sons away from worshipping idols.” (ibrahim 14:35). security is also related to trusworthy issues, or beliefs. even trusworthy is part of the faith (hr ahmad), as the non-traditional security concept also puts ‘freedom from fear’ as one of the security indicators. al-qur’an contains wisdom and lessons for people who use their reason (yusuf 12:111). the use of peaceful means in da’wah has been raised in a number of qur’anic verses which tell the story of the previous prophets. the qur’an has told of how the earlier prophets established relationships with those who rejected their preaching. still, people of ‘ad are mentioned as ‘brothers’ of the prophet hud, even though they refuse islam (hud 11:40). the qur’an has also mentioned thamud who rejected the prophet salih, and the people of noah as ‘brothers’. allah also commanded moses to deliver da’wah to pharaoh with ‘qaulan layyinan’ or a gentle word (thaha 20:43-44). there are also many sunnah and sirah have narrated about how prophet mohammed has built good relationships with people; ethics towards parents, children, neighbors, women, and other believer, ethic in assembling, speaking and expressing opinions, and other ethics that encourage muslims to remain virtuous toward others. it is also important to understand and prevent the potential conflict, latent conflict often occurs within society with various groups and ethnicities. thus, even before the conflict arose, mohammed has reconciled between muhajirin and ansar so that love compassion and altruism have spread among them; in other words it was a positive peace. the story of how the prophet mohammed and the companions negotiated with medina jews and issued medina charter, as well as the truce with the quraysh tribe in the hudaibiyah treaty (lapidus, 2002). they are both examples of negative peace. conclusion islam often faces negative stereotype as a religion of violence. the concept of jihad is often associated with holy war and terrorism. so, islam is always identified with terrorism (pratt and woodlock, 2016). the stigma of islam, as a religion of violence is the result of gap between the discourses on islam. the concept of war in islam perspective is more often discussed, compared to the concept of peace. unlike the two mainstream in international relations, realism and liberalism. [ 222 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 islam sees a balance in the human nature. humans are naturally love to cooperate and do good deeds, and have tendency to conflict and do evil deeds. nevertheless, it does not mean that islam justifies such tendency to use violence and wickednesss in politics, so that international relations become very rational and value-free. human beings by nature are political creature who run the state, thus creatures are inseparable from divine rules, and islam prevent the conflict with impulse to do good deeds and to create the peace; both negative and positive peace. the concept of peace in islam consists of as-silmu, as-shulhu, and al-amaanu. it is obliged for believers, to fully throw themselves in goodness (as-silmu). such obligation binds all muslims in every condition. a believer or a muslims is not only obliged to perform mandatory worship, but also responsible to incorporates islamic values in a kaffah or perfect way in social, political, economic, and any other aspect; such as mutual respect, unity, cooperation, tolerance, respect human rights, righteousness, justice, to be equitable, and compassionate. creating peace to prevent and resolve conflict is understood as-shulhu. asshulhu can be pursued through conciliation, peacemaking, making a change or a reform that leads to the positive outcome, and the integrity to goodness and truth. islam motivates its followers to involve in peace-making and consider it as goodness, not merely as an intervention or interference with a human affair. this concept can be applied in conflict among individuals, groups, and even countries; as-shulh also means peace agreement or pact. peace which is obtained by guaranteeing or maintaining security is known as al-amaanu. the implementation of al-amaan is not only measured from the absence of violence, but also the presence of trust or trustworthy. as nontraditional security defines peace freedom from fear and distrus. al-amaanu is a form of peace that cannot be prevailed by an individu i, as as-shulhu. it needs the involvement of group of people, society, or perhaps larger body such as state in order to establish al-amaan. the concept of peace in islam; as-silmu, as-shulhu, and al-amaanu although generally they can be understood as ‘peace’. however, they have different focuses, and perhaps intersect each other. the concept of peace in islam might be relevant in providing an ideal image of the peace situation; positive. these concepts; although there may still be a number of concepts that resemble the concept of peace in islam, these concepts have something in common with the concept of peacebuilding, peacemaking, and peacekeeping. all three are not a mechanism that must be passed in a certain phase of a peace attempt or conflict assessment to obtain certain results, but activities that are bound [ 223 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 by values and divine rules. so, there is still a need for a deep study to form a conceptual framework consisting of a number of systematic mechanisms to achieve peace based on islamic teaching. bibliography abu-sulayman, a. h. (1993). towards an islamic theory of international relations: new directions for islamic methodology and thought. international institute of islamic thought (iiit). abu-zahrah, m. (1995). international relations in islam. egypt: daar al-fikr al-‘arabi. armstrong, k. (2001). perang suci: dari perang salib hingga perang teluk. jakarta: serambi ilmu semesta. burchill, s. (2005). liberalism. in theories of international relations. new york: palgrave macmilan. donnelly, j. (2005). realism. in theories of international relations. new york: palgrave macmilan. firestone, r. (1999). jihad: the origin of holy war in islam reuven firestone. new york: oxford university press. fuller, g. e. (2010). a world without islam. new york: bacb bay books. galtung, j., & fischer, d. (2013). johan galtung: pioneer of peace research. new york: springer. gpi. (2016). global peace index 2016. retrieved from https://reliefweb.int/ sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/gpi 2016 report_2.pdf guzzini, s. (2003). realism in international relations and international political economy: the continuing story of a death foretold. new york: routledge. heywood, a. (2011). global politics. new york: palgrave macmillan. iqbal, a. (2000). diplomasi islam. (s. rahman & i. sulaiman, eds.). jakarta: pustaka al-kautsar. katsir, i. (2004a). tafsir ibnu katsir. (m. a. ghoffar, a. muthi’, a. i. al-atsari, & m. y. harun, eds.) (8th ed.). bogor: pustaka imam as-syafi’i. -------, (2004b). tafsir ibnu katsir. (m. a. ghoffar, a. muthi’, a. i. al-atsari, & m. y. harun, eds.) (1st ed.). bogor: pustaka imam as-syafi’i. khadduri, m. (1966). the islamic law of nations: shaybani’s siyar. baltimore: the john hopkins press. [ 224 ] al albab volume 8 number 2 december 2019 lapidus, i. m. (2002). a history of islamic societies. second edition. new york: cambridge university press. linklater, a. (2005). the english school. in theories of international relations. new york: palgrave macmilan. ma’luf, l. (2007). al-munjid fi al-lughah wa al-a’lam. beirut: dar al-masyriq. munir, m. (2012). islamic international law (siyar): an introduction. bepress. nimer, a. (2001). a framework for nonviolence and peacebuilding in islam. journal of law and religion, 15(1), 217–265. pettiford, l. (2015). a new a-z of international relations theory. london: i.b.tauris. pratt, d. & woodlock, r. (2016). fears of muslims? international perspective on islamophobia. switzerland: springer international publishing. sahide, a. (2018). donald trump; islamic world and globally political order of indonesian perspective. istanbul: proceeding of academicsera international conference. suryanegara, a. m. (2017). api sejarah. (n. kurniawati, ed.). bandung: suryadinasti. tamam, a. m. (2017). islamic worldview paradigma intelektual muslim. jakarta: spirit media press. [ 3 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 the politics of multiculturalism of the towani tolotang minority in south sulawesi zuly qodir university of muhammadiyah,yogyakarta abstract this article provides a description of the ethnographical and political issues of the minority group located in south sulawesi, i.e. the believers of towani tolotang that still exist there even in the national political scene as they have representatives in the legislature. the community seems to be playing the politics of towani tolotang accommodating and making use of the will of the political regime of muslims and hindus, where both of them are scrambling for mutual acknowledgment and entering into the tradition of the religion: islam or hinduism. as a minority group, the towani tolotang community has a variety of strategies to survive and fight in various kinds of interest. economic and political gain, and commodification of ethnicity and religion are rampant in the area due to decentralization. this article is based on field library and research on the minority people who have been dealing with political suppression and discriminatory treatment. keywords: towani, tolotang and minority, political rights. introduction tracing the history and ethnography, indonesia is clearly known as a country with many ethnic, tribal and religious groups (popularly known as sara in the new order era). unfortunately, the multi-ethnic relations in indonesia are contrary to the reality. a study conducted by denis lombart, a french historian who wrote about indonesia and the history of java gave an explanation that the land which experienced colonial rules the europeans (referred to as the others) had so many tribal, the ethnic and religious groups. there were not less than 100 of indigenous religions and each had adherents in different parts of the archipelago. the europeans, who were referred to as the others, wrote that ethnographically the islands now known as the archipelago really had diverse traditions, languages, peoples, religions and cultures. other ethnographic notes mention that indonesia has long had a diversity of [ 4 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 300 thousand ethnic, religious, linguistic, and cultural groups. for the colonial dutch, the diversity was used as a means of creating social segregation and implementing a centralized bureaucracy of government, so it was easy to control all power in the community. the dutch understood how important the strength of the social power, so they needed to apply strict bureaucratic policies to easily dictate and reduce the authority of the groups scattered throughout the archipelago. the dutch applied bureaucratic politics as capital for economic control of the archipelago so as to easily rule the territories from the islands of sumatra, sulawesi to ambon and timor. regarding such diversity, sukarno --a figure referred to as ‘an intelligent man’ by benedict anderson and a messiah by some indonesians-used the term ‘bhinneka tunggal that was used in the book of sutasoma by empu tantular, rather than unity and the unification of indonesia, as used the new order. sukarno gave a positive appreciation of the diversity that has long existed in the archipelago, while suharto gave the imposition upon the diversity of the country. that is the main difference between the accommodating politics of sukarno as compared to suharto with the repressive politics toward his own people. the diversity of this country, in fact has not changed since the colonial era as argued by j.s. furnivall, an expert in political economy of indonesia who wrote about the levels of the indonesian people from the perspective of political economics and ethnicity. furnivall wrote about the diversity of indonesia as follows: “that it is the strict sense of medley for they mix but do not combine. each group hold by its own religion, by its own culture, own ideas, and own ways. as individual they meet but only on the marketplace in buying and selling. there are pluralist societies with different sections of the community living side by side but in the same political unit.” with regard to what is said above by furnivall, an economic anthropologist, we as a nation have long been diverse. it is unfortunate that the recognition and management of the pluralism by the political regime in power have “failed”. because of the failure to manage and acknowledge the factual pluralism in indonesia, we have often witnessed conflicts, resistance, and even revolt by ethnic communities, both religious and cultural communities that live and thrive in the society of indonesia. pluralism has failed to function as a social basis of political regime to rule as desired by our constitution. pluralism was even forbidden. [ 5 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 the regime of power even tended to apply political harmonization by suppressing the minority groups except those seen to have an emotional attachment and used serve as a base of support in the exercise of political power. thousands of minorities as simon philpot described above were not given freedom, and they actually became a real minority and were controlled in a peaceful coercive way politically by the new order regime. this article provides political and ethnographic description of the minority group in south sulawesi, i.e. the followers of the towani tolotang that still exist there even in the contemporary national political scene as they are “blessed” because they have elected representatives in the legislative body. the community seems to be playing the politics of towani tolotang accommodating and making use of the will of the political regime of muslims and hindus, where both of them are scrambling for mutual acknowledgment and entering into the tradition of the religion: islam or hinduism. the position of indonesian islam among local religions indonesia, despite not being an islamic state, has no less than 88. 6% of muslims, a population of 223 million (2005), see aris ananta on indonesia’s population and ethnicity. currently, the population of indonesia has reached 237.4 million which makes it appropriate to refer to it as an islamic society. though its constitution does not allow a person to have no religion, according to a survey conducted in 2000 indonesia had 2.9% of atheist population. despite the fact that atheism is not recognized in the country as its constitution does not regulate it, the reality is that there are communities who do not embrace any of the official religions, so they are similar to the nihilists. muslims often exercise a standard to judge whether a society is religious or not by the belief in god. therefore people who have faith but do not believe in god will be grouped as the unbelievers. in fact, if there are communities who have different interpretation of the teachings of the islamic pillars of faith, they will be categorized as those who have gone astray. examples in this regard are numerous, such as the communities of ashidiqiyah, jamaah islamiyah, jamaah salamullah and ahmadiyah that have been grouped as the lost society by the mainstream islamic community in indonesia. in indonesia sociologically and anthropologically there are many variants of islam. the indonesian islam is not the sole islam but the dominant islam as expressed by historians as the islam of the school of syafiiyah, ahlusunnah waljamaah with its fiqh dimensions being stronger than sufism. even in certain dimensions, sufism in indonesia is often considered less acceptable [ 6 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 to the mainstream muslims, for sufism could be regarded as society opposing the islamic shariah which stresses on formalism, while sufi islam is closer to substantialism. the shariah islam is the exoteric islamic style. sufism is also considered syncretic islam and less pure, and thus will destabilize the shariah islam or disrupt the pure wahabi islam. under such dominant islamic conditions, it has become clear that the position of local islam developed by muslim actors in the communities of sunda, java dayak, sulawesi and several other regions in indonesia is apparently often considered heretical by shariah islam which emphasizes on formalism. local islam is regarded as syncretic and impure islam that needs to be straightened out, while shariah islam is considered to be in accordance with the teaching of the scriptures and the prophets. the indonesian muslims eventually can no longer critically position local islam and metropolitan islam as a variant of islam that have sociologically and anthropologically developed in the archipelago centuries prior to indonesia’s independence and the coming of islamic missionaries from persia and other middle eastern regions in the seventh or the 13th century. in this light, islam is clearly very important and strategic in indonesia. when islam has emerged in the form of violence in the last five years, since the numerous acts of terrorism have allegedly been carried out by muslim people, the religion has suffered a slap in the face as it is often associated with violence and terrorism. islam and terrorism are obviously not the same as normative islam does not teach people to be terrorists. theoretical and literary perspectives to explain the towani tolotang community, this paper adopts a perspective from “the belief community” rather than from an outsider. therefore, there is a possibility of a defense or partisanship over the towani tolotang minority in study. the defense of the towani tolotang community is intended as a form of proof of the various issues faced by the community itself, in addition to the presence of elements of accommodation and strategies employed as this community has experienced various forms of political or legal discrimination in indonesia, particularly by the majority of islamic community of the bugis (south suawesi). from here it is expected that this paper will give description of the fate of the minority in the midst of the muslim bugis majority and mui (indonesian ulema council). the indonesian ulema council (mui) is a religious institution that is a representation or claims to represent indonesian islam, but often marginalizes [ 7 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 local religious groups. in fact, the attitudes and actions of mui toward local religious groups are at times inhumane. local religious groups are often banned, in other words, forbidden to live in indonesia even though they claim to be local religions that profess to islam or believe in god. therefore, local religions in indonesia are forbidden and heresy that need “to be reconstructed” to get back on the right path, of course in accordance with the mui version. the main purpose of the mui is to accommodate the aspirations of indonesian muslims in terms of taking care of the issues of the ummah rather than questioning other people’s belief or accusing someone of heresy. the towani tolotang is positioned as a minority that should get the “attention” in this case to become muslims or a hindus, though they are actually refuse to be both. the mui’s issuance of a fatwa that pluralism, secularism and liberalism are forbidden is the perfect example of the attitude and actions of the mui which tend to be defensive and coercive toward local religions regarded as unfit to the culture of the six officially recognized religions in indonesia. there are many small ethnic groups with their local religions (indigenous religions) in the archipelago. however, their existence is often unknown in detail to religious organizations including the mui as they are scattered on remote islands in the country. local religions are part of the wealth of indonesia, each with its diversity. the mui and other islamic organizations often treat these local religions as targets of “anger” as they often become victims of vigilante actions such as destruction of the facilities belonging to them, dispersion and even expulsion by force. however such things are not taught by normative islam, because islam does not allow expulsion and violence let alone the destruction of property of another person unless the person accused of “heresy” is doing the expulsion, violence and murder of the muslims. the towani tolotang community being the focus of this paper is not popular among the community of indonesia except for some people who have a strong interest in local religions such as anthropologists or social researchers. if no one cares about the towani tolotang, they will have similar fate to the sedulur sikep in blora, the sunda wiwitan in cigugur, the kaharingan in the interior of kalimantan, the parmalim in north sumatera, the an-nadhir that perform pilgrimage on the mount bawakaraeng in south sulawesi whose existence is ‘unknown’ in the indonesian literature, let alone in the literature of religious institution of the mui. there are still so many local communities in indonesia and they already practiced their own religion before the official staterecognized religions came to them. the mui should be concerned with the issue as local religions had been embraced by the community particularly in the rural areas long before islamic organizations were founded in the country. [ 8 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 when discussing the “alienated” communities, what often appears is various kinds of “punishment” over them. they are considered heretical, regarded as harming the public order and violating religious norms shared by the majority. unfortunately the majority of communities show little empathy to them and do not give a positive appreciation, and even worse the existence of this socalled ‘alienated’ community is often seen as an enemy of the majority. this happens to the sedulur sikep in blora, kaharingan, and of course the towani tolotang. the majority of people and the state have become coercive over the towani tolotang because they are considered as going astray from islam. what should be done is to guide and provide insight into the diversity of religions. religion in indonesia is not single depending on the perspective where we see it from. if we insist on exposing islam in perspective of right and wrong, then local islam and metropolitan islam will always be regarded as heretical and there will always be syncretic islam against shariah islam or pure islam. a study by atho mudzar, former rector of iain yogyakarta, among the research that provides a picture of the towani tolotang and gives an explorative idea of what the islamic community of bugis towani tolotang is like. the bugis muslims perceive that the towani tolotang are not part of islam as they practice hindu traditions. atho mudhar described how the community of towani tolotang interacted, adapted to social change, and accommodated as well as resisted the state and the islamic community of bugis. he did not elaborate on the cultural and structural issues when the towani tolotang were about to be included into one of the official state religions. mudzar also specifically did research on the towani tolotang in relation to the position of the state that put various kinds of social conflicts between the towani tolotang and the community around them. mudzar stated that the towani tolotang in sidenreng rappang and amparita often had conflict with the muslim bugis community. the towani tolotang also had to encounter the state as they intented to include the towani tolotang belief into one of the official state religions (islam, christianity, hinduism, buddhism) with the various regulatory and repressive actions as well as discrimination against them. however mudzar failed to give attention to the sustainability of the towani tolotang and the impact of various forms of regulation imposed by the state. a study conducted by nasir baki on the towani tolotang explained that islamic organizations, such as the whabi-influenced muhammadiyah, are unable to accept the existence of the towani tolotang because many things practiced by the community are considered straying from the modernist creed of islam. the towani tolotang, if they keep practicing their current belief, should [ 9 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 become hindus not muslims as they have gone astray from islam in terms of worship and belief. meanwhile, the nu (nahdhatul ulama) in bugis are not so vicious against the towani tolotang who live around the mountains near lake sidenreng rapang. the nu seems to be more accommodative than the muhammadiyah in south sulawesi. in short, the towani tolotang in eyes of the modernist islamic organizations are not an islamic community, and should they wish to be one, they have to leave the things considered by modernist islamic organizations as heresy, khirafat and shirik such as the worship of stones, trees, planting and throwing the corpses through the window instead of the door during a funeral. nasir tray explained that towani tolotang are not considered an islamic community by the bugis (makassar). ibnu qayim’s research (2004) on local religions, religiosity of the communities such as the tolotang and patuntung, parmalim, saminism and sunda wiwitan explained that the country actually is in a position of setting up a formal regulation of local religions in various regions in indonesia. local religions in view of ibnu qayim have been placed in the shadows of the dominance of the state policies and formal religions. the state policies that require religious formalization have indirectly marginalized local religions, and failed to acknowledge their existence. local religions have lost freedom to practice their beliefs and rituals. in his research, qayim said that local religions have suffered a wide range of discriminatory actions by the state and other official religions by requiring them to follow the state policy of religious formalozation. the position of local religions such as the towani and the like is actually being suppressed by two major institutions: the state and the religious institution called the official/state-recognized religions. muslimin (1996) reviewed leadership of the towani tolotang in detail. muslimin explained that the position of uwa (a figure that is considered to have the leadership qualities) is so high that every member of the towani tolotang society who intends to planting rice always asks for tips from the uwa. the role of the uwa is very dominant in the society, although the towani tolotang according to muslimin were not economically well-off. uwata is a figure that is asked for advice regarding various terms related to “fate”. although in some cases, the advice of uwata is not accurate, his position remains dominant, since the towani tolotang are uneducated and there is a tendency education is often overlooked. they even consider those attending schools to be no longer a member of the towani tolotang. syamsul maarif (2001) compared the towani tolotang with the ammatoa community in south sulawesi. in his research maarif expleined that the position of the towani tolotang was in fact similar to the ammatoa community [ 10 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 in that they were both discriminated in the form of discriminatory rules set by the state. some regulations were issued to make local religious followers unable to freely to observe their beliefs, rituals and activities as part of their conviction. the local religious communities have been marginalized through the regulations issued by the state. maarif described that local religious issues such as those of the ammatoa and the towani were developed by the state as a method to marginalize the local communities’ social and political roles and to hamper the inclusion of local religions to become one of the state-recognized religions. with a theoretical representation of the minority in the perspective of the state, and an inside look at the position of the towani tolotang by researchers, it is clear that the local community has received a positive response from researchers not from islamic organizations such as mui, muhammadiyah, and of course the wahabi islamic islamic groups that are more concerned with the purification of islamic teachings. meanwhile, the nu has shown a more tolerant attitude toward this community. moreover, the hindu dharma indonesia recognizes the towani tolotang as part of the hindu religion. it can be seen here that there is actually a fight between islamic organizations and those outside the islamic community for recognition of the towani tolotang in bugis sidenreng rapang. however as the towani tolotang is deemed incompatible with islamic teachings by the wahabis, they feel obliged to reconstruct the tolotang in south sulawesi to conform with islamic doctrine believed by the majority islamic sects. on the other hand, the nu does not question the existence of towani tolotang for some of their activities are considered common; it is just with a different method. the towani tolotang are not considered heretic or infidels. variants of indonesian islam indonesian islam is interesting to note from one political regime period to another. from there, we can grab multiple variants of the “faces of indonesian islam”. john l esposito, an observer of islam based in georgetown, united states, gave appreciation to islam indonesia in the form of “colorful islam” which all leads to one god. many variants of indonesian islam should be seen within the framework of diversity (plurality) that complements each other and serves as part of the country’s riches. islam in indonesia is clearly different from that in the middle east, sub-saharan africa or in other southeast asian countries though they also observe the ahlus sunnah waljamaah which is part of the schools of shafii and hambali, in addition to maliki and hanafi. in indonesia sufic islam such as the schools of al junaid and al ghazali which [ 11 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 are very popular in java. meanwhile other sufic sects i.e. al maturidiyah and local sufism are also developing, such as the rifaiyah in pemalang, indonesia, and even sadzaliyah in jepara and rembang. other sufic sects found in the country are the naqsyabandiyah and the qadariyah in addition to the jabariyah that have become the majority of sufism in indonesia. sufic islam is believed to be the exponent of islam that gives color to the moderate islam by developing islamic dakwah among the public which has triggered the emergence of “wali songo” tradition in java and the sufis in sumatra, sulawesi and kalimantan such as hamzah fansuri, sheikh yusuf and sheikh al banjari of banjar south kalimantan. in the recent development, we also find more variants of islam, as reported by kuntowijoyo that indonesian islam contains islamic patterns as diverse as islam without mosques, peasant islam (messiah of islam), political islam and substantial islam. kuntowijoyo’s description provides diverse maps of indonesian islam in historical perspective and social movements. in addition to kuntowijoyo, bahtiar efendi and fahri ali also divided indonesian islam into several categories, the modernist islam, formalist islam, neo-modernist islam and traditional islam. bahtiar and fachri’s explanation revolves around the social and political muslim intelligentsia in responding to modernity and contemporary issues.(see bahtiar efendi and fahri ali, merambah jalan baru islam indonesia, 1986). m. syafii anwar also categorized indonesian islam into variants of substantial islam, ideal islam, historical and political islam. meanwhile, the recent development zuly qadir also conduvted a study on the format of indonesian islam which was different from its earlier form. the author gave an overview of the various kinds of variants of islam in indonesia which are struggling to exist in the public sphere. indonesian islam has appeared in the format of the revivalist islam (political islam), neomodernist islam, neo-traditionalist islam, progressive islam, sufic islam or popular islam. all the forms of islam mentioned are competing to gain public recognition in the country. their activities include offering certain programs, conducting recruitment, promoting ideology from villages to campuses. the diversity of indonesian islam was also reviewed by abdullah ahmed annaim, an islamic law expert from sudan who provided a very interesting explanation though not at length about the state of indonesian islam which he reported as showing respect toward pluralism and being liberal. therefore, prof an-naim stated that the development of islam in the world will actually depend on the maps and development of islam in indonesia. if indonesian islam shifted from the pendulum of pluralist, inclusive, and liberal islam to [ 12 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 conservative, radical and revivalist, the state of islam in the world would look like that in indonesia. this is due to the fact that indonesia has the largest number muslims in the world and it is growing fantastically. indonesian islam varies and is embraced by no less than 88% of the country’s population. the number of such large islamic population of indonesia would have influence on the development of islam in the world, and at the same time the positive or negative image of the islamic world would be reflected from indonesia. based on the literature survey on the variants of indonesian islam we can draw a conclusion that indonesian islam is not single. indonesian islam has many faces, not only the shariah islam which is now part of the discourse of indonesian islam, but also substantialist islam that has become a reference for most middle-class indonesian muslims and urban sufic islam which is a trend among the urban islamic culture. all three are scrambling to get public space for existence. however shariah islam seems to be the one that is making every effort in the islamic community that it appears to rule indonesia. in reality as the surveys conducted by survey institutions such as the center for the study of islam and the community stated that those who agreed with the idea of the islamic state of indonesia only reached 34%, while those agreeing with the pancasila reached 88%. it means that shariah islam that often claims to get support from the majority of muslim population in indonesia cannot be justified. that muslims agreeing with enforcing shariah reached 87% is not fabricated, but that it does not mean the indonesian muslims agree with the establishment of the islamic state of indonesia which is said to be the alternative to the secular state. in later developments in contemporary indonesia it seems that the school of native islam which is deep rooted in the islamic culture of indonesia, as desired by abdurrahman wahid, often referred to as indigenous islam or archipelago islam, did not really develop. in the world of indonesian islam, pure islam or wahabi islam seems to have so strong an influence that shariah islam of formalist islamic in addition to revivalist islam in the form of the establishment of islamic political parties. nusantara islam or indigenous islam lacks the publicity and recognition from the mui. the mui, as the institution that seems to have the right to “define the islamic religion,” has placed islam in its own construction. thus, what is the position of the towani tolotang in indonesia? are they one of the islamic groups in indonesia, or shall they remain in their culture? this is what will be the next focus of this paper. towani tolotang muslim minority the ethnography of the towani tolotang is, to a certain extent, important to [ 13 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 this community in south sulawesi and indonesia in general. one can take note on the social and demographic data of the towani tolotang in sidenreng rapang, amparita, south sulawesi which is a province with a strong bugis islamic characteristics, even lately regarded by some as radical. here, muslims insisted on enforcing shariah-related regional regulations voiced by the committee of the preparations for the enforcement of islamic sharia law in south sulawesi (kppsi) that have issued legislation concerning mandatory reading and writing of the quran to civil servants who wish to be promoted to a higher rank at the government of bulukumba, regional regulations on zakat in bulukumba and liquor and prostitution in the city of makassar. the ethnography of the towani tolotang can be described as follows. they inhabit most of the sidenreng rappang district in south sulawesi; they live with other communities in amparita. the distance is 231 km from makassar city. when using land transport (private cars or taxis) it will take 4.5 hours with a fee of thirty thousand rupiah. when renting a car, it costs three hundred and fifty to four hundred thousand rupiah to arrive at sidenreng rappang. to get to amparita, we can use pete-pete or take a motor cab that costs fifteen to twenty-five thousand rupiah depending on that bargain we make with the driver. it takes about fifteen minutes to amparita where we can find settlement houses lined along the streets. as an urban area, amparita has sufficient infrastructure such as highways, roads, electricity, telephone lines, and even the cellular phone service, clean water and public transportation. however, during the dry season, amparita is very hot and dry and dusty. dust is always found around the area due to a lack of vegetation. the existing road facilities at amparita are severely damaged at some spots because of the heavy traffic of vehicles and the poor asphalt quality. people of amparita have diverse livelihoods. most of them engage in fishing at the lake. freshwater fish are a blessing for the people. however, the majority of them choose agriculture as the main source of earning due to its topography. the lowland stretching with hills serves as fertile farmland and is therefore very promising to the community. the agricultural area covers 478. 10 hectares and for the settlement area is more or less 37.10 hectares. the community has been familiar with modern tools such as the tractor instead of plowing with cows or buffaloes. so the people of amparita are flexible to adapt to modernity. the towani tolotang are ethnic bugis. in general, they wear clothing like that of the bugis. the difference between them can be seen when the towani tolotang come to a place of worship to perform rituals before the uwata (community leader that leads the ritual). the towani tolotang jointly perform the ritual with the uwata only once a year in january. another difference is [ 14 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 when a member of the community dies. the dead body is planted in trees instead of being buried, and before planting it in a tree, the corpse is thrown out through a window or an opening that is not the exit door. regarding marriage, there is a little difference from the bugis community. the community of islamic bugis does not perform ritual outside the islamic tradition, while the community of the towani tolotang still practices the tradition of hinduism that they are often regarded as practicing syncretic islam. the debate about the practice of syncretic islam as opposed to pure islam has drawn a lot of attention from many writers on islam such as azyumardi azra, bambang pranowo, taufik abdullah, moeslim abdurrahman and kuntowijoyo when observing indonesian islam in general. the practice of marital rituals not only rests on the islamic tradition but also on that of the pre-islamic bugis which is held by the majority community of the towani tolotang in amparita sidenreng rapang, south sulawesi. minority politics of the towani tolotang until 2007, the population of the towani tolotang at amparita was 6,620 (60%) of the total population of sindenreng rappang. muslim population was 4,711 (37, 36%) out of a total of 12,279 inhabitants. (bps, subdistrict of tello limpoe, 2007). the community towani tolotang is generally divided into two large categories: the towani tolotang, later called the towani by atho mudzar as they have been reluctant to convert from the towani who were not muslim, and the towani benteng who were willing to convert from their original hindu religion but also not willing to be referred to as muslims. they are better known as the towani benteng (fortress towani); since they did not remain in their fortress, then they were referred to as the towani tolotang. (mudzar, 2002). meanwhile hase juba called them ‘islam tolotang’ because they converted to islam. the towani tolotang community comes from wajo and luwu an area near sidenreng rappan. following a clash between the kings of wajo and luwu, they fled to sidenreng rappang in the south and thus they are called the southerners and referred to as tolotang. they refer to themselves and their teachings as the towani tolotang according to matulada (1982). they came to sidenreng rappang around 1666, as islam was spread there in 1606. the religious pillars of the towani tolotang are as follows. first, believing that there is no god worthy of being worshipped except the dewata seuwae; saying prayer through the ancestors; saying prayer in the mornings and afternoons and when the harvest comes. second, performing the obligation [ 15 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 to the ancestors (attomatoangeng) namely doing all that is inherited from the ancestors such as the ritual of funeral in which the dead body is prepared with a mattress, pillow, bed and dishes, and this is still performed to date. third, promoting malilu sipakainge, a pillar of promotion of virtue and prevention of vice. for example, if one makes a mistake other will remind and forgive them. fourth, marrelau (praying), which is done by gathering at the perriyameng near the ancestral graves through the medium of uluwwatu. viewed from their pillars of the faith there are several differences and similarities between the towani tolotang and other religions. the similarities lie in the teaching about god, charity, and prayer. the differences are among others: prayer being said through the uluwwatu, death rituals, and offerings to the ancestors. we can see that in indonesia religion and the state are pretty important, especially the majority religion (in this case islam), so in the political strife, islam has always occupied a significant position. religion and the state may take advantage of each other as argued by milton yinger, that religion in indonesia is often used in the interests of the political power of the ruling regime and at the same time may be used by the opposition over the regime in order to gain influence and position. i use this term ‘official religions’ also to refer to religions which are not recognized by the sate such as the local religions of towani tolotang, parmalim and the like whose position is not strong. on the other hand, the official religions are very strong in the two sides, gaining recognition and being controlled by the regime in power. the official religions are locked up tight by various regulations and guidelines as required when dealing with ‘unofficial religions’ as reported by karel steenbrink. the towani tolotang were ‘safe’ when the king of wajo implemented islamization. when they showed disobedience, they were expelled from wajo and ultimately ended up in sidenreng rappang today. the towani tolotang chose hinduism as their religion with various consequences. in 1966, the regent of sidenreng rapang issued a decree that ruled out that the towani tolotang were not a hindus, not even a religion, so that any form of religious practice should be eliminated and should not be performed by the community. they were required to choose either hinduism or islam as a religion. in 1966, with the issuance of the decree of the minister of religious affairs and the district attorney, the towani tolotang religion was dissolved. under such condition, the tiwani tolotang temporarily chose to remain under islam while waiting for the political conditions and the decisions of the central [ 16 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 government. several islamic figures recognized the towani tolotang as islam while several hindu leaders said that the thay were part of the hindu religion. rivalry of control over the towani tolotang was inevitable between islamic and hindu institutions as both were the official state institutions that deal with the religions in the country. the rivalry between the islamic and hindu institutions can be seen in three forms: first, the islamic elites’ desire to include the towani tolotang into islam because of the regulations issued by of the district authorities of sidenreng that there can be no other than muslim communities in sidenreng rapang; second, the muslim elites’ desire to get rid sidenreng rappang of communities other than muslims; and third, the long-term political interests given the number of followers of the towani tolotang. the golkar is the political party that has giving attention to the community for their political support in elections. responding to the debate about the towani tolotang, the elites have chosen to side with the powerful party. the towani tolotang have joined the golkar party. by being part of the golkar, the towani tolotang have become part of the country and integrate themselves with islam as the majority religion in indonesia including south sulawesi and sidenreng rappang that tried to exclude any community other than the muslims. in this light, the towani tolotang display an inclusive and accommodating attitude on developments and realities in sidenreng rappang. the accommodating attitude of the towani tolotang includes receiving the influx of foreign cultural elements in everyday life, such as the use of modern tools and means of communication. they also showed an inclusive attitude of mingling with other communities especially muslims and hindus. however, their exclusive attitude has remained unchanged, i.e. not allowing outsiders to be involved in their annual ceremony at sipulung rituals. to respect other communities, they host the massempe ceremony for outsiders. conclusion looking at what happened in indonesia over its history (so to say), the treatment of political regime to a religious community that is not the mainstream, such as the community discussed here the towani tolotang, we have some important notes to take. indonesia is a country that since the beginning of time has been plural. in the last few decades due to economic and political interests, the differences have been dwarfed. political coercion over minority groups has been very common. three are at least three important agenda that should be considered by the regime in power. first, the unitary state of the republic of indonesia was proclaimed by the founding fathers without applying the [ 17 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 principle of a specific religion. although islam is the majority, but it has never served as the basis of the state, and it is a political commitment of the country to remain this way. that the country is in the process toward a prosperous, fair, and independent state should maintain the pluralist characteristics. the state should provide control over space and simultaneously the aspirations of the citizens to communicate their will, such as local culture and religions. on the contrary, the state should also warn any group of citizens who wish to change the basic principles of the unitary state with a particular religion. this must be done to prevent a breach of human rights as there will be a greater human rights violations committed by certain groups over others. second, the state should be willing to enforce the law firmly and consistently so that the state is seen to have a resolute attitude of defending the human rights and enforcing the law in indonesia. it is true that in indonesia there are customary law, religious law and positive law, but the state is based on the national constitution (positive law) that is progressive. so when there is a group with an attitude of wishing to dissolve a religious community, the state must immediately act in the corridors a productive and positive law to stop such unlawful acts. third, the state must intervene over human rights violations that have occurred over the minorities in the country. if the state is reluctant or even afraid of intervening over human rights violations, then the state has no true political attitude and good will to uphold the law and various regulations made in this country. the state should not run away from the responsibility to eradicate the groups that often claim to represent the majority. the state must really take a decisive action to crack down on the offenders of the human rights including the cases of dissolution of the existing minority communities in indonesia. the state should not be subject to the strength of small groups that often threaten and manipulate their activities under false religion claims for their own political and economic interests. minority groups should not be removed and merged with a larger group because they have their own guidelines and conviction clearly stipulated in article 28 of the constitution. in this context, the minority communities should continue to live and survive in their own conviction as expressed by benedict anderson in his works on the minority communities in indonesia. bibliography abdullah, taufik, islam dalam lintasan sejarah, lp3es, jakarta 1987 anderson, benedict rog, imagimen communities, cornel university indonesia project, usa, 1981. edisi indonesia, komuitas-komunitas ter[ 18 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 1 june 2013 bayangkan, yogyakarta: insist 2002 an naim, abdullah ahmed, islam dan negara sekular, 2009 anwar, m. syafii,peta pemikiran dan aksi islam indonesia dibawah rezim orde baru, paramaidna, jakarta 1998 bagir, zaenal abidin,politik kewarganegraan, mizan crcs ugm, 2011 budiman, hikmat (ed), hak minoritas : dilema multikulturalism di indonesia, interksi dan tifa indonesia, 2007 effendy, bahtiar dan fahri ali, merambah jalan baru islam indonesia, mizan, bandung 1986 furnival, js.indonesian economic society, usa, 1978 helen james, civil society religion and a global governance, 2009 heru prasetio, lintas batas towani tolotang dan artikulasi towani tolotang, dalam jajang jahroni, dan endang turmudi, radikalisme islam di indonesia, ppim dan lipi, 2001 juba,hase, keberadaan towani tolotang di kabupaten sidenreng rappang sulawesi selatan, ugm, 2012 kuntowijoyo, paradigma islam: interpretasi untuk aksi, mizan, bandung, 1996 maarif, syamsul, religious freedom in indonesia, islamization of amatoa of sulawesi, ugm, 2003 martin van bruneisen, pesantren dan kitab kuning, 1997, naqsabandiyah qadariyah di indonesia, mizan, bandung, 1996 mudhar, atho, pendekatan dalam studi islam, pustaka pelajar ,yogyakarta, 2002 mudhar, atho, masjid dan bakul keramat, pustaka pelajar, yogyakarta, 1985 nasir baki, towani tolotang dalam masyarakat sidenreng rappang dan amparita, sulawesi selatan, 1990 nur khoiron, hak minoritas dalam dilema negara bangsa, yayasan tifa, 2007 lombart, denis, silang nusa jawa, jilid, 2, gramedia, jakarta, 2001 l. esposito,john, islam warna warni, paramaidna, jakarta 2001 qodir, zuly format islam indonesia kontemporer, dalam ulil abshar abdalla dan luthfi as syauknai, pembaruan pemikiran islam di indonesia,jakarta, lsaf, 2012 qayim, ibnu, religi dan pandangan hidup : kajian tentang masyarakat penganut religi tolotang dan pantuntung, sipelebegu (parmalim), saminisme, dan agama jawa sunda wiwitan, yayasan tifa jakarta, 2004 philpot, simon, menjadi indonesia, lkis, yogyakarta, 2002 [ 37 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 umpasa and umpama in batak toba culture as a means of catechism in medan catholic churches ona sastri lumban tobing sekolah tinggi agama katolik negeri pontianak email: onasastri@gmail.com abstract this article explores umpasa and umpama of batak toba culture as a means of catechesim within chatolic curches. the work uses qualitative methods with observation, interview and documentation. descriptive analysis technique is employed based on the triangulation results of techniques and sources. the study targeted 20 adults, 3 batak toba cultural practitioners, and 2 priests and bishops who were on the island of samosir lake toba. the work suggests that churches that live and develop today are based on tradition. tradition is meant to include everything (such as customs, beliefs, habits, teachings, and so on) that is downwardly inhereited. one of the traditions of batak toba that is still preserved to this day is umpasa and umpama. this tradition is considered wise because it is used for prayers, petitioning god, and giving advices. umpasa or umpa has always been used in the teaching of the medan catholic church to the community of batak toba in samosir and its surroundings and has truly become a model of church catechesis, not only by the society of batak toba but also as a model for catechism. the work is based on church studies within the archdiocese of medan. keywords: umpasa and umpama; batak toba culture; catecism; medan chatolic churches introduction the catholic churches take an open attitude towards cultures including the culture of batak toba. this is in accordance with the rule the pope established regarding the church’s missionary activity during the second vatican council. there are several chapters that specifically support the construction of the local catholic church, namely article 10. it says that “the church must all enter into the cultural group with the same intention as christ himself, for his purposes, has attached himself to the social and cultural conditions characteristic of man, with whom he lives.” article 22 of the constitution of the russian federation states: “the local church occupies its place in church communion only if the churches adorn themselves with their traditions and show their identity as local churches.” (hardawiryana, 1991). the church always [ 38 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 preserves and continues to grow and develop its teaching and personality from generation to generation. this tradition began in the time of jesus with his apostles. this period was later called the “primary church.” after the first church, the church continued to develop and deepen the expression of faith contained in the scriptures. (konsili vatikan vatikan ii, 1993). the catholic church, with its distinctive characteristics of being one, holy, catholic, and apostolic, is believed by its embracers as a religion awakened to the purity of its teaching. in its presence in the midst of a society rich in its culture, the church is not immediately accepted as an inculturation that can be recognised by the church. inculturation can be interpreted as the formula of the question “how to continuously strive for faith to be lived in the local culture”. in this case, the measure of inculturation is not limited to the lack of local cultural elements such as indigenous clothes, music, songs, symbols, and so on. but it is easy for them to believe in it. “ the catholic church accepts its mission to preach the gospel to ten peoples by entering into the lives of the people themselves. the church’s task of proclaiming christ through the catechism or the teaching of the faith will be more acceptable when it enters the culture of local communities. (paulus vi, 1967). the purpose of preaching is to unite cultures so that people, or listeners, can more easilyaccept and live the teachings of faith. through culture, we will attract the interest and attention of local communities. the profound spiritual life of the people is united with the experiences of faith in their lives, so whether in catechesis or in evangelization, it should be christ who is presented, including in local culture. on the increase of the teaching of faith or the preaching of the faith, there are various types of construction that can be done, among them recollection, meditation, reflection, retreat, spiritual pilgrimage, the deepening of the scriptures (the term in the catechism), and the catholic society itself is influenced by various factors. one of them is the cultural life of a particular community, which plays a very important role and cannot be released. in this context, especially in the marumpasa tradition, the culture is considered noble by the batak toba society itself. marumpasa as part of culture is an aspect that can build a personality that requires good behaviour and contains cultural norms in order to have sufficient knowledge of the content of the christian faith and have a sincere spiritual and personal experience so as to understand the meaning and purpose of his life. the batak toba community system is defined and regulated by the dalihan na tolu concept, which means tunku nan three. the three legs each have functions and positions that cannot be separated and exchanged with each [ 39 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 other to maintain balance. marga, as an identity obtained on the basis of a patrilineal line, is used as a reference to determine a position in the community system. the position of a person in the dalihan na tolu system is said to be a democracy, meaning that each individual is given and his position against others according to the identity of marga. (pardosi, 2008). there is a “value” that is so firmly held as a principle by the batak toba society that to say something, it must be covered with words that make the meaning disguised but quite understandable. communication is saying something to someone or a group of people using the umpasa and the like. umpasa and umpama are pantun and fairy tongues in the indonesian santra category. umpasa or pantun that is loaded with the hope of obtaining a pas-pasu or blessing by reaching something or making a prayer restu so that it is not the origin of one that is heard or whispered only in the sense of humour. every word or phrase in each line contains a deep meaning and is related to each other. as soon as this is revealed, all those who listen to it will hear emma tutu, which means hope (or blessing and justification for what is expressed in the umpama) (sinaga, 2013). umpasa and umpasa are frequently used in every ulaon or meeting and in various aspects of the life of the batak toba community as expressions, prayers that contain requests, hopes, advice, and motivation for those present. (toruan, 2012). this is a verbal triad with conditions of beating, shooting, rhythm, and the number of lines and parts of a certain word. the words that are structured in the contents of umpasa and umpama contain poetic values, contain the living philosophy of the batak toba tribe society, and contain the ethics of sophistication, laws, and the life of the batak toba tribe itself. the umpasa is more likely to contain the prayers that become the ideal of life for every person: hagabeon (happiness), hamoraon (wealth), hasangapon (respect), and saur matua (longevity and well-being). (sitompul, 2009). here is an example of the example used when the child is baptised: this is the promise of mary, hatubuan ni si tulan, nungnga sahat hata na uli, sai sautma i dipasahat of the lord. the meaning of the above word is that all our prayers and hopes for the child who has been born and baptised will be answered by the lord. umpasa is often used in meetings; in this hat huta, in the tubuan lata, manang tudia pe hita, disi do debata. the meaning of this word is to say that wherever we are, god will always be with us. examples of umpasa when the event is the military of some place, home, or other: martantan ma baringin, marurat jabi-jabi, mamora ma hita badingin, this tumpahon ompunta mulajadi. the meaning of the word above is that all cities are blessed by god. examples of umpasa in marriage are: star na rumiris, ombun na sumorop, son pe riris, and boru pe torop. the meaning of the above is that the couple that has been established in marriage is given to the offspring of a male and a female by god. previous [ 40 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 research on “legitimation of divinity in baptism in batak toba aboriginal events” by bendhawer pasaribu, 2015. that the speech used in the baptism represents the legitimacy of god, both implicitly and explicitly, indicating the hope that man seeks and the relationship of man with god. the novelty in this study is that the marumpasa tradition can be used as a means of catechesis in the catholic church. then, judging from the thickness of the marumpasa tradition in the batak toba society, the researchers are interested in digging up data to determine whether this tradition can be made one of the means of catechesis, especially through the presence of the catholic church in the toba batak community in north sumatra. the focus of this research is umpasa, and the same in batak toba culture can be used as one of the means of catechesis, or the teaching or reporting of faith. this marumpasa is very thick and cannot be released from all aspects of batak toba’s life itself through various events or ulaon. from the birth of a new family member, adult and married, to the event of death, umpasa and the like are the means of communicating prayers of supplication to god, hopes to be achieved, and advice or motivation for all listeners around him. thus, the tradition itself unites in the practise of customs and religions that are considered to have the same meaning and purpose, namely to convey the expression of prayer, a request, and the hope that the lord would fulfil it. therefore, the researchers were interested in looking at how the catholic church viewed the “marumpasa tradition” as a wrong means of catechesis. the purpose of this study is to analyse and describe how umpasa and umpama are used in the entire batak toba community and how the catholic church views the use of umpasa and umpama as a means of catechesis or teaching the faith. the community of the toba batak tribe is one of the batak ethnic groups that exists in north sumatera and is among the largest tribes spread throughout the district and city area. the batak toba tribe has a variety of cultures, traditions, customs, and habits of indigenous groups, such as the system of friendship and marga, or warrior, that to this day is still preserved. as part of the tribal heritage that is still preserved, many local and international researchers who conduct research even dig the rich culture and customs of the batak toba tribe. so that these cultures are recognised and made into local wisdom, which is considered to contain high moral, religious, social, and other values. so the researchers are interested in one of the types of culture of the batak toba tribal traditions that are considered to have a value “more” as a local wisdom that is still strongly ingrained to this day: the tradition of “marumpasa” or “umpasa and umpama”. this tradition is used in every aspect of the life of [ 41 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 the batak toba community, from the event of the birth of family members, representation, to death, as well as in various aspects such as events of joy and sorrow, and even in giving advice and following rules that are contained in the values of the “marumpasa”. cucumbers zucchini summer squash and carrots kale radishes broccoli rosemary basil pole beans peas arugula bibb lettuce cutting lettuces potatoes usually, umpasa is used at the time of customary istiadat execution, while umpasa is often used in everyday life situations. umpasa is almost the same as pantun in malay-indonesia; there is pantun advice, there is pantun humour, and so on. (sitompul, 2009). it is a prayer to the lord to give him grace, prosperity, salvation, and all good things. then for the people of batak toba marumpasa, it means the tradition of rowing that is carried out at the time of customary ceremonies such as marriage, death, the inauguration of a tugu or tomb, birth, entering a new home, and gratitude. umpama is a literary language that contains norms, sanctions, rules, prohibited things, or abstracts that should be followed or done. (toruan, 2012). the batak toba community generally believes that the umpasa is a blessing or hat-pasu word given by the hula-hula party to its board or parents to their children, and so on. (sitompul, 2009). a parable is a parable that contains the emblems around it. (sinaga, 2013). these are norms, things that should be followed or not followed. according to r.h.p. sitompul, 2009, in his book, he wrote the umpasa batak toba contains characteristics among others: the umpasa consists of four lines (in general), the first and second lines are sampiran, the third and fourth lines are the content, the sound equations in the last quarter of the first line with the third and the second line and four are ab-ab, and there is a link between the sampiran (first and second line) and the content. (baris ketiga dan ke empat). according to r.h.p. sitompul, umpasa and umpama that are often used in batak toba culture have ranges such as: pasahathon ulos mula gaga (delivering ulos), dakdanak na new sorang or child born (birth of a child or a new family member), tardidi who is a babtis or a bath, malua manghatindangkon haporseaon, parbogason or marriage (range of stages in the batak toba marriage), as well as death and comfort.the use of umpasa differs on each event, such as the birth of a new family member, marriage, birthday, and death. on the occasion of the customary birth of the child: dakka ni diara, tanggo pinagait-aithon, in the child, na sorang on, sai sitokka ma panahit-nahiton. this umpasa gives meaning, and meaning is the tree of the day, strong when climbed, as well as this child born, free from all diseases. umpasa on the customary marriage events: star na rumiris, ombun na sumorop, son pe riris, [ 42 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 boru pe torop, whose meaning is to accompany the stars, and meresap the morning embun, may be given to offspring of boys as well as daughters. in the event of death: balga tiang ni ruma, balgaan tiang ni sopo, nungnga erga na saur matua on, sai unggabean ma hamu na umposo. the larger the column of the house of rice, the greater the number of descendants who have died from this matua, as well as the number of descendants who are still young.on the occasion of the birthday: andor haduppa togu-togu ni lombu, andor hatiti togu-togu ni horbo, pengpeng saur matua ma hamu patogu-togu pahompu, sahat tu na marnini, sahat tu na marnono. the meaning and significance are that haduppa haduppa carries cows, and the cord of hearts carries cowboys, so that the lord gives long life to his grandchildren, up to the grandson even, buyut. on the occasion of the customary ceremony of tugu or makam: martantan ma baringin, marurat jabi-jabi, mamoraa ma hita badingin, tumpahon ni ompunta mulajadi. the meaning is rooted in the trees, rooted in the pig tree, as well as in the prosperous city, blessed by the lord. at the end of every customary event: sahat sahat ni solu, sahat ntu bontean, leleng ma hita mangolu, sahat ma tu panggabean. the meaning of it is to the end, to the goal: may the lord give long life to us and many offspring. the usual usage in everyday life is that of philosophy: tu ginjang ninna porda, tu toru pambarbaran, tu ginjan ninna roha, and patutoruhon do sibaran. the meaning and meaning is to grow to the top of the porda, to the rest of the cut; the treatment of anguish is the beginning of destruction. umpama contains the ethics of courtesy: pattun hangoluan and tois hamagoan. meaning and meaning are the capital of life; pride is the beginning of life’s destruction. umpama contains customs and laws: pauk pauk hudali, pago tarugi, na tading ta ulahi, na sega ta pauli. the meaning is the cangkul with the pacul, which we missed again and corrected. one of the most famous things about society: sotung forgot horbo sian barana and sotung peut ulos sian sangkotanna do not forgive the people, do not forget the people. the people of batak toba generally understand the meaning contained in umpasa and umpama. it is a prayer of prayer, of hope, of desire, of counselling to those who listen to it. examples are: pauk-pauk hudali ma, pago-pago taruli, na tading taulahi, na sala hupauli. in this phase, the first and second lines are side lines, while the third and last lines are content. this word contains meaning, for which its function advises that any unfinished or wrong work be corrected. likewise, the meaning or messages contained in the umpasa and other umpama serve to give a picture that advises how the batak society can live in a good society (tambunan, 1982). [ 43 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 the traditional use of umpasa and umpama cannot be left out of every indigenous event or ulaon in the daily life of batak toba society. the purpose of the umpasa is a form of prayer, while the aim is only a parable or a proverb that has a moral message, advice, or a complaint that is compared. (toruan, 2012). tradition marumpasa is a form of appeal to god to apply everything that the batak toa society expects in the form, context, and situation of a particular event. the prayer of the lord or the prayer in the form of a prayer but in the case of those who do not know the truth, they will never forget the truth or the truth of all things. the usage of umpasa among the people of batak toba is different at every event or meeting, although it is often used in everyday life. therefore, it is better for parents to give advice to their children and for children not to listen to what has been a rule and advice to live in conformity with custom. the term is used, for example, at the gathering event, the birth of a new family member, the stage event towards marriage, the marriage itself, the birthday, or the death event. (tambunan, 1982). the umpasa and umpama used in the batak toba society have differences. the difference lies in the purposes of each one, where the umpasa is delivered to the lord as a form of prayer, whereas, e.g., only as a parable often used in daily life. (toruan, 2012). it is the prayer of the lord for blessings, blessings, and more blessings. on the other hand, the umpama, which is more frequently used in daily life situations, is usually classified into four divisions: the umpama that contains about philosophy, the umpama that contains about ethics of consciousness, the umpama that contains about custom and hookum, and the umpama that contains about norms and rules of society. the marumpasa tradition in the batak toba society is believed by each person in the tribe to have a very rich cultural value, so it is preserved to this day. umpasa is considered to have the value of hagabeon, where this value means all prayers to god and the hope of longevity, happiness, and having offspring. where in the custom of batak toba did gaga say it was a man who had many sons and daughters? the value of hamoraon means possession of wealth. it is said that it is rich in the masyrakat batak toba if it has a job and business, has a savage and a farm, and has livestock. the religious value of which is verbally expressed by batak toba expresses the belief of the batak community itself. the value of affinity, having the meaning of the status of a person’s relationship with others, plays an important role in the social life of the batak toba community. the value of hasangapon is that there is a meaning where the people of batak toba respect and respect each other. this is especially important in the batak toba culture, where this is based on his philosophy of life “dalihan na tolu”. [ 44 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 catechism the word catechesis comes from the greek word katechein, which is formed from the words kat, which means go or spread, and echo, which means flatter or speak. katchein means flattering or sounding out. this word contains two meanings. first, katchein means a message being delivered. secondly, katchein means teaching from leaders (paulinus, 2022). in the holy scriptures, there are some who use the word catechesis, whose original meaning is to make a rhetoric, causing something to shake. (teleumbanua, 1999). thus, the mission of catechesis is to present the word of god so that man can meet christ personally. catechesis is primarily the self-revelation of christ. a preacher must therefore truly realise that what is preached to the people is christ and that, in his preaching, he is the instrument used by christ to introduce christ to people. the church is the assembly of the people of god who believe in jesus christ. the church develops itself through the five tasks of the church so that the people can also develop themselves, in particular in their faith life, in the real practise of life in their environment. therefore, preaching or catechesis as a communication of faith is the effort of people to exchange and exchange experiences of faith, to establish, develop, direct, and revitalise their faith. the feast of faith in the worship of the people reveals their faith and responds to the work of salvation of the lord with gratitude, thanksgiving, repentance, prayer, and glorification. the catechesis instills a basic attitude in every christian: the attitude of faith. the core and central truth of the preaching or teaching of faith is the person of jesus christ himself. the source and substance of the activity and teaching of catechesis everywhere and on every occasion are jesus christ, who is the fulfilment of all revelation. in jesus, god tells us in a reasonable way so that we can trust how to live and why to live and what is the true purpose of man’s journey on earth. marinus teleumbanua says in his book that catechesis is an effort on the part of the catholic church to help people understand, live, and realise their faith in daily life. so that people, wherever they are, can know the love of god in jesus, who is preached through the presence of the messenger of the word, and can prove god’s faithfulness. (teleumbanua, 1999).  this research uses methods with a qualitative descriptive approach by digging data and understanding the phenomena experienced by the subject of research related to the perpetrator or user “umpasa and, e.g., in the culture of batak toba as one of the means of catechesis in the catholic church”. the research approach with this descriptive method is used because, in detail, it can dig into the social conditions experienced by the perpetrators directly in the [ 45 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 kevikepan santo thomas apostle pangururan, which includes 4 large paroki of the catholic church, namely, the parish of saint michael-pangururan as the centre of the kevikepan of saint thomas apostle, the paroki of saint antonio mario claret-tomok, saint francis of assisi-palipi, and saint paulus-onan runggu. this study was conducted in the kevikepan of st. thomas the apostle, with a case study of four large parishes that were in the shadow of the kevikepan. it is then implemented with steps that include the planning stage, the implementation stage, and the finalisation stage. according to bogdan and biklen, the purpose of this case study is to conduct a detailed examination of a particular topic, location, object, location of document storage, or event. (ona sastri, cenderato, 2022). the stages of the qualitative descriptive method have unique characteristics in themselves. this qualitative research digs up data in a naturally occurring setting, where the results of the data obtained are the natural conditions that occur in the field as well as the conditions that the subject is experiencing. the primary data sources in this study are obtained from the participation of researchers as role observations as well as participant observation, in-depth interviews, or in-depth interviews on the subject of research, namely the pastor, church manager, who is at the same time the leader. the researcher adds an angle to be able to reach generally and extensively, as well as documentation. on the analysis of the data dug, including the process of data reduction, i performed data presentation, subsequent data verification, and drew conclusions. the study was conducted within a one-year limit. umpasa is used as a catechesis tool containing spiritual messages. in addition to the moral message, there is also the umpasa and umpuna (pantha or parable), which contain a spiritual message. the umpama (pantun or parable), which contains the meaning of prayer and hope, is the expression of the umpasa that the researcher intended to convey a spiritual message.this prayer and hope is more focused on a belief in god’s intervention in every human being, especially the toba broom. the words used by the toba batak through umpasa and umpasa (pantha/parable) have become common. every word contains a message, a meaning. in a certain context, umpasa and umpasa (parable) contain meaningful prayer. in the prayer, there is the message of umpasa and umpama (a parable), such as expressing thanksgiving, prayer, praise, and worship of god or the lord, who is called debata in the language of batak toba “debata”. based on the results of the interview, the informant said that the umpasa and umpama are usually spoken by the elderly (or persons [ 46 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 who are considered to have a statement about the umpa and umpama) when conducting an event or meeting. but in the context of the home, the family, and the parents ordinary speech, this is umpasa and umpasa. irforman also said that, almost generally, the batak toba community believes that the umpasa and the umpama spoken contain goodness, such as a prayer of petition to god with shared hope that can be a blessing for those who receive it. umpasa and umpama contain the meanings of praise and request. batak toba people often use expressions such as umpasa, for example, to speak to children or family members in the form of prayer. prayer expressed through the languages of umpasa and umpama is a very profound expression of heart content for the batak toba community and for those who will be prayed for. this prayer is expressed in the form of prayer and thanksgiving. this tradition is inherent in the daily life of the batak toba community and can be used as advice to live better and give advice. based on the interview, the informant said that the young people of today sometimes have a hard time receiving input or advice from parents when they are directed, but when they hear the umpasa and the umpama spoken, they can understand the meaning or message delivered and the consequences. the meaning of prayer in the wedding ceremony in the customary ceremony of marriage, umpasa and the same are also spoken to married couples, with the hope that the family will live harmoniously, get a rescue, always be under the protection and thanksgiving of god, quickly have offspring, and so on. the form of expression through the umpasa is a source of hope for all those who carry out the marriage and also for a large family. prayer and hope for happiness and harmony become hopes for the spouse. it becomes a provision, motivation, encouragement, message, reminder, or warning to the new family that forms the household. based on the results of interviews with informants who were of general adult age, they said that umpasa and umpama in marriage were very many, which contained the meaning of a prayer of reverence to the married couple, the request that the household life be blessed by god and given to the offspring of men and women, and so on. this period begins with the stages of marriage preparation and ends with the marriage stage, where there are many stages to go through before marriage itself to discuss all the important things between men and women. cucumbers zucchini summer squash carrots kale radishes broccoli rosemary basil pole beans peas arugula bibb lettuce cutting lettuces potatoes the meaning of this chapter is that the lord bless the offspring of sons and daughters with [ 47 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 long lives and be removed from all diseases. prayer and wishes of parents to their children. praying to the lord to give resurrection, blessing, power, and participation from the almighty is a form of expression that parents always do for their children. the form of belief or belief in the presence and blessing of god on children is the hope for all parents. in this context, it is also missed by the parents of batak toba. informants generally say that the meaning behind this marumpasa is prayer. the distinctions in the territory of the batak toba community can also affect the differences in the umpasa and its interpretation, but in their understanding it remains the same. based on an interview with the informant, who identified himself as “raja parhata” or the elderly and said he was concerned enough to see young people around him who are less concerned with the culture of batak toba, he said that the umpasa has been spoken since the ancestors who contained the “prayer” to god. he believes that what our ancestors have advised as an inheritance must be applied to the present. dealing with leaders or officials of the community and the church chennai madurai salem delhi mumbai pune bhopal trichy tirupur coimbatore cuddalore dindigul erode kanchipuram karur nagapattinam namakkal perambalur ramanathapuram pudukkottai thanjavur the informant generally refers to the statement that “umpasa is the worship of the lord debata,” which means prayer or a request to god. umpasa and umpama have existed since the development of the batak toba people and are used in indigenous events. but it does not have to be in ordinary events; it can be in the family and in everyday life as rules or rules of conduct or advice that is always connected with the present. chennai madurai salem delhi mumbai pune bhopal trichy tirupur coimbatore cuddalore dindigul erode kanchipuram karur nagapattinam namakkal perambalur ramanathapuram pudukkottai thanjavur the value system contains moral and spiritual aspects. the guidance and guidance of the prayer, the guidance, the advice, and the warning the moral message contained in the parable empowers the leaders and all the listeners of the time to meet all the needs of society or the church according to the demands of the time. as a leader, you should be able to give a living example, have more knowledge, and have a spirit of leadership. a leader has a spirit of loyalty, responsibility, courage, and willingness to sacrifice, and also has an attitude of transparency and attention to small communities. [ 48 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 from the results of data discussions based on qualitative, descriptive, and quantitative angket, the following results can be obtained: the use of queries in the form of the given angket can lead to the conclusion that umpasa and the like in the culture of the batak toba society have a significant role in the face of catechesis. this is demonstrated by tests that show that r counts a table r with a value of 0.708 0.312, which means that if r counts the table r, then there is a significant influence. then umpasa and umpama proved to be a real part of the traditions that are still preserved by the batak toba society to this day. this is evident from the custom of marumpasa used in every event or ulaon, which is considered to contain moral wisdom and the values of prayer in the form of a request of all their hopes to the almighty god. therefore, the role and contribution of the catechist or teacher of the faith greatly influence the improvement of catechism, as evidenced by the results of qualitative observations and interviews with research informants. observations on church leaders when preaching also include the use of umpasa and the like. it should be noted that there are no events, activities, meetings, customs, or ulaon of the batak toba community that do not use this umpasa and the like. it shows its connection with catechesis that the primary function of the preaching or teaching of the faith is to provide the core of the message of christ. the umpasa and umpama that batak toba society always uses contain spiritual values, wisdom values in everyday life, moral values, and so on. the worship of the worshippers, the prayer of the lord, the pleasure of the people, and the blessing of the lord the community of batak toba passes on umpasa and umpama to each generation through various aspects of daily life activities, also believing that umpasa and umpama contain sacred elements that cannot be altered without delay, delivered by the person represented.the community of batak toba passes on umpasa and umpama to each generation through various aspects of daily life activities, also believing that umpasa and umpama contain sacred elements that cannot be altered without delay, delivered by the person represented. seeing the fact that umpasa and umpama are very relevant, they are used as one of the means of catechesis and support for the people, in particular the batak toba community. thus, catechesis through the marumpasa tradition is not omitted as a means of communicating faith. this research is also supported by the previous study, “synthetic polars of word selection in umpada and umpama by anni rahimah, 2017. as well as the analysis of meaning and inner values in the umpasa umpama custom batak toba by astuti samosir, 2018. [ 49 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 conclusion culture can be said to be a form of implementation of all actions and results performed by humans that give meaning to their surroundings. in other words, culture is the essence of human effort and the result of infusing his life with the nature of reality through his mind. thus, if you want to understand mankind as best as possible, you must conform to the cultural context. it must be taught because culture is the sphere in which human beings must live. that is, culture is a dimension of human behaviour. man is born, grows, and develops not only as determined by the environment but also as supported by his culture. in the culture of the batak toba community, umpasa and umpama are very likely to become one of the means of catechesis because this tradition is always used in every customary event, or ulaon, in religious meetings or other meetings. in the context of building the faith of the people, of course, responsibility plays a very important role in increasing the interest of people so that people are made easy. this can be done by the existence of people’s constructions through local culture, one through umpasa and the other. the researchers cited the results of the discussion formulation presented in the priest study in 2017, which reads: “in the cultural context of the batak toba society, a pastoral or catechesis officer paid attention to the language in the context of batak toba culture. humpa has a lot of moral values in him.in the study of culture and language, a pastoral officer must prioritise the attitude of openness of a priest to participate in the course programme held at kam. as pastoral ministers, we must remember that not knowing the language does not mean knowing local wisdom.” marumpasa, or the use of umpasa and umpama in the culture of the batak toba society, is still running and has been preserved. umpasa and umpama) cannot be freed from the batak toba people and have proven to be always used in various aspects of the life activities of the toba batak, both in the celebration of sacraments and sacramentals. it should be noted that there are no events, activities, meetings, or customary people of batak toba who do not use umpasa. this shows its connection with the catechesis that the primary function of the proclamation of faith is to provide the core of the message of christ. chennai madurai salem delhi mumbai pune bhopal trichy tirupur coimbatore cuddalore dindigul erode kanchipuram karur nagapattinam namakkal perambalur ramanathapuram pudukkottai thanjavur theni thirunelveli hyderabad madras karnataka the tribe of batak toba passes on umpasa and umpama to each generation through various aspects of daily activities, also believing that umpaza and umpama contain sacred elements that cannot be altered without delay, delivered by the person representing them. seeing the statement that umpasa and the like in the batak toba society are very relevant as one of the means of catechesis as a means of [ 50 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 communication of faith in various aspects of life, it is hoped that in addition to continuing to preserve this culture, the facilitators of catechism will also be equipped with a number of knowledges about catechesis, methods, and means that can be used through the effort to enter and study local culture. bibliography adisusanto, fx. (2000). katekese dalam tugas gereja refleksi pendek atas katekese. yogyakarta: lembaga pengembangan kateketik puskat. -------. (2000). katekese sebagai pelayanan sabda. yogyakarta: lembaga pengembangan kateketik puskat. -------. (2000). katekese sebagai pendidikan iman. yogyakarta: lembaga pengembangan kateketik puskat. budiyanto, hendro st. (2011). menjadi katekis volunter. yogyakarta: kanisius. hardawiryana, r. (1991). dekrit tentang kegiatan misioner gereja ad gentes (kepada semua bangsa). in seri dokumen gerjawi no. 13 (vol. 53, issue 9). http://www.dokpenkwi.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/ seri-dokumen-gerejawi-no-13-ad-gentes.pdf hutabarat, rafael. (1981). berkatekese: katekese sebagai sarana pembentukan hidup kristen jemaat. yogyakarta: kanisius. j.c vergouwen. (2004). masyarakat dan hukum adat batak toba. yogyakarta: lkis yogyakarta. nainggolan, s. r. (2011). eksistensi adat budaya batak dalihan na tolu pada masyarakat batak. nainggolan, togar. (2012). batak toba sejarah dan transformasi religi. medan: bina media perintis. papo, j. (1987). memahami katekese. flores: nusa indah. pardosi, j. (2008). simbolik umpasa, makna ulos, dan perkawinan, adat toba, batak. iv (2). paulus vi, p. (1967). evangelii nuntiandi (mewartakan injil). seri dokumen gereja, 6 (11). panggabean, h.p. (2007). pembinaan kehidupan beragama dengan dukungan nilai-nilai adat budaya dalihan na tolu. jakarta: kerabat. siahaan, mangaraja asal. (2004). adat dohot umpama. pematang siantar: tulus jaya. [ 51 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 siahaan, n. (1964). sejarah kebudayaan batak. medan: napitupulu & sons. sibarani, parda. (1976). umpasa batak dohot lapatanna. pematang siantar:“parda”. sihombing, t.m. (1997). jambar hata. pematang siantar: tulus jaya. sinaga, anicetus. (2012). taman monumen dalihan na tolu. medan: bina media perintis. sinaga, r. (2013). umpasa, umpama dan ungkapan dalam bahasa batak toba. dian utama. sitompul, r. h. (2009). ulos batak tempo masa dulu-kini. mitra. -------, r.h.p. (2007). proses mengangkat anak adat dalihan na tolu. jakarta: kerabat. tambunan, e. (1982). sekelumit mengenai masyarakat batak toba dan kebudayaannya. tarsito. teleumbanua, m. (1999). ilmu kateketik. jakarta: obor. toruan, n. l. (2012). sastra lisan batak toba. mitra. vergowen, j.c. (1985). masyarakat dan hukum adat batak toba. jakarta: pustaka azet. alkitab deuterokanonika. (2009). lembaga alkitab indonesia: jakarta. nostraaetate. (1965). dokumen apostolik paus paulus vi tentang “pernyataan tentang hubungan gereja dengan agama-agama bukan kristen”. sacrosanctum concilium. (1963). (ensiklik tentang konstitusi tentang liturgi suci. konsili ekumenis vatikan ii. (1993). konstitusi dogmatis tentang wahyu ilahi dei verbum. in dokumen konsili vatikan ii. komisi kateketik kwi. (1997). upaya pengembangan katekese di indonesia. yogyakarta: kanisius. ona sastri. (2013). peranan umpasa dan umpama dalam budaya batak toba sebagai salah satu sarana berkatekese. skripsi, jurusan kateketik pastoral, stp santo bonaventura delitua-kam. ona sastri. (2016). umpasa dan umpamadalam budaya masyarakat batak toba sebagai sarana berkatekese (studi kasus di kevikepan santo thomas rasul, keuskupan agung medan). tesis, jurusan magister pastoral kateketik, institut pastoral indonesia, malang-jawa timur. [ 52 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2594 anni rahimah. (2017). pola sintaksis dan pilihan kata dalam umpasa dan umpama. jurnal education and development stkip tapanuli selatan. astuti samosir. (2018). analisis makna dan nilai-nilai dalam umpasa adat batak toba. jurnal bahastra. jhonson pardosi. (2008). makna simbolik umpasa, sinamot dan ulos pada adat perkawinan batak toba. jurnal ilmiah bahasa dan sastra. lamria, dkk. (2022). umpasa dalam ritual saur matua budaya batak toba. jurnal sintaks. lia ismarini. (2019). kearifan lokal dalam umpasa batak toba. jurnal littera. melvawati, dkk. (2019). hubungan teks dengan konteks dalam umpasa pada perkawinan suku batak toba. jurnal tuah. ona sastri lumban tobing, dkk. (2022) pembentukan hidup rohani terhadap karakter calon guru pendidikan agama katolik. jurnal edukatif. paulinus, dkk. (2022). revelasi allah pada sulang silima pakpak dalam hidup menggereja umat. jurnal penelitian dan pendidikan agama katolik. purti sion sinaga, dkk. (2021). semiotika umpasa bahasa batak toba; pendekatan roland barthes. jurnal ilmiah korpus. theresia anggraini malau, dkk. (2021). analisis makna denotatif dan konotatif pada umpasa dalam pernikahan adat batak toba. jurnal alfabeta. editor-in-chief zaenuddin hudi prasojo international editors afifi al-akiti (faculty of theology and religion, oxford university, united kingdom) yasien mohamed (university of the western cape, south africa, south africa) irwan abdullah (gajah mada university, yogyakarta, indonesia) zainal abidin bagir (universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta, indonesia) hans-christian günther (department of classics albert ludwigs university of freiburg, germany, germany) kamaludeen bin mohamed nasir (nanyang technological university, singapore) mohd roslan mohd nor (university of malaya, malaysia) giuseppina strummiello (university of bari aldo moro, italy) abdul razak abdulroya panaemalae (walailak university, thailand) florian pohl (oxford college of emory university, united states, germany) mujiburrahman (iain antasari banjarmasin, indonesia) minako sakai (director of social sciencesresearch group, australia) busro busro (uin sunan gunung djati bandung, indonesia) tassim abu bakar (universiti brunei darussalam, brunei darussalam) assistant editors faizal amin, iain pontianak, indonesia saifuddin herlambang, iain pontianak, indonesia syamsul kurniawan, iain pontianak, indonesia section editor setia purwadi, iain pontianak, indonesia language advisor jennifer h lundt, colgate university scholar, new york, united states al-albab volume 11 number 2 december 2022 al-albab issn 0216-6143 (print) and issn: 2502-8340 (online) is an interdisciplinary journal published twice a year in print and online (e-journal) by the pontianak state institute of islamic studies, pontianak. our academic publication concern includes the studies of world religions of islam, buddhism, christianity, hinduism, judaism, chinese religions and other religions. interdisciplinary studies may include the studies of religion in the fields of anthropology, sociology, philosophy, psychology, education, cultural studies and other social sciences. since the journal is published twice a year, special issue would be made available for special condition. the regular issues include june and december editions each year. the journal publishes research-based articles in the area of religious studies. all prospective contributors from various background are welcome to contribute to the journal publication. contributions in english should be typed single-space and contain minimum of 4.000 and maximum of 8.000 words. the citation should follow apa style with footnotes. editorial office: al-albab, gedung saifuddin zuhri pascasarjana iain pontianak, jalan letjend suprapto no. 19, pontianak selatan pontianak 78122, kalimantan barat, indonesia. phone: (62-561) 734170 fax: (62-561) 734170 ; handphone/wa: +6281256738348 e-mail: redaksi.bjrs@gmail.com website: http://jurnaliainpontianak.or.id/index.php/alalbab al albab volume 10 number 2 (december 2021) contents 1. lgbt and religious negotiations: a case study of youth interfaith forum on sexuality (yifos) roni, fatimah husein, dewi candraningrum .............................................. 161 2. pinah laman: the construction of religious and ethnic identity within the mentuka dayak of west kalimantan felisitas yuswanto, sekar ayu aryani, ahmad muttaqin .......................... 177 3. face veil and lawo-lambu: negotiating religious practices among muslims and catholics in ende city yosep aurelius woi bule, adison adrianus sihombing ............................. 199 4. preserving diversity: lessons from batang tarang village of west kalimantan hermansyah, faisal abdullah, mochamad hamdan .................................. 221 5. cultural resistance and sharia-based ecology in the fishing community in aceh zubir, abdul manaf, abdul mugni, noviandy ............................................. 245 6. ethnicity, religion and the changing community structure within fakfak society in papua ade yamin, musa rumbaru, nining lestari, mufliha wijayati ............... 267 7. religious solidarity for coping with economic crisis during the covid-19 pandemic luqman, ilhamdi .................................................................................................. 287 8. portrait of moderate islam within muslim university students in indonesia ahmad jais, sumin ............................................................................................... 301 [ 267 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 ethnicity, religion and the changing community structure within fakfak society in papua ade yamin iain fatahul muluk papua email: yaminpapua79@yahoo.com musa rumbaru iain fatahul muluk papua email: waket2@gmail.com nining lestari iain fatahul muluk papua email: nininglestari.iainfmpapua@gmail.com mufliha wijayati iain metro email: muflihawijayati@metrouniv.ac.id abstract through in-depth research using an ethnographic method, this article seeks to show what changes are taking place in the fakfak community regarding culture, religion, and composition. this research aims to fill the research gap from previous studies by looking at how religion has rapidly changed the structure of society (both in terms of identity and population demographics) even though they come from the same kinship in a nuclear family. this article found that religion has become society’s primary agent of change, with positive and negative connotations. however, at the same time, the community has a local knowledge called “toromit wat istery” which is used as an unbreakable bond due to clashes between religions. this unity in diversity is a fundamental value that the community must observe. as an implication, these changes in the fakfak community serve as an example of the resilience of local values in the face of the clash of global values that must be protected and maintained as the primary source of national resilience. keywords: changing community structure; fakfak society; local knowledge introduction the arrival of islam to the fakfak regency’s patipi bay community provides insight into the spread of islam in the indonesian archipelago and to papua, [ 268 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 and the only example of the occurrence of the separation of inter-religious areas of power that is manifested in a kinship agreement between ade (younger sibling) and kaka (elder sibling). ade, in the context of religion, transformed into islam and in the context of geography, controlled the coastal areas, while kaka turned into christianity and controlled the mountainous area. the transformation of kinship and identity, as in the patipi community, has similarly occurred in the dayak community in kalimantan, which underwent an identity shift because of the decision to embrace religion. those who choose islam as their religion receive a new malay identity, while those who adopt christianity receive dayak as their primary identity (mauneti, 2004; nugraha, 2018). expression, change, and separation in society due to religion prove what abdullah (2019) argues: religion is born in an erratic and frenzy manner. it has implications for losing silent space, low credibility, and weakening religion’s connection power (abdullah, 2019). religious encounters between islam, christianity, and other religions and the communities in the indonesian archipelago have been widely studied but tend to focus on three aspects: its historical aspect (saprillah, 2011; yakub, 2017), subjugation (handoko, 2009, 2017; sianipar et al., 2020), and assimilation between religion and culture in society (haryanto, 2013, 2014; indah permata sari, 2020; mursyid, 2009; muryana, 2018). yamin (2011, 2019, 2020) illustrates how the interaction process between islam and the dani community in the central highlands of papua has added a new color to islam in indonesia. jubba (2019) recounted the story of the subjugation of the towani tolotang people by religion and state in south sulawesi, and zainal (2015) reviewed how katoba has become a symbol of the integration of islam with the muna people’s culture. this research shows another reality that previous studies have not covered, the direct implication of the presence of religion in the community, the existence of divisions, and the formation of clear boundaries in society because of religion by labeling each group with a new identity as a marker of the existence of such division. this research is based on the argument that three main factors drive community structure and identity changes due to religious reasons. first, the exclusive nature of religion has forced people to create boundaries between themselves even though they come from the same kinship. second, the lack of religious literacy about the danger of community division, because religion is understood by its followers, will have implications for strengthening the desire to highlight the religion that each group embraces. third, strengthening and weakening state (government) intervention reinforces the separation of society in the name of religion. these three religion-related factors create [ 269 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 division and potential disharmony in society. generally, the separation of society is a natural phenomenon (abdullah, 2003; muryana, 2018; pabbajah et al., 2019; wekke, 2013), but it would be unusual if the separation is driven by religious factors and occurs only in one specific family in one community. this unusual social reality occurred in patipi bay, fakfak regency, west papua province, so this area was selected as the focus of this research for three reasons. first, patipi bay maintains various stories about the history of interactions between new religions and local communities, which has produced a distinctive religious tradition (amin, 2020; haris, 2016; mene, 2017; saprillah, 2011). second, in the patipi bay community, the context of ade (islam/coastal area) and kaka (christian/ inland area) continues to be revived by the community through various economic, political, and sociocultural activities as well as oral traditions that continue to be passed through generations. third, the implications of the existence of separation due to religion, even though they are in the same kinship, has caused several incidents of conflict which, although they can be quickly resolved, has undoubtedly become a pseudo phenomenon that may be triggered at any time, considering that every religion continues to thrive in its spirit of expansion. brotherhood and separation due to religion among patipi bay’s citizens can be explained through qualitative research that draws on primary and secondary data by covering processes that occur directly in the community that can be observed and confirmed on-site through direct observation and interviews. this research involved religious, traditional, and community leaders and local historians specializing in patipi bay’s history, rituals, religious traditions, and cultural practices. the research was first carried out by collecting secondary data through various religious references previously written by several researchers, as well as tracing the history of islam in the community, widely known as one of the areas that ibn batuta visited on his international voyage. the second step was to conduct direct research in the community by visiting the research site and observing and interviewing key figures. the interviews and observations were recorded using a recorder, photographs, and a journal, the main basis for interpreting field findings. the data analysis process was carried out in three stages. first was data reduction, a process of organizing data in a more systematic form, especially thematically. the second step was data display to present research findings in table and graph form and excerpts from interviews with informants. the third and final was data verification to conclude the confluence of data with concepts and theories used in this study. descriptive and interpretive data [ 270 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 analysis techniques then supported these three stages of analysis. the data description served as the basis for interpretation by following the trends and contexts that accompany the reality under study, as field clifford geertz (1992) shows. the stages and analysis techniques are expected to lead this research to findings and conclusions that explain why brotherhood and separation cooccur among the patipi bay people. fakfak society as a research space fakfak regency is located in indonesia’s west papua province. the journey to this district begins in sorong, a transit airport where all travelers visiting fakfak regency by air must stop. the journey takes approximately 60 minutes by air on a twin outer aircraft with a jet engine and double propeller. fakfak regency consists of 17 sub-districts, 142 villages, and seven urban villages spread over mountainous and coastal areas. most of fakfak residents are nutmeg farmers and fishermen. in some districts and villages, electricity is only supported by a limited number of generators from each family, which can only be turned on at 19.00 – 00.00 central indonesian time zone. it is thus very expensive. some areas do not have electricity at all, such as ugar village in the kokas district, which has become an eco-tourism destination. in addition, several villages also lack communication infrastructure. the majority religion in fakfak is muslim. however, there are two districts whose residents are generally protestant christians. the majority of the population uses indonesian as their daily language, especially in terms of inter-ethnic communication, but in local villages we can find residents using local languages, such as mbaham, iha, arguni, and karas. the indigenous tribes that inhabit the fakfak district are the mbaham, mata, and iha tribes. the indigenous tribes live side-by-side with migrant ethnic groups originating from sulawesi field (akmal & muslim, 2019), maluku field (haris, 2016), and java field (paisal, 2018). economic growth in fakfak regency has been quite good, although, in some sectors, economic performance still needs to be improved, taking into account the challenges and available opportunities. one of the widely-used macro performance indicators for the economic sector is the gross regional domestic product (grdp). to support the grdp of fakfak regency there are nine production units covering nine business fields: agriculture, mining & quarrying, manufacturing industry, electricity, and clean water, construction, trade, hotels and restaurants, transportation and communication, finance, rental and service companies, and other service establishments. [ 271 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 based on 2022 population data obtained from the central bureau of statistics of fakfak regency, the population of fakfak regency is 85,817, comprising 43,963 men and 41,854 women. the total population is dominated by residents in pariwari district with 23,729 people or 27.65%. meanwhile, the district with the lowest population is mbahamdandara, 1,016 people or 1.18%. religious exclusivism contextually, the people of fakfak in patipi bay generally follow two official government-recognized religions, christianity and islam. however, in daily life, they hold several rituals based on ancestral traditions that they continue to practice (amin, 2020; wekke, 2013), especially regarding matters relating to the fulfillment of the necessities of life and the sacredness or holiness of a particular location. an informant reported straightforwardly how people overcome a natural constraint by holding a ritual of respecting the owner of a certain place believed to have supernatural powers. he said: “karena air itu mau kering ka makanya dong kasih air taparop, kasih biar lancar. kopi yang ditaruh di batu par kasih sanang dorang, kasih dorang minum, katong sama-sama minum kopi. karena katong tara lihat, jadi katong bicara saja, a ini kamong pu tembakau, sirih, pinang.” [invisible creatures have blocked the discharge of water from its source, so people give offerings in the form of coffee, tobacco, areca nut and betel leaves, which are placed in a spot where water does not flow while saying the words; this is the tobacco, areca nut and betel leaves that we offer. so, the water (afterward) flows smoothly”] however, by looking at the composition of the villages, residents are constructed based on their religion, some villages are labeled as islamic others villages that are labeled christian. this labeling also aligns with the population composition, which is a religious majority. the construction of villages and districts in fak-fak that are divided based on religion are inseparable from the role of the state, customs, and religion, either generically or differentially, as reported by gramci in saptono (1999) who emphasizes the effort to construct society is one of the strategies in hegemony. in the context of the state, the omission of community grouping based on religion is a form of neglect in creating a heterogeneous and non-sectarian society. meanwhile, in the context of custom and religion, there has been an effort to perpetuate regional dominance in the name of certain customs and religions, which will limit the capacity of the community to face global conflicts that rely on the principles of [ 272 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 practicality, accuracy, and tend to have unified perspectives (humaedi, 2014). the construction of a rigidly structured fak-fak community based on the religion they follow provides an important marker for the people in the fakfak district, which signifies that the community is not in a good state. several socio-political events that occur in the community, which then intersect directly, show that the division of society based on religion has provided an entry point for conflicts that can occur at any time. august 2019’s tambaruni market burning incident in fak-fak city is an example. the incident was followed by several conflicts or riots, which were seen in demonstrations triggered by the racist treatment of the papuans in surabaya. this case began with a protest by indigenous people against migrants, then turned into two big groups, polarizing the society into people supporting the unitary state of indonesia (nkri / islam) and those in favor of free papua (christianity). changes in identity and demographics the selection and change of identity is a process, as mauneti, (2004) argues that the dynamic nature seen in the construction of cultural identities is evident in many cases in indonesia. in the same light, hall (1990) maintains that identity is more transparent and unproblematic than we think. identity may be regarded as something authentic, representing a new cultural practice. we should think of identity as an imperfect production, always in the making and always legalized in it, not outside of it. within this framework, cultural identity can be seen as a collective sequence of one’s truth, hidden from so many others, more superficial and artificially self-repressing, in which people with historical and ancestral ties are generally held. cultural identity reflects the shared historical experience and the sharing of cultural codes that have been provided to us, as an individual (with the same cultural background) with a stable, unchanging experience and a continuous frame of reference and meaning, under the shifting division of our actual history. this unity underlines all the others, more than superficial differences. in hall’s framework of thought above, we can witness it in the balinese people, as nordholt (2002) found that if a balinese is asked who he is, he may start by saying he wants to explain his linggih by mentioning his lineage. the balinese identify themselves generally by making references to time and place to one of their ancestors in ancient times, as well as a point of origin (kawitan) which is often stated in a sacred place of the temple. in addition, to explain identity and its changes, maalouf ’s opinion (2004) is important to note, as he argues that identity is what prevents us from being [ 273 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 identical to other people. however, identity is not given once and for all; it is built and changed throughout an individual’s life. identity is made up of a number of ties, but it is equally important to emphasize that identity is also singular, something we all experience. one’s identity is not an assembly of separate ties or a kind of loose woven cloth. identity is a pattern outlined on a parchment, stretched firmly. flick a part or a connection, and the person’s self will fully react (maalouf, 2004:26). if we use maalouf ’s perspective as a reference, then identity is generally defined as awareness of personal unity and continuity. a unique entity that maintains the continuity of its past meaning for self and others; unity and continuity that integrate all self-images, either perceived by others or self-imagined about what and who he is and what he can make concerning himself and others. a person’s self-identity can also be understood as the overall physical characteristics, dispositions he holds and believes in, and capacity. all of them are characteristics that distinguish the individual from others and are, at the same time, an integration of the stages of development that have been passed before. structurally, it can be seen that the identity changes in individuals in fakfak society also directly affect the population demographics, such as ethnicity, which gets a lot of support from the marriages between two papuan indigenous, papuan indigenous people and migrants, and two migrants. other population demographics that change are religious experience and practices and economic status. the rest are captured in the following chart. table 1: ethnic identity change indicator generic identity first change differential identity second change differential identity surname iribaram iribaram/bauw iribaram/bauw/ /patiran/la source: processed from primary data the table above provides an important indication of how identity change occurs in the people of fakfak. in general, each individual’s identity evolves because of two factors: an identity obtained generically and one obtained because of the encountering differences. for example, the surname attached to an individual at birth will not necessarily be passed down to her descendants if she is a woman. however, in current practice, the surname can also be used to deal with pressures of political interests. the table shows the surname change [ 274 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 from iribaram to iribaram or bauw in the first change. it may continue to shift to iribaram, bauw, or even patiran, because of the marriage mechanism, where the surname is inherited in a patrilineal line. however, as aforementioned, in the context of political strategy, this surname inheritance system may turn matrilineal as an effort to maintain identity, if the marriage occurs in ethnic groups outside papuans. the merging of nobility titles from outside papua with indigenous papuan surnames is certainly a form of change due to encounters between indigenous papuans and people outside papua (migrants) who may have experienced resistance at the beginning. however, now it is starting to become a trend and is happening a lot in the community as an attitude of accommodation as well as a strategy in dealing with the pressure of power that comes from the rules that divide society into classifications based on the birthright inherent in indigenous papuans. as a concrete example, some people use two surnames or ethnic titles, such as la so-and-so woretma, which can be explained that the la title in the individual’s name is one of the nobility titles for the butonese in southeast sulawesi, acculturated with woretma as one of the surnames of the original fak-fak people. in a more straightforward context, changes in one’s identity in society can also be influenced and shaped by the experience and practice of religious teachings. an individual raised by his parents as an ordinary believer (congregation) can transform into one who preaches religious messages (ustad/ustadzah/pinatua) and even at a certain point in time can turn into a religious leader (imam of a mosque/christian priest), as illustrated in the following table. table 2: identity change due to religion indicator generic identity change 1 differential identity change 2 differential identity islam jamaah [congregation] ustad/ustadzah imam of a mosque christianity jemaat [congregation] pinatua priest source: processed from primary data in addition to the change in identity due to ethnicity and religion above, the change can also occur due to an individual’s economy, education, or [ 275 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 occupation, whose nature and form are also unchanged, determined by space or the context that follows. for example, identity due to occupations, at a certain point, an individual can be a civil servant, but in other contexts, he can also be a motor-cab driver because he has a second job to provide for his family, as illustrated in the table below: table 3: other identity changes identity indicator generic identity change 1 differential identity change 2 differential identity occupation civil servants ojek ahli reparasi economy poor rich education no formal education primary school (equivalency) junior high school (equivalency) source: processed from primary data changes in identity that are either fixed or depend on the context, as described in the three tables above, directly contribute to shaping and determining the demographics of the community, especially the state of the population and settlements, where new and more diverse residential spaces are created as an effort to accommodate the increasing population, as well as the birth and emergence new value which is a result of the arrival of global and market values. in such circumstances, the community then tries to produce or reproduce local knowledge in an effort to maintain identity, as well as to show its existence as the owner of the original culture that seeks to get recognition. systematic changes in community demographics, especially as population increases, can be seen in the expansion of villages, the addition of houses of worship, as well as the emergence of religious-affiliated community organizations, such as the birth of the maluku pentecostal church or the emergence of afkn founded by ustadz fadlan garamatan, a representation of native papuan muslims in fak-fak regency. potential conflicts and alternative resolutions as described above, the changes in identity and demographics have directly divided the community into various interests with their differing goals. in general, the society’s problems today can be seen politically and the presence of several multinational companies engaged in mining and plantations —which [ 276 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 have encouraged people to be more exclusive in terms of land ownership— as well as the potential for capitalization and exploitation of the community and the younger generation. iribaram reported that the community encounters at least three fundamental problems: customary leadership, customary rights, and the future of “disrupted” local children. in the context of politics and customary rights, which highlights the limits of leadership authority and territorial boundaries that pit people against each other between communities and between communities and companies. this is a crucial problem that must be resolved, as he explains: the potential for conflict is increasing. we can see this from several aspects, for example, political aspects. this political aspect of the division of the regions that make up the new autonomous regions that the government had formed turned out to be in conflict. some agree, and some disagree. that is, if we see the potential, it certainly has the potential for conflict. in addition to political issues, there are now problems regarding recognizing who is the real king and that is also a crucial problem there. there are several examples in several areas, for example in rumbati district, patipi bay district. in rumbati for example, there are two traditional leaderships: recognition. each of these leaders has recognition of the right to be king and has followers. as we have seen, there is a rift in that district known as the rumbati kingdom. the second example is in the patipi bay district; there is a conflict; there is a long story about customary law and the issues of the legitimate king and who the original king is, which is also a conflict. to date, they are enemies of each other. in the context of the younger generation’s future, iribaram explained how young people in the village have shifted their mindsets and future orientations. there is a strong reluctance to go to school and work in companies around berau bay and patipi bay even though they can only get a job as a contract worker for security or a cleaner. they think it is still worth it, because they can make money very quickly. on the village’s streets, we can see young children walking to the kiosk to get some snacks carrying the idr 100,000 banknote, which signifies how money has become an idol in today’s society. he said: encouraging children to progress and get a good education is very unusual now. for example, if we want to see global companies’ role in improving education for the community, that would be very unlikely. companies are recruiting students to drop out… so that will ruin their future. they only recruit to be employed as laborers, security guards, and some very low-level jobs there. furthermore, that is made possible by community activities, made possible by people who choose to get a shortcut. so, in this [ 277 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 society, this is the mindset, “it’s better to go to work than to go to school, we may be dead tomorrow or the day after tomorrow. so, if we’re still alive, it’s better for us to work so we can live.” so simple. i saw this, too, when the local people who owned the nutmeg farm, they think, “well, it’s like that, you don’t have to go to school, later in the nutmeg season you go pick [some nutmegs] and earn money.” people are like, “it doesn’t matter if you want to go to school or not. the important thing is that we have a hamlet. then, they also think we have the sea. such mentality still exists. the worst thing is that the promises of social assistance currently create dependence for the people there. in the religious context, the potential for conflict also shows symptoms, both internally and externally driven by religion, or between religions, which in general the triggering factor is the expansive nature of religion and also the penetration of political interests that continue to disrupt the pillars of life of the fakfak people. iribaram further revealed that the politics of the king’s leadership in the local community has shifted the conflict from between traditional leaders to between religions. he notes: there is a rift within that one district known as the rumbati kingdom. the second example is in the patipi bay district where there is a conflict. there is a long story about customary law and the issues of the legitimate king and who the original king is, which is also a conflict. to date, they are enemies of each other. in addition, there are many other potential conflicts. it could have an impact on the issues of inter-religious harmony. because in the areas of the kingdom, since ancient times they have been united as one kingdom. meanwhile, the christian group, they are supporting one of them that turns out to be opposed by the people who on the other hand think this is not true, not the king. that’s what causes the conflict to break out there, and a conflict of inter-religious hostility occurs because they are no longer united in the royal system although the potential for conflict described above is undeniable, it turns out that there is a great power in the community that can still bind and strengthens the companionship between them. the local genius of the fakfak (mbaham) community seems to be able to resolve the existing rift and deserves appreciation: the existence of four community life guidelines called 1. atanam misia, 2. aroa misia, 3. faneka misia, and 4. awkawai fafia. atanam misia means always asking [for more information] or confirming. fenaka misia means to be tolerant. aroa misia means to be prudent. awkawai fafia can be translated as having honest intentions or the wide path of life in society. if the community observes these four principles, then no matter how significant the [ 278 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 differences, or rifts that occur, they will not be able to undermine the spirit of brotherhood and kinship among the fakfak community. these four life principles are then combined with a philosophy of living side-by-side in society, known as the philosophy of satu tungku tiga batu (three stones in one furnace). a philosophy that takes the analogy of the traditional cooking stove of the fakfak people, which usually sits three stones, is an essential element in food making, a basic human need. this furnace philosophy is used as a reference for the philosophy of life of the local fakfak people, which describes the integration between customs, religion, and the state. it is highly possible because the fakfak society is plural and open, and its social structure has transformed from traditional to modern and postmodern culture. in line with these changes, new institutions have developed which reflect the application of the life philosophy of a furnace with three stones, which in local terms is known as toromit war istery, which can be interpreted as unity, equality, and mutual support or in a wider context can be described as harmony between the three main stakeholders in society: customs, religion, and the state which must be integrated to create harmony in life. this spirit of toromit war istery also forms solidarity that makes it possible for the fakfak community to learn and accept the differences between them. conclusion this article has brought us an example of changes in the structure of society that are possible due to internal and external drives from the community itself, in addition to the socio-political and cultural context that follows, be it acculturation, assimilation, reception, or even resistance as critical supporting elements of a transformation. in general, the structural changes in the fakfak community were triggered by two critical aspects: ethnicity and religion, which are faced with the generic (inherited) and differential (selected) cultural characteristics, forming a unique new structure and having implications for the demographics of the population. it occurs with the emergence of a new interaction space, both a physical open space in the form of settlements and a space that emerges due to shared identity. this article also shows that there is a significant potential conflict that continuously lurks in the harmonization of people’s lives triggered by local geopolitics, which is caused by the expansive nature of religion as well as the monopoly and hegemony of globalization which has channeled people to believe in two main values: capital and markets. when confronted with this [ 279 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 situation, the community creates a bonding mechanism that originates from local genius, which can unite the rift that continues to occur in society by continuing to promote the toromit war istery philosophy of life which was later known as the philosophy of satu tungku tiga batu (three stones in one furnace) that can be translated as unity in diversity. future researchers could continue to expand upon this article, especially in terms of the depth of analysis regarding one important factor forming the structure of society, politics, and the enactment of the special autonomy law for the province of papua-west papua, which directly gives some privileges to indigenous papuans compared to migrants who live in papua. in addition, the method, the theories, and the concepts tend to prioritize anthropological or sociological perspectives, so it may have overlooked the legal perspective, for example, which is the main factor that forms values and norms in society. bibliography abdullah, i. 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[ 282 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2424 [ 79 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 indonesian baha’i community’s perspective on gender equality samsul hidayat iain pontianak email: samsulhidayat@iainptk.ac.id abstract the conception of gender for indonesian context is understood socially, politically, culturally and even religiously biased. gender equality, which is always regarded as respect for women, is actually a detrimental action for women themselves. this work seeks to explain the concept of gender equality in indonesian context from the perspective of the baha’i faith and find out the views of its followers about the role of women in gender equality. this is also to describe the principles of the teachings of the baha’i faith in promoting the awareness of women’s equal role in indonesia. the article is based on research that falls under the descriptive qualitative research cluster using a gender study approach. the data were collected using observation, in-depth interviews and sources from previous studies. the work suggests that the followers of the baha’i faith view the differences between men and women only from biological factors that exist in both sexualities. those differences are merely due to the cultures of the people so that the understanding about gender equality becomes a biased concept. this is because the people in indonesia observe to a patriarchal ideology which considers men to be superior and versatile while women are weak and marginalized in terms of social situation. the baha’i community believe that god create humans from the same source, namely dust, so that no humans would exalt over the others. humans are the same and equal between men and women. keywords: baha’i community; gender equality; indonesia introduction gender is a very sensitive topic of discussion in a country that holds patriarchal values (male domination). discussion of gender from the past to the present has become a central topic of discussion in placing the role of women in everyday life, both from religious and social relations. the concept of gender in indonesia is still overlapping, especially with regard to women’s role in public, so that women are hampered in playing their role for change in society.1 the 1 sarah apriliandra and hetty krisnani, “perilaku diskriminatif pada perempuan akibat kuatnya budaya patriarki di indonesia ditinjau dari perspektif konflik,” jurnal kolaborasi resolusi konflik 3, no. 1 (2021): 1–13. [ 80 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 discourse of seeking claims has raised its own problem, seeing that there is still a gender bias that places men as superior in society.2 differences in the context of the distribution of the roles of men and women in society are generally discussed in several theories. first, the nature theory distinguishes men and women in a biological context, making a difference in the position of women in the social perspective (relationship). second, the nurture theory that holds that social differences are distinguished by the culture of the local community3. the two theories above are a reference in the bias in understanding gender among indonesians particularly regarding in giving roles to women. the role of women in indonesia has yet to achieve equality between men and women.4 women have not been able to awaken due to restrictions on their environment which diminated by patriarchy.5 this concept has marginalized women in gender roles, especially in the public sphere. this issue can be viewed broadly from two sides; first from the external side where there is a contradiction in understanding of patriarchy; second, from the internal side where women who limit themselves in playing a role in the public realm.6 external factors will set boundaries for women so that it is difficult for them to actualize their role in public. the role of women is quite strategic in social relations because they provide a balance in the role that men are unable to play, such as taking care of children and being a nurturing educator in general, even though men can take care of children and protect them, they will not be as good as women. the patriarchal concept only views men as hard workers while women are not, or in other words, women are weak and men are strong (superior) even in public, women have a limited role.7 therefoe, there is a significant gap in society and there is a sense of inequality. efforts or studies to promote equality between men and women in indonesia have been carried out since 1970.8 however, to date, little has been achieved. the issues of gender equality not only concern the social, economic, political 2 sumadi, “ideologi bias gender dalam lembaran fikih populer di indonesia,” al afkar,journal for islamic studies 1, no. 1 (2018): 1–15. 3 mutmainnah, “kesenjangan gender ditinjau dari persepektif islam.,” gender equality: internasional journal of child and gender studies. vol 5, no. 2 (2019). 4 ingesti lady rara prastiwi and dida rahmadanik, “polemik dalam karir perempuan indonesia,” jurnal komunikasi dan kajian media vol 4, no. 1 (2020). 5 fransisca jallie pattiruhu, “critical legal feminism pada kedudukan perempuan dalam hak waris pada sistem patriarki.,” culture & society: journal of anthropological research. vol 2, no. 1 (2020) 6 farida hanum, kajian dan dinamika gender, (malang: intrans publishing wisma kamitro., 2018). 7 ibid. p. 212 8 mutmainnah, “kesenjangan gender ditinjau dari persepektif islam.” [ 81 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 or legal matters but have also extended to the religious matters. the baha’i faith has a concept of equality. even the concept of gender equality in the teachings of the baha’i faith upholds women. the baha’i prophet said, “don’t you know why we have made you all from the same dust? so that one does not elevate himself above the other”9 therefore, baha’i adherents obey him and uphold equality between men and women. however, in indonesia women still face discrimination and their role is second to men.10 even though this country is known for its rule of law, the fact is that discrimination still occurs against women. however, the majority of religions in indonesia uphold the dignity of women, especially those in islam. similar research was conducted by hikmatir pasya and muhammad haekal hakim (2016) entitled gender compatibility (a critical study of gender equality).11 furthermore, another study was conducted by erna ermawati chotim (2020) entitled gender equality and empowerment of women in indonesia: desire and inevitability of a pragmatic approach (study of cirebon smes home made products).12 from the two studies above, several points can be drawn, such as: a) inequality in the concept of gender, be it related to economic, social or religious matters; b) understanding of gender is still too general; 3) the indonesian government’s dilemma to make a decision on gender equality. these facts serve as the basis for gender research in indonesia from the perpective of the baha’i teachings. most research on gender equality has been carried out to date and it has not well-received by indonesian women. some people still view women from a biological perspective (gender), and there are those who view them from the socio-cultural side of society that has patriarchal views, so that women do not get freedom in social relations or in relations between communities, even in the public eye.13 even though in the field there are some women who have the same role, even more than men. however, people’s mindset has not changed from time to time. the importance of gender studies is from various cultures, customs and even religions. however, the current researcher looks at gender equality from the perspective of the baha’i faith, which sees women from the 9 “kalimat tersembunyi, sabdah baha’ullah” (n.d.). 10 louisa yesami krisnatalia, “perempuan, ham dan permasalahannya di indonesia.,” binamulia hukum vol 7, no. 1 (2018): pp. 71-80. 11 and hakim muhammad haekal pasya, hikmatiar, “konformitas gender (studi kritik atas konsep kesetaraan gender),” jurnal studia quranika 1, no. 1 (2016): 1–28. 12 erna ermawati chotim, “kesetaraan gender dan pemberdayaan perempuan di indonesia: keinginan dan keniscayaan pendekatan pragmatis (studi terhadap ukm cirebon home made),” akselerasi: jurnal ilmiah nasional 2, no. 1 (2020): 70–82. 13 ratna dewi, “kedudukan perempuan dalam islam dan problem ketidakadilan gender.,” noura: jurnal kajian gender dan anak. vol 4, no. 1 (2020). [ 82 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 perspective of its teachings. the explanation makes this article important in the study of gender in indonesia, from the perspective of baha’i teachings. this work is inspired by the raise of some questions on the concept of gender from the perspective of the baha’i teachings, as well as the views of the baha’i adherents in seeing gender in indonesia today, and the changing trends of the times. this is what this research seeks to explain so as to present positive values that can be taken for future changes. every religion has a perspective on gender equality, but this article seeks to examine gender from the perspective of the baha’i faith which is relatively new after islam. gender issue in idonesia gender issue have been discussed with many topics such as discrimination against women, patriarchy, violations of human rights against women and subordinated role of women in indonesia. ade irma sakinah and dessy hasanah siti a. (2017) discuss a strong patriarchal culture in indonesia,14 showing that men have better position compared to women so they are discriminated in this country. this article shows that patriarchal culture is a barrier for women to play a role in society, so that its concept and practice have become gender bias which causes injustice to women. the gender bias that occurs in indonesian society is a frightening phenomenon that has inspired women to voice emancipation. from this, women are increasingly losing their freedom. mutmainnah (2019) talks on gender disparity from an islamic perspective15 and indicates that the concept of gender in islam is still an organic issue because the interpretation of the qur’an is not comprehensive so that the existing classical understanding in society is still quite common, resulting in discrimination and exclusion of women still occurring among religious communities who should be able to apply religious recommendations and understandings contained in the qur’an. a lot of people view gender as issues that are merely concerned with discussing sex (gender) given the position of women especially for men who believe in the patriarchal system. islam has clear definition on the role of women, but in practice, it is still a taboo and a lot of men claim that women are only weak creatures that are dependent on men. however, women are capable of doing what men can do, so this point of view has refuted by the role women play. another study which is in line with the research above was conducted by 14 ade irma sakinah dan dessy hasanah siti a, “menyoroti budaya partiarki di indonesia.,” jurnlal social work, vol 7, no. 1 (2017): p. 71-80. 15 mutmainnah, “kesenjangan gender ditinjau dari persepektif islam.” p. 1-7 [ 83 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 louisa yesami krisnalita (2018) which discusses women, human rights and their problems in indonesia.16 the discussion in this article explains about women’s discrimination because indonesia currently still adheres to the patriarchal ideology which places women second to men, so that it extends to human rights which is still an issue in indonesia, which makes women’s rights clash with the laws and culture of the local community. in addition, because of the discrimination that exists among women, many women do not get their roles in citizenship positions. subsequent research was conducted by wery gusmansyah (2019) entitled dynamics of gender equality in political life in indonesia.17 from this research several points were drawn which became the discussion topics, namely: a) women being marginalized in public; b) women being ostracized in the political sphere; c) women being disfavored by the concept of gender itself. a study discussing gender in the workplace was conducted by maulida nurul innayah and bima cinintya pratama (2019) entitled challenges and opportunities for women in the work environment.18 this research shows: a) restrictions on women from advancing to higher positions in the work environment; b) perceived implicit quotas for women in employment positions. studies on the role of women have been done including the one by aisyatin kamila (2020) entitled “women’s role as the backbone of the family in increasing children’s learning motivation amid the covid 19 pandemic”19. the points of her work include that; a) women play a role in giving understanding to the nation’s children; b) women play a role in giving affection and understanding to children. similar research was conducted by zainuddin abdullah (2021) entitled “the role of women in the world of education from the hamka perspective”.20 the points of this research are; a) women have the basis as being effective to become a leader b) women with the role they play have the right to get what they deserve in the public sphere. a study on the baha’i community conducted by (2018) entitled conflict resolution between the baha’i community and muslims: a case study in pati, central java.21 this 16 louisa yesami krisnatalia, “perempuan, ham dan permasalahannya di indonesia.” pp. 71-80 17 wery gusmansyah, “dinamika kesetaraan gender dalam kehidupan politik di indonesia,” hawa 1, no. 1 (2019): 1–18. 18 maulida nurul innayah and bima cinintya pratama, “tantangan dan kesempatan wanita dalam lingkungan kerja,” jurnal manajemen 13, no. 2 (2019): 1–8. 19 aisyatin kamila, “peran perempuan sebagai garda terdepan dalam keluarga dalam meningkatkan motivasi belajar anak ditengah pandemi covid 19,” jurnal konseling pendidikan islam 1, no. 2 (2020): 75–83. 20 zainuddin abdullah, “peran perempuan dalam dunia pendidikan perspektif hamka,” al amin: jurnal kajian ilmu dan budaya islam 4, no. 01 (2021): 115–135, http:// stitalamin.ac.id/jurnal/index.php/alamin/article/view/87. 21 moh rosyid, “resolusi konflik umat baha’i dengan muslim: studi kasus di pati, [ 84 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 study recorded that the baha’i adherents in socializing with muslims; a) the baha’is distribute books on the baha’i; b) they administer education regardless of religious background and gender; c) self-introduction or self-existence. this work employs the theories of nature (biological) and nurture (cultural society). the theory of nature was first brought up by carol gilligan22 and alice rossi who was the first to put it forward in the field of gender.23 this theory has experienced a very significant growth because it develops not directly discussing gender, but discussing religiosity. however, after undergoing more complex changes, at first this theory was associated with classical scientists. sometimes this theory is also associated with rousseau, kant, and hegel, but charles darwin24 is considered to be the founder of this theory scientifically and it is supported by gregor mendel’s theory of heredity.25 in the end, this theory was diverted by feminism discourse towards biological essentialism after the 1980s which was marked by the re-acceptance of the concept of differences in gender roles. coupled with the concept of ecofeminism,26 this argument is able to bring the concept of nature to become more dominant. the initiators of this theory aimed to create social harmony, fair equality in diversity.27 furthermore, the nurture theory views women from social relations, both in the local community and in the wider community. nurture theory was developed by several figures, such as margaret mead, virginia woolf, simone de beauvoir,28 sigmund freud,29 hilary m. lips, ann oakley,30 nancy chodorow, judith butler.31 in this concept, scientists disagree by looking at differences male and female from a biological perspective or in terms of gender, when jawa tengah,” jurnal multi kultural dan multireligius 17, no. 02 (2018). 22 carol gilligan, in a different voice: psychological theory and women’s development (cambridge, massachusetts, & london: harvard university press, cet. 38), 2003. 23 ibid. p. 98 24 gregory a. kimble, “evolution of the nature-nurture issue in the history of psychology” dalam robert plomin and gerald e. mcclearn (ed.), nature, nurture, & psychology (washington dc: american psychological association), 1993. p. 5 25 ibid 26 ibid pp. 181-183 27 ibid p. 225 28 “beauvoir, simone de dalam catherine villanueva gardner, historical dictionary of feminist philosophy, (maryland: scarecrow press, 2006), 28-31.,” (n.d.). 29 worell, judith, encyclopedia of women and gender: sex similarities and differences and the impact of society on gender. california: academic press., 2002. 30 ann oakley dan bukunya sex, gender and society (1972) dianggap sebagai peletak konsep nurture dalam diskursus gender. lihat “gender” dalam jane pilcher and imelda whelehan, fifty key concepts in gender studies, (london, california, & new delhi: sage publi, 2004. 31 moh khusa’i, “problem denifisi gender: kajian atas konsep nature dan nurture.,” kalimah: jurnal studi agama dan pemikiran islam. vol 11, no. 1 (2013). [ 85 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 looking at the perspective of gender it will lead to sex, and this is what makes these scientists disagree as they tend to look at it from the social perspective (community culture). these two things will be the analytical tools in writing this article in the context of indonesia, so that this research will look at it from a biological point of view or from a cultural or social side which becomes the society’s concept on women as being secondary from the perspective of the baha’i faith. this study falls under the descriptive qualitative research cluster.32 qualitative research means there is an effort to transfer and understand the meaning of what is happening in various individuals or groups. the research process involves questions and procedures that must be carried out by presenting field data directly obtained from the followers of the baha’i faith regarding their perspective on gender in indonesia, as well as data obtained from their teachings or from their holy books. this study used a gender approach.33 the data were collected using interviews with the followers of the baha’i faith, an assessment of baha’i teachings in the context of gender. in addition, the data were analyzed using data condensation,34 that is, all documents obtained in accordance with the theme of the discussion, and in the process were written into a form of work, then simplified by description and abstraction. data display,35 which is display of data that have been formatted in a written form and then processed into a systematic narrative according to the themes that have been grouped. then, temporary conclusions36 were drawn. gender concept in indonesian baha’i gender is a point of view towards men and women, be it from a biological point of view (sex) or from the role of women between the two, as well as from their innate characteristics (masculinity and feminism) that exist in men and women.37 that exist in society. however, this does not rule out the possibility 32 a muri yusuf, metiode penelitian kualitatif, kuantitatif dan penelitian gabungan, edisi pertama, jakarta, (jakarta: kencana., 2019). p. 328 33 asriana harahap dan hilda wahyuni, “studi islam dalam pendekatan gender.,” jurnal gender dan kajian anak. vol 5, no. 1 (2021): p. 45. in research this gender approach is a research analysis that discusses women either from their discrimination or from their high regard. 34 miles. m. b., huberman, a, m., & saldana, qualitatif data analysis; metheds sourcebook (third edit). (sage publications, ins., 2014). p. 8 35 ibid p. 8 36 ibid p. 9 37 gusri wandi, “rekonstruksi maskulinitas: menguak peran lakilaki dalam perjuangan kesetaraan gender,” kafa’ah : jurnal ilmiah kajian gender vol v, no. 2 (2015). [ 86 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 that these differences lead to discrimination against women.38 there are many forms of discrimination against women that cause them to fight back (emancipation of women) for their rights and roles in society.39 in addition, religion also plays a role in solving problems of gender but religious people seem to be silent about matters regulated in religion. in fact, religion is at the forefront of discriminating against the role of women. however, this is different from the view of the baha’i teachings. the baha’i faith originated in persia in the 19th century which was founded by mirza husayn ali nuri who held the title of baha’ullah (glory of god), the baha’i faith adheres to a monotheistic style which emphasizes the unity of mankind. this religion stands alone and is not affiliated to any other religion. the purpose of this religion is to unite all religions and people in the principle of the oneness of god and a form of spiritual transformation in human life, and baha’i adherents believe in the truth of religions that have come down before, such as judaism, christianity and islam. so that spiritual life must always be improved including economic and social life in a balanced way.40 the principles of baha’i include believing in the existence of god, and the same god who sent down all religions, proof that god has messengers who sent prophets, and humans themselves.41 several literature sources explain that the historical traces of the birth of the baha’i faith began with the bab movement during the shiite dynasty. the pioneer of the bab movement was the ithna ‘asharia group, which is one of the shiite sects. ithna ‘asharia believes in the twelfth imam after hadrad’ ali who is expected to be the figure of imam mahdi. meanwhile, the ithna ‘asharia subsect itself, known as shaikhiyyah and led by ahmad al ahsa -i (1751-1826) was the pioneer of the bab movement itself. before ahmad al ahsa-i died he had appointed kazim rasyti (1789 1843) as his successor. after kazim rasyti died, ali muhammad, who was his main follower, declared himself the babsavior who was then regarded by his followers as the figure of imam mahdi.42 on the course of its journey, the baha’i faith entered indonesia and now it has followers. in the context of indonesia, the bahai’i religion has views on the 38 suwarno, “diskriminasi gender dalam kebijakan pesantren (study di pesantren al-muhamad cepu),” dar el-ilmi: jurnal studi keagamaan, pendidikan dan humaniora, vol 5, no. 2 (2018). 39 olivia roselina sihotang, “bentuk-bentuk kekerasan verbal terhadap perempuan nelayan di selambai kelurahan loktuan kecamatan bontang utara kota bontang.,” ejournal sosiatri-sosiologi, vol 7, no. 2 (2019). 40 samsul hidayat, “stereotif mahasiswa iain pontianak terhadap agama baha’i,” jurnal studi agama-agama, 7, no. 1 (2017). p. 59 41 “majelis rohani nasional baha’i indonesia, agama baha’i (jakarta: majelis rohani nasional baha’i indonesia)” (2013): 5. 42 niyaz, sufi a.q, “the babi and baha’i faith, islam international publication: united kingdom.” (1960). [ 87 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 local community and even indonesia itself, one of which is a view on gender. the baha’i adherents see indonesia as experiencing a setback, because of rules that are detrimental to the position of women’s roles, which is most visible in the costumes (clothing) that govern indonesian women and differentiate between women and men, because the two are not different. things that men can do; women can also do it. there is no need to discriminate in roles and functions as they are indonesian people and god’s creations. baha’i adherents view differences only in biological (sexual) context other than that there are no more differences. existing rules actually harm women and cause setbacks for the country. the baha’i view is that a country will progress if it upholds the dignity of women and ensure women play their role in society and the state.43 should this be fulfilled, the discrimination against them will no longer exist. at present the role of women is not only to function at home and to take care of the house but must move further forward as part of the society in general. there is no denying that there are things that women can do where men cannot do, so in life they complement each other in their roles.44 the needs of the roles of men and women to get things done are crucial in various perspectives, giving rise to better perspectives as well. in this case, changes are needed. the baha’i adherents view that men and women are like the wings of a bird where the bird cannot fly with only one wing, so it is necessary to complement each other. when the two do not meet at one point then the bird will fall. so are humans. if women are marginalized, the country will be difficult to develop and progress, and it will even experience a setback in civilization. the decline in the role of women in indonesia which is visible in the fields of economics, law, politics and education, even the society sees women as secondary to men. indonesian women have been struggled for their dignity since the colonial times which was pioneered by kartini, especially in the field of education.45 however, the concept and culture that have been practiced for so long are difficult to break. people who discriminate against women in religious communities who practice teachings in their religion, in fact do not always do things in accordance with what is in their religious teachings, and even religion is at the forefront of discriminating against women, for example those who wear clothing that is not in accordance with the religious teachings 43 “interview with adherents of the baha’i faith in view of gender equality in indonesia.” (n.d.). 44 rina, “interview with the views of baha’i faith in indonesia on gender equality,” (n.d.) 45 ulmi marsya, dan johan faladhin, “belenggu patriarki pada peran laki-laki bangsawan jawa dalam film kartini karya hanung bramantyo,” jurnal populika. vol 7, no. 1 (2019): p. 80. [ 88 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 are immediately discriminated. this creates other issues in which as people are demanded to comply with the dress code of a certain religion. they forget about the role of women who are equal to men, and again women have become victims of people with a shallow mindset. women are often disadvantaged in many sectors in society. first, in the economy. in this case, women are favored when applying for jobs as they are considered weak, unproductive and unequal to men.46 women who are discriminated at work become marginalized. second, in politics; very few women are active in politics because of the restrictions imposed on them. women only have been under-represented in politics with only 30%, despite the amendment of law no. 12 of 2003 article 65 paragraph 1 that stipulates to provide space for women in political parties.47 women are still in a disadvantaged position because despite the number of men and women is almost the same, women have fewer opportunities in politics. however, there are still many roles for women that have not been fulfilled and unfortunately they also do not make the most of these opportunities either. third, the laws concerning women also do not favor them. fourth, education that puts males first. although currently there are many women who enjoy education, it is difficult for the community’s mindset to change to move forward and accept the role of women in society. the existing curriculum only answers the needs of the market, not the needs of society, so women are again marginalized.48 the patriarchal concept has placed women’s role as being secondary because the needs of the market puts men first, so that women have little space to move in making changes. baha’i community’s points of view on gender equality gender transformation from time to time is the responsibility of all human beings, not just a handful of humans. followers of the baha’i faith of the opinion that gender equality in indonesia must be addressed, many things are gender biased, as it is always women who get discriminated. violence that occurs against women and the perpetrators are men. for example, violence against women and children is becoming a serious issue at this time, because of the government’s low attention to discrimination against women and it also exacerbated by the attitude of society which gives a negative stigma to women because of the concept held fast by indonesian people.49 in addition, the lack of institutions that deal with the problem shows unawareness of the importance 46 farida hanum, kajian dan dinamika gender. p. 219 47 ibid p. 212 48 ibid p. 199 49 ibid p. 205 [ 89 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 of protecting women. marginalization of women has always haunted the direction of women’s movements. indonesian women must awaken to fight for a better treatment of them and discrimination against them should be stopped. women should have significant roles to play and they should even become pioneers of change. marginalization of women must come to an end. the teachings of the baha’i faith on gender equality have been widely discussed, one of which is in the words of baha’ullah, «don’t you know why we have made you all from the same dust? so that one does not elevate himself above the other”50 it indicates that we should never discriminate against one another, men or women, nor should we marginalize people based on gender. followers of the baha’i faith believe that the differences are merely biological. it is clear that humans are created from the same dust, with the same degree. the visible equality makes the baha’i adherents think about change regarding world peace. baha’ullah denounces matters related to race or differences, and promotes respect of each other.51 these differences will only cause divisions between humans, both men and women. transformation of changes the baha’is assume that equality of men and women is an aspect of human reality and not a condition to be achieved for the common good. what makes humans human, the dignity and glory attached to them, is no different between men and women. the search for meaning, purpose, community, capacity to love, to be created, to endure knows no gender.52 the differences are only human assumptions, basically all human beings are the same. because of the complexity of civilization and development, people feel different and the ability to explore and apply civilization causes this to happen. the baha’is provide the assumption that today’s world must change from childhood to maturity which will unite humans in the framework of peace. the assumptions in society result in a cultural and social norm, so that it is embedded in the mindset of a patriarchal society about women that they are below men. the obvious pattern of gender equality in the baha’i faith that, especially social relations, is education. the baha’i religious view of education is that it is a sector that must be promoted and equality must be obtained in it. people must invest in educational processes that foster the development of human intellectual and spiritual powers, and this model must promote the unity of humanity and 50 “the hidden sentence, delivered by baha’ullah.” (n.d.) 51 umi rojiati, “manajemen komunikasi sosial penganut agama baha’i.,” communicatus: jurnal ilmu komunikasi, vol 3, no. 1 (2019). pp. 10-11 52 “baha’i internasional community, 1 march 2015.” (n.d.). [ 90 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 the equality of men and women.”53 from education humanity can learn what is needed in society, be it change or hope. men and women must get equal education, even women must be prioritized in education, because women will guide their children as agents of change for future changes. the baha’i faith not only promotes social education but also religious education as the foundation of life both in the world and the hereafter. the teachings about religious education must be instilled from an early age, so religious education is as important. “religion offers an understanding of human existence and development that opens up one’s eye from rocky paths to distant horizons, and if true to the transcendent spirit of its founders, religion will serve as one of the more powerful forces for creating new and beneficial patterns for individual and collective life. ”54 it is from education that humanity gets knowledge. education is a necessity for society to achieve equality between men and women because there is no difference between the two, and the rights and obligations are equal. the striking difference between men and women in indonesian society is due to the wrong mindset, because basically all humans come from the same source, namely prophet adam. the concept of baha’i religious teachings regarding gender equality is a significant discussion in a society that adheres to patriarchal views because it is contrary to the concept that has existed since long ago, and that it is contrary to customs that have been in practice for quite a long time in society. violence against women makes the baha’is realize that they should do something across all lines and sectors. this is a challenge in itself and must be fair to the rights and obligations of men and women since the tendency to be fair or unfair, to act with violence or with kindness, to be dishonest or trustworthy, is usually shaped at home. this habit is then carried over into every social interaction. if make siblings are allowed to have control over female siblings,55 it will become a mindset and will be practiced throughout their life as they have learned the concept of patriarchy from an early age and view women as weak, and must be subordinate to men. such mindset should be abolished in social and religious life. in exploring the issue of gender equality and the role of women from a baha’i perspective in indonesia, several standpoints can be explained. first, fundamental equality. men and women have fundamental rights, abilities, and potential equality. this means that women have the same rights to get an education, engage in social and political activities, and participate in community development as men. this point emphasizes the need to address 53 “baha’i internasional community, 21 february 2020” (n.d.). 54 “baha’i internasional community, 24 november 2015” (n.d.). 55 “baha’i internasional community, 3 march 2017” (n.d.). [ 91 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 gender inequality and provide space for women to contribute to society fully. second, elimination of discrimination. the need to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women. this includes overcoming social and cultural norms that limit women in carrying out their roles and potential. in the indonesian context, this may mean addressing barriers such as child marriage, gender-based violence, limited access to equal education and employment opportunities, and raising awareness of women’s rights. third, empowerment of women. baha’is emphasize empowering women as the key to achieving societal progress and prosperity. empowering women through inclusive education, skills training, access to resources, and social support can help women reach their full potential. the baha’i perspective also encourages changes in women’s perceptions and roles in the family and community, recognizing the importance of women’s active involvement in decision-making and leadership. thus, in exploring the issue of gender equality and the role of women in indonesia, baha’i puts forward fundamental equality, elimination of discrimination, and women’s empowerment as important principles that can promote social and spiritual progress in society. conclusion the baha’i faith views the difference between men and women merely in human biology. what makes humans different is merely their gender and the characteristics that are attached to both. however, that is not a reason to marginalize women as being weak and secondary to men. both men and women are equal in terms of the rights as human beings or obligations to themselves or to society in general. indonesia is still facing gender bias in responding to the differences between men and women because the country adheres to a patriarchal ideology and must change as they develop from childhood to maturity, so that the existing marginalization of women must come to an end. limited space makes it difficult for women to work in the fields of politics, education, economy and culture. the teachings of the baha’i faith regarding gender equality have become teachings that must be upheld in fighting for gender equality rights and giving women freedom to express themselves in life. this article recommends that the baha’i perspective emphasizes that men and women have essential equality in their rights, abilities, and potential. the implication is that women’s empowerment is considered important to ensure that their basic rights are recognized and met fairly, and that they have equal opportunities to develop themselves and contribute to society. empowering women does not only mean providing equal opportunities, but also changing [ 92 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 people’s views on the role of women in the family, community and society at large. in the baha’i perspective, women are considered to have the same ability to become leaders, decision makers, and active contributors in all areas of life. bibliography abdullah, z. 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(2006). historical dictionary of feminist philosophy. maryland: scarecrow press. gilligan, c. (2003). in a different voice: psychological theory and women’s development. cambridge, massachusetts, & london: harvard university press. gusmansyah, w. (2019). dinamika kesetaraan gender dalam kehidupan politik di indonesia. hawa 1, no. 1. harahap, a. & wahyuni, h. (2021). studi islam dalam pendekatan gender. jurnal gender dan kajian anak. vol 5, no. 1. hanum, f. (2018). kajian dan dinamika gender. malang: intrans publishing wisma kamitro. hidayat, s. (2017). stereotif mahasiswa iain pontianak terhadap agama baha’i. jurnal studi agama-agama, 7, no. 1. innayah, m. n. & pratama, b. c. (2019). tantangan dan kesempatan wanita dalam lingkungan kerja. jurnal manajemen 13, no. 2. [ 93 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 khusa’i, m. 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(2019). kesenjangan gender ditinjau dari persepektif islam. gender equality: internasional journal of child and gender studies. vol 5, no. 2. niyaz, s.a.q. (1960). the babi and baha’i religion. islam international publication: united kingdom. nott, k. (2005). insider/outsider perspective. jonh r. hinnells, (ed), the routledge companion to the of religion. london: routledge taylor and fancis grop. oakley, a. (2004). sex, gender and society. jane pilcher and imelda whelehan, fifty key concepts in gender studies. london, california, & new delhi: sage publi. pasya, h & haekal, h.m. (2016). konformitas gender (studi kritik atas konsep kesetaraan gender). jurnal studia quranika 1, no. 1. p: 1–28. pattiruhu, f.j. (2020). critical legal feminism pada kedudukan perempuan dalam hak waris pada sistem patriarki. culture & society: journal of anthropological research. vol 2, no. 1. prastiwi, i.l.r & rahmadanik, d. (2020). polemik dalam karir perempuan indonesia, jurnal komunikasi dan kajian media vol 4, no. 1 (2020). rina. (n.d). wawancara pandangan agama baha’i di indonesia terhadap kesetaraan gender. [ 94 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2646 rojiati, u. (2019). manajemen komunikasi sosial penganut agama baha’i. communicatus: jurnal ilmu komunikasi, vol 3, no. 1. rosyid, m. (2018). resolusi konflik umat baha’i dengan muslim: studi kasus di pati, jawa tengah. jurnal multi kultural dan multireligius 17, no. 02. sakinah, a.i & hasanah, s. a. d. (2017). menyoroti budaya partiarki di indonesia. jurnal social work, vol 7, no. 1. h 71-80. suwarno. (2018). diskriminasi gender dalam kebijakan pesantren(study di pesantren al-muhamad cepu). dar el-ilmi : jurnal studi keagamaan, pendidikan dan humaniora, vol 5, no. 2. sumadi, (2018). ideologi bias gender dalam lembaran fikih populer di indonesia. al-afkar, journal for islamic studies 1, no. 1. p. 1–15. sihotang, o.r. (2019). bentuk-bentuk kekerasan verbal terhadap perempuan nelayan di selambai kelurahan loktuan kecamatan bontang utara kota bontang. ejournal sosiatrisosiologi. vol 7, no. 2. wandi, g. (2015). rekonstruksi maskulinitas: menguak peran laki-laki dalam perjuangan kesetaraan gender. kafa’ah : jurnal ilmiah kajian gender vol v, no. 2. worell, j. (2022). encyclopedia of women and gender: sex similarities and differences and the impact of society on gender. california: academic press. yusuf, a.m., (2019). metode penelitian kualitatif, kuantitatif dan penelitian gabungan, edisi pertama, jakarta: kencana. reports: “baha’i internasional community, 1 maret 2015.” “baha’i internasional community, 21 februari 2020” (n.d.) “baha’i internasional community, 24 november 2015” (n.d.). “baha’i internasional community, 3 maret 2017” (n.d.). [ 21 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 berobat kampung: religion and traditional knowledge of seeking recovery in borneo yusdiana iain pontianak email: dina.7usdiana@gmail.com hariansyah iain pontianak email: shah4shah19@gmail.com dedi firmansyah iain pontianak email: akhidedi7@gmail.com dini presti billia iain pontianak email: dinipresti2310@gmail.com abstract this article explores the variants of tradition in seeking recovery within a group of religious community in the upstream kapuas in borneo island. it is presented using indigenous psychology, narrative analysis and psycho-anthropology. the data were collected using the techniques of in-depth interviews, psycho-anthropological observations, narrative interpretation and documentation. this work finds that the use of quranic verses and dhikr as well as religious symbols are are very prominent. the people of the upstream kapuas river interpret and leave a legacy for traditional healing, beginning with an “agreement”, reciting a prayer, enhancing, testing to form and hardening. passing occurs in a closed, difficult and secret process. the preservation of traditional healing is due to very important facts; that it is low cost, being located far from modern health facilities and short time between risk of death and health resources. in addition, the traditional healers are always ready, providing fast treatment, guaranteed recovery from certain types of diseases. this article suggests that the sufistic-style traditional healing is profound within the tradition. keywords: berobat kampung; traditional knowledge; seeking recovery; islamic psychology [ 22 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 introduction since the outbreak of the covid-19 in 2018, the issue of vaccine and public health has been widely attracting the world community (prada et al., 2023). all of a sudden, the health-related topics have become an important discussion of all circles. as an illustration, it can be analyzed from the studies conducted by muhammad adnan shereen, suliman khan, abeer kazmi, nadia bashir, rabeea siddique (shereen et al., 2020) about the highly contagious coronavirus-19 (covid-19) outbreak that is causing a global pandemic around the world. there are no antiviral drugs or vaccines clinically approved for use against covid-19. the following is a small part of research related to the above subject. studies by melika lotfi, michael r. hamblin and nima rezaei; (lotfi et al., 2020) koichi yuki, miho fujiogi, sophia koutsogiannaki (yuki et al., 2020) are examples of research on covid-19 which has drawn the attention of the world community in the last two years. some of the research discusses all aspects related to covid-19 as the disease outbreak that is devastating to the world community. something that was unimaginable before. academic discussions about health are increasingly proving the urgency of this issue for humanity. in the context of [islamic] psychology, health also includes both physical and psychological health [mental well-being]. in particular, the issue of mental well-being has become an important theme and concern. the who even launched the theme of mental well-being as an important agenda for the world community. for example, the publication of the five well-being index (who-5) (sischka et al., 2020)some psychometric questions remain that concern the choice of an adequate item response theory (irt which is currently the most frequently discussed theme and the object of research in the field of psychology. it indicates that awareness of physical and psychological health has increased from local awareness to global awareness. the most intensive discussion related to the causes of the under-achievement of health conditions in these two aspects, in the global context, these two dimensions are now differentiated. even the causes of “pain” are not only conventional causes but have transformed into extra-ordinary causes (ren et al., 2021). the issue of environmental change, for example, has been proven to affect humans physically and psychologically (mouratidis & peters, 2022)teleconferencing, online learning, telehealth, and virtual meetings with friends and family all increased during covid-19 compared to the pre-covid-19 period. the next step in the analysis examined relationships between built environment characteristics and teleactivities before and during covid-19. telework and virtual meetings increased to a greater extent in denser neighborhoods than in lower-density neighborhoods. a larger increase in online learning [ 23 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 was associated with lower neighborhood density, lower accessibility to public transport, and more local facilities. numerous local facilities were associated with more frequent telework and virtual meetings both before and during covid-19. the substantial covid-19-induced increase in teleactivities found in the study highlights the potential of information and communications technology (ict something that was rarely discussed previously. berobat kampung [traditional healing] is basically not a new theme. there have been so many articles that discuss this theme. some of the discussions only focused on the procedures for traditional healing; some added a discussion about ritual (satrianegara et al., 2021) , spices (djiazet et al., 2022), herbs (liu, 2021) with all the benefits. there are also articles that discuss certain diseases that have been successfully cured using certain herbs. however, what distinguishes the theme of this research from the above is that this research involves a discussion of the islamic style and the perspective of islamic psychology related to traditional healing. meanwhile, in the context of local community traditions, according to (hariansyah, 2017) the mantra text contains elements of sufism, fiqh [islamic jurisprudence], fortune-telling and traditional medicine. in the coastal areas, mantras are used to treat various diseases. this is where traditional healing comes into contact with islam (elgazar et al., 2019) and is still in use by the islamic communities in the coastal areas of west kalimantan. adding a further description of islamic dialectics and local people, (hermansyah, 2016) stated that the islamic community in the interior of west kalimantan accepted islam since its spread to a certain extent in order to accommodate local culture. the dialectical process of islam and local culture is an example of massive acceptance of religion in areas far from the coast. this acceptance also included the traditional traditional healing using traditional methods through magic (arenas, 1987). it clearly indicates the cohesion between islam, psychology, borneo cultural traditions and traditional healing. therefore, this research seeks to prove that there is a point of agreement between islamic studies, psychology and medicine (health) within the framework of borneo’s cultural traditions. in addition, the themes of health, physical and psychological well-being, and of course well-being in general, are being intensively discussed in the field of psychology, especially islamic psychology. this article discusses the transactional patterns and processes of islam and the traditions of the local community in the upstream kapuas river so that they converge to become traditonal healing, as well as interpretes and passes down the transactional patterns with islamic psychology. this article explores the [ 24 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 patterns, processes and transactional patterns of islam and the traditions of the local community in the upstream kapuas river related to traditional healing as an effort to seek recovery from physical to psychological diseases that local people believe “only” dukun kampung [shamans] can provide. diseases are not only caused by medical reasons. some are caused by nature or by intent (lee et al., 2020; hermansyah, 2016). the recovery from these two types of disease can be provided by the health “services” of shamans. all of them are discussed in the “beliefs” of local people in the interior of west kalimantan. behind it --as metacognition-there are so many psychological facts that are intertwined with religion that are interesting to examine. berobat kampung within the upstream kapuas river community this work is based on the data from some areas of west kalimantan such as nanga mongko sub-district in sekadau hulu with one shaman as the informant; sajad village, sambas district with 2 female shamans as informants, and sanggau district with one male shaman and one female shaman as informants, and in peripin village on the entikong border with one authoritative informant determined through snowball purposive sampling from the local community. the data were collected using techniques of in-depth interview, psycho-anthropological observations supported by narrative interpretation and documentation of facts at the research site. in-depth interviews was intended to get the psychological impression of the respondents; psychoanthropology aimed to get a comprehensive understanding of individual and communal behavior related to the research theme. to obtain data on the psychology of the inland community of west kalimantan, traditional healing, islam and various physical and psychological ilnesses, this research employs c.g jung’s theory. as explained by belgin tanrıverdi and özlem apak, jung’s theory on collective consciousness and primordial archetype suggests that human mentality is processed through human development within their life (tanrıverdi & apak, 2014). in the context of psychological development of human being, jane van buren & shelley alhanati believe that mental primitive theory is dependent to certain meaning making, including the fantasy of being in the process of having and making the experience istself (buren & alhanati, 2010). this work, however, employs jung’s theory as the basis tool in analyzing the behavior of seeking recovery practices by the local people in west borneo. the theory has also been widely used by researchers in the fields of psychology and the psychology of religion such as belgin tanrıverdi, yıldız öztan ulusoya [ 25 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 & hülya çevirmeb who have done studies on collective consciousness and primordial architype. this is based on assumption that the local people of west borneo in the upstream sungai kapuas may provide early expression on their consciousness. and jung’s theory allows the researchers to discuss that natural behavior and mental development process may grow up within everyone and inherited from collective experience of previous generation (tanriverdi et al., 2009). regarding this theory, walters (walters, 1994) argues that the evolution of universal psychological adaptation is projected in jung’s conception of archetypes and the collective unconscious. c.g jung’s “primitive” mental theory which is used as the frame work in this article is constructed as follows: first, “primitive” thinking is an inherent psychological symptom. second, the idea of “primitive” mentality is universalized. for jung, thinking in a “primitive” manner is the initial psychological state of all humans. third, jung valued “primitive” thinking and recognized it as an expression of the workings of the human mind (hariansyah, 2017). islam and in traditional healing pratices entama putik is an example of traditional healing with religious values. religion has become an important element in the healing tradition in west borneo. as stated by the shaman of paribang baru village, tempunak subdistrict, sintang regency, the entama putik healing tradition is an example of how important the legacy of traditional healing is within local people of west borneo. local people believe that mr. j is able to treat various diseases. many people have proved to be fully recovered. the local community’s typical illnesses range from fever, stomach pain, itching, kayap [herpes zoster], etc. mr. j cures fever using “entama putik daun merah betina”. the term entama putik daun merah betina is taken from the word entama which in the local language means treatment, and putik means to pick. meanwhile, daun merah betina [literally meannig female red leaf ] are the leaves as a treatment medium. the entama putik treatment is done by simply applying the ground leaves on the body of a patient who is sick with fever. this treatment process begins with picking some leaves and it must be in odd number for example three, five, or seven pieces, etc. then the leaves are crushed and placed in a container of water and then a mantra is recite upon it. after that it is compressed on the patient’s temple. the mantra consists of religious texts. in addition to fever, kayap (herpes zoster) is also a typical disease in the village. this disease is still found in the united states today. d.r. lazzaro, r. ramachandran, e. cohen, s.l. galetta (lazzaro et al., 2022) reported [ 26 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 through their research that herpes zoster may be a possible side effect of mrna vaccination against the sars-cov2 vaccine. kayap is treated using dry mentawa [artocarpus anisophyllus] leaves and jackfruit leaves. the use of dry leaves is intended to make it easy to burn and then take the ashes and add cooking oil. the procedure for giving the potion is by applying it on the affected part of the disease with a mantra [chant]. traditional treatment for kayap disease in peripin village, entikong, has also been practiced for a long time. as reported by shaman br, the disease is similar to smallpox, but coils around the body. the gunung people in entikong and sungkung village believe that if this kayap disease has completely encircled one’s body, it will be fatal and often ends in death. in the sambas community in the upstream kapuas river, the pattern of islamic transactions and local traditions is called ditaware. it is intended to ask allah for recovery by mentioning the patient’s name and then reciting a prayer. this traditional healing occurs and is carried out when the patient has been sick for more than a month. the length of “waiting” is because the patient has received medical treatment. the waiting process somehow becomes a requirement. waiting is meant as “the shaman’s ethic” when treating patients. the shaman is prohibited from interfering with treatment until the doctor declares that he is no longer able to treat his patient. another reason is that they believe that there should be no mixing of ‘medicine’ between doctors and shamans. this treatment is done by sticking herbal potion that is placed on the patient’s forehead after a certain mantra is recited, then rubbed on the head or consumed directly. tawar ambun is done by reciting prayer onto water, and adding other requirements such as nails or iron as a “hardener” and a modest amount of money that is handed over to the shaman. this “hardener” is intended so that the illness that has been treated [ditaware] will no longer recur and the patient can completely recover. usually, the heat in the body “escapes” by being “removed” from the body through a mantra that is chanted. another informant, pak cik, pointed out that in traditional healing, all patients are treated fairly. according to pak cik, the treatment is adjusted to the “conditions” of the patient. however, anyone can receive treatment. in liku village of sanggau distric, a dayak patient went to pak cik for treatment. he complained about heat on his back, as he said that if one puts an egg there, it will be cooked. this burning sensation is also accompanied by foul-smelling vomiting. according to the doctor, the patient has been diagnosed with a very serious heart injury. then pak cik did a series of treatments using traditional healing, and thanks god that the heat began to drop. pak cik further said that he used a method of treatment which he calls the treatment of hak allah [ 27 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 [allah’s rights]. with regard to this “traditional knowledge” of hak allah, one should not own too much “traditional knowledge” because he can become crazy. bismillah [in the name of allah], that’s enough. bismillah is the key to knowledge. the patient then recovered after undergoing three treatment sessions with pak cik after he was bathed in front of pak cik’s house. then, the way he treated the patient was only by giving him plain water that has been chanted with prayer. but if the patient’s pain attacks the nerves, then it is massaged using oil specially mixed by pak cik. all the treatment processions are held because they carry out the rights of allah, completely done for allah, which include from the “availability” of the methods and media [medicinal spices] in sekking recovery, the process of psychological belief towards recovery, to the removal of diseases from the patient’s body. it is allah who wills and moves the hearts of all those who are trying to seek recovery. so, all the patients who go to pak cik’s house for treatment are all because of allah’s [guidance]. allah guides the patients to seek treatment. according to pak cik, this is part of the knowledge of allah’s rights. another variant of treatment with the knowledge of allah’s rights, is also known as the lam jalalah treatment. if the patient is muslim, the lam jalalah is written from the top right hand corner. as for the dayak patient, the lam jalalah is written from below. this treatment technique was discovered by pak cik himself. it was written on the abdomen or back of the patient using chalk or saliva. saliva is so effective because it indicates an oath. the use of saliva as an oath is interpreted to have natural power as a gift from god in curing ilnesses. the saliva is believed to have “blended” with the shaman’s “self ”, believed to have “more” power than any media. moreover, it is taken using the ring finger. that’s the oath. for pak cik, saliva is the greatest gift from allah that can be used in medicine, so it should not be wasted. but remarkably, saliva also has a double position: as a source of remedy, as well as a disease. therefore, do not waste saliva carelessly. one can get a lot of diseases when one spits on the wrong place. there are many village diseases that can be “made” through the medium of saliva with relatively short time. in order to be effective in treating patients, seeking knowledge of traditional healing should not be half-hearted. all stages must be completed and it must be done wholeheartedly. for those who seek knowledge, they must be really close to allah. one should not merely stick to the shariah. knowledge of the shari’a [medium for healing] and its procedures are inadequate. treating patients requires involving the hakikat [truth], tarikat [spiritual learning], ma’rifat [knowledge through experience], and hakiki [essence]. if it has [ 28 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 reached the essential level, night and day it is intended to always be in a state of “associating” with him. the increasing intensity of closeness implies the stronger temptation to face. at this point, you must put your trust in allah. there are other basic principles that need to be adhered too. the principle is innalillah wa innaailaihi rajiun [indeed, to allah we belong and to allah we shall return]. so in this case, there is no need to be afraid. hold the knowledge of allah’s right must be kept secret. likewise god holds all our secrets. this is all for the afterlife later. “to allah we shall return” is what is needed. so that we will return to him later with provisions. it is feared that later when we die, we will become ghosts. many events are based on oral stories in nanga sokan. so, in seeking knowledge, we must do it wholeheartedly. traditional knowledge should not make us turn into ghosts. in seeking knowledge of healing, it is not only in the shari’a. it must be balanced and “whole”. we must be in unity with him. as reported by pak cik, treating a patient must be done with the essence. the point is illnesses are from allah, and healing is also from him. one should never says, “i healed the patients. we should not be egotistical. later it could be the cause of our unpeaceful death. in the process of traditional healing, a shaman must be sincere. he should not wait for allah to be sincere, then we will be sincere. we have to be sincere first. no matter how people treat us. let it go. sincerity is the medicine of all medicine. so we are considered not to be able to treat people until we are able to be sincere in the series of treatment processes. the point is that the heart must be sincere. the key to all kinds of illness is in the heart. so with allah we must be sincere. thus, the medicine of all medicine is a sincere heart. as long as we are sincere, we are protected from all kinds of diseases. otherwise, then a lot of diseases will come to us. physical illness begins with ‘illness’ of the heart. the practice to treat various diseases is bismillah [in the name of allah]. for this you have to believe, in the truth of certainty, not just the eye of certainty. there is also a secret to treating patients by using dhikr ha. treatment with dhikr ha, as a healer, first you should “kill” your inner self before treating pateints so as to be fair in treating them in addition to a sign of closeness to allah. when you are close to allah, all healings and pains shall return to allah as the owner of everything. another technique of traditional healing which is different from pak cik’s method can be found in peripin village and nanga mongko village which is known as nyampi. it is done by carrying out movements such as picking something up [gently holding the fingertips together] onto the painful body part. strangely, there is a shaman who uses nyampi to treat his patients by inserting a fishhook into his finger until it penetrates to the base of his arm. [ 29 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 this method is intended to facilitate the magical treatment process. with that fishhook, the shaman pulls the disease out of the patient’s body. however, during the treatment process, the patient will feel pain even though the fishing line is invisible. nyampi is believed to have the ability to cure almost all indegenous diseases. it even includes diseases caused by ghosts. when doing nyampi, the shaman places his hand on the spot where the patient complains of pain. while performing movements such as picking soeemthinh up, the shaman picks up [even several times] the patient’s illness until the pain is thought to have gone away. the process of picking up the illness can take a short or long time depending on the level of “severity” of the illness. almost all patients treated in this way admit that there is “something” that they feel being “uprooted” and “removed” of somethings from their body. this indicates that the disease is interpreted as having a material “body” that can enter and interfere with the patient’s body. in children, the most common illness is fever. this illness is treated with nyampi using rumput pemutus [breaker grass]. interestingly, the use of various herbal plant ingredients can be replaced with other plants if medicinal plants are not actually available. for example, breaker grass can be substituted with the babuhe plant. this phenomenon seems to be a sign that traditional healing is very dependent on the availability of herbal plants. a worrisome problem now is that these herbal ingredients are getting scarce. it is hard to find around the village even though one searches everywhere except in the forest despite the healing of the illness suffered by the patient being largely determined by these various herbal plants. this was also reported in a study by ambrish kumar srivastava, et.al. (srivastava et al., 2022) who revealed that herbal plants that had the potential to inhibit sars-cov-2 are extracts of harsingar, aloe vera and giloy. islamic psychology in traditional healing remarkably, according to mr. br, all cases of kayap are guaranteed to be cured. this guarantee of cure is the magic power that appeals to the local community for the existence of this traditional healing. in addition, there is also a stigma that “village diseases” can only be cured by traditional healing. shaman br feel very happy when he is successful in treating his patients. this success is interpreted as being able to save human lives. different from the treatment in entikong village and sungkung village, the kayap disease in sintang district can be cured by using herbal ingredients, namely unripe jackfruit. the treatment that mbah k [one of the shamans in sintang] provides has proven to be effective. this is directly experienced by one of the authors of this article. [ 30 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 villagers in sintang refer to unripe jackfruit as kebabal. in the process of treatment, it begins by chewing a kebabal while chanting a healing mantra. the mantra consists of religious text as well. the next step is the chewed kebabal is sprayed from the mouth onto all parts of the body of the person affected by the disease. it is done to ensure that the kebabal evenly covers all parts of the body affected by kayap as well as to speed up the healing process. based on interviews with the patient, it took only half a day for the kayap to dry up and heal. this is what makes local people believe in traditional healing which is effective against village diseases. during the kayap healing process, there is only one taboo that must be observed, namely the patient is not allowed to take a bath. bathing can cause the herb to lose its efficacy. the taboo ensures that the herb that has been sprayed onto the patient’s body can work effectively and the healing process for the disease can also be faster. according to mr. br, the treatment for kayap is cured using herbal ingredients, namely mentawa leaves and old jackfruit leaves and added with cooking oil. these old leaves were chosen so that during the burning process it is easier to take the ash from the leaves. the method of making this concoction is that the mentawa leaves and jackfruit leaves are burned together until they turn into ash and then mixed with cooking oil. then, it is applied to the part of the body affected by the disease. regarding how much ingredient is used for the treatment of kayap disease, it is adjusted to the part of the body that is affected by the disease. so there is no need to calculate how many leaves are required, but it is determined until the ash from the burning is sufficient to be used as medicine. during the treatment process for kayap above, the concoction is applied to the affected area and followed by a mantra recitation. based on the respondent’s account, before the treatment was carried out the respondent felt a burning pain and itching in the area affected by the disease. but after being treated with the concoction earlier, the body gradually cooled down and the “burning sensation” and itching gradually subsided. the temperature of the body that was high, slowly decreased even though it didn’t happen drastically. this is the strongest reason for local people to choose traditional healing over medical treatment. the recount of the traditional healing stories above is an indication of the local community’s efforts in seeking recovery. seeking recovery is in fact a dilemma. on the one hand, there is a strong local belief that all village diseases can be cured. this fact makes traditional healing only positioned as a “prerequisite” for the formality of treatment. while on the other hand, village diseases can only be cured with traditional healing. this is interesting that there is a kind of asymmetric relationship between the [ 31 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 two, which is in a relation of being logical and illogical. but it all boils down to seeking recovery. almost all of the traditional healing methods along the upstream kapuas river are islamic in nature. this is marked by the use of verses of the qur’an, shalawat, islamic symbols, all of which are combined with various herbal ingredients. some treatments use massage to speed up the healing process and eliminate taboos. and psychological dimension is clearly embedded within the practices of seeking recovery of the local people in west borneo. this has indicated that the studies of psychology of religion are calling scholars to pat attention on this very important issue of seeking recovery within local people in the globe that connects to interdisciplinary issues, especially public health. traditional healing and islamic psychology: between expressions, patterns and meeting point belief is an important instrument in traditional healing, shaman’s ability and seeking recovery. the three are intertwined into the power to seek recovery. there is a kind of postulate in the local community that there is no village disease that cannot be cured through traditional healing. as far as this research goes, traditional healing has become a feature of local communities. interestingly, this treatment has occurred in a hybrid between traditional healing and islamic traditions. in fact, this method has been taken by one of the village shamans who is non-muslim. in the same context, in the malay community of nanga jajang, islam as a religious rituals are inseparable from the traditional rituals. there are no clear boundaries between traditions and religious rituals, as seen in ma`syiral jum`atan, begunting rambut (hair cutting ceremony), sunatan (circumcision) and barobat kampung (traditional healing) (ibrahim ms, 2015). traditional healing by incorporating islamic elements in it has become a tradition in almost all communities in the the upstream kapuas river community. the implication is that the use of islamic symbols is inevitable. remarkably, this traditional healing is actually a “last resort” when medical treatment can no longer be relied on. in fact, it is used as the first treatment when experiencing symptoms of physical or psychological pain that cannot be explained by medical science. in addition, sincerity and patience and only hope for allah’s help as the healer of all diseases becomes a cure for diseases. it is interesting to note that verses of the qur’an and blessings on the prophet are used with the intention of bringing the effort of treatment closer to recovery. these two things are believed to be able to bring us closer to as well as a medium of dialogue with god. at this point, there are similarities in patterns and transactions with [ 32 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 symmetrical patterns of local community traditions in the upstream kapuas river. surprisingly, this similarity occurs not only in the treatment method of muslim shamans, but also non-muslim ones. the symmetrical pattern starts from the use of chants that are sometimes added to verses from the qur’an, the types of herbal ingredients used, the use of water media to the treatment procession – the use of equipment, decorative items or objects to healing ceremonies – which tend to be the same. research by marie christine köberlein (köberlein et al., 2022)many musical activities, such as rehearsals and lessons, but also voice therapy sessions, have been restricted in many countries. consequently, transmission risks and pathways have been studied, such as aerosol amounts generated by exhalation tasks, convectional flows in rooms, or the impulse dispersion of different kinds of phonation. the use of water resistance exercises such as those utilizing lax vox®, are common in voice lessons and as vocal warm-ups. with this context, this study investigates the impulse dispersion characteristics of aerosols during a voiced water resistance exercise in comparison to normal singing. methods: twelve professional singers (six male, six female can be used as an illustration of treatment using the water medium. from a psychological point of view, the symmetrical pattern of traditional healing is based on the belief in recovery even though there will be variations in the healing time [healing process]. islamic teachings also maintain a commitment to seek recovery. in the treatment process, there are events that are difficult to explain by empirical reasoning. especially during treatment that uses drum beats where the manang [healer] is in a state of unconsciousness when treating the patient. at this time, the manang may injure the patient’s limbs using a machete or other sharp weapon that he holds during the healing procession. but remarkably, this “injury process” is not fatal to the patient. it only leaves some scratches. not long after, these scratches will soon disappear by itself. this process of injuring the patient is considered by the local community as a way of “removing” the disease from the patient’s body. the “disease” that is in the body will come out with the wound, which is in fact very difficult to understand and explain through common sense. this is a sign that traditional healing has become a trait for the people in the upstream kapuas river in their endeavor to “seek health.” traditional healing is considered to be more effective and of a higher class than medical treatment. this temporary conclusion, we believe, is a way for local people in the village to take care of the health of their people physically and psychologically. in light of the earlier description, it is evident that the meeting point between traditional healing and islamic psychology lies in the psychological impact [ 33 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 caused by physical pain conditions. physical pain and its prohibition are the evidence. physical illness due to violating taboos. the treatment of illness will have an effect on anxiety and stress disorder such as becutak (postnatal mothers who are angry and stressed out due to overconsumption of sweet leaf [sauropus androgynus] and pumpkin). local people believe that becutak is caused by dirty blood rising to the head which causes headaches. likewise, in cases of difficulty in the childbirth process, it is also believed to be due to anxiety factors. this is supported by tzu-chi kuo (kuo et al., 2022) who confirmed that the training intervention during the postpartum period was effective in reducing the fear of childbirth in pregnant women. this anxiety can be overcome by drinking selusuh water. the use of the selusuh water is intended to facilitate the childbirth process. technically, the selusuh water is a mix of plain water and coconut oil, and chanted with a mantra. strangely, in some cases this water is mixed with soft drinks with the intention of stimulating the baby to come out quickly, so there is no need to push it manually. to enhance the effectiveness of this selusuh water, the traditional midwife usually recites basmallah and shalawat, especially when cutting the baby’s umbilical cord using a selimbu. the procession continues from the birth process, followed by bathing the baby. this bath is referred to as mandi asal so as to clean up the baby from blood to avoid skin diseases (local people call it as bekoris).there is something interesting about this traditional healing. many times a village shaman expressed his refusal to be called a shaman. this “down to earth” attitude teaches humility not to claim to be “smart” or to be considered a “smart person” who is perceived as “capable of curing” various diseases. for this second argument, for him there is a kind of worry about being trapped in being arrogant, conceited and even claiming to be able to cure diseases. for him, recovery from illness is not determined by himself but it is due to “god’s will”. at this point, it is very clear that the patterns and expressions of islamic psychology are connected with traditional healing. conclusion the pattern and process of islamic transaction and traditional healing using verses from the qur’an and dhikr [remembrance of allah] as well as religious symbols are the most prominent. the most interesting fact is the use of symbiotic mantra: the beginning always begins with reciting basmallah [in the name of allah], in the middle using the local language and at the end reciting berkat laa ilaaha illallah muhammad rasulullah. this mantra is intended to bring healing efforts closer to recovery. this finding clearly shows that religion or believe has become an important element in the seeking recovery [ 34 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2618 with emphasizing on psychological dimension of the community in the west borneo. in addition, the preservation of traditional healing is by the demand of the people. they continue to the use of traditional healing due to several reasons. first, it is cheap because the shaman does not expect “remuneration”. second, geographical condition that are far from modern health facilities has supported the continuation of the healing practices. third, the short time between handling anxiety at risk of death and available health resources has lead them to continue using the services by the shamans. fourth, shamans are always ready at unpredictable times. fifth, the traditional healing procession was handled quickly. sixth, guaranteed recovery. seventh, the efficacy of healing for certain types of diseases. this article recommends that research on traditional healing with a sufistic pattern is important, especially to see the way the people think about their religious practices within the local primitive thinking environment. healing in this way, from different point of view, is genuine because it turns out to be able to “transcend” psychological and religious boundaries. everyone has the right to see and understand their actions within their efforts to be healthy and free from illnesses. bibliography arenas, p. 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(2021). cultural traditional and special rituals related to the health in bugis ethnics indonesia. gaceta sanitaria, 35, s56–s58. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.gaceta.2020.12.016 sischka, p. e., costa, a. p., steffgen, g., & schmidt, a. f. (2020). the who5 well-being index – validation based on item response theory and the analysis of measurement invariance across 35 countries. journal of affective disorders reports, 1, 100020. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. jadr.2020.100020 tanriverdi, b., ulusoy, y. ö., & çevirme, h. (2009). attitude of pre-service teachers through punishment within jung’s theory of archetypes. procedia social and behavioral sciences, 1(1), 1617–1623. https://doi. org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2009.01.284 tanrıverdi, b., & apak, ö. (2014). pre-service teachers’ beliefs about curriculum orientations. procedia social and behavioral sciences, 116, 842–848. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2014.01.308 walters, s. (1994). algorithms and archetypes: evolutionary psychology and carl jung’s theory of the collective unconscious. journal of social and evolutionary systems, 17(3), 287–306. https://doi.org/10.1016/10617361(94)90013-2 yuki, k., fujiogi, m., & koutsogiannaki, s. (2020). covid-19 pathophysiology: a review. clinical immunology, 215, 108427. https://doi. org/10.1016/j.clim.2020.108427 [ 3 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 tariqa in indonesia: social integration of religious adherents muhammad torik universitas islam negeri raden fatah palembang email: muhammadtorik_uin@radenfatah.ac.id muhammad abdillah universitas islam negeri raden fatah palembang email: muhammadabdillah@radenfatah.ac.id fenti febriani universitas islam negeri raden fatah palembang email: fentifebriani@radenfatah.ac.id abstract this paper seeks to shed light on how tariqas [school or order of sufism] play an important role in the socio-religious life of indonesian society. furthermore, this paper intends to explore research gaps from previous research by looking at how conflict and social integration among tariqas are in the reality of religious communities. in addition, this paper also aims to explain the causative and supporting factors originating from the tariqa structural institutions and the tariqa interests in social integration among the tariqa. based on the collected data which were analyzed using a qualitative approach, this article found that the tariqas have become the main agent in maintaining social integration among the tariqa practitioners and minimizing the gaps of conflict between the existing tariqas. however, at the same time, a tariqa needs legitimacy from its followers so that it creates space for conflicts of interest among the tariqa practitioners, especially in the fields of economics, politics, as well as among their followers. this paper is based on research conducted using in-depth library research aimed to find out how conflict and social integration occur in society. keywords: tariqa; social integration; religious adherents introduction religion is often placed in a paradoxical dimension. this is because religion can bind human and divine into relations as well as human-to-human relations socially (social cement) with different backgrounds in a social-human integration. on the other hand, religion is also the root of conflict between its followers due to the so-called legitimacy and justification from its followers’ understanding of religious pracitices (priyono, 2016; wibisono, 2021). the [ 4 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 role of religion then generates logical consequences as a force that is built both constructively and destructively (utoyo, 2016), and thus it is not uncommon for religion to receive a negative stigma even though in reality every religion has a holy divine mission and teaches values that integrate three important components, namely god, nature and humans (fahri & zainuri, 2019). das sollen [ideally], religion aims to provide mercy to the worlds. however, das sein [in reality] religion often plays a role in conflicts that always occur in the social reality of religious life. therefore, religion is not only deemed to have failed with its mission, especially in matters related to humanity, peace building and religious harmony (bachtiar, 2020; strasser, 2021). thus, it is not uncommon for religion to be blamed for conflicts that occur in society. therefore, in addition to being a way of life, religion also faces a dilemma in its practical setting between the cause of conflict on the one hand, and a unifier in society on the other. negative assumptions about the role of religion as a force that triggers social conflict may be understandable. because in reality, religion and religious communities are often dragged into prolonged conflicts (rajab, 2018). however, making religion the only factor for causing conflict can also be debated. as sacred teachings, basically every religion carries a mission of peace (kholiludin, 2018; sutarto, 2018). with regard to religion and religious conflict, abdurrahman wahid viewed that violence and conflict involving religious communities do not actually originate within the religion itself. according to him, conflicts involving religious people are due to contemporary issues that underlie the situation and conditions of its adherents (burhani et al., 2020; devy habibi muhammad, 2021) as happened in various regions in indonesia involving the ahl sunnah wa al-jamaah and the ahmadiyah (sujadmi, 2013) and other conflicts involving the naqsabandiyah, qadiriyah, qadiriyah and naqsabandiyah, shattariyah, etc. (faslah, 2020; hakim, 2010; rosyid, 2018). based on the typology of conflict mapping above, it can be said that conflicts involving religions are predominantly caused by the subjective interests of its followers, both politically motivated interests related to power and the economy, as well as interests dominating others in terms of ideas and ideals. abdul hadi (hadi, 2022), the two forms of interests are called political and ideological interests. this research aims to see how differences in tariqa and their institutional interests are seen as triggering social conflict, in the socio-religious reality of the followers of the shattariyah tariqa and the followers of the tijaniyah tariqa at pondok buntet islamic boarding school in cirebon. that being said, there are three questions that can be raised in this article, including (a) what are the [ 5 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 potential sources of conflict among the tariqas?; (b) what are the supporting factors and causes of conflict and social integration among the tariqas?; (c) what are the implications of conflict and social integration among the tariqas? these three questions are expected to be an attempt to see the dynamics of the tariqas that interact and manage conflict in order to create harmony between the two and live side by side in the reality of life. this article is based on the argument related to the social reality of religious communities, social problems that arise due to differences in beliefs that occur not only in the relations between people, but also within religious communities. various factors and sources of conflict are also present in the relations between the shattariyah and the tijaniyah. in addition to differences in tariqa institutions, political-sociological factors such as individual differences, interests and modernization are inevitable social facts, so the potential for conflict between the two tariqas is even greater. in fact, oftentimes the internal problem of religious communities are more difficult and more complicated to solve than that between religious communities. contemplation (uzlah) in order to achieve spiritual heights carried out by the early sufis has created a negative stigma that tariqa followers are individual, exclusive and anti-social groups. the tariqa cannot avoid institutionalization and structuralization so that the differences of the tariqa also have the potential to trigger conflict. this potential is getting higher due to social change, economic factors, politics, etc. (ngabdurahman, 2016; zainurofieq, 2021) the reality of harmony between the shattariyah and the tijaniyah shows that conflicts between religious people can actually be avoided if managed properly. the dynamics of harmony and conflict among the tariqas can be examined with qualitative research by referring to primary and secondary data which cover processes that occur directly in the community that can be observed and confirmed on site through direct observation and interviews. this research involved local religious, traditional and community leaders, historians specializing in conflict histories, rituals, religious traditions and cultural practices. the research was first carried out by collecting secondary data through various religious references previously written by several other researchers, as well as tracing the history of the shattariyah and tijaniyah tariqas. the second step was to conduct direct research in the community by visiting research locations and observing and interviewing key figures. interviews and observations were recorded using voice recorders, photographs and journals, the main basis for interpreting field findings. the data analysis process was carried out in three stages. the first was data reduction, a process of organizing data in a more systematic form, especially [ 6 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 thematically. the second stage was the display of data to present the research results in the form of tables and graphs as well as excerpts from interviews with the informants. the third and last was data verification to conclude the compatibility of the data with the concepts and theories used in this study in the form of descriptive and interpretive data. as for analysis techniques, they supported the three stages of the analysis. the descriptive data served as a basis for interpretation by following trends and contexts that accompany the reality under study, such as field data proposed by clifford geertz (geertz, 1988) which indicate the stages and techniques of analysis expected to direct this research to findings and conclusions that explain conflict and harmony among the tariqas. the tradition of the tariqa in islam the purpose of the tariqa is to form noble or islamic morals, subdue and lower desires of the soul, increase the purity of the soul so that a person feels calm and peaceful, form a character that has a good mental attitude and behavior (al-akhlāq al-karīmah), morals, ethics and courtesy, towards oneself, other people, the environment and allah swt, or achieving the degree of al-insān al-kāmil (syam, 2013; thohir, 2013). furthermore, the peak of the aim of the tariqa is to gain a direct relationship with allah swt (azwar & muliono, 2022; erina et al., 2022; feriyanto, 2020). the journey to reach the destination of the tariqa above is not easy. not everyone can get to that destination. the journey to god is full of temptations, very hard and very far away; there are unlimited distances, full of thorns, difficult and long so that only a few can get to the top of the goal (badaruddin & mahyuddin, 2021; miftakhur ridlo, 2020; nasuhi, 2020). as for the urgency and importance of following the tariqa, it is a shortcut that shortens the distance and lightens the severity of the journey based on the experience and guidance of spiritual teachers. based on the historical facts above, it can be said that zuhud [asceticism] and tasawwuf [mysticism] are individual spiritual practices. meanwhile, tariqas are institutionalized spiritual teachings and practices and carried out in groups (tariqa). in addition, it can also be distinguished that the tariqa is a practical dimension in the teachings of tasawwuf which has received institutionalization through the continuation of the sanad from the chain of tariqa teachers from time to time. while sufism itself is the intellectual dimension of its esoteric teachings (azhari et al., 2021). the emergence of the tariqa itself was caused by three factors, namely: first, the existence of the doctrine that learning sufism must go through a teacher. second, sufism is only enjoyed by certain circles, therefore to help the general public, sufi guidance is held. third, since the 6th [ 7 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 century sufism has been mixed with philosophy which is considered to have deviated from the traditions of the prophet and his companions. the tariqa was founded with the aim of protecting sufism so that it would always be in the corridors of sharia. (mawardi, 2022; mulyati, 2011). it is not known for certain which tariqa emerged first, as several early tariqas were found in by figures in different places, such as shaykh ‘abd al-qadir aljilani in baghdad, shaykh sayyid aḥmad rifa’i in egypt, and jalal ad-din ar-rumi in persia. meanwhile, according to annemarie schimmel, the first tariqa to emerge was the suhrawardīyah founded by ‘abd al-qahir abu najib as-suhrawardi. at the same time, the qadirīyah tariqa by abd al-qadir aljilani and the rifa’iyah tariqa by sayyid aḥmad rifa’i were founded in iraq. a century later the center of the tariqa moved to egypt, and among the first tariqas in egypt were the badawīya tariqa founded by aḥmad al-badawi of ṭanṭha and the shaziliyah tariqa by abi ḥasan as-syazili in alexandria (bhat, 2022; suparyanto dan rosad (2015, 2020). at least there are approximately 200 tariqa around the world (ngabdurahman, 2016; yuslia styawati, 2020), while in indonesia there are 40 mu’tabarah tariqas (awaludin, 2016; syam, 2013). the tariqa is a practical dimension in the teachings of sufism which is institutionalized through the continuation of the teacher chain. with respect to a tariqa as a practical dimension, every so-called tariqa means a dhikr tariqa (djuhan, 2020; sri mulayati, 2005). in other words, the term tariqa is used to designate and has a distinctive connotation, which relates to the teachings and practice of dhikr [remembrance of god] that are carried out individually or in groups affiliated with the teacher who founded a particular tariqa. in fact, if one compares the existing tariqas, they are relatively similar: in terms of kalam, the main reference is asha’ariyah; in terms of fiqh, the main reference is imam shafi’i; and the spiritual practices that are carried out are wirid and dhikr. the main thing that distinguishes these tariqas is the procedure for performing wirid and dhikr, especially in the recitation and its variations. the dhikr performed by the tariqa is divided into two types, namely specific dhikr and general dhikr (masyhuri: 2010). specific dhikr can only be practiced by students of a tariqa, while general dhikr, in addition to being practiced by students of a particular tariqa, can also be practiced by the general public. a specific or general specific is differentiated through recitation (talqīn) which is accompanied by taking an oath of allegiance (bai’at) made by the teacher to prospective students in the teaching process. [ 8 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 target and potential conflict tariqa is often seen as a sect or school of thought and an institution in islamic religious teachings, in addition to being a path followed by a salik [a follower of sufism] in a suluk [spiritual path] in order to get closer to god. tariqa is also often associated with a spiritual order which is communally connected in spiritual and brotherly ties. (kartanegara, 2006). tariqa is always tied to an institution, organization and group that carries out rituals with certain practices and dhikr, this is confirmed by an oath (bai’at) that has been determined by the highest leadership or the founder of the tariqa itself. (mulyati, 2011). nur syam (2013) mentioned that tariqa is not only practiced in religious doctrine but also serves a process to obtain the essence of various religious symbols which are more esoteric than exoteric in nature. tariqa then becomes a spiritual path to achieve inner and outer peace by integrating the relationship between god, nature and creatures with certain stages. the interpretation of the tariqa is more about the inward pattern of spirituality which is favored over the outward formality, as determined by the sheikh althariqah, the founder of the tariqa, this then becomes a teaching that must be carried out by saliks who have pledged allegiance to one of the tariqa (apri, 2020; feriyanto, 2020; randa & fatimah, 2019). because tariqa is a subjective matter so that there can be differences between the sheikhs of al-thariqah, it has implications for the doctrines being taught that are not the same even though they have the same goals, as are the denominations of religious teachings, schools and other institutions that have undergone structuring and institutionalization. so it is not uncommon for the logic that is built among tariqas to be very fanatical about loyalty to the murshid [teacher] and sheikh al-thariqah as well as fellow members of the tariqa (jamil, 2005). therefore, even though the tariqa aims to elevate the spiritual level and purify the salik, it would be different when one tariqa is brought together with another tariqa which sociologically gives rise to egocentric groups that seem ethnocentric, especially regarding the claim of truth. relations between different tariqas have placed them in a position that is faced with institutional and structural interests related to politics, economics, and education. (awaludin, 2016; bruinessen, 1992; ruslan et al., 2022). this is due to the truth claims held by each tariqa. so that in order to achieve the interests of the tariqa, the group prepares itself for a competition and sets aside the theological truth claims, because truth only belongs to the tariqa they adhere to while other tariqas are considered false (zainu, 2013). even though the space for dialog between tariqas is always favored, theoretically differences in views and doctrines have become the forerunners that may trigger conflict [ 9 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 between tariqas, especially social conflicts between followers of tariqas. (rosyid, 2018). the long history of conflict between the muslim ummah itself has occurred even during the time of the prophet [p.b.u.h], this can be seen from the conflict between anshar and muhajirin (pradesa, 2015), shiites and sunnis who have long been in theological, political, economic and educational conflicts (fauzi, 2020; ida & dyson, 2015), and there are many other conflicts between groups, institutions, and doctrines of teachings in islam. all of that happened in the name of truth. conflicts between the tariqas in indonesian in fact, tariqa can give rise to conflicts not only due to the doctrine of institutional truth, but also because of various interests. this can be seen from the many incidents of conflict between tariqas which involved their followers for a long period of time and some even became social conflicts. the involvement of islamic esoteric groups is not the cause of rift between tariqas today, but the rift between followers of tariqas occurred in the early days when tariqas were established as institutions. (danner & lings, 1977). as the conflict that occurred among sufism experts in the 3rd century hijri between the sunni school of sufism and the falsafi school where leaders of the falsafi were considered false and punished with imprisonment and even death penalty because they were considered to have strayed from the teachings of islam as experienced by al-halaj (syarif, 2019; utoyo, 2016). the incident occurred as a decision that had been agreed upon by jurists in baghdad so that the punishment for the conflict caused al-hallaj to receive a caning, beheading and his body being burned in public. (hamka, 2018). the dark record of the conflict, according to john renard, placed al-hallaj as the first martyr due to conflict between tasawuf experts in the historical record. (muzairi, 2018; renard, 2004; reynolds, 2016). during the developmental period after the establishment of tariqa institutions which is marked by the emergence of new tariqas and the increasingly complex social reality of community life, the space for conflict between tariqas grew wider, and it was not uncommon for conflicts between tariqas to involve more than two different tariqas. it can be seen in the conflicts between the tariqas in indonesia, such as conflicts between followers of the shattariyah and the naqsabandiyah in west sumatra (akhimuddin, 2012); between the followers of sheikh hamza al-fansuri (qadiriyah tariqa) and the followers of sheikh nur al-din al-raniri (rifa’iyah tariqa) in aceh (rosyid, 2018); as well as the conflict between sunni sufism taught by wali nine and the kejawen group led by sheikh lemah abang and sheikh siti jenal in java (syakur, 2014); [ 10 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 between the qadiriyah naqsyabandiyah (tqn) and the aboge community members who are also the followers of the shattariyah tariqa in ujungmanik cilacap village, central java; between the qadiriyah naqsyabandiyah and the muhammadiyah in east java (ahmad syafi’i mufid, 2006; latif et al., 2022); between sammaniyah and naqsyabandiyah tariqa in bogor (hakim, 2010); between the tijaniyah tariqa of pondok buntet islamic boarding school and an anti-tijaniyah group based in the benda kerep islamic boarding school in cirebon (verdoorn., 1940); between the tijaniyah tariqa and the community in sukabumi (hamkah, 2020), etc., which were caused by various factors including the doctrine of truth and the institutions of the tariqa with various interest motives. conflicts that occurres betweeb the tariqas have shown differences in the institutional structure of the tariqa and the doctrine of truth which indicate that differences within the tariqa should not be overlooked (febriyandi.ys, 2019). these differences should not be understood as an interpretation of esoteric dimensions and islamic doctrines alone as different tariqa group affiliations will show differences in worship practices, wirid, methods of dhikr and of course different institutional and structural interests. (burhani et al., 2020; rohimat, 2012; setiyawati, 2017). however, the differences in ideology --in addition to being the fundamental cause of conflict between the tariqa- also serve as a way out for integration between tariqa groups and social communities (shadiqin et al., 2020). thus, the differences between the tariqa groups can be seen as a universal dimension for all muslims and the followers of the tariqa so that it can give birth to an integration not only beyween the followers of the tariqa but also an integration in the social order of society. social integration between the tariqa the confluence between the tariqa and social harmony, theoreticallynormatively, is actually not a complicated issue. social processes aimed at creating peace that a better level of material and spiritual life can be achieved among sufis can be linked to the term al-akhlāq al-karīmah (perangin-angin, 2022). this understanding leads to the conclusion that harmony is not just a formal “attribute” of the tariqa, but rather the inherent substance of the tariqa itself. (azwar, 2018). the existence of a tariqa correlation with harmony can also be understood from the tariqa teachings which are conceptualized in three ways: takhallī, taḥallī and tajallī. takhallī is to abstain from all disgraceful actions; tahallī is to do commendable deeds; while tajallī is to decorate oneself with commendable morals so that allah will reveal light within him (shadiqin et al., 2020; taufiqur rahman, 2019). in addition to takhallī, taḥallī and [ 11 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 tajallī, the formation of al-akhlāq al-karīmah in the concept of the sufis is also associated with the doctrine of tazkīyah an-nafs (hajjāj, 2011). tazkīyah an-nafs is an effort of the human mind to eliminate various bad tendencies that can hinder moral development. with this effort, humans are expected to be able to overcome various conflicts in their lives, then grow as strong individuals who are capable of taking action in accordance with moral rules. (ahmad, 2019; hadi, 2022; nasrullah, 2020). the process of tazkīyah an-nafs will certainly direct its adherents to sidq al-qalb, sidq al-qawl and sidq al-’amal. harmony in the religious aspect is indicated by the freedom for each individual to determine and choose a tariqa without coercion from the kyai or their own parents. this is evidenced by the different tariqas followed by one family, namely husband and wife, parents and children, or fellow siblings. this freedom is based on the understanding that the tariqa is an individual religious life (masduki et al., 2017). because of that, even though almost every boarding school takes the tariqa and teaches it, the teaching is only meant to introduce and give training. as for the students who want to take part in the tariqa seriously, they are given the freedom to choose, including choosing a tariqa that is different than the kyai’s. (yuslia styawati, 2020). harmony is also indicated by the tolerance and freedom for each student to practice the tariqa. in fact, this can be seen from the practice in islamic boarding schools. chanting of tariqa dhikr is always heard before the sunset prayer. in the social aspect, harmony is present in various dynamic collaborations in the form of associative social actions such as mutual cooperation, community service, coalitions, accommodation and social tolerance. mutual cooperation generally occurs in activities of the pesantren such as death annivaersary and qur’anic recitation activities. community service and coalitions are carried out as institutional activities such as teaching modern schools, anniversary commemoration of islamic boarding schools, celebrating islamic holidays, public services for students, reciting the yellow book, language courses, computer courses and entrepreneurship training (hidayat siregar, 2009). accommodation, among others, is done through the involvement of kyai from the existing tariqas. while tolerance and freedom can be seen in the use of the mosque to practice hailalah. various forms of cooperation that are created in social relations as occurred in the shattariyah and tijaniyah tariqas in buntet are very clear indicators that even though they have different religious affiliations, they are able to interact and socialize peacefully. (faslah et al., 2017). social cooperation is established in the form of mutual cooperation, community service, coalitions, accommodation and tolerance so as to create conducive social conditions. [ 12 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 in the majority of islamic boarding schools, the development of family and kinship traditions is very common. according to zamakhsyari dhofier, this tradition is deliberately created and preserved to build strong cooperation and solidarity in an effort to maintain the sustainability of islamic boarding schools. (dhofier, 1990). one of the practical ways to build this kinship alliance is through endogamous marriages between families of kyais. viewed from a sociological perspective, ferdinand tonnies categorizes social groups formed by blood ties as gemeinschaft (association), namely the unity of human groups formed by the nature of god. (siundiukov, 2021). the solidarity of the members of this group is bound by an inner relationship that is pure, natural and long-lasting. the basis of this relationship is a sense of love and a sense of inner unity which has been ordained by the creator and is organic in nature (soekanto: 2001). it seems that for them maintaining the integrity and integration of the nasabiyah is more important than the tariqa itself. in this case, ideological differences and conflicts are settled through religious interpretation that promotes integration. the doctrine of the tariqa basically originates from and is an interpretation of islamic teachings so that it can be ensured that all tariqas teach peace. this can be seen from the many doctrines that lead to social harmony such as tazkiyat an-nafs, al-mujāhadah, al-akhlāq al-karīmah, al-insān al-kāmil, al-futuwah, and al-iṣār. according to nur syam (syam, 2013), in general, the teachings of sufism are conceptualized in the teachings of takhallī (abstaining from all disgraceful actions), taḥallī (doing commendable deeds) and tajallī (decorating oneself with commendable morals so that god reveals light within him). at a practical level, one of the forms of applying this teaching is by practicing noble character and leaving behind disgraceful character. (dodi & abitolkha, 2022). thus, peace and social harmony are in fact inherent in the teachings of the tariqa itself. this tendency was also shown by as-singkili, the main character carrying the shattariyah mission to the malay archipelago. as-singkili was an evolutionary mujaddid (faslah, 2020). he preferred to reconcile conflicting views rather than reject any of them. even though he did not agree with the wudiya doctrine, for example, he did not show it explicitly. he did not show frontal rejection as ar-raniri did (azra, 1995). in the context of social integration within the tariqa, it can be seen from several aspects including: first, adaptation in the distribution of economic resources that is fair and familial. it is said to be fair because every ṣāḥibul wilāyah cleric has the same right to build an islamic boarding school. while it is familial because there are efforts to help less developed boarding schools so that there is an equal distribution of the economic level of each kyai; second, [ 13 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 the common goals of the tariqa community are reflected in the commitment to maintaining kinship, being responsible for the tariqa institution and social solidarity. therefore, actions taken should not be counterproductive to these goals, and a consensus is formed regarding power and the economy which is a source of conflict; third, levels of solidarity that unite individual tariqas are reflected in the solidarity in the implementing units, technical units, anniversary event committees, etc. in this case the authority of the tariqa, especially the chairman of the governing body, heads of departments, heads of units, regulates relations between the elements of society under them; fourth, the tariqa’s collective values are reflected in the devotion to elders, commitment to kinship, and shared responsibility for maintaining the values. these collective values are transformed through religious activities, education in boarding schools, public schools, and household education of the kyais. conclussion this research has provided an example of exclusive and ethnocentric religious understanding that encourages conflict among religious communities. therefore, in an effort to create religious harmony, it is necessary to develop humanist-integrative understanding that prioritizes human values such as peace, brotherhood and social solidarity. in the context of muslims who have a tradition of tariqa practice, this humanist-integrative religious understanding can be formed through the teaching and development of the fiqh of tolerance (fiqh tasāmuḥ). in this case, ideological differences and institutional interests should be explored to find similarities and unity through the concepts of al-maṣlaḥah al-’ammah, bid’ah ḥasanah, al-istihsān, al-ām, al-furū’īyah and other concepts of collectivity. furthermore, various cases of conflict involving religious communities show that group differences in religion or differences in religious understanding are merely the fuse factor, not the root of the conflict. this work also shows the core of conflict which is in fact the issues of power and the economy which are considered to only take sides or be dominated by certain parties. therefore, efforts to create religious harmony cannot be made based on religious aspects alone, but must also pay attention to sociological aspects, especially transparency and justice in the distribution of power and community’s economic resources. consensus functions as the rule of the game that serves as a common guideline. exclusiveness hinders the process of communication and socialization in religious life. at a certain stage, the process of communication and socialization that is not conducive can lead to suspicion or misunderstanding. in an effort to create or maintain harmony, it is necessary to create a medium for socialization that integrates various elements so that tensions and social distance due to differences can be reduced [ 14 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 to contribute to the religious field, especially in the field of islamic studies. the limitation of this work is in the scope of research which was only carried out on the tariqa, so it only focuses on discussing experiences of conflict and social integration between certain tariqas and has not conducted out comprehensively to include universal tariqa communities in indonesia. therefore, this work recommends that it is important to look at the phenomena of conflict and social integration between tariqas in order to do comparisons with other tariqa communities in other studies, to see how conflicts between tariqas occur and how social integration between tariqas contributes to the community, the nation and the ummah. bibliography ahmad, c. 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(2016). pluralisme agama dan konflik. analisa. https:// doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v15i02.339 [ 18 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 rajab, h. (2018). peran sufisme tariqa naqsyabandiyah khalidiyah terhadap perkembangan keagamaan islam melayu di kota pangkalpinang. edugama: jurnal kependidikan dan sosial keagamaan. https://doi. org/10.32923/edugama.v4i2.733 randa, r., & fatimah, s. (2019). dinamika tariqa syatariyah di pariangan 1970-2000. galanggang sejarah. renard, j. (2004). knowledge of god in classical sufism: foundations of islamic mystical theology. in the classics of western spirituality. reynolds, g. s. (2016). book review: islamic theological themes: a primary source reader. edited by john renard. theological studies. https://doi. org/10.1177/0040563916635112d rohimat, a. m. (2012). etika politik dalam naskah tanbih (wasiat etika politik dari mursyid tariqa qodiriyyah naqsyabandiyah suryalaya terhadap murid-muridnya). in right: jurnal agama dan hak azazi manusia. rosyid, m. (2018). potret organisasi tariqa indonesia dan dinamikanya. religia. https://doi.org/10.28918/religia.v21i1.1507 ruslan, r., burga, m. a., & noer, m. u. (2022). theological belief towards islamic spiritual belief: evidence from south sulawesi, indonesia. hts teologiese studies / theological studies. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts. v78i4.8009 setiyawati, e. (2017). tariqa naqsabandiyah dalam ranah politik lokal. demokrasi & otonomi daerah. shadiqin, s., islam, a. h.-k. j. p., & 2020, undefined. (2020). otoritas spritual di era syariat jaringan dan kontestasi tariqa dalam masyarakat aceh kontemporer. scholar.archive.org, 14(01), 1–20. https://doi. org/10.21154/kodifikasia.v14i1.1892 siundiukov, n. k. (2021). the philosophy of sobornost as a prototype of ferdinand tönnies’ “sociological conservatism.” voprosy filosofii. https:// doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2021-9-49-59 sri mulayati, et al. (2005). mengenal dan memahami tariqa-tariqa muktabarah di indonesia. kencana. strasser, s. (2021). multikulturalismus. in lexikon der globalisierung. https:// doi.org/10.1515/transcript.9783839418222.270 sujadmi, s. (2013). yang minoritas : yang tertindas (analisis konflik ahmadiyah vs “islam”). society, 1(1), 75–85. https:// [ 19 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 doi.org/10.33019/society.v1i1.44 suparyanto dan rosad (2015. (2020). a divine love of annemarie schimmel; a sufism study of an orientalist. suparyanto dan rosad (2015. sutarto, d. (2018). konflik antara agama dan sains dalam perspektif filsafat sosial. jurnal trias politika. https://doi.org/10.33373/jtp. v2i1.1236 syakur, a. (2014). mekanisme pertahanan diri kaum tariqa. islamica: jurnal studi keislaman. https://doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2010.4.2.211-228 syam, n. (2013). tariqa petani: fenomena tariqa shattariyah lokal. lkis yogyakarta. syarif, f. (2019). religion in the conflict flows. addin. https://doi. org/10.21043/addin.v13i2.6452 taufiqur rahman. (2019). sejarah perkembangan tasawuf ‘amali. asysyari’ah : jurnal hukum islam. https://doi.org/10.36835/assyariah. v5i1.114 thohir, u. f. (2013). pemikiran mistisisme annemarie schimmel. ulul albab jurnal studi islam. https://doi.org/10.18860/ua.v0i0.2376 utoyo, m. (2016). akar masalah konflik agama di indonesia. in jurnal lex librum. verdoorn., j. a. (1940). fragmenta islamica. the muslim world. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.1940.tb00442.x wibisono, y. (2021). agama dan resolusi konflik. in lekkas. yusliastyawati. (2020). mengenal tariqa di dunia islam. jurnal ilmiah spiritualis: jurnal pemikiran islam dan tasawuf. https://doi. org/10.53429/spiritualis.v5i1.61 zainu, m. bin j. (2013). ajaran sufi dan tariqa dalam timbangan al-quran dan as-sunnah ( terj. m. ruliyandi (ed.)). darul haq. zainurofieq, z. (2021). gerakan politik kaum tariqa dalam sejarah indonesia. jurnal iman dan spiritualitas. https://doi.org/10.15575/jis.v1i4.15027 [ 20 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2614 editor-in-chief zaenuddin hudi prasojo international editors afifi al-akiti (faculty of theology and religion, oxford university, united kingdom) yasien mohamed (university of the western cape, south africa, south africa) irwan abdullah (gajah mada university, yogyakarta, indonesia) zainal abidin bagir (universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta, indonesia) hans-christian günther (department of classics albert ludwigs university of freiburg, germany, germany) kamaludeen bin mohamed nasir (nanyang technological university, singapore) mohd roslan mohd nor (university of malaya, malaysia) giuseppina strummiello (university of bari aldo moro, italy) abdul razak abdulroya panaemalae (walailak university, thailand) florian pohl (oxford college of emory university, united states, germany) mujiburrahman (iain antasari banjarmasin, indonesia) minako sakai (director of social sciencesresearch group, australia) busro busro (uin sunan gunung djati bandung, indonesia) tassim abu bakar (universiti brunei darussalam, brunei darussalam) assistant editors faizal amin, iain pontianak, indonesia saifuddin herlambang, iain pontianak, indonesia syamsul kurniawan, iain pontianak, indonesia section editor setia purwadi, iain pontianak, indonesia language advisor jennifer h lundt, colgate university scholar, new york, united states al-albab volume 11 number 2 december 2022 al-albab issn 0216-6143 (print) and issn: 2502-8340 (online) is an interdisciplinary journal published twice a year in print and online (e-journal) by the pontianak state institute of islamic studies, pontianak. our academic publication concern includes the studies of world religions of islam, buddhism, christianity, hinduism, judaism, chinese religions and other religions. interdisciplinary studies may include the studies of religion in the fields of anthropology, sociology, philosophy, psychology, education, cultural studies and other social sciences. since the journal is published twice a year, special issue would be made available for special condition. the regular issues include june and december editions each year. the journal publishes research-based articles in the area of religious studies. all prospective contributors from various background are welcome to contribute to the journal publication. contributions in english should be typed single-space and contain minimum of 4.000 and maximum of 8.000 words. the citation should follow apa style with footnotes. editorial office: al-albab, gedung saifuddin zuhri pascasarjana iain pontianak, jalan letjend suprapto no. 19, pontianak selatan pontianak 78122, kalimantan barat, indonesia. phone: (62-561) 734170 fax: (62-561) 734170 ; handphone/wa: +6281256738348 e-mail: redaksi.bjrs@gmail.com website: http://jurnaliainpontianak.or.id/index.php/alalbab al albab volume 10 number 2 (december 2021) contents 1. lgbt and religious negotiations: a case study of youth interfaith forum on sexuality (yifos) roni, fatimah husein, dewi candraningrum .............................................. 161 2. pinah laman: the construction of religious and ethnic identity within the mentuka dayak of west kalimantan felisitas yuswanto, sekar ayu aryani, ahmad muttaqin .......................... 177 3. face veil and lawo-lambu: negotiating religious practices among muslims and catholics in ende city yosep aurelius woi bule, adison adrianus sihombing ............................. 199 4. preserving diversity: lessons from batang tarang village of west kalimantan hermansyah, faisal abdullah, mochamad hamdan .................................. 221 5. cultural resistance and sharia-based ecology in the fishing community in aceh zubir, abdul manaf, abdul mugni, noviandy ............................................. 245 6. ethnicity, religion and the changing community structure within fakfak society in papua ade yamin, musa rumbaru, nining lestari, mufliha wijayati ............... 267 7. religious solidarity for coping with economic crisis during the covid-19 pandemic luqman, ilhamdi .................................................................................................. 287 8. portrait of moderate islam within muslim university students in indonesia ahmad jais, sumin ............................................................................................... 301 [ 161 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 lgbt and religious negotiations: a case study of youth interfaith forum on sexuality (yifos) roni center for religious and cross-cultural studies (crcs) universitas gadjah mada email: rooney.firmansyah@gmail.com fatimah husein universitas islam negeri (uin) sunan kalijaga yogyakarta email: fatimahhusein@yahoo.com dewi candraningrum universitas muhammadiyah surakarta email: dcandraningrum@gmail.com abstract most religious perspectives, particularly the conservative interpretation, emphasize the incompatibility of being a lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender (lgbt) and being religious. this contradiction creates internal conflicts for many lgbt individuals. in social and political spheres, many religious groups post hostility and rejection against the lgbt using the justification of their religious dogma. the position of the lgbt has been more vulnerable since the reformation period (1998 to present) in indonesia, during which islamic conservatism is rising. therefore, lgbt individuals perceive themselves as condemned and excluded from religious communities. nevertheless, the existing lgbt communities and organizations focus more on campaigning social acceptance and public recognition through a human rights perspective. this research employs a qualitative method and addresses the youth interfaith forum of sexuality (yifos) in providing a ‘safe space’ for the lgbt in negotiating their non-normative sexuality and religious values. taking a case study of yifos, i argue that lgbt could also embrace their religiosity. through the concept of ‘liberation of the body and alternative religious interpretations, yifos believes that lgbt sexuality could be reconciled with religion. this research is divided into two parts. first is how yifos provide a way of reconciling of non-normative sexuality of lgbt and religion. second is what approach is employed by yifos in helping lgbt individuals negotiate their non-normative sexuality and religious values. my findings demonstrate that the yifos applies the concept of ‘experience of the body as the main departure of liberation and employs an interfaith approach by inviting religious figures whose interpretations are more accommodative toward lgbt. the interfaith approach is aimed at building commonality on lgbt within religious communities. in addition, these two approaches are used to help lgbt in[ 162 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 dividuals to stimulate self-acceptance and personal reconciliation between one’s religious values and their non-normative sexuality. keywords: lgbtiq; sexuality; religion; reconciliation; yifos; interfaith introduction most religious perspectives, particularly the conservative interpretation, emphasize the incompatibility of being lgbt and religious. religious doctrines of islam that dominate the discourse of sexual morality in indonesia perceive lgbt as a moral problem (bennett, 2007; parker, 2009; 2014; smithhefner, 2006) and incommensurable with religious doctrine and teaching (boellstorff, 2005).1 this contradiction creates internal conflicts for many lgbt individuals because their sexuality cannot adjust with the principle that imposes heterosexuality (through marriage) as a ‘normative’ sexual identity and orientation (boellstorff, 2005; suryakusuma; 1996).2 in social and political spheres, many religious groups post hostility and rejection against the lgbtiq using the justification of their religious dogma (boellstorff, 2004; yulius, 2018). the position of the lgbt has been more vulnerable since the reformation period (1998 to present) in indonesia, during which islamic conservatism is rising (platt, davies, bennett, 2018). therefore, lgbtiq individuals perceive themselves as condemned and excluded from religious communities. consequently, lgbt individuals experience challenges finding a safe space/place to express their freedom of sexuality due to the mainstream space being heterosexually produced through ‘sexual morality.’ the main departure of the conflict between lgbt and religion relies on the literal interpretation of a religious text. for instance, the conservative islamic group and other abrahamic religions emphasize the literal interpretation of gender and sexuality, which results in a rigid view toward the issue of sexuality (bouhdiba, 1998). consequently, their arrangements limit the freedom of sexual expression for lgbt. further, it rejects the existence of religious people and lgtiq at once. although lgbtiq individuals feel alienation from their religious communities, they often struggle to find ways to reconcile 1 in this paper, i will use the term ‘lgbt’ to refer to all people who self-identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender. meanwhile, i realize that the diversity of sexuality and gender in indonesia could not be limited to the categorization of lgbtiq. therefore, in some parts of this paper, i employ non-normative gender and sexuality to represent lgbtiq, where in indonesia, only ‘heterosexual’ relation through marriage is recognized as ‘normative’ sexuality (see wieringa, 2019 and wijaya, 2019). 2 the religious doctrine in indonesia perceives that heterosexuality (through marriage) as a ‘normative sexuality’ while the other forms of sexuality are categorized as a ‘non-normative sexuality’ that includes lgbtiq [ 163 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 their non-normative sexuality and religion successfully. some scholars argue that lgbt individuals make reconciliation by perceiving religion not only as a monolithic set of doctrines but also as a ‘social construction’ and ‘culture’ which may change (schnoor, 2006, ganzevoort, laan, olsman, 2011, shah, 2018). however, their reconciliation only happens through individual perception in viewing religion since there is no public space and environment for being lgbtiq and religious synchronously (boellstorff, 2005). in this sense, religious doctrine creates more challenges for lgbt because there is no space where they can be lgbt and spiritual at the same time. amidst the growing literature on lgbt, sexuality in interplay with religion, the existing studies in indonesia identified how lgbt are positioned as ‘immoral’ and ‘sinfulness’ (bennett, 2007; s.g. davies, 2011; kailani, 2012; parker, 2009; 2014; smith-hefner, 2005; 2006; van wichelen, 2010). in boellstorff (2005), for example, being gay and muslim is incommensurable with religion due to the doctrine that islam de-emphasizes male homosexuality. this idea makes it very difficult for gay people to claim their religiosity. nevertheless, lgbt individuals can find their religious subjectivity through resistance, negotiation, and reconciliation of their sexuality toward the dominant doctrine of religion. in mulia (2018), for example, his study explained how christian young people – as sexual subjects resist, negotiate and reconcile their sexuality within the dominant discourse of sexuality rooted in religious doctrine. however, the way of the negotiation is still in personal interpretation and view toward their religion. none of the studies explore the possibility of creating a safe space for lgbt to reconcile their non-normative sexuality and religion not only through liberation but also through alternative religious interpretation. this paper focuses on the youth interfaith forum on sexuality (yifos) in providing space for lgbt individuals to reconcile their sexuality and religion. this paper aims to expand on current studies, which primarily focus on the individuals’ struggle, by presenting the case study of the activism of community organization yifos in providing a space for the discourse between lgbt sexuality and religion. this study will look at the safe space and the method employed by yifos in reconciling lgbt sexuality and belief in its annual program called young queer faith and sexuality camp (yqfsc). furthermore, this study does not explain what yifos does but also aims to understand how its method will, on the one hand, deconstruct the dominant doctrine of religion and the body and, on the other hand, how the liberation of the body on sexuality could be justified through religious interpretation. the study shows that the yifos applies self-acceptance of the individual of lgbt concerning their non-normative sexuality and faith through the [ 164 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 liberation of the body and making an appropriation of their sexuality with religion by inviting religious figures. the invitation is done through an interfaith approach to building commonality of faith to provide the idea of ‘affirmation’ and ‘acceptance’ of lgbt sexuality in religion. from this finding, i argue that the concept applied in yifos informs that the liberation of the body toward sexuality and faith of lgbt is still by religious values of an alternative interpretation of the sacred text. as a result, lgbt individuals could embrace their non-normative sexuality and religion simultaneously due to the acknowledgment of multiple variations of the religious text and their self-acceptance of the body. to understand the way of yifos in reconciling the conflict between lgbt sexuality and religion, i interviewed key people within this organization as well as those involved with yifos’s programs and activities through observation. i did fieldwork for around six months by visiting some cities, including cirebon, jakarta, bandung, yogyakarta, solo, and salatiga. choosing these different cities was based on consideration after i heard that some founders, activists, and religious figures had settled in those cities. as a result of visiting these cities, i interviewed four co-founders (edith, anam, jimmy, suranto), five current activists (jihan, anna, ael, vika, jeje), and four religious figures (muiz, stephen, jojo, and darwita) from three different religious traditions namely islam, christianity mainly protestant and buddhism. for each people, i interviewed around two hours through once to twice meeting for each interviewee. in the observation stage, i was involved with two yifos programs, including young queer and sexuality camp (yqsc) and symposium on religion and the diversity of sexuality. the camp was held around october 2018 in one of the prominent cities in west java, while the symposium was held on april 23-24, 2018, in jakarta. for this observation in the camp, i lived seven days with the camp’s participants and engaged with the committee that mostly the alumnae of previous centers and the activists of yifos. throughout the camp sessions, i could observe how yifos provided a method to reconcile lgbt sexuality and religion. the most important sessions are; providing individual testimony of lgbt to express their experiences as a sexual minority group in the context of a country that still represses the existence of lgbt; and inviting religious figures from different religious communities, namely islam, protestantism, buddhism, and hinduism to talk about alternative reading of the holy text about lgbt. the symposium is one of yifos’s programs that invite religious figures from different religious traditions to give a friendly interpretation of religion toward lgbt through discussion of the paper. this [ 165 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 symposium is intended to make a book chapter based on the paper delivered by each religious figure. as far as i can remember, four different religious traditions are involved: islam, protestantism, hinduism, and buddhism. in this symposium, i was invited by yifos to present a paper about religion and sexuality. this symposium gave me a chance to further interview activists as well as religious figures. yifos and young queer faith and sexuality camp (yqfsc) on march 7, 2010, seven young people who were former participants of “young interfaith training 2010” held a meeting to continue the discussion of lgbt and religion throughout the camp. fatimah husein initiated the training under the subsequent ‘fulbright interfaith community action project.’ this ten-day training camp aimed to create awareness and sensitivity for youth involved in the interfaith project to the issues of hiv/aids and lgbt through a religious perspective. it was also designed to build collaboration among youth interfaith communities to beware of similar problems related to hiv/aids.3 however, the meeting was not part of the training because it was intended to respond to the attack against lgbt-related activities by conservative islamic groups. the islamic defenders front (front pembela islam, fpi), an islamist organization with a record of violent tactics, led the attack against the activists and participants of the fourth regional meeting of the international lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and intersex association (ilga). the ilga conference was scheduled to take place in surabaya, east java, between march 26th-28th and supported by indonesia’s leading lgbt organization, gaya nusantara. the fpi members demanded the cancellation of the conference by denouncing that being lgbtiq does not belong to indonesia’s national concept of identity and is against islamic morality and beliefs.4 regarding the attack, yifos co-founders responded to the use of religion as justification employed by conservative islamic groups. although there were some responses from the lgbtiq communities, most of them relied on the rationale for human rights to protect lgbtiqs (khanis, 2013). yifos cofounders looked at the aspect of religion as a justification for the attack as not only about the weak implementation of human rights, but also there is a problem with religion in perceiving lgbtiq people. as explained by one 3 term of references of interfaith youth training 2010, remaja, hiv/aids dan lgbt: merancang strategi dan aksi lintas iman, (2010), unpublished; and an interview with jimmy marcos immanuel, at pgi office of central jakarta, january 21st, 2019. 4 jamison liang, ‘homophobia on the rise”, inside indonesia online, accessed may 16th, 2019: https://www.insideindonesia.org/homophobia-on-the-rise [ 166 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 of the yifos activists, religion like islam in indonesia is mainly used as a political tool to persecute lgbtiq activists and communities. in this sense, the conservative islamic group used religion as a source of fear to undermine lgbtiq people. however, the values of peace and the diversity of religion, particularly regarding gender and sexuality, were rarely discussed in public. some religious communities see sexuality as a taboo topic. at the same time, lgbtiq organizations perceive that religion cannot be carried into their community because there is an assumption that religion is a source of problems for lgbtiqs. yifos believed that lgbtiq and religion could be discussed together. in response to the problem of religion, the co-founders created a communitybased organization, then formalized it into a recognized organization called yifos, which still exists today. yifos is a youth organization focused on the intersection between sexuality and faith.5 creating discourse and action means opening a discussion about faith and sexuality in the community openly without any fear. it carried through critical dialogue, reflection, and re-examination of religious texts about sexuality and faith, and participating in actions with other caring communities in responding to the two issues.6 according to edith, the effort to spark safe discourse necessary due to lgbtq issues being considered taboo within religious communities.7 furthermore, yifos was also established because the conversation on sexuality has been developed and expanded worldwide. sexuality is not only about biological matters or sexual behavior, but also about identity and orientation. as identity and orientation, sexuality cannot be separated from other identities, including religious identity.8 in 2012, yifos held the “young queer faith and sexuality camp,” as part of its activism. the camp’s initiation was due to the discussion typically carried by yifos as a community-based organization was productive, but not enough 5 yifos distinguished the word ‘religion’ and ‘faith.’ in their sense, religion and faith are different but also overlap. according to one of the co-founders, yifos preferred to use the word ‘faith’ in the organization’s name because faith is more fluid than religion which is rigid due to the institution established as the authority. here, faith offers a more accommodative and broader scope than religion because it includes personal faith, non-recognized religion, and major religion. however, there is overlapping use of faith and religion within yifos. religion is sometimes assumed as the source due to its rigid view toward homosexuality. at the same time, faith is part of the solution because it can cover every perspective of religion that cannot be accommodated. 6 yifos, “sejarah yifos”, yifos official website online, accessed may 16th, 2019: https://yifosindonesia.org/ 7 interview with yulia dwi andriyanti, at lbh satu keadilan bogor, october 29th, 2018 8 yifos, “sejarah yifos”; and interview with jimmy marcos immanuel, at communion church of indonesia (persekutuan gereja-gereja indonesia, pgi), january 22nd, 2019. [ 167 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 time as it only was allowed 2-3 hours. the main objective of this camp was to provide a safe space for lgbt to self-express and self-acceptance their nonnormative sexuality and religion. it aimed to create an alternative platform of education for lgbt people to build a movement from different identities, particularly sexual and religious identities. until 2018, this camp was still organized by yifos, and almost 200 young lgbt people have participated. as far as i have observed, this safe space has been created to create selfacceptance for lgbt to reconcile their sexuality and religious values through alternative readings of religious text. thus, the following sections will discuss the method of yifos in reconciling lgbt sexuality and religion that were manifested in the camp: talking sexuality and faith through perspective of body: a step for reconciliation the reconciliation between lgbtiq sexuality and religion seems impossible since the doctrine of religions still perceives that being lgbtiq is ‘sinful’ and ‘abnormal. consequently, there is a division between lgbtiq sexual and religious identities that has been nearly impossible to bridge. thus, a possible intersection between the two identities has not acknowledged since they are assumed to be contrasting identities. lgbtiq people must scrutinize their sexuality identity from a religious identity or maintain a single dimension of identity (e.g., martin, ruble & szkybalo; 2002; cass; 1979; mccarn & fassinger, 1996). however, yifos believes in the intersection of identity, which assumes that lgbtiq sexual identity could be met with religious identity. to create a meeting point to reconcile a conflict between lgbtiq sexuality and religion, yifos adopted a way through the perspective of the body as the starting point. they use this perspective because lgbtiq individuals have their experience regarding the body controlled and regulated by specific power such as religion. i will argue that the concept of the perspective of the body is applied to create individual authority for lgbtiq in determining the body where sexuality and faith are embedded. therefore, this present part will discuss the perspective of the body employed by yifos, which results in the creation of the ‘experience of the body as a starting point in reconciling lgbtiq sexuality and religion. the body perspective within yifos is constructed from the idea that a body is a thing close to each other because it is embedded within the individual self. at the same time, the body could also be something that far because of the inability of the individual to take control of the body. for example, a gay male body is perceived as an abnormal body under the religious doctrine, which [ 168 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 perceives that the body should make a relationship with the opposite body (heterosexual) and the same body (homosexual). this exemplified that the body of the gay male becomes far away even though it is embedded within a gay individual. one of the reasons because gay males can control their bodies due to the religious doctrine that limits their freedom. as anna explained, losing control over the body is not merely the inability of lgbtiq individuals but due to that capacity being hampered by the doctrine of religions that took over the body’s power. the control of religion toward the body relates to what had been explained by foucault (1976), that modern sexuality had demarcated the ‘normal’ body and the ‘abnormal’ one. in this sense, the discourse of sexuality is shaped by religion, which had to limit the body’s diversity to specific actions, which also influences the limitation of sexuality. consequently, the male body should become a ‘heterosexual body,’ not a ‘homosexual’ one. as a result, lgbtiq individuals do not seem to be able to determine or even have selfcontrol over their bodies. however, the yifos prioritizes the close relationship between body and individual self as the possible way to create a link for the reconciliation of lgbtiq non-normative sexuality and religion. thus, it is called the ‘perspective of the body’ and ‘experience of the body. the body’s perspective aims to reflect on lgbtiq individuals regarding their experience of the body that is prohibited and restricted by the doctrine of religion. to make a reflection on their experience, yifos applies the perspective of the body by making testimony for lgbtiq individuals during the camp to tell the story of their experience of the body. then, they were asked to understand why their body, where sexuality and faith were embedded, was prohibited. in my analysis, the idea of making a reflection is to question which power controls their body. edith explained that religion is the primary power that controls the body of lgbtiq. therefore, this reflection aims to bring the authority back for the lgbtiq individual toward their body. the doctrine of the religions that dominate the body is eliminated because it makes the body far from the lgbtiq individual self. as a result, the perspective of the body would become the main departure in reclaiming lgbtiq sexuality and faith by making liberation from the doctrine of religion as i will explain in the next section that this perspective of the body is intended to create individual freedom for self-acceptance of lgbtiq individuals regarding their sexuality and faith. from a feminist to queer perspective the liberation of the body is a critical objective in yifos as a starting point to re-evaluate the possibility of reconciling lgbtiq sexuality and religion. [ 169 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 one of the main goals of this liberation is to make self-acceptance of the body for lgbtiq concerning their sexuality, which is currently being regulated and condemned by many powers, especially religious institutions, through the doctrine. in creating this liberation, yifos adopted the way of liberation through the body theology of feminism, which later included queer perspective. the queer perspective is because the body theology of feminists could not accommodate the diversity of the body for lgbtiq people. based on what i saw in yifos, the body recognized by feminists relies only on women with the purpose of awareness of their bodies. however, the purpose of creating awareness of the women’s body could not be adjusted to the lgbtiq body because lgbtiq individuals see their bodies differently. some of them could accept their body which might relate to the women’s bodies, but many are uncomfortable with their bodies. for example, some transgender might be more respectful of their body after they change it through surgery. therefore, this present part will explain the liberation of the body through these two approaches employed by yifos for lgbtiq participants of the camp. in this feminist theology, the body is the center of individual freedom, and self-acceptance becomes a medium of sexuality and faith. as mentioned earlier: the concept of liberation is to build authority for the individual to control their body. there are at least two feminist theologians that influence yifos in using body theology. this concept was introduced and developed by anna, a supervisor of yifos and a feminist. the central concept of the body theology of feminism is the invitation to re-claim the body from the authority of the classical theology of the body, which still regulates women under heterosexuality. anna sees that the theology of all religions has a similar meeting point which gives appreciation to the body but at the same time regards the body as something associated with sin. therefore, in many religions, people should leave their bodies to enter heaven. this ambivalence of classical theology leads to the control of religion over the body on how the body should follow specific characteristics. this condition is similar to what had been felt by indonesia’s lgbtiq, where religious doctrine, as well as the discourse of sexuality, had limited their body and forced them to be ‘heterosexual’ as normative sexuality. consequently, the body of lgbtiq individuals no longer belongs to them because religious doctrine condemns the existence of the body as being nonnormative. through specific control and regulation of religion, anna, as influenced by the body theology of feminist, see that the body of lgbtiq is divided into five categories: labeled body, coded body, imprisoned body, and split body. all these types disembogue into one body type, ‘broken body.’ [ 170 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 consequently, lgbtiq individuals feel far away from their own body and autonomy because the body is coded through certain roles that the individual self cannot determine. the concept of the body theology of feminism within yifos gave insight into reclaiming an individual’s body to be free from the types of bodies currently controlled by many powers, especially religion. in this sense, yifos encouraged lgbtiq individuals to take their bodies back through a reflection of their bodily experiences. through liberation of the body categorized as a ‘broken’ body, i argue that yifos aims to construct new subjectivity for the lgbtiq individual to take control over their body and accept their sexuality as part of reconciliation with religion. constructing new subjectivity for lgbtiq would allow them to determine their sexuality and religion through their experience. as foucault theorizes, sexual subjectivity is understood as one’s thoughts and emotions about one’s sense of being sexual (weedon, 1987), which is always constituted concerning particular discourses (foucault, 1982; rabinow, 1984). discourses offer individuals a range of ways of being in the world, like subject positions, to be taken up (weedon, 1987) so that individuals can construe their experiences from those positions. in the case of yifos, the liberation of the body can be included in creating new subjectivity for lgbtiq in determining their sexuality and faith. as sexual subjects, lgbtiq individuals are expected to be sexual subjects who rely on their freedom in constructing their bodies (sexuality and faith). this part demonstrated that the liberation of the body is the crucial point of yifos for the self-acceptance of lgbtiq regarding their non-normative sexuality. yifos assumed that this liberation was a step toward reconciling lgbtiq sexuality and religious values. in this sense, self-acceptance is seen as the primary step for lgbtiq individuals to reconcile their non-normative sexuality and religion because, without this liberation for self-acceptance, lgbtiq individuals will perceive that their bodies where sexuality and faith are embedded as something that conflicts with each other. not merely religion: the fluidity of faith in relation to lgbtiq this section explores the different definitions of faith and religion employed by yifos to create the possibility of reconciling sexual and religious identities. generally speaking, yifos uses the term faith instead of religion because faith has more fluid characteristics than religion which contains a very rigid doctrine. the choice of the term faith is based on the consideration that religion had been assumed to have a bad image within lgbtiq communities. [ 171 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 some lgbtiq individuals and communities perceived religion as a source of the problem because of the close any possibilities of being lgbtiq. therefore, employing the concept of religion is more challenging in rebuilding the relationship between lgbtiq and religious values. furthermore, religion is often associated with the institution with a monolithic doctrine that is unchangeable, particularly on the issues of lgbtiq. according to wilfred cantwell smith (1991), the definition of religion had been associated with the word religion which constructs the institution and dismisses the individual faith of people more diverse than religion. therefore, yifos adopted the concept of faith because it creates a possibility for the diversity of religion that not only refers to one particular religious institution but also various beliefs and interpretations of the holy text. edith explained that faith has a broader scope of religion which can cover individual beliefs and understanding of a religious text, local or indigenous religion, and major religions such as islam and christianity. furthermore, anna explained that the use of ‘faith’ is because faith has a deep meaning rather than a religion where the faith recognizes the individual relationship with god. she sees that religious institutions have distorted religion due to the use of religion for political interest. according to boellstorff (2004), the growth of political homophobia in indonesia was motivated by religious doctrine. the doctrines do not only undermine lgbtiq people but are also used as justification to attack lgbtiq-related activities. therefore, yifos determines the use of faith due to its broader scope, which may acknowledge the individual interpretation of the religious texts and other forms of faith that are not included in religious communities. thus, i argue that using faith opens the possibility that religions are not monolithic in interpretation and teaching. there are also multiple interpretations, particularly on the issues of sexuality and lgbtiq, which also include personal interpretation. the normative interpretation that influences the doctrine and teaching of religion, which undermines the existence of lgbtiq, could be counted as one interpretation from multiple interpretations of the text. consequently, the use of faith within yifos had created the possibility of re-creating and re-evaluating the relationship between lgbtiq and religion. through this diversity of the meaning of faith, yifos built a bridge for lgbtiq to dialogue about their non-normative sexuality and religion. from liberation of the body to alternative interpretation this last part would portray the final step on how yifos helps lgbtiq [ 172 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 individuals reconcile their sexual identity and religious values. the previous part already explained the liberation of the body for self-acceptance of lgbtiq toward their sexuality as the point of departure in making reconciliation with their religion. although the primary purpose of the liberation of the body for lgbtiq could give them the ability to control sexuality and faith by being sexual subjects, yifos seems to see that not all lgbtiq individuals would have a similar capacity to make their interpretation or desacralize the normative doctrine of religion. besides, the religious context in indonesia is dominated by institutions where religious figures play significant roles in interpreting the holy text in religion (boellstorff, 2005; bouhdiba, 2007). therefore, the alternative reading of lgbtiq in the religious text is essential for reconciling lgbtiq sexuality and religion. thus, yifos invites religious figures whose interpretations toward lgbtiq are more accommodative. as i will argue in this section, the invitation of religious figures would create another success in which the lgbtiq people have various choices of the interpretation of religion. further, the alternative arrangement would allow them to see that lgbtiq individuals have a possible way of connecting their sexuality and religion. according to yifos activists, there are frameworks of liberation on the issue of religion and lgbtiq. first, yifos aims to give lgbtiq individuals the freedom in seeing their religion. in this sense, yifos aims to create selfauthority regarding their faith which is mentioned above in the liberation of the body. second, since not all lgbtiq individuals can desacralize the doctrine of the religion that limits their sexuality, yifos, therefore, invites religious figures who can provide alternative reading which differs from the dominant interpretation in perceiving lgbtiq. this is one of the core missions of yifos, which aims to bring a different image of religion to the lgbtiq communities and individuals that religions have peace values that can accommodate the diversity of gender and sexuality. according to edith, this invitation is based on the consideration that those religious figures who are invited have the same mission as yifos. the mission here, which relates to how religious text is interpreted, is the values of humanity which bring equality to every people regardless of their sexuality. the interpretation will not exclude or undermine lgbtiq people within the understanding of religion. to search for this interpretation, the yifos employs the interfaith approach in making commonality of religious views toward lgbtiq. although islam takes the dominant discourse of sexuality in indonesia, yifos prefers to see all significant religions which do not include islam which can justify the existence of lgbtiq. this idea seems to create a counter-narrative to counter the [ 173 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 dominant discourse of religious doctrine that perceives lgbtiq as sinful and excluded from the spiritual tradition. the counter-narratives are manifested in how the religious figures interpret the sacred text. many religious figures i interviewed did not only rely on the progressive interpretation, which uses hermeneutics but also engaged with the classical way of interpreting the holy texts. the classical way here refers to analyzing the text and considering the context where the text is revealed (interview with muiz, an islamic religious figure, and darwita, a protestant priest). in darwita’s point of view, there is a different tradition of earlier christians in looking at the issue of lgbtiq and other forms of non-normative sexuality. the earlier christian could not address the problems of lgbtiq since there was no term for a related case in the past. therefore, darwita explains that using hermeneutics is essential to include or accommodate lgbtiq within the tradition of christianity. meanwhile, muiz used textual analysis to see how islam could accommodate lgbtiq. in islam, gender and sexuality are not limited to two categories but also diverse, such as makhanas (a man who looks like a woman). this idea of inviting religious figures through interfaith ways allowed the lgbtiq to see religion from a different perspective. in this sense, religion or even the interpretation of its text is not monolithic. there are multiple interpretations of religious text, particularly on the issue of lgbtiq. here, yifos aims to show the lgbtiq that they can see the diversity of religion and its interpretation of their sexuality. according to ana, yifos does not force lgbtiq individuals to choose a specific interpretation, but yifos gives freedom to choose among many choices of performance. in this sense, yifos still applies the way how sexual subject could determine their sexuality and faith for lgbtiqs themselves. therefore, lgbtiq individuals might have a strong justification that their non-normative sexuality could be embraced altogether with religious identity. conclusion: the need for safe space this paper demonstrated the way yifos is helping lgbtiq individuals to reconcile their non-normative sexuality and religion in indonesia, a country where religion represses the existence of lgbtiq. lgbtiq individuals experience challenges expressing their non-normative sexuality and religious identity since the doctrine of faith perceives their sexuality as ‘sinful’ and ‘abnormal.’ by examining yifos as a case study that allows reconciliation between lgbtiq sexuality and religion, this paper argues that lgbtiq can embrace their sexuality and religion simultaneously. in this sense, lgbtiq individuals can also be religious. to make this possible, yifos applies self[ 174 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 acceptance of lgbtiq individuals through the liberation of the body where sexuality and faith are embedded. in this liberation, the yifos adopted the body theology of feminist and queer perspective in creating a new subjectivity of lgbtiq individuals to be able to control their bodies while simultaneously deconstructing the dominant discourse of sexuality that undermines lgbtiq as non-normative sexuality. besides, this liberation of the body also aims to create self-acceptance of the body for lgbtiq regardless of the doctrine of religion. regarding religion, yifos applies the interfaith approach in building the commonality of religion in perceiving lgbtiq. therefore, yifos invited religious figures whose interpretations of lgbtiq are more accommodative. this idea is to show lgbtiq that religious interpretations are not monolithic. there is also a peaceful value within a religion that can accommodate lgbtiq people’s existence. consequently, lgbtiqs can embrace their sexual and religious identity simultaneously. therefore, a camp of yifos where the lgbtiq individuals could find a safe space to cultivate their sexuality and religion becomes important in indonesia to create a small, meaningful space that allows lgbtq individuals to embrace being both lgbtq and religious publicly. bibliography bennett, l. r. (2007). zina and the enigma of sex education for indonesian muslim youth. sex education, 7(4), 371–386. boellstorff, tom. (2004). the emergence of political homophobia in indonesia: masculinity and national belonging. american anthropologist, vol. 107, no. 4 (dec. 2005), pp. 575-585 .(2005).between religion and desire: being muslim and gay in indonesia. american anthropologist, vol. 107, pp. 575-585. bouhdiba, abdelwahab. (1998). sexuality in islam. alan sheridan, trans. los angeles: saqi books. .(2008). sexuality in islam. new york: routledge. davies, s. g. (2011). gender diversity in indonesia: sexuality, islam and queer selves. london: routledge. foucault, m. (1982). the subject and power. critical inquiry, 8 (4), 777–795. . (1976). the history of sexuality: an introduction. new york: knopf doubleday publishing group, [ 175 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.1540 ganzevoort, r.ruard; laan, mark van der; olsman, erik. (2011). growing up gay and religious. conflict, dialogue, and religious identity strategies. mental health, religion, and culture 14(3), 2011, 209-222. kailani, n. (2012). forum lingkar pena and muslim youth in contemporary indonesia. rima: review of indonesian and malaysian affairs, 46(1), 33. liang, jamison. (2010). ‘homophobia on the rise”, inside indonesia online, accessed may 16th, 2019: https://www.insideindonesia.org/homophobia-on-the-rise mulya, teguh wijaya. (2018). from divine instruction to human invention: the constitution of indonesian christian young people’s sexual subjectivities through the dominant discourse of sexual morality, asian studies review, doi: 10.1080/10357823.2017.1407918 parker, l. (2009). religion, class and schooled sexuality among minangkabau teenage girls. bijdragen tot de taal-, land-en volkenkunde, 165(1), 62–94. parker, l. 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(2019) ‘is recent wave of homophobia in indonesia unexpected?. in greg feally and ronit ricci (ed). contentious belonging: the place for minorities in indonesia. pp. 113-132. wijaya, h.y. (2017). “behind political homophobia: global lgbt rights and the rise of anti-lgbt in indonesia”, hbs southeast asia online, accessed may 19th, 2019: https://th.boell.org/en/2017/06/16/behind-political-homophobia-global-lgbt-rights-and-rise-anti-lgbt-indonesia wijaya, h.y. (2019). “localising queer identities: queer activisms and national belonging in indonesia”. in in greg feally and ronit ricci (ed). contentious belonging: the place for minorities in indonesia. pp. 133-151. yifos, “sejarah yifos”, yifos official website online, accessed may 16th, 2019: https://yifosindonesia.org/ [ 241 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 the dayak selako shamans oral tradition: intermediary between people, culture and religion kristianus sekolah tinggi agama katolik negeri pontianak email: kristianusatok@gmail.com abstract the dayak shamans of western kalimantan of borneo mediate between people and the makhluk halus or invisible beings. the makhluk halus who have their well-defined roles live in the sky, earth, water, and other places, with similar needs as humans. thus, the relations between humans and spirits in the context of traditional beliefs are inseparable. interestingly, these beliefs are common to both dayak selako shamanism and kalimantan islam. the malay oral tradition has a major influence on the dayak selako culture in western kalimantan. both ethnic groups had originated historically from the same roots, but later separated by islam and christianity. thus, irrespective of their affiliations to the major religions of christianity and islam, the dayak selako shamanism and the islamic spiritual healing practiced in western kalimantan follow the same oral tradition when conducting spiritual communication and shamanic healing. for the malays, communication with the spiritual world begins with the recital of the islamic verses, forming an essential part of the malay identity. interestingly, the dayak selako christians use the same verses. we argue that the dayak selako shaman is not only an intermediary between the dayaks and their spirits but also between the dayak, islam, and christian religions. the mutual values of oral tradition in shamanism of the dayak selako and malays have created a societal structure based on the natural cycle and life pattern. keywords: shamans oral tradition; the dayak selako; malay; dayak culture. introduction the impact of modernization, especially the presence of various television channels, has shrunk dayak’s oral tradition. the pantun, a malay poetic form of poetry and story-telling culture, has dwindled. twenty years ago pantun was the communication model when a dayak man wanted to propose to a dayak lady. the representatives of both men and women would exchange poems in delivering their intentions of the meeting. during that time, the whole wedding event was featured with strong oral tradition. unfortunately, [ 242 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 we can’t find such oral tradition in dayak weddings today. the only oral tradition that is still maintained today is the dayak shamanism and its ability to connect the dayaks with the spiritual world (effendi, 2009). it is undeniable that shamans play an important role in society. a shaman’s role is not exclusive, which means that people from any ethnicity and religion can access them for healing. thus the shaman plays a major role in strengthening ethnic relations (kristianus, 2017). although modernization impedes the shaman practices, rural societies still believe that shamans possess the ability to heal diseases resulting from the spiritual world. the data shows that in rural areas you can find at least 4 shamans in every village. there were 14 shamans in selakau (kristianus, 2011). their commended ability to treat fractured bones is acknowledged not only by society, but by doctors. their other capabilities are related to the spiritual world. oral traditions practiced by the dayak’s shaman in their healing sessions as well as dealing with the spiritual world are greatly influenced by malay culture (hermansyah, 2014b). the word bismillah is usually the initial word expressed by the shaman during healing sessions. meanwhile, for the spiritual and magical world, the dayaks keep the manuscripts written in arabic, in addition to memorizing malay verses. these circumstances are unique given they are christians. conflict and ethnic unrest which frequently occurred in west kalimantan consequently encouraged the dayaks to relearn magical knowledge, thus enhancing the role of oral tradition itself. besides the protestant christians, catholics played an important role in oral tradition development. notwithstanding being christians which normally goes against the traditional belief, the dayak continues with their practice of oral tradition. thus, it is natural for catholics to practice christianity in correspondence to their dayak culture. the process of acculturation happened whereby elements of local culture were incorporated into the catholic mass (kristianus, 2017). oral tradition in a form of story and non-story inherited from the ancestors of the dayak for generations. these oral traditions are very important to the dayak as it reflects the thoughts, attitudes, and behavior of the dayak. in addition, oral traditions consist of philosophy, ethics, morals, aesthetics, history, custom set of rules, the religious teachings of native dayak, science and intermediate technology, as well as the people’s entertainment. for the dayaks, oral tradition connects generations of the past, present, and future (darmadi, 2018). [ 243 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 oral tradition, culture and religion when we discuss oral tradition, the main discussion is the socio-cultural aspects of society. it encompasses the way of life and attitude of society towards education, economies, politics, art, and customs. a preserved culture is a cultural heritage that has been a soul in the society such as feasts, weddings, and other events which involve relatives and the practice of communal help. the indonesian dictionary defines sociocultural as a community relationship with culture (kbbi, 2016). this relationship consists of the way of life, customs and others. idris et al., state that culture covers the way of life of a society, civilization, behavior, and their progression in thoughts (idris et al., 2019). the way of life includes the ways of thinking, customs, traditions, art, and matters related to their life such as the political, economic, learning ways, and others. culture is a value and way of life, a combination of two elements, mind (something pure and chaste), and power (capacity, capability, and physical and spiritual strength). the power of physical strength without spiritual strength cannot create a positive and developed nation. culture is a sign that humans can think, have feelings, and express creatively through various means including oral traditions (shils, 1971). the functional theory is a frame of reference for empirical research, which looks at the community as a social institution in status quo, structure human activities based on the norms embraced together and considered valid and binding the role as well as the man himself. the complex nature of the social institution is a social system that is dependent on each section, to the extent changes in one section will influence other sections, which finally influenced the whole system (zahorka, 2020). the “cultural value system is a set of abstract conceptions of life in the natural mind of a society, about what is considered valuable and important significance, but also about what is considered trivial and worthless in life” (koentjaraningrat, 2010). in the life of society, this value system is closely related to attitude, both of which determine patterns of human behavior. value systems are integral parts of moral ethics, which is outlined in its manifestation in social norms, legal systems, and customs of manners which serve as behavioral rules to govern the discipline of community life. customs establish how societies act in an orderly manner. area cultural values are of course particularistic, which is generally accepted within the typical culture of a particular ethnic group. since childhood, “individuals have been impregnated by the cultural values of its people so that conceptions have been deeply rooted in their minds and it is difficult to be replaced by the values of other cultures in a short time” (marzali, 2014). concerning this, in its manifestation, cultural values that reflect specific [ 244 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 stereotypes, such as javanese people are identified as polite people, act slowly, low profile, soft-spoken, and so on. the specificity of the cultural values of the area and the practical behavior is of course relatively distinct. with the specificity of cultural values of other ethnic groups, it is thus reflected in the oral tradition of those who live in the community. oral tradition refers to all forms of heritage and traditions existing in a community group. the delivery of this oral tradition has shaped the oral intercession. it is one way the society conveys oral history, literature, legislation, and other knowledge across generations without a writing system. according to msiska, oral tradition is one of the ways a person develops itself in the culture. he added that when the speech and discourse take place, this is where people are putting together knowledge and living up to the norms or values in the ethos or aesthetics. tradition is a cultural space that is the conceived place to learn, behave, and interpret reality rather than inheritance received in the adage, couplets, proverbs, and the art of the teaching of the good life and happy living. oral tradition is an oral expression and discourse room before being written in the tradition of writing (msiska et al., 2018). the essentials of the dayaks oral tradition for the dayak selako, day-to-day life is inseparable from their beliefs and practices, especially in areas that require interaction with nature, underlining the spiritual significance attached to nature (iyon, 2018). the dayak religion teaches that all events whether good or bad, are influenced by external forces. the term religi itself originates from the english word religion that has the latin root word religare (bind together) without having the revelation and kitab suci understanding (k. kristianus et al., 2018) because this religi is inherited by their deceased ancestors in the life of a non-literate society, referred to as traditional religi, in which the dayak selako called it custom. this can be observed in the oral tradition prayer in each ritual event of the penyangohotn (imam): “bukotnnyo unang i-mantabok i-marompokng adat aturan anyian, io inurunan ampet i ne’ unte’ i kaimantotn, ne’ ancino i tanyukng bungo, ne’ sarukng i sampuro, ne’ rapek i sampero’, ne’ sai i sabako’, ne’ ramotn i saa’u, ne’ ranyoh i gantekng siokng. angkowolah angkenyo kami anak parucu’e make io dah tingor-kamaningor, dah pahiyak dah goehotn kami ihane.” (it is not merely adat (traditional law) and rules as the results of human construction only, but they have been inherited from the ancestor under the one so-called nek unte’ who lives in kaimantotn, nek bancino (the [ 245 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 chinese ancestor) who lives in tanyukng bungo, nek sarukng who live in bukit sampuro, nek rapek who lives in sungai sapero’, nek sai who lives in bukit sabako’, nek ramotn who lives in bukit saba’u, and nek ranyoh in gantekng siokng. therefore, the people living after those leaders use what has been inherited throughout generations and take it as the way of life for them). this dayak custom consists of rules, norms, and ethics that govern the relationship between humans, nature, and supernature. the traditional religi thus forms the suprastructure from which the practices are adapted to suit the environment (pratama & nurcahyo, 2019). this adaptation is immediately visible in the forms of prayer or sacrificial offerings (buis bantotn), with great emphasis on minute details such as the position of the sacrificed chicken, types of ritual leaves, and sacred sites. true to its name, traditional religi or custom is non proselytizing, and it is of concern to the individual alone. the cosmos for the dayak comprises both the mortal and immortal beings constantly interacting with each other. the dayaks thus co-exist with their neighbors the jubato and awo pamo (ancestors) in subayotn; the harmonious and balanced relationship fostered by the strict adherence of the dayaks to their religi. the religi can thus be viewed as a set of unwritten codes that governs the relationship between the mortals and the immortals. in the dayak cosmology, the spirits are known as delicate creatures inhabiting the sky, earth, water, and other places with well-defined roles. they live in a world that cannot be seen, yet share the same needs as humans. thus their niches overlap often, a condition that could lead to conflict in the absence of magical knowledge. it is the magic that helps the dyak communicate with the spirits and understand them. this is also aligned with thomson (2000) saying that as repressive ideologies and political systems started to dissolve, many ethnic groups in asia and elsewhere began to reflect on their distinctive cultural properties to reconnect themselves with their tradition and their cultural roots. this led to a new appreciation and revival of folklore in various fields such as oral traditions, music, and religion.” the dayak selako believe that compliance and faith in the spirits will bring blessings and rewards in various forms, while the wrath of spirits would only bequeath danger and misfortunes. therefore, man should strive to communicate with spirits through magic. the dayak selako magic is acquired through various means such as meditating, dreams, rajaki (luck), baguru (learning) by oral tradition, and inherited during birth. this magical power can be divided into two: hot and cold. the former could be used to potentially harm other people. poisons, dawak, spells, and ghosts are included in this group. cold magic is used to pre-empt or recover from hot magic and its [ 246 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 influences. talismans and counterspells are the most popular manifestations of cold magic. an informant narrated an incident about a villager who was a habitual thief. however, he once earned the wrath of a powerful person whose belongings he happened to steal. this resulted in the thief suffering from an enlarged stomach which was cured only after the individual sought forgiveness from all the individuals from whom he had thieved. the dayak community’s understanding of humans as part of nature is based on the existence of a deep relationship between the two, the signs and omens. this relationship is understood as a form of communication that is described by the myths of oral tradition, which flourished in the lives of this society (luardini, 2016). nature communicates with human beings, among others, through signs and omens. communication with nature in turn is possible through praxis (real action and awareness), and religious practices. jubato birds such as tingkakok and bungkikik have a profound influence on the fertility status of all beings in the cosmos, for these birds with their unique sound, ensure that all living beings flourish, breed, and continue their lineage. the cattle at home, animals in the river and forests, crops and fruit trees in the farm and foreststhey all owe their productivity to the jubato birds. hence, rituals involving offerings of patek are often organized to honor these birds. the prayer for these birds goes as follows: (the patek is taken from glass and put in the hand and say the prayer:) “au’ unang nyian patek tampi paribaso si ane’ (sebut nama pemilik kurnan) mirikngi’ kito’am badamo tingkakok burukng jawo, bungkikik, burukng matan. kito’ an dingaso’an dingarap, ingampioh am batimang. ame kito’ batimang jawi’, batimang jaji ka manosio, jaji ka piarootn,jaji padi ka umo ka tahutn, jaji ka banir buoh. kurrra’ patek tampi (and the one doing the prayer move up the patek right on the top of the sacrifice). (this is an overring of patek, which comes first from a (please mention the name of the one doing sacrificing) as an adat who is sending you all namely tingkakok the javanese bird, bungkikik the matan bird. you all hope to support all living beings to grow well, have fruits, and have descendants. it should be successful. please support the success, human beings have children, animals live well in the jungle and cattle grow well around human beings, padi and the trees have their great fruits. thank you for being with this patek tampi). [ 247 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 hindu-buddhist influences dayak culture and oral tradition, in general, have been profoundly influenced by hindu-buddhist philosophies. the selako dayak people believe in the god jubata, also referred to as dervata (baier, 2007). according to baier, dervata is the land dayak name of a god from the sanskrit word dewata divinity, deity, gods. we may recall that land dayaks have a kind of hindu trimurti, viztapa or yang, the preserver (vishnu or dewa-dewa of hindus), jirong-brama, the creator (brahma of the hindus), triyuh-kamang, the destroyer (shiva of the hindus). the following are the dayak cultural practices with visible hindu-buddhist influences. lala’ is abstinence from actions normally considered as good including eating, doing, or saying something. the aim of lala’ is to ensure every member in the society is safe from danger, increase strength, or achieve wishes in work. lala’ could last for three, seven, 44, or for the rest of the days of one’s life as dictated by the local tradition. nyangahatn is an indigenous dayak prayer that echoes in the form of nyangahatn which is a traditional ceremony widely practiced in customary events such as liatn, lala’remah, gawe, sampore’, and ‘mato. nyangahatn is also performed while narrating the origin of creations. the aim is to offer thanks, guidance, and protection or notification to jubata, ne’ panampa, ne’ daniang, related to work nyangahatn is equipped with a palantar (offerings). liatn is dayak selako traditional rituals of magical and sacred significance, marked by dance, rhythmic prose, and prayers. the goal of liatn is to heal, pay intentions, and others. liatn led by a liatn shaman and assisted by a panyampakng and some panyangahatn. there are different types of liatn such as liatn daniang, liatnnyande, liatn bantal and liatn kendayan, categorised on the basis of rhythms, purposes and the words used. each liatn has its own distinct character. for instance, liatan danian with ne sinede ‘ and ne ‘ lampede characters. liatn that are categorized on the basis of purposes are: liatn batama bohol, liatn ngaladak buntikng, liatn badingin, and liatn ngangkat paridup . liatn batama bohol is a fertility ceremony to ensure child boon, liatn ngangkat paridup fixes a failed patahunan (expand liatn ngaladak buntikng, liatn badingin too). other liatn ceremony are nyangahatn at the domestic levels such as, ngantar roba, ka’ ayutn, baramauan ngamok jalu, ka’ bawakng, bajampi, ka’ jubata masaka, nyangahatn ngago’ sumangat, notor (offerings for evil spirits), ka’ dango bonto, ngalainse, ngungke, ka’ paramainan, and baripakng. the duration of the ritual varies from one day one night, to three days three nights. the dance and songs featured in liatn are unique and often accompanied by musical instruments such as agukng, dau, and tuma’ (gendang/local music item like a drum). [ 248 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 all those cultural aspects are essentially manifestations of the dayak understanding of human-nature relationships, influenced by hindu-buddhist philosophies. nyangahatn is a form of traditional oral communication with gods and the world of the spirits, while baliatn is how dayak people communicate with their ancestral spirits. the dayaks regard ‘death’ as a means to return to or unify the human body with the world (talino), and the semangat or ayu (life) with subayotn. whenever a human has to leave the world, nature communicates to humans through tirantokng, a mythical creature of the jungle. the sound of tirantokn is heard between 22.00-24.00 hours and resembles that of a large saw tearing through a wooden plinth. this sign is interpreted as the cutting of a human body by the ghost foretelling the imminent death of a dayak in the village or nearby within the next three days. another ritual is called mura’atn. it is ritual seeking protection from misfortunes. omens play an important role in foretelling such misfortunes and dayaks predict the nature and extent of danger by relating to the time and direction from where the respective bird/animal sound arises. known by the dayak term palangkahan, such omens help the dayaks in choosing the accurate time (hour, day) in performing outdoor activities. this understanding is described in the case of kulikng langit, a character in the myth of humans getting pelangkahan from nek baruang kulup. another case as an example of a maniamas myth (who lives in oral tradition) that violates suara rasi dari kijokng (kijang) – sebuah rasi keras, rasi orang mati berdarah. the dayak salako believe in the cyclicity of life, and death is a temporal point when a human who originated from nature, returns to and blends with nature. thus, in the dyak selako religion, when a human is momo ‘ (dead) she/he has returned to the binuo (original place). therefore, in line with the evolution of human life, humans gradually evolved from life forms that are lower (iyon, 2018). dayaks and malays share many beliefs related to hinduism, noting that malays and dayaks of serawai in melawi, offer offerings at ancient hindu monuments to obtain high padi yields (sutama et al., 2020). the malay based oral tradition of the dayaks in addition to being influenced by hindu-buddhist culture, dayak religion is also influenced by their interactions with the malay community. among them is sampore, a ritual performed to support individuals recovering from broken/ sour relationships. sampore is carried out in the event of lenggang, liatn, dendo, bapipis, batampukng, tawar and babuis (because badi or jukat). the form of the ceremony is not derived from the original kanayatn. the ceremony was performed at the time of paying the intention. this activity is similar to liatn [ 249 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 but with the malay variation (prasojo, 2011). for the dayak selako, an individual is a combination of the four elements: the body, the spirit (soul), feelings, and life. to enable a man to be alive and healthy, all four elements should work in harmony without disturbances. human beings cannot escape from experiencing misfortune and illness. the dayaks also believe that accidents, severe diseases, or misfortune are penalties for violation of custom, attacked by ghosts or spells. illness arises when the individual’s spirit is disturbed and if the disturbance is not stopped to let the spirit return to the state of serenity, it would leave the body in pursuit of the afterlife (chua, 2011). spirits are categorized into three viz., water ghost, the ghost of the forest, and the ghosts that live in the air. there are both male and female spirits and they do not disturb people unless they are not well-fed, or are unable to live happily. when disturbed, or unhappy, the spirits could bring illnesses to humans. besides, there are also supernatural creatures believed to inhabit specific habitats, usually referred to as “penunggu”. passing by such penunggu without seeking permission from the creatures, or disturbing them could cause illnesses (chua, 2015). in their relationship with the extraordinary power, the dayaks try to be friendly while also trying to master the extraordinary power of magic. the purpose of mastering extraordinary power is for the interests of the community. they believe that the extraordinary power may bring illnesses and at the same time also help heal illnesses, depending on the intention of the beholder. the beholder hence should be adept in communicating with the spirits; the dayak shamans follow the malay tradition while communicating with the spirits. a dayak shaman in kampong sasak healing his patient, greeted nabi khaidir when using water as his resource. this is understood from the chant below. assalamu’alaikum sahibul bahar sahibul basar assalamu’alaikum nabi hedir aku mengambil air untuk tepung tawar si (mention the name of the patient) salam sejahtera atas pemilik laut dan pemilik darat salam sejahtera atas nabi khaidir aku mengambil air untuk tepung tawar si (mention the name of the patient) one of the key characteristics of islam practiced by the people of the malay archipelago is the staunch faith in the prophet khaidir. lathifah states that the prophet khaidir was one of the main prophets among the coastal malays. [ 250 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 owing to his reputation as the “lord of the water”, he is more popular among malays inhabiting the coastal region. this belief is also observed in the coastal district of kendawangan district of kabupaten ketapang, west kalimantan. for the malay fishermen, it is important to seek permission from prophet khaidir with the prayer bismillah assalamu’alaikum nabi hidir (lathifah, 2018). any catch obtained from the sea without seeking permission of prophet khaidir is considered a stolen catch. for this purpose, yellow-stained rice, pucuk daun sabah (excocaeria cochinchinensis) flour, whole plant of cordyline fruticosa, rice water, broken rice, and scissors or kitchen knife are used as offerings. in addition to prophet khaidir, the coastal malay people also recognize other lords of the seas. these lords are the sources of both positive and negative powers, capable of bringing both fortunes as well as misfortune to the fishermen. one such lord is the (ghost of the sea) who has the vast power to either help or destroy the community. the ghost of the sea could help the fishermen identify spots where fish, shrimp, calamari, and other seafood are abundant. the ghost of the ocean may also help to escape from the threat of sea waves. however, the ghost of the sea who is sometimes also referred to as the caretaker of the sea could also send strong winds and waves which the fishermen are afraid of. at times, the caretakers also present themselves in the form of frightening voices. to tame this ghost, the best possible way is to befriend it. thus, it is common to find fishermen who ‘keep’ the sea ghost in their custody. the custodianship begins with an agreement or a contract established with the caretaker, which is an offering made at specific times. dayak selakos of sepuk laut holds a ritual known as kasi makan laut aimed at placating the caretaker and obtaining an abundant yield from the sea. failure to organize the rituals would result in loss of lives, frequent storms, and meager catches. led by the shaman, this ritual is normally held every year around june, when the northern winds are strong. avoiding misfortunes in the sea also requires the dayak selakos to adhere to a strict code of conduct. petty actions such as whistling would bring forth strong winds, while usage of foul words would result in fishermen returning with empty hands from the sea. the influence of malay islam on dayaks also extends to the animal world. the crocodile is one such animal that enjoys a unique relationship with the dayaks. known as ‘orang air’ meaning ‘man of water’ or ‘orang bawah’ ‘meaning man of the underneath’, crocodiles are not just the most feared water animal, but also considered as the twin sibling of the human. it is the responsibility of the dayaks to maintain a harmonious relationship with the crocodiles, to avoid misfortunes. this belief towards the lord of water, especially the crocodile can bring danger to humans. this is a belief common to the malays of west [ 251 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 kalimantan and the malay archipelago (noor, 2013). for the indigenous people of borneo, it is taboo to refer to animals of the jungle by their names. instead, they use a metaphor to refer to them, as seen in the case of orang bawa. taboos too have an important place in the dayak belief system. there are temporal taboos, as well as species and habitat taboos that could be either regulatory or connected to access and withdrawal of resources. an expecting mother in her early pregnancy is forbidden to cross the sea, rivers, or streams to prevent miscarriage. the husband of the pregnant woman is also forbidden to cut the head of fresh tilan fish (fire eel: mastacembelus erythrotaenia) to avoid the chances of the baby being born with cleft lips. it is also forbidden to boil the tilan fish to remove the slime, as it can cause the baby’s skin to scald. the belief in badi is common to all communities of the malay archipelago although there are variations. badi is the curse of killing an animal that is not usually hunted for food. the human thus earns the wrath of the spirit of the killed animal, or its offspring(irawati, 2019). for example, a father-to-be is forbidden to cut short trees, and the violation will result in the newborn being born with short hands or legs just like the shortened trees. even though they know the illnesses resulting from the taboo violation, or miscommunication with the spirits can be cured by modern medicine, the dayak still believe that illnesses are caused by disturbances from the devil, genie, and other spirits. therefore, during ill health, a dayak selako would consult both a formally trained physician as well as his shaman. thus for the dayaks, diseases and disorders require a hybrid healing regime involving both ‘modern medicine’ as well as shamanic healing. however, some diseases could be cured exclusively by shamanic healing. chants recited by the dayak shamans during shamanic healing indicate that there is a profound influence of the malay islamic tradition. for instance, ‘beri makan kampung’ is an annual ritual organized every year after the harvest (octnov), to safeguard the entire village from mishaps and illnesses. during this ritual, the shamans recite the arabic prayer of tolak bala followed by the following chant: asslamu’alaikum datu’ abdul ‘ain nang bekuase tujuh lapis langit tujuh lapis bumi inilah siade pengasihan anak buah aku aku minta’ jagekan anak buah aku sekelian nang bahaye minta’ tulung selisihkan [ 252 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 (assalamu’alaikum datok abdul “ain the one controlling seven layers of sky and seven layers of earth only this we may provide you i ask you to protect me and all people from bad and dangers). beri makan kampung ritual is held at the edge of the village and involves prayer and food offerings to presiding supernatural creatures of the village. the ritual food prepared consists of four varieties of rice (white, black, red, and yellow), seven boiled eggs, three combs of berangan bananas, betel nut, palm sugar, kemenyan, scented oil, and bertih (broken rice), served on a banana leaf laid on the earth. besides, participants also bring other food such as ketupat and pat lau with dishes in return for the offerings, the supernatural creature would assure the safety of the villagers. after the tolak bala prayers are read, there is an elaborate community feast. yet another popular belief among dayaks is the semangat. a person whose soul has left him does not result in death, but only leads to sickness. thus, the individual is rendered soulless which is tantamount to the state of ‘living dead’ or ‘tidak berghairah’. such an individual would have lost all willpower and energy to live. according to hermansyah, the soul is possessed by humans and enables humans to have the willpower to face the world (hermansyah, 2014a). baier states the soul is the ‘spirit of life, vitality, soul’. it leaves the body in sleep, and when absent from the body may be seduced or captured by another person; magic is sometimes used to attract and so win a girl’s semangat (soul) (baier, 2007). the semangat could be summoned, exorcized, or rejuvenated. a dayak facing misfortune such as an unexpected illness due to the loss of soul would therefore approach his shaman to have his soul summoned. an informant narrated an incident where he was once overcome by extreme fear to the extent of being incapable of undertaking even the simplest task. he then approached a village shaman who held a ritual to summon his soul by bathing him while chanting the teriak semangat mantra: bismillahirrahmanirrahim, kerasnya batu kerasnya semangat si (mention name), kerasnya besi kerasnya semangat si (mention name), ku semangat (12 times). the concept of soul is quintessential to the communities of the malay archipelago. conclude that the soul is the core view of the malays, especially in magic, because the soul is only part of the human element that needs to be observed. for example, it states that undoubtedly the most important single element in malay magic, and the most difficult to define because there are so many different opinions as to what it is, is semangat, the vital cosmic force or [ 253 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 energy which animates all creation. the dayak selako shamans the dayak selako shamans play the keystone religion in maintaining the aforementioned belief systems in the dayak society. they acquire the capability of diagnosing and healing through learning and wereh. learning is the process of acquiring knowledge from other ‘experts’ who possess healing capabilities. thus, there are both senior as well as junior shamans that lead to a hierarchical order. village midwives could also perform the roles of shamans, albeit in a junior capacity. however, midwives of the dayak selakho community have been able to secure a formal role in recent times by undertaking formal training in ‘child card and delivery’ from the hospital in sambas. wereh is to acquire healing power through the supernatural including dreams and visions. knowledge acquired through wereh cannot be taught to others, lest it would be turned uselessthis belief also opens up the window for individual shamans to carve their niche, by possessing unique healing powers. the close relation between the oral tradition in supernatural healing with the local socio-cultural communities can be traced back to the times when the codified religions of christianity and islam began spreading in southeast asia. these new religions could not be developed unless they have the answer to illness. southeast asian communities believed that formidable spiritual powers influence health and disease. the king of patani accepted islam after being healed by a pasai syekh. hermansyah reports the role of supernatural healings in the islamization process of the interior regions of west kalimantan. in the process, traditional beliefs on unseen illnesses are adapted to conform to the islamic view on genies and devils. various formulas in arabic are combined with local formulas to fight and heal illnesses. this phenomenon is observed throughout the malay archipelago both in muslim as well as nonmuslim communities (hermansyah, 2014a). conclusion the oral tradition that lives in the dayak society has a close relation with culture and religions in the society. in the discussed oral tradition, we observed hindu, buddhist, and islamic influences. the arabs with islamic backgrounds and europeans with christianity changed the social institution in kalimantan. institutional change thus affects the oral tradition in society. the oral tradition of the dayak selako and malays in sambas, especially concerning the spiritual world and shaman healing contributed to strengthening both ethnic groups’ relationship. the value of local oral tradition is very distinctive, as it has [ 254 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 characteristics that support its culture. the characteristics generally contained moral values and universal philosophies. for that reason, each individual is trying to sustain their oral traditions. this research covers a limited number of ethnic groups within sub-dayak and malay in the region. and therefore, more coverage of the shamanism practices that exist in west borneo societies is encouraged for further elaboration of the oral tradition, culture, and religion of the dayak and malay in the region. this work recommends that further research on the continuities of the tradition in the modern world is needed to better understand the important changing values and behavior of the shamanism, 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(2018). turun melayu: konstruksi identitas orang dayak muslim di desa kuala rosan kalimantan barat. endogami: jurnal ilmiah kajian antropologi. https://doi.org/10.14710/endogami.2.1.80-87. luardini, m. a. (2016). socio-cultural values of traditional communities: a case study of the dayak in kalimantan. asian culture and history, 8(2), 1. https://doi.org/10.5539/ach.v8n2p1. marzali, a. (2014). pergeseran orientasi nilai kultural dan keagamaan di indonesia (sebuah esai dalam rangka mengenang almarhum prof. koentjaraningrat). antropologi indonesia. https://doi.org/10.7454/ ai.v0i57.3342. msiska, m.-h., hyland, p., & law, r. (2018). oral tradition as history. in writing and africa. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315505176-10. noor, y. (2013). islamisasi banjarmasin (abad xv-xix). jurnal socius. https://doi.org/10.20527/jurnalsocius.v2i1.2199. [ 256 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.2093 prasojo, z. h. (2011). indigenous community identity within muslim societies in indonesia: a study of katab kebahan dayak in west borneo. in journal of islamic studies. https://doi.org/10.1093/jis/etq068. pratama, r. b., & nurcahyo, a. (2019). kajian sosioreligi nilai-nilai upacara aruh baharin dalam masyarakat dayak meratus halong kabupaten balangan sebagai sumber pembelajaran nilai berbasis multikultural. agastya: jurnal sejarah dan pembelajarannya. https:// doi.org/10.25273/ajsp.v9i1.3640. shils, e. (1971). tradition. comparative studies in society and history, 122– 159. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500006186. sutama, p., luardini, m. a. & . n. a. (2020). the religious text ‘panaturan’ of the dayak ngaju community. kne social sciences. https://doi. org/10.18502/kss.v4i4.6489. thomson, l. k. (2000). the effect of the dayak worldview, customs, traditions, and customary law (adat-istiadat) on the interpretation of the gospel in west kalimantan, indonesian borneo. proquest dissertations and theses. https://doi.org/10.16953/deusbed.74839. zahorka, h. (2020). animism is applied ethnobotany: a shamanic healing ritual with the dayak benuaq ohookng / east kalimantan. journal of tropical ethnobiology. https://doi.org/10.46359/jte.v3i1.8 [ 141 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 tracking the traces of god in science: islamic tafsir on science published in bandung by crcs ugm and mizan by mehdi golshani reviewed by syamsul kurniawan pontianak state institute of islamic studies to muslims, the qur’an should serve as the model of thinking. it is a model which should become the paradigm. the advancement of science based on the paradigm of the qur’an will obviously enrich science. this paradigm will subsequently trigger the emergence of alternative science. we understand that normative premises of the qur’an can be formulated into empirical and rational theories. the transcendental structure of the qur’an is an idea which is normative and philosophical in nature, and it can be formulated into a theoretical paradigm, and provide a framework for the development of empirical and rational science, based on the pragmatic needs of humans as the vicegerent on earth. kuntowijoyo (2006) argued that the development of theories of islamic science is intended for the welfare of the muslims. however, in the path of the history of muslims, there is a dichotomy between religion and science, which prompt an initiative to integrate both. to date, the dichotomy is a current discourse. some people argued that religion and science are two different categories, each has a different area of study and is oriented to different things. some said the opposite, both religion and science are integrated; two similar activities and both should not be separated, because both can complement each other and can be used for human interests. the separation between religion and science is not something new, because it occurred in late medieval times especially when islam began to decline. in fact, the dichotomy between religion and science was actually never found in the early history of the muslims or the classical period of islam. as we understand from the first paragraph received by prophet muhammad, i.e. al’alaq (96): 1-5 which begins with a verse “iqra” , and in line with the mission of prophet muhammad to eradicate ignorance and mission to improve morality. it is also mentioned in surah al-mujadilah (58): 11, science and scientists have a high degree, and are parallel to the degree of the believers. as a guideline for muslims, the qur’an strengthens integrative relationship between religion and science. the dichotomous standpoint in the history of muslims has in fact led to the [ 142 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 decline of islamic scientists in both the development of scientific insights and the resolution of various problems with multidimensional approach. this is the reason behind the publication of the book written by mehdi golshani, melacak jejak tuhan dalam sains: tafsir islami atas sains (tracking the traces of god in science: islamic tafsir on science) translated from issues in islam and science by crcs ugm in collaboration with mizan. golshani in his book described how muslim scholars in the golden era of islamic civilization emphasized that the motivation behind the search for the natural and mathematical sciences was to know the verses of god in the universe. in their view, golshani wrote, each of these disciplines indicated one dimension of god’s creation, and science into one organic unity. in summary, as we mentioned earlier, the muslim scholars of the islamic classical period did not separate the study of the nature from their religious worldview, and they sought an inclusive framework that enabled them to explain the whole universe. the idea of the oneness of the creator and harmony of creation was a fundamental principle that governs all aspects of science (pp. 3-4). in islamic perspective, according to golshani, science and religion have the same basic metaphysics, and the purpose of revealing knowledge and seeking knowledge is to reveal the verses of god and his nature to humans. therefore, we can include scientific activities as part of religious obligations, but it has its own methodology and language. we believe that inconsistency as many pointed out to science and religion in the past or even today, is because of the neglect of the limitations of science by most scientists, or because of interference of religious authorities in scientific issues. it is also the case in the west, some prominent scientists view scientific activities as part of religious experience (p. 8). conversely, according to golshani, the qur’an warns us that the study of nature can take us from the creation to the creator only if we have faith in him (sura yunus 10: 101). therefore, when a scientist approaches nature with faith in god, faith will be strengthened by its scientific activities. otherwise, the study of nature will never lead to god. this is due to the fact that scientific activities are always accompanied metaphysical presumptions of the scientists although they are unaware of it. in summary, according golshani, faulty assessment can only take people to god only if it has a corresponding metaphysical framework (p. 9). golshani, who is a professor of physics at the sharif technology university, tehran, also revealed that religious belief can provide good motivation for scientific work. in fact, it was the main motivation behind the works of great scientists in the golden age of islamic civilization (p. 9). [ 143 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 thus, how can we understanding the nature? from the explanation of the qur’an, according to golshani, there are several ways. first, the sensory impression, which is perceived by the senses through experimentation and observation (al-ghasyiyah 88: 17-19). second, the use of reasoning. eskperimentasi and observation are necessary to acquire knowledge of the outside world, but they are not sufficient to interpret and correlate the experimental data. in fact, what distinguishes human from animals is not their external senses but reasoning and reflection on empirical data (al-araf 07: 179). in addition to the information embedded in sensory impressions, various realities of the world cannot be accessed through empirical data (surah yasin 36: 36). so, in this light, the qur’an invites us to examine the nature empirically with an emphasis on the use of intelligence and understanding. therefore, one is not expected to stop at the level of the sensory data, but must go beyond the observable part of the nature and explore the supra-sensory realities. third, intuition, which is another way to gain knowledge about the reality of the world. at the highest level, intuition can be a revelation specific to the prophet, and at a lower level it is in the form of inspiration that sometimes can be seen in most of the knowledgeable individuals (pp. 10-11). what, golshani described above, is relevant to the beliefs of muslims of the truth of the qauliyah verses (holy book) and qauniyah verses (the universe), that eventually leads to agreement that there is no contradiction or dichotomy between religion and science in islam. ontologically, the qauliyah and qauniyah are derived from “the one”. the science and knowledge about qauliyah and qauniyah verses according ramayulis and samsul nizar (2009:78) --which is in line with the golshani’s opinion-first, empirically are obtained through the senses; second, science acquired through the senses and reasoning; third, philosophy is obtained through reasoning; and fourth, intuition gained through the heart. in addition, there is also science directly given by god to his messengers in the form of revelation, inspiration received by the human mind, and the guidance received by the human heart. this outlook is in fact contrary to the view of those who believe that the sensory data are the only source of our knowledge (p. 11). in the qur’an, a natural phenomenon known as the verses of allah of which understanding these verses will enable a person to obtain the knowledge of the owner of such verses (al-rum 30: 22). in the qur’an, we often find references to the creation and composition of forms, precision and order in creation, as well as the harmony between human beings and parts of the physical universe (al-ankabut 29: 20; at-tariq 86 : 5; an-naml 27: 88; al-baqarah 02: 29). in another context, golshani argued that according to the qur’an the harmony [ 144 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 of creation is to prove the unity of god (as in al-anbiya’ 21: 22), that takes us closer to god (qs fushilat 41: 53) (pp. 118119). finally, golshani quoted the opinion of a leading muslim scholar of the 11th century, al-biruni: “when one decides to tell the difference between truth and falsehood, he must examine the universe and discover whether he is eternal or created. if someone thinks that he does not require this kind of knowledge, he needs to think about the laws that control our world, in part or as a whole. it will take them to know the truth about them, and paved the way to know the one that directs and controls the manifestation of the universe, and to know his attributes. this, in fact, is a form of truth which has been commanded by god to be searched by his knowledgeable servants, and he said, “... and give thought to the creation of the heavens and the earth, [saying], “our lord, you did not create this aimlessly” surah al ‘imran / 03: 191). this verse contains what has been described, and if people are working in accordance with it, they will have access to all fields of science (p. 120).” despite the fact that the discourse put forward by golshani on tracking the traces of god in science is not a novelty, this is an important book to read. it is simply because a book written golshani emerged as a response to the muslims who are still developing a culture dichotomy: separation between religion and science. this is completely comprehensible as the separation of religion and science practiced by most muslims today led to the decline of muslims in all fields, if compared to the west. [ 161 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 social media, religion, gender and politics in malaysia: a case of the social media usage by sarawak muslim female candidates in batang sadong and batang lupar in the 2018 malaysian general election nadrawina isnin1 faculty of administrative science and policy studies, uitm sarawak email: nadrawina@sarawak.uitm.edu.my abstract the 14th malaysian general election (ge2018) had changed the political landscape in malaysia. for the very first time, the ruling party of barisan nasional failed to dominate the government in all states except that of pahang, perlis and sarawak. this study is intended to discuss the scenario of ge2018 by focusing on the election results among female candidates in sarawak. ten female candidates participated in ge2018 as compared to a total of 78 candidates to grab 31 parliamentary seats in sarawak. meaning, merely 12.82 percentages of female candidates competed in ge2018. nevertheless, out of ten female election candidates competing, only five (4 pbb + 1 dap) won which was 16.12 percentages of winning whilst a big portion of the percentages of 83.87 went to the winning male election candidates. interestingly, the usage of social media is frequently used by the candidates in ge2018. hence, this work focuses on the usage of social media among two female muslim election candidates from a political party of parti bumiputera bersatu sarawak (pbb). the findings reveal that the frequent usage of facebook has positive and negative impacts on both female candidates. eventhough both female candidates win the election but one has an increased in votes and majority votes whilst the other has a drastic decrease of votes and majority votes obtained. keywords: sarawak, female, election, candidate, social media, posting. introduction over a decade ago, the sudden increase of frequent usage of social media by individuals or people proved that using the social media for business provides a user friendly website for users. the platform sees to the needs 1 the author would like to acknoledge the contribution of the konferensi antarabangsa islam borneo (kaib) xi 2018 held in pontianak as the paper was selected to be presented. the feedbacks from the conference are very valuable to the development of the final draft of the work. to all parties contributing to this paper is also great gratitutes being sincerely delivered. [ 162 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 of the users to socialize and communicate through their opinions, openly discussed in the social media. it also provides an avenue for the business with an opportunity to advertise and marketing their products (malaysian multimedia communication commission/skmm, 2017). skmm (2017) also noted that the social media account number has amounted to a high percentage of internet users increased since 2015. the skmm’s informaton is based on the facebook, instagram, youtube, wechat moments, google+, twitter, linkedin, snapchat, line timeline, tumblr among other things. from the ten social media as reported by skmm (2017), facebook has the highest account since 2015, in which the users had increased from 96.5 percentages to 97.3 percentages in 2017. therefore, an interesting fact by statista (2018) also indicates that the usage of social media would increase from 2015 to 2022. in fact it is expected according to statista (2018) that the increase is estimated from 20.42 millions of social media users, from 18.62 millions users from 2017. the current statistics by skmm (2017) and statista (2017) offer an interesting evaluation of the usage of social media by focusing on the facebook. subsequently, the trend of frequent usage of the social media is evident among the election candidates in ge2018. in this case, the female candidates are not an exemption. though the social media is said to influence the voters but it does not entirely depend on the social media alone. other factors such as the candidates’ personalities, the choosing of political party, religious affiliation and the issues highlighted during the campaign could contribute to the winning of an election candidate. furthermore, the social media could lead to a small winning of a candidate or the probability of losing an election. this could be due to determinant factors of an individual as voters and not based on the frequent political media campaign. together, these studies provide important insights into my study in answering two research questions. firstly, what are the types of information in the social media to influence the voters in deciding which political party and which election candidate that they would choose and secondly, what are the issues in the social media. in relating to the questions, this study is focused on the frequent usage of social media based on the postings of the two female muslim election candidates; which comprise the pictures and videos posted or uploaded in the facebook. in addition, the data is also based on the number of votes, the percentages of votes and the majority votes garnered by the female election candidates for two constituencies, which are p200 batang sadong and p201 batang lupar to answer the first research question. for the second research question, the issues highlighted in the social media indicate [ 163 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 the acceptance of the voters towards these two female candidates. research methodology the methodology employed for this study is qualitative research. the qualitative method is used to probe into details and to provide the actual information for this study. in addition, the content analysis is used to collect data. according to mariette bengtsson (2016), content analysis can be used on all types of written texts no matter where the material comes from. moreover, there are no specific rules that must be followed (berg, 2001,  burnard, 1991, catanzaro, 1988, downe-wambolt, 1992), for example, deep interviews (wann-hansson, hallberg, klevsgård & andersson, 2005), focus group interviews (golsäter, sidenvall, lingfors & enskär, 2011), one single written question (bengtsson, ohlsson & ulander, 2007), open-ended questions as in a questionnaire (donath, winkler, graessel, & luttenberger, 2011), or observations of situations (eastwood, o׳connell & considine, 2011) as well as from pictures and films (krippendorff, 2004, neuendorf, 2002). however, the choice of data collection method affects the depth of the analysis. for example, open-ended, written questions cannot provide the same depth that an interview can provide, as the researcher has the opportunity to deepen the discussion with the informants.2 the data analysis refers to the purpose and the meaning of the collected data to a realistic conclusion. content analysis is employed in this study as a unique analytical unit applicable in both quantitative and qualitative.3 in quantitative content analysis, facts from the text are presented in the form of frequency expressed as a percentage or actual numbers of key categories that is the researcher seeks to answer questions about how many (bengtsson, 2016 quoting works of berelson 1952, krippendorff, 2004, neuendorf, 2002). this method differs from that of the qualitative content analysis; in this method, data are presented in words and themes to draw interpretation of the results. that is, the qualitative content analysis gave the researchers answers to questions such as “how “and “how many”. nevertheless, the choice of analysis method depends on the depth of the data presented by the researcher which reflects on the informant about a subject. this in turn, would have an effect on the data collection and on the total number of informants needed. therefore, the researcher either chose the manifest analysis or the latent 2 bengtsson (2016) referred to all the references in this paragraph to write his journal article, entitled how to plan and perform a qualitative study using content analysis. 3 bengtsson (2016) refers to previous studies by krippendorff, 2004 and neuendorf, 2002 (quantitative) and the works of berg, 2001, burnard, 1991, catanzaro, 1988, and downe-wambolt, 1992 (qualitative), and the deductive and inductive method is used. [ 164 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 analysis. in the manifest analysis, the researcher specifies the “what” matters as informed by the informant or what the informants actually say. further, the researcher stays very close to the text, uses the words themselves and describes the visible and obvious text in the text. in contrast, latent analysis is extended to an interpretive level in which the researcher seeks to find the underlying meaning of the text: what the text is talking about (berg 2001, catanzaro 1988, downe-wambolt 1992, as quoted by bengtsson, 2016). secondary data is also employed to study on the voting pattern and the voting information is based on two general elections of ge2013 and ge2018. social media such as facebook is used to gather information on the current issues at p200 batang sadong and p201 batang lupar, the chosen constituency areas for this purpose. consequently, the qualitative content analysis would reveal the contents of the information or postings in the facebook in a reasonable way. duration of the study is for 16 days. it started on the 24th of april 2018, the day of appointment of candidates until the polling day of 9th may 2018. this study eluded the interview method but merely referring to the postings made in both the female candidates’ facebook. the choice of these two constituency areas of p200 batang sadong and p201 batang lupar is because both are caretakers of these areas since 2004 (for p201) and since 2008 (for p200). thus, it is impeccably significant to investigate the loyalty of the voters as the female candidates are representatives for more than three or four terms which are approximately 10-14 years. literature review there is a growing body of research literature on social media use and political participation since 2004—the birth year of facebook. most of them attempted to discover whether the general use of social media could enhance young people’s online and offline political participation and civic engagement (e.g., baumgartner & morris, 2010; bode, vraga, borah, & shah, 2014; gil de zúñiga, jung, & valenzuela, 2012; hargittai & shaw, 2013; valenzuela, kim, & gil de zúñiga, 2012; valenzuela, park, & kee, 2009). most of these studies were conducted in western democracies such as the united states (e.g., bode et al., 2014; gil de zúñiga et al., 2012), the united kingdom (xenos, vromen, & loader, 2014), australia (xenos et al., 2014), sweden (sveningsson, 2014; svensson, 2014), italy (vaccari et al., 2015), spain and the netherlands (calenda & meijer, 2009) as quoted by yang and dehart (2016)).4 4 yang and dehart (2016) referred to all the above references in these two paragraphs to write their research article entitled social media use and online political participation among college students during the us election 2012. [ 165 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 the research article by hongwei chris yang and jean l. dehart (2016) also proposed that the united states (us) citizens’ online political participation is on the rise, fueled by the phenomenal growth of social media. further, yang and dehart (2016) revealed that the pew internet & american life project found that there was an increase of us adult internet users from 2008 election (55 per cent), 2010 midterm elections (54 per cent of us adult) and a more recent survey found that the social networking site 66 per cent of social media users (of which 22 per cent of online adults) stayed connected with the internet. the internet allowed the users to get involved in the political process or to receive political news or information, or got involved online, visited these sites for political information or getting involved in the campaign. more interestingly is the fact that political scientists and communication scholars urged politicians to tap the huge potential of engaging voters and campaigning via social media (yang and dehart (2016) cited utz, 2009) because those who use social media for political purposes are more likely to vote or to donate to a campaign (yang and dehart 2016). this is further stipulated by sebastian stier, arnim bleier, haiko lietz & markus strohmaier, (2017). the researchers specified that usage of facebook and twitter enable election candidates to directly reach out to voters, mobilize supporters, and influence the public agenda. in addition, these fundamental changes in political communication therefore present election candidates with a widened range of strategic choices. this was evident with the researchers work based on their empirical analysis focuses on political communication on facebook and twitter by candidates during the german federal election (bundestagswahl) campaign 2013. the baseline is a representative survey of the german population conducted during the election campaign and the researchers noted that social media have become universal communication channels for election candidates during election campaigns. taken together, their findings suggest that campaign strategies and political communication in general are mediated by varying sociotechnical affordances of social media platforms. having in mind the importance of social media to the users either in the united states, germany, and other parts of the world or even in malaysia, how is social media related to the choice of voting among voters? i am interested in the question of how the rational choice theories could influence the political views and perhaps in the long term the political culture at large among the voters. therefore, jiirg steiner (2017) pointed out that this is a special question within a much broader problem, namely how political science influences the political life of a country. according to steiner (2017), politicians, equally [ 166 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 selfishly, are motivated to be elected and reelected and rational choice theories may be based on other motives including motives of morality and altruism. hence, by referring to the works of rational choice theorists william h. riker, steiner noted that riker has formulated the basic axiom in a very concise way: “politically rational man is the man who would rather win than lose, regardless of the particular stakes.” thus, winning is always better than losing; staying in office better than being thrown out of office; a higher office better than a lower one. the discussion on the voters’ choice of voting is referred to as rational choice theory. according to s.m. amadae (2017), rational choice theory, also called rational choice theory or rational choice  school of thought is based on the assumption that individuals choose a course of action that is most in line with their personal preferences. rational choice theory is used to model human decision making, especially in the context of microeconomics, where it helps economists better understand the behaviour of a society in terms of individual actions as explained through  rationality, in which choices are consistent because they are made according to personal preference. eventually, rational choice theory is applied to other areas as well, including evolutionary theory, political science, and warfare. it started with a basic assumption about being rational in an action and to simplify the behavior of actors based on a mathematical methodology (anthony mcgann, 2016). nonetheless, mcgann (2016) noted that for the purpose of analysis, the writers did not use the mathematical methodology as stated by them. instead, mcgann stipulated that the writers focused on the postings and the comments in the social media particularly the facebook. further, mcgann (2016), described that the assumptions illustrated by the rational choice model experts are – people chose consistently and they do things with a reason, thinking about its consequences it is not something that could be rejected, but it is acceptable to the researchers; that is at least their expectations towards certain matters. consequently, the question is which particular voting model is consistent to these assumptions? hence, the most apparent matter is the ideological voting, meaning, the people voting for political party that they agreed to. this is based on the people’s liking over matters such as government policies, and therefore they chose that government. alternatively, the probability the voters use ideology as an experiment if their knowledge on a policy is limited. that is, a voter would not know the tax policy in depth but he or she knows which political party made an effort to restructure the tax policy. on the other hand, sara (berita harian online, 2017) is opinionated that [ 167 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 facebook is ‘an information centre’ for the malaysians specifically during the ge2018 campaigns. the upsurge data happened hastily with plentiful of information from various sources. in analyzing facebook, sara (2017) found that the facebook in malaysia during ge2018 is evident what she terms it as ‘facebook election’. sara (2017) concludes that facebook would continue to become the main stream media attention, either in the broadcast media or printed media to share current information directly through this online platform. sara (sinar harian online, 2017) stressed that the manifestation of social media such as blog, facebook or whatsapp became a force or strength for a political party and in the political scene, this is unavoidable. through the social media, it has become a medium of communication for the election candidates; for at least to update status regarding issues raised by the people. thus, sara viewed this from a political arena that is way different back in five to ten years ago. a similar view was expressed by james chau, a reporter from china central television  (cctv). he is opinionated that today’s political campaign normally takes into the social media and the media landscape is interesting to analyze as there are many attractions from various angles (zainuddin, 2018). however, james chau (2018, as quoted by dania) did not deny the fact that simultaneously, the usage of traditional media also plays an important role. james chau gave an example of choosing and voting of united states of america’s president in 2016 and the eu referendum, the social media became a war zone for campaigns and for the younger generations to use twitter and facebook to access information. in malaysia, the ge2018 resulted in the hashtag like #ge14 (which stands for ge2018), #pulangmengundi (which means come home for voting) #malaysiamemilih (means malaysia chooses/voting) in the social media to encourage the young ones to vote and to discuss political matters. further, james chau stressed that the new technology in the social media platform such as live streaming has open an opportunity for politicians and personalities to convey their messages or information which is accessible to the public. similarly, a study of “internet usage and political perception of universiti kebangsaan malaysia” by junaidi et al. (2013) stated that the internet influence and social media played an important role in influencing the political behavior among the students of ukm. in fact, a study in the united states of america (2000) and the united kingdom (2001) revealed that media played an important role as an important source for political information and news related to election (junaidi awang besar & mohd fuad mat jali. 2015). political communication through the internet has transformed the [ 168 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 political discourse, political participation and methods of election campaign of a country which later created a conducive democratic environment and freedom of speech (junaidi awang besar & mohd fuad mat jali, 2015 quoting the study of jankowski and van selm, 2008). results and discussion this study refers to two social media on facebook of p200 batang sadong (p200) and p201 batang lupar (p201), making comparisons based on the frequency of postings including campaigning methods used through their video and pictures shared in their facebook. this in turn would allow the researcher to analyze and answer the first question of what types of information posted in the social media could influence voter’ decision in choosing the political party and which election candidate would they choose. this would lead to the findings on the number of votes, percentages of votes and majority votes garnered by the candidates from p200 and p201. secondly is the issue arising in the social media of p200 and p201. in order to understand what was mentioned in the earlier paragraph, there are four main factors discussed in the following paragraphs. firstly is the number of postings or frequency of postings in the facebook. within the dates of 25 april 2018 until 9 may 2018 (the polling day), p201 had frequent postings of pictures and/or election campaigning postings. a total of 137 pictures and two videos were uploaded in her facebook. this differs from p200 who uploaded 27 pictures or/and election campaigning postings, and seven videos. this further confirms the idea of hongwei and dehart, 2016 (cited the work of utz, 2009) that an interesting fact that urged politicians to tap the huge potential of engaging voters and campaigning via social media because those who use social media for political purposes are more likely to vote or to donate to a campaign (hongwei and dehart, 2016; kim & geidner, 2008). secondly, based on the numerous postings it is seen that p201 election candidate fully utilized the platform for campaigning by uploading it in her facebook almost every day. on the other hand, this is not so for election candidate of p200. it could be deduced that p201 acquired eleven days to upload her postings, between the dates of 25 april 2018 up to 9 may 2018, whilst p200 needed five days to do so. an act of numerous postings by p201 election candidate via facebook is an evident of how a politician directly reaches out to voters, mobilize supporters, and influence the public agenda as suggested by sebastian stier, arnim bleier, haiko lietz & markus strohmaier (2017). [ 169 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 thirdly, the last or final dates for both p200 and p201 uploaded their postings also differ. p200 did her political campaigning until the polling date of 9 may 2018 but p201 did not upload postings on the 9th of may 2018. therefore, p201 had a gap between the differences of nine days, 8 may 2018 (final posting) until the new posting on 17 may 2018 (wishing her muslim followers celebrating ramadhan). nothing was uploaded after 17 may 2018 (for p201) but p201 visited her constituency on 30 may 2018. based on her facebook, she uploaded activities such as break of fast and teraweh prayers, giving of contributions for religious activities, gawairaya 2018 celebration and ge2018’s thanksgiving function. a similar approach was evident in p200’s facebook. her postings were not limited to wishing her muslim prayers for ramadhan but also attending break of fast with the muslims and non-muslims of her constituency. the fourth point is significant. p200 continued to serve her constituency. her facebook indicates that she serves her constituency during the month of ramadhan and especially helping out of the water problem due to limited amount of water in her area. the water problem involved 27 villagers between the dates of 20 may 2018 to 13 june 2018. although the problem arose, the break of fast activities was continued elsewhere. although ramadhan was a fasting month, this did not stop p200’s election candidate from visiting and receiving visitors to celebrate gawai raya with the villagers in her constituency. these four findings raise intriguing questions regarding the number of votes garnered by both election candidates. surprisingly, it was found that the numerous times of postings political campaigns in the facebook gave both positive and negative effects to p200 and p201. simultaneously, it gave a negative effect to p201. positive effect refers to both female election candidates won in ge2018. as a contrast, the negative effect refers to p201, although she won the election, but, a sudden decrease in the number of votes garnered was less as compared to ge2013. this finding is unexpected and suggests that multiply postings do not guarantee an increase in votes. what is more, p201 was an incumbent in her constituency area and had served for 14 years since 2004. to add to the mentioned arguments on the positive and negative effects towards the votings of the election candidates in sarawak, a study conducted by patrícia  rossini, jeff hemsley, sikana tanupabrungsun, feifei zhang, jennifer stromer-galley, 2018 is worthy to note. specifically, the researchers’ study has demonstrated that candidate standing in public opinion polls is positively related to social media use in several ways. candidates who are performing better, as indicated by higher polling numbers, tend to rely more heavily on [ 170 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 social media to communicate with voters.  this finding by the researchers is contrary to a prior study looking at gubernatorial elections by  rossini et al.,2018 (cited by patrícia   rossini, jeff hemsley,  sikana tanupabrungsun,  feifei zhang,  jennifer stromer-galley, 2018) that suggested that those who were behind in the polls were more likely to frequently post on social media platforms. in actual fact, according to my study, the female muslim election candidate of p201 won the election but with a reduction of 27.8 per cent of votes garnered (by comparing the 75.4 per cent votes garnered in 2013 and 47.6 per cent votes garnered in 2018 and by comparing the votes gained in 2013 was 15,625 was reduced to 14,204 in 2018 – please refer to table 1). consistent with the literature, this study found that as stipulaed by mcgann (2016), the female election candidates focus on the postings and the comments in the social media particularly the facebook. this study also supports evidence from sara (2017) who dubbed the facebook during the ge2018 as ‘facebook election’, which was clearly the case of both the female muslim election candidates in this study. this study also supported sara’s (sinar harian online, 2017) manifestation of social media such facebook is unavoidable in the political scene. this also accords that through the social media, it has become a medium of communication for the election candidates. the eminent of social media is evident in the case of the opposition party of pakatan harapan (ph). what is more interesting is that, ph has championed the usage of social media way before the ge2014. according to najwa abdullah and amalina anuar (2018), ph’s social media lead was relatively diminished in this electoral cycle; it had already established a strong online presence in previous elections. thus, this likely influenced younger and first-time voters in ge14, as they would be familiar with ph based on its previous popular campaigns like #inikalilah (this is the time) and #ubah (change) that have taken root in malaysian society over the years. as in the case of the female muslim election candidates of batang sadong and batang lupar, both had been postings frequently on facebook of their activities. however, the most frequent postings were during the campaigning period of ge2018. votes and majority votes obtained by both female election candidates could be seen in table 1. table 1 also shows the differences between the votes and majority votes for both candidates based on two parliamentary elections of 2013 and 2018. it is apparent that p200 illustrates an increase of majority votes and a decrease of majority votes for p201. majority votes received by p200 increased from 11,206 in ge2013 to 12,328 in ge2018. nevertheless, [ 171 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 percentage votes for p200 decreased from 85.5 percentages to 61.2 percentages. the percentage difference of 24.3 is apparent of a drastic decrease in votes. votes and majority votes garnered by p201 has decreased. one unanticipated finding was that p201 is an old-timer, had served her constituency for 14 years. her 14,204 votes obtained in ge2018 compared to 15,625 votes in ge2013 was astonishment. in terms of percentages, from 75.4 percentages to 47.6 percentages suggests a 27.8 percentage of votes plunged. table 1 continues to reveal the full figures for the contested elelction candidate of p200 and p201, showed their performance in terms of votes and majority votes attained based on comparison between ge2013 and ge2018. table 1 : muslim female election candidates, votes and majority votes 2013 dan 2018 muslim female election candidates / political party / parlimentary constituency votes garnered (percentage of votes in bracket) 2018 majority votes 2018 votes garnered (percentage of votes in bracket) 2013 majority votes 2013 p200 batang sadong 14,208 (61.2%) 12,328 13,277 (85.5%) 11,260 p201 batang lupar 14,204 (47.6%) 10,277 15,625 (75.4%) 10,964 source: data is acquired from the star (10 may 2018) and the researcher had modified the data based on the constraint of this study. with respect to the first research question, it was found that p201’s numerous postings in the facebook did not give her a positive impact. even before facebook was popular in 2013, p201’s votes were higher. the usage of facebook would increase votes of any other election candidates, and in this particular case, most of pakatan harapan’s candidates successfully won ge2018. pakatan harapan took over malaysia except for the three states of sarawak, perlis and pahang. and example is langkawi’s election candidate; tun mahathir’s video entitled tun m: not much time left (https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=lyfr9rakeii) was uploaded in youtube and had 26,092 viewers. whilst tamara (2018) noted that the video was uploaded in tweeter and tun mahathir’s facebook on 27 april 2018. the video had 762,000 viewers and received mixed feelings among viewers that signify support and forgiveness to tun mahathir; although there are some who questioned his sincerety. campaign content appeared more sincere on ph’s end. for instance, the [ 172 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 campaign video showing dr mahathir mohamad talking to a little girl about saving the country resonated with many (najwa abdullah and amalina anuar, 2018). however, the opposites befell to barisan nasional’s election candidates that received negative comments from the facebookers. as such, despite a smaller election machinery on ph, mass mobilisation via the internet enabled ph to draw large crowds to their ad hoc campaign rallies across the country (or alternatively, to their facebook live streaming videos), potentially swaying fence-sitters and consolidating votes amongst its supporters. this study is set out with the second aim of assessing the issues arising in the social media of p201. on the other hand, p200 who has no comments in her facebook, indicated that p200 is well accepted by her voters. evidently, it is unlikely for p201. it is interesting to note here that facebook was utilized by her followers who uploaded pictures and comments for p201. the most obvious finding to emerge from the analysis is there is no limit for voters or individuals to be opinionated over their dissatisfaction of the female election candidate (p201). the resentment against p201 was based on protest by the villagers of her constituency. data on the ground suggested that the grassroots were promised assistance and services by one of the family members of p201 female election candidate. but the promises were not materialized. an example is the dissatisfaction of i.a. (pseudo name) posted in his facebook who shared another counterpart’s comments (s.a.m – pseudo name) dated 15 april 2018. s.a.m initially had uploaded in a group’s facebook of saribas global, a picture of two handwritten banners which said, “we love the chief minister/ government. but we rejected the bn’s p201 election candidate d.r.” and “we will vote barisan nasional if the p201 election candidate is changed to another person”. s.a.m.’s dissatisfaction continued with his second comment to saribas global timed at 8.49 am (15 april 2018). he stated that, “the villagers of batang lupar wanted a new face so he or she coul bring development to our area. this constituency area need a leader who goes to the ground, not merely coming once the general election is near. we want change, our chief minister, abang johari abang openg, we demanded your promise, you promise if the representative is not good, we can change to a new representative…if the people of batang lupar had forgotten, please share this information, and let others know the real situation of batang lupar”. [ 173 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 the statement made by s.a.m. clearly stated that there was a demand for a new representative for p201 who could develop their area and to listen to the grievances of the people. having a representative who could be hardly seen at the area made them demanded a new face to represent them. the phrase “touch and go” attitude of the representative is uncalled for. this phrase is common among the people of sarawak by having the constituency representatives who seldom visited their constituency areas or even to organize activities in those areas. thus, facebook could not be denined of its significance. it should be utilized as a means of communication between the election candidates and their voters. as mentioned by damian tambini (2018), in terms of deliberation and information gathering related to elections, facebook is becoming the crucial platform in some countries, which is reflected in the shift of uk political advertising onto the platform over the past five years. moreover, the complex process of deliberation and debate during an election cycle, the flow of ideas, memes, reversals of public opinion, and fluctuations of fortune of individual politicians is now more knowable than ever before. on top of the two handwritten banners as discussed in the previous pages, an observation was also conducted by the researcher to few small districts at p201 on 31 march 2018; the journey to kampung sebangan witnessed a huge billboard at the road side that has the picture of the female election candidate (p201) and small children with her. on the billboard, there was a scribble of calling the female election candidate, a liar, on the (face) picture. a blue colored spray was used to scrawl on it. it is somewhat surprising to note in this condition that the probability of any individual(s) or group(s) dared to show their resentment by scribbling on the billboard. to add to the argument on the negative effects of social media via the facebook, patrícia   rossini, jeff hemsley, sikana tanupabrungsun, feifei zhang, jennifer stromer-galley (2018) argued that the results indicate that a candidate’s performance in the polls drives certain communicative strategies, such as the use of messages of attacks and advocacy, as well as the focus on personal image. henceforth, these findings suggest important implications. firstly, this study has identified that recurrent postings in the facebook gave positive and negative effects. the study has also shown that it affected the number of votes obtained by both p200 and p201 female muslim election candidates. likewise, the research has shown that the various postings by p201 are more compared to postings by p200, gave negative effect to p201 female election candidate. that is, her votes have decreased as compared to the votes she garnered in the [ 174 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 previous ge2013. the second major finding was that the number of posting of p200 is less from the frequent postings of p201 that has a positive effect to p200 in a way that her votes increased even though in terms of percentages had dropped. furthermore, this study has also found that the contents of videos uploaded by p200 and p201 are dissimilar. p200 adopted a casual live streaming video, meeting the villagers at her constituency area by visiting from house to house whilst p201 hired a professional video maker of her and children. the video give the impression of superficial as compared to that of a casual live streaming by p200. the most obvious finding to emerge is the common problem of under developed villages in p201, continuously raised by the villagers in their facebook. this is related with calling the female election candidate of p201 as a liar because of her promise to bring development to her constituency. conclusion although most prior research analyzes the social media research in elections, this study focuses on the election results among two female muslim women in the malaysian general election (ge2018). the ge2018 presents an ideal opportunity test on how numerous postings or uploading of information can determine the votes garnered by both female election candidates. this study’s findings suggest that communication strategies on facebook are significantly related to how well candidates are performing in the polls. overall, the findings show that the usage of social media such as facebook has a positive and negative impact to the owners of facebook. it shows that social media has been positiviely associated with higher increase of voters obtained by one of the female election candidates. on the other hand, it also shows a negative impact towards other female election candidates even though she has numerous postings in her facebook using some different contents including those related to ideas, ethnicity, religion and culture. it could also be understood that political efficacy among voters in p200 and p201 is driven mostly by their interest in the election and their attention to election news or matters discussed in the social media. their interest in the election and political discussions in the social media were primarly associated with their preference over the female election candidate. this study also suggests that social media platform matters for campaign strategies. hence, the ‘facebook election’ as labelled by sara (2017) seems safe to conclude that the social media is growing rapidly for people who want to have an alternative medium that not only provide viewers with diversed political information about ge2018 in malaysia, but also gave voters to choose whom they wanted to vote for or vote against. [ 175 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 bibliography abdullah, a. and anuar, a., (16 may 2018). what effect did social media have on the malaysian election result? https://www.todayonline.com/ commentary/what-effect-did-social-media-have-malaysian-electionresult amadae, s.m. (november 17, 2017). rational choice theory. encyclopædia britannica, inc. :https://www.britannica.com/topic/rational-choice-theory bengtsson, m. (2016). how to plan and perform a qualitative study using content analysis. nursing plus open. volume 2,  2016, pages 8-14 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.npls.2016.01.001. https://www.sciencedirect. com/science/article/pii/s2352900816000029 besar, j.a., jali, mfm., lyndon, n. & ali, m. (2013). penggunaan internet dan persepsi politik mahasiswa universiti kebangsaan malaysia. jurnal personalia pelajar 16(12): 1-13. bangi: universiti kebangsaan malaysia. besar, j.a. & jali, m.f.m., (2015). pengaruh media terhadap pilihan parti politik dalam kalangan mahasiswa universiti awam di lembah klang. jurnal personalia pelajar 18(1)(2015): 11 – 22. bangi: universiti kebangsaan malaysia. jiirg, s. (2017). rational choice theories and politics: a research agenda and a moral question. https://doi.org/10.2307/419777. malaysian communications and multimedia commission (skmm). (2017). internet users survey 2017 statistical brief number twenty-one. selangor darul ehsan: malaysian communications and multimedia commission. https://www.mcmc.gov.my/skmmgovmy/media/general/pdf/mcmc-internet-users-survey-2017.pdf mcgann, a. (2016). voting choice and rational choice. oxford research encyclopedia of politics. online publication date: aug 2016 doi: 10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.79. http://politics.oxfordre. com/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.001.0001/acrefore9780190228637-e-79?print=pdf rossini, p;   hemsley, j.,  tanupabrungsun,  s., zhang,  f., stromer-galley, j., (2018). social media, opinion polls, and the use of persuasive messages during the 2016 us election primaries. https://doi. org/10.1177/2056305118784774 sara, c. (2 mei 2018.) pilihan raya dan impak media sosial. berita harian online. http://www.bhplus.com.my/kolumnis/2018/05/419736/pili[ 176 ] al albab volume 7 number 2 december 2018 han-raya-dan-impak-media-sosial. sinar harian online. (13 jun 2018). kehadiran media sosial dalam arena politik negara tidak boleh dinafikan. (sesi pembentangan oleh prof madya dr c sara di ruang pejabat sinar harian). http://www. sinarharian.com.my/nasional/media-sosial-pencetus-kekuatan-1.845572 social media stats malaysia june 2017 – july 2018. (2018). http://gs.statcounter.com/social-media-stats/all/malaysia star atas talian. results overview. (10 mei 2018). https://www.thestar.com. my/ge14/ statista. 2018. number of internet users in malaysia from 2015 to 2022 (in millions). https://www.statista.com/statistics/553752/number-of-internet-users-in-malaysia/ stier, s., bleier, a., lietz, h. & strohmaier, m., (2017). election campaigning on social media: politicians, audiences, and the mediation of political communication on facebook and twitter. political communication, 35:50–74, 2018 © 2017 taylor & francis group, llc issn: 1058-4609 print / 10917675 online doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2017.1334728 tambini, d. (2018) social media power and election legitimacy. in: tambini, damian and moore, martin, (eds.) digital dominance: the power of google, amazon, facebook, and apple. oxford university press, new york, ny, pp. 265-293. isbn 9780190845117 tamara, j. (30 april 2018), 01:04 petang. [video] tun m tears up and vows to make amends for his past mistakes. http://says.com/my/news/drm-tears-up-and-says-he-wants-to-make-amends-for-past-mistakes. the star online ge. results overview. (10 mei 2018). https://election.thestar. com.my/sarawak.html tun m: masa dah tak banyak. 30 april 2018. https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=lyfr9rakeii. yang, h.c. and dehart, j.l., (2016) social media + society january-march 2016: 1–18 sagepub.co.uk/journalspermissions.nav doi: 10.1177/2056305115623802 sms.sagepub.com. zainuddin, d. (7 mei 2018). pru14: impak media sosial terhadap pengundi. astro awani online. http://www.astroawani.com/berita-malaysia/ pru14-impak-media-sosial-terhadap-pengundi-174745 [ 39 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 religious education and community development: a study on the pondok and its efforts  to realize the philosophy  of islamic education  abdul razak @ abdulroya panaemalae lecturer, asean studies program, school of liberal arts, asean studies program, school of liberal arts & director, islamic study and muslim community development for peaceful social integration project, walailak university abstract the work is trying to show how relevant the pondok education is with the philosophy of islamic education itself. the research recognize that there are still many weaknesses that need to be changed in the education system of the pondok, so that they continue to stand and live to provide the religious spirit to every muslim as has been proved before. yet these benefits outweigh the weaknesses. it should not be repealed. it is important to find new formulas to empower this institution in line with the changes in time. it is something which has been proven to be good and useful to mankind, so there is no need to bother to change it. although there are wooden frames and a roof that need to be replaced, and water wells that should be constructed to ensure the water flows, but again there is no need to destroy what has been strongly built. the good values of each item are fixed. it is also the role of pondok education in religious education that has played an effective role in order to form a noble personality and civilized humans in accordance with the islamic principles. keywords: religious, education, pondok, philosophy, islamic and community. introduction this paper tries to explain and prove how the pondok (islamic boarding school) education system is closely related to the philosophy of islamic education. this paper  is based on the  author’s observations  on the  educational  situation  in south  thailand.  the author’s  wish  to provide  the answer and  correct  the perception  of  some parties  including  the thai  authorities  (read: the armed forces) on the so-called pondok education system as a ‘camp’ for militants and violence  will be  proved  in  this paper. to date,  the author  believes that  there [ 40 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 are people who still have a negative perception on the system and educational institutions  of pondok or  religion.  the average  view  of the system and  this institution is no longer relevant to the globalized modern world. this paper will attempt to to  provide clarification  in this regard.  however  it is not going  to discuss the concept and development of the pondok in southern thailand in more detail. on the other hand, it will focus on the discussion of the concepts and philosophy of islamic education and its connection to pondok education. the pondok education covered in this article does not focus only on the traditional pondok education (including the pesantren, a term commonly used in bahasa  indonesia) but it includes a wider purpose, namely modern  pondok education or more accurately referred to as the madrasah. even in a specific context as well as the form of religious education in other forms such as religious education in surau (small mosque), mosques, kindergartens, colleges and universities.  nevertheless,  this discussion is more about the traditional education called ‘pondok ‹ and religious education of modern trend called madrasah’. although the two educational institutions, the pondok and the madrasah,  have differences  in terms of  terminology,  concepts,  methodologies  and structure, the writer put them under the same category, based on the topic in the context of this discussion, into a single name, i.e.  the ‘pondok education’. in fact,  the name  is not uncommon  in the context of  modern society.  this is because  when referring to  the religious  educational system,  it brings  the connotation of understanding to the pondok and madrasah. it is the habit that when people mention  ‘pondok education  or  ‘pondok  school’,  it directly gives connotation to islamic religious educational institutions. more importantly, the author is trying to show how relevant the pondok education is with the philosophy of islamic education itself. education as a development mechanism education is the mechanism of human development towards the most practical perfection of life. human achievement in science and technology now is very commendable. such achievements have never been accomplished in the history of human civilization. humans now live in a world full of various manmade technologies. they live rich and more comfortable compared to the primitive society. the achievement of this development represents that humans are at the top of  the  civilization.  as  dr.  hasan  langgulung  (1998)  was quoted as saying:“education is an important mechanism in building human civilization.” achievements in development will not be accomplished by humans if without going through  proper and systematic education  system.  only  through education can human reach development and build new civilizations. this prem[ 41 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 ise is agreed upon by the entire human community in the world. anyone of different religious and cultural background would all agree in this regard. in other words, no one rejects the truth and importance of education in the lives of modern times. in the process of construction of countries around the world today, the field of education is the most important agenda preferred by the authorities. generally, people have similar oponion, that is,  if you want create a state, make sure every citizen receives adequate education. this is  evidenced by  the emergence of  giant countries  in the world today  such as the united  states, britain, france,  germany, japan and korea which  are very  influential  in the  world  due to  their achievement  in science  and technology. this condition occurs in line with the educational process carried out  in those countries.  undoubtedly,  if  you want to  develop, you  must be educated. education is  the most important  mechanism  in an effort to  develop  a nation.  the question is  “what kind of  education  is meant  here?”  and if  it is true that education leads to development, why does the advanced world as we see today cope with  various  life  crises?  if we  now are highly  developed,  why  do more and more people have moral degradation? we see more and more cases of  corruption,  breach of trust, robbery,  murder,  rape  and so forth.  such cases  often  happen  among  the  elites  who are highly educated  such as politicians, government officials, medical doctors, teachers and others. in the history of  modern  human  civilization, there were  two  great  world  wars that claimed  millions of  lives.  many lives  were lost  as a result of  the two  world  wars.  this does not include  a series of  small  wars  erupting  in some  countries  in the world.  even  there is no  indication that  this  series of wars will end soon. on the other hand, there are signs that new series of wars will probably be greater than the past. so when a situation like this occurs, it is appropriate  that we  ask,  “are  really developed?”  or  are we actually  in the process going backward? why is it that the more the sophistication of modern equipment and the achievement of science and technology we had, the more increasingly we are in a dilemma? where is wrong? a famous malaysian culture activist,  datuk dr.  hassan ahmad  discussed the matter and said: “within a  long period of time  until  the 21st  century,  mankind  has not advanced, but is still primitive. advanced on the outside, but not in the inside. his knowledge advances but his manners and his heart are not. his reasoning is growing but his morality is not. in many respects, he is not different from animals that live in the wild, without morals, without manners, without civilization. humans are not developing in [ 42 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 accordance with the will of his creator. “ (dewan budaya, disember 2002). based on the  quotation  from  datuk dr.  ahmad  hassan  we can say that  humans  are caught in  the myth  of progress  and development of  their creations  because  the aspects of  progress  focusing  on the process of  human development  is not  balanced,  i.e. putting more  emphasis on  the external (physical) aspects and  ignoring  the  internal or  spiritual.  such  development and progress as argued by prof. dr. wan mohd nor wan daud (2001) as a zerosum development which is a development based on physical and not spiritual progress, which eventually  fails to  provide  a balance  to human  life  in  the real sense. in short, we do not reject the premise that says that education is a mechanism of development.  however,  at the same time  we  should also be aware  that education can also act as a ‘two-bladed’ sword that may bring trouble to us and society  if  it is not  based on  proper  educational  philosophy  that  brings  wellbeing.  therefore, we might say  that education  is the  root of  all problems.  as dr. prawet watsri, a thai scholar, in one of his lectures at the thai christian center  in  december 2005,  proposed to  turn back the  currently practiced education system.  he is confident  that if  the education system  is correct, it could solve all the problems. human nature and development concept man  in  islamic religious  tradition  is also  referred to  as al-insan  that is  the most special god’s creature. it is the most perfect creature of god as revealed in surah al-tin  verse 4, which means “we created human  beings  in the best  possible  form”  because man  is formed from  three  key components, namely  the body, spirit  and  intellect  which distinguishes  him  from animals which only possess the body but has no common sense. so is the case with the angels who only posses the spirit and common sense but without flesh. however, man has all the elements which enable them to develop in the form of the best creature, particularly the sense that enables him to think towards building  civilization  in the world.  by virtue of  his  own  rational  intellect,  he is called  the ‘rational  animal’  or  in arabic  ‘al-hayawan  natiq  ‹. man is created  in such a way  to serve as  a khalifatullah  (vicegerent)  on this earth. he is entrusted with the role and duties as god’s creature responsible for completion of  life  on this earth.  these heavy  duties are unable to be carried out by other creatures of god such as the hill, mountain, jungle, sea, ocean  except humans.  in  realization of  this  effort, man  needs knowledge  to [ 43 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 illuminate  the darkness  and drive  him towards  the right path  and not  the wrong way. in other words, he needs true knowledge that enables him to know himself and who created him. man, in fact, does not have any privileges without assistance and help from his creator. syed muhammad naquib al-attas described man as “…an island set in a fathomless sea enveloped by darkness, and the loneliness his self knows is so utterly absolute because even he knows not his self completely.” (1993: 81). thus, without  the guidance of  god,  man  will definitely get lost and  eventually  fall  into  sin. moreover,  human nature  itself  is  forgetful  (nisya’) therefore he is  encouraged  to be guided with revelation in order to get lost.  without guidance, man is just like animals as god said in the quran: “those are like livestock; rather, they are more astray. it is they who are the heedless.” (surah al-a’raf : 179). therefore,  in the principle  of the philosophy of  development,  according to islam,  should not ignore  human development.  human development  is one of  the key elements  in  the development concept  of islam.  development system  in islam  is not only the  emphasis on  economic growth  in the form of profits and financial returns as shown by the secular west. however, excellent personality should also be prioritized in addition to other aspects. this is because the concept of islamic development includes aspects of moral, spiritual and material. development becomes a value-oriented activity and has a goal of the completion of human well-being in all aspects. aspects of moral, material,  economic, social,  physical, and spiritual cannot be  separated from each other.  the goal  is not only  the welfare  of the world, but  also toward the  prosperity  in  the hereafter.  such dimensions  are missing in  the current development concept. as a result of the concept of development emphasizes  the  external aspects have resulted in  humans’  failure to reach  real  happiness.  instead they  are caught up in  the drama  of the tragic  life  and  hypocrisy.  although  the world  enjoys progress  in science  and technology,  there is no doubt that the progress of human creation is now accompanied with deterioration in other areas. in fact, in the stunning globalization of prosperity also comes with the globalization of poverty which is so pathetic. as a result, this achievement has failed to liberate man from the backwardness and povert y and achieve social justice as expected. as syed muhammad naquib al-attas said, even though they managed to take control of the nature; they have transformed the face of the earth; they have changed the river flow, tamed hydraulic energy; they have penetrated space and climbed the mountains that have never been touched by others; but they have not been able to take control of themselves, to know themselves, to bring peace to themselves (2001: 44). [ 44 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 the concept of true knowledge and confusion within the meaning of knowledge according to syed muhammad naquib al-attas (1993) the endless dilemma of life, especially among the muslims, is confusion of the concept of knowledge. due to the  mistake  in giving  the interpretation of  the concept of  knowledge,  the core of some various problems and disasters of humanity on the environment is inevitable. the cause of this confusion is due to the efforts of people trying to separate the religious teachings from life, or even undermine the system of religious  life.  finally,  symptoms of  confusion  of knowledge  spread among them.  as a result  of the  confusion  of knowledge,  there are many false intellectuals,  false leaders, and  false  scholars  that  have dominated  the walks of life. they have good positions, and placed in a comfortable and dignified place based on the knowledge they possess as well as their contributions to the country’s development and progress of the nation. however, they are no more than  confused  people  who were born  under the  educational system  based on confusion of knowledge. this situation  is a  phenomenon  that is harmful  and  most critical  faced by  all human beings  nowadays.  therefore  to avoid  such  phenomenon  from continuing to dominate  our minds,  an effort  and  action to  return man to  the original concept  of knowledge  should be taken  immediately  so that  the  man  will not be caught in  a  deadly  trap.in fact,  the problem  of the epistemology  of knowledge  was  explored  by  syedmuhammad  naquib  alattas in describing the concept of true knowledge. he was among the figures of contemporary  islamic scholars  who continued  to explain  the  concept of knowledge  that is true  according to  the islamic  code.  a lot of works  has been produced by him that lead to  discussion  about  the meaning  of knowledge and  philosophy of  education from  an islamic perspective.  to prove  how  much  he  is committed to knowledge and educational philosophy, we can read his book called “the philosophy and practice of islamic education  of syed  muhammad  naquib  al-attas: an  original  description of concept  of  islamization”  by  wan  mohd nor  wan  daud  (university of malaya: 2005). in one of  wan  mohd nor  wan  daud’s works,  guidance for  muslims  (2001),  syed  muhammad  naquib  al-attas  described the meaning of true knowledge in detail. the author is pleased to quote him as saying: “knowledge is a process or motion-force of acquiring knowledge and refers to a characteristic in a living creature (man), allowing himself to know what is known. knowledge is also the recognition of what is known as the way it is. the recognition that believes in the truth, [ 45 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 and refers to wisdom. it is something reassuring and provides real understanding. recognizing and knowing something is to recognize and know e reasons of existence and condition of something known and unknown. knowledge is an intuitive force to acquire or produce something by common sense that sees the fact as the way it is. knowledge is also acquired by our heart about something, that reflects the fact clearly and accurately, be it something tangible or in the invisible world. knowledge is personal or heart setting about the truth of something we have a doubt about it. the knowledge is a strong and unchanged conviction in the heart. knowledge is a force toward explanation, decision and determination. knowledge should revisit to the truth. knowledge is the pledge of about the truth. knowledge is something like the intention of the nature of something as the way it is. knowledge provides personal tranquility. knowledge is a reminder, an overview of common sense, contemplation, inner views. knowledge is a property that wipes out ignorance, suspicion and prejudice. knowledge is a reality in itself. knowledge is the light placed by allah almighty in the heart. knowledge is the description of the heart, understanding of the mind and the force that forms all the things mentioned. knowledge is internal matters, not external things. knowledge is science or fixed identification that denies the possibility of science and recognition otherwise. knowledge is the secret that is inserted into oneself and settles there, and knowledge is the passion and the will of oneself. (m.s. 51-52). the description by syed muhammad naquib al-attas is very precise and clear. it can be summarized that the concept of knowledge is divided into two major categories, that is, illuminative knowledge and scientific knowledge. illuminative knowledge (ma’rifah) is self-identification, because ‘anyone who knows himself will know god.’ in other words, the knowing oneself leads to knowing god. this knowledge  is  the primary  knowledge  and is the  highest  knowledge  that  is required on  every  muslim.  without  this knowledge, this  muslim person will be imperfect.  thus,  this type of  knowledge  becomes the  obligation on  each  person  to  seek  or  claim.  as  the messenger of allah said,  «seeking knowledge is obligatory  for  every  muslim,  male and female”.  thus, it is not  surprising  why  syed muhammad  naquib  al-attas  asserted “… why knowledge (al-’ ilm: ma’rifah: ‘ ilm) occupies the most important position in islam» (1993: 78). as for  is the  scientific knowledge  that is  given  by god  to man  and can be accessed through rational research efforts. scientific knowledge could help us to achieve perfection, as long as it is always controlled, evaluated and directed by illuminative knowledge.  in other words, if  scientific knowledge  is [ 46 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 not  guided  correctly  by illuminative knowledge,  it  could lead to damage, destruction and fraud to the system of human life. this is the position of knowledge  which  is not  required  on all individuals  but  only  on  certain people  who are  qualified  and  capable of mental  and physical strength, especially brain intelligence. modern education system and divergence of concept of knowledge culture before further discussion leads to the definition and philosophy of education in islam, the author felt that the philosophy of modern education sponsored by the western secular beliefs should also be discussed. thus, we should review the concept of  modern  secular  education  and see  its implications  on human development. this is intended for comparison between the philosophy of islamic education and that of the secular west. this is important because on average the world’s  education  now  leads  to and  adopts the same  education system, i.e. the system that is no longer related to religion. education now emphasizes more on scientific knowledge rather than illuminative knowledge. secularism is the original  philosophy  that  tends to  separate  between religion and  all  worldly matters. as a result, knowledge has become merchandise that has economic value.  in  seeking knowledge,  students  have to  pay  to  gain  a  certificate. when  students  have to  pay  expensive to  get  education,  they plan on getting back  what has been  spent  in the  academic  world.  according to wan  mohd nor  wan  daud  (2001),  the result of  education  being stuck with market ideology and industries then “knowledge has lost its values and spirit of humanity, and has be restricted economic and political commodity.”in other words, we now understand that knowledge in modern times is no more than individual socio-economic mobilization tool to achieve the comfort and luxury  of life in  the world.  as a result, ronald  dore  referred to it as the “diploma disease”, which is a phenomenon of race especially among students to get a certificate not because of high educational values but merely because of the economic values and social dignity which may be obtained through it. this disease  has  changed the  position of  knowledge culture  into  exam culture. the value of knowledge is no longer needed but passing the examination with high grades is more important.  the students are oriented  on  passing the test  sometimes  through the wrong way.  this is a  crisis  not only  faced by modern countries but muslim countries were  also already stuck together in  it.  syed muhammad  naquib  al-attas  said that “the secular scholar and intellectuals among the muslims derive their inspiration mainly from the west.”  (1993:  124).  muslim  students  studying religion  are said to  have  the same  dilemma.  they are not  studying  religious  knowledge to find the [ 47 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 truth and pleasure of god but they consider the learning process as a “stepping stone” to rank and position in the field of career that eventually lead to success in life. according to rosnani hashim (1996), “…students were learning religion only for examination purpose rather than for moral development and practice.” obviously, current educational system  has failed  to produce  a  truly educated  person  who  really  knows  himself.  the general  goal  of education  is  to produce  good  human  beings  that will be able to produce  an atmosphere of  harmony.  however,  because  the education system  has now been conquered by ideological market and industry, it has resulted in worrying occurrences. for example, a report in the newspaper matichon on 9 january 2006 uncovered issues about fraudulent activities among students. they asked for  money  for  living  expenses as well  as  tuition fees  from their parents  by giving  false  receipts  to claim  the fees  in excess  of the  limits set  by the university. such behavior at least provided us with a picture of morality among students. it seems that the system is teaching to cheat or to be ‘corrupt’  even when they are still in school.  imagine what  would happen  if  one day  they become professionals working in the community. such concerns have been voiced by j. krishnamurti in his book “education and the significance of life: if we are being educated merely to achieve distinction, to get a better job, to be more efficient, to have wider domination over others, then our lives will be shallow and empty. if we are being educated only to be scientists, to be scholars wedded to books, or specialists addicted to knowledge, then we shall be contributing to the destruction and misery of the worl (1997 : 11). this symptom  should be immediately addressed  by all parties  before  it spreads wider, and to ensure that the value of educational knowledge can be placed back at the right position according to the concept of knowledge and education. meaning and purpose of education in islam in view of the  modern  education system  failure  and  the emergence of  social  problems among  mankind,  some  muslim  scholars  agreed  to hold a special international conference to discuss education and reassess the concepts and  philosophy  of education.  finally,  the international conference  on  islamic education  was successfully  held in  mecca  in 1977,  which was attended by  313  islamic scholars  from  40 countries.  as a result, muslim  scholars  agreed to  formulate  the definition  and goals  of [ 48 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 education  in  islam  as  to produce  «a good  and  righteous  human”, who  worships  only allah, establishing  sharia-based  civilization, and  living with  guidance of sharia. muslim  scholars’  effort  here is not  aimed at changing the  original  philosophy  of islamic  education  in another form to meet  the suitability of  the ummah today.  it is not necessary  because  the religion of islam has  provided complete guidelines about the philosophy of education. it is simply intended to renew and commemorate the return of the original  philosophy  of education  according to  islam and  thus  as  a  noble effort  to show  commitment  toward  the establishment of  the educational system based on the concept of tauhid. the outcomes of the decisions made do not conflict with what is contained in the qur›an and sunnah. all of which are directed to the formation of the noble human character that obeys god. the values of virtues and standards set out in the religious teachings do not need to be changed according to the changing times and circumstances. thus, nobody should change the values as changing them would only cause confusion. so is the case with islamic religious values that have been enshrined in the qur’an. our task is simply to practice what has been set out by the creator. for example, usury is forbidden so it is always forbidden.  there are no  exceptions  in the case of  the law. religious  educational  institutions  either  in the form of mosques, surau, pesantren, schools, religious schools, colleges, universities or in any other form all have a common goal, namely to educate human beings to become good and righteous. a good man is synonymous to a civilized human. any education system that set religious education aside will certainly fail to produce a civilized human as religion (al-din) cannot not separated from the aspects of spiritual or faith. faith is the basics of the education in islam.  when humans have faith, they will  become  a good  and  civilized human. a good man is someone who has adab. this is the essence of real education in islam. the question of  a civilized  human  is what  is  expected by everyone  including parents and the rulers in all countries. this is because a good man naturally should be a good servant to god, good father to his children, a good husband to his wife, a good child to his parents, a good neighbor and a good citizen to his country (wan mohd nor wan daud, 2005: 129). strictly speaking, a good human is the core of citizenship. the concept of good man is in contrast to the concept of a good citizen. good citizens, which become an important agenda in modern countries do not necessarily consist of good people. good citizens probably just are made up of human with competence, high skills in the field of professional expertise in specific areas and with high education. however, a good man has responsibility to his god, maintaining justice in the com[ 49 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 munity; man in his behavior always nurtures himself toward perfection as a good human (syed muhammad naquib al-attas, 2001: 43). the educational purpose in islam is not only to produce people who have a degree, it also has the purpose of further than that. this is because knowledge from the perspective of islam is “... infinite since it originates from and ends in god...” (wan  mohd nor  wan  daud,  1989:  113).  so, the purpose of  islamic education  is seeking  values of  spirituality,  religion and  tauhid  as the main agenda  in  the framework of  education.  to  see  more  clearly  about  the purpose of  this  education,  the author  is pleased to  quote s. h. nasr  in his book traditional islam in the modern world, as saying: “not only  to train the  mind,  but  also  to train  whole  potential  as human beings. that’s why,  it is not just  teaching  or  propagation of knowledge (ta’lim), but also to train the whole personality of the students (tarbiyah).  teachers  are not only  an instructor (mu’allim) who spread knowledge, but also an educator (murabbi), who trains the soul and  personality.  it is true, in  particular, the term  mu’allim  itself  can  reach a meaning  of murabbi;  but  it  must be given the meaning of moral character in the modern world which has been  transformed into  something that is  separated  in total  of the teaching and dissemination of knowledge, particularly at the level of higher education.” for  this  purpose,  religious  education institutions,  as well  as  pondok,  should practice the  above  ideology  to  achieve  the original purpose  of islamic education. muslims have never been questioned about the issue of the form of learning institutions. universities and madrasah or pondok all have a role and a common goal, which is to educate people to be good and righteous. what is importantan is that the institution is responsible for spreading the spirit of religion into students’ lives as well as muslims. pondok: the role and contribution as well as its relation to the philosophy of islamic education pondok has undergone transformation as times change and as a result of the occurrence of a change in the leadership of the thai government from time to time. the ‘pondok ‹ turned into ‹people’s religious school’ and then turned into ‘madrasah  ‹  in the end.  despite the  changing  in pondok  education  from time to  time,  the philosophy  of islamic education  does not  change.  the only  difference is that in the form of  traditional pondok education the system of  ‘book study’ to  deliver  and  pass down knowledge to  students is commonly used.  while in  modern  education,  the school  system  has  classes [ 50 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 and examination and issuance of a certificate as a proof that the student has passed the tests of the examination. however, the importance of the role and contribution of  pondok  education  does not  move away  from  basic  islamic education. in other words, despite the different education approach, the goal remains the same which is to produce a good human. the contribution of eduction in an effort to expand the sharia and empower islamic religious culture is huge and indisputable especially to muslims in the region and  the islamic world  itself.  this can  be proved  with the advent of some great local scholars such as sheikh daud bin abdullah al-fatani, sheikh ahmad  bin  muhammad  zain  al-fatani  and  zainal abidin  bin  muhammad al-fatani (just to mention a few names only), who not only have contributed to the muslims in the malay world only but have also contributed their knowledge to muslims outside  the malay world.  their  works  until now  are still  under review, examined  and  made  a mandatory  religious  learning material  in some pondok or pesantren. they are scholars who have great contribution to the malay civilization particularly, and  islamic civilization  generally. the author did not mean to speak more about heroes and the personality of local scholars, but just wanted to show how important the contribution of pondok education to the muslim malay in the region. the report from the selection committee of the malaysian financial assistance to nongovernment islamic religious schools in 1957 said that “the pondok played a great role ‘in building up a peaceful and well organized society among the people of this country and in combating illteracy and producing alim ulama and wise men.” to view the existence of pondok education in the malay civilization, i would like to quote a researcher who did research on the pondok, mr. zaidi hassan (2001), who explained that traditional  islamic  education  including  pondok education has demonstrated its success which stands out in our region. it is the backbone for the malay civilization and islam. this kind of education has led to the malays to appreciate islam not only in terms of rituals, but also have been able to distinguish between clean and dirty, such as feeling queasy when seeing a  pig,  take care  of the  dirty clothing and  making sure food is clean and hygienic  as  such habit is required before prayer.  important  custom  in life of many malays have based on islam. beginning with the azan whispered when celebrating a child birth.  when this baby has become a kid, he is circumcised  and  taught  to pray  and read  the quran.  when he reaches adulthood, he is married in a wedding ceremoby. when he is wrapped in white cloth, prayed and buried, followed by the recitation of talqin, then the tahlil is held for him. the pondok has strengthened the existence of all this practice in the community from generation to generation. [ 51 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 thus,  we  could say  that, in the context of southern thailand, pondok  education  is a  malay  version of  islamic  education. pondok  is born  based on the  religious  mentality  of the malays.  it is  born  from the intellectual awareness of the local malay community who feel responsible to learn  and delve in  religious  sciences  (illuminative knowledge).  it is the only educational institution that is the foundation and has been influential to the religious life in the context of the malay community since the beginning of islam in the malay archipelago until now. it is suitable to the taste and the climate of muslims in the region. pondok as an open university pondok education has become the religious strength among the muslim-malay community. it is a pride to the malay itself. for example, traditional pondok education is very unique. its uniqueness in contributing religious education to the  natives is irreplaceable.  there is  no educational institution  similar to pondok that is really open and free to enthusiasts of knowledge. “education in pondok was free and open to muslims of all ages”(rosnani hashim, 1996: 21). students do not need to pay a fee; they just need to pay a little for electricity and water as well as the requirements that do not burden the students and their parents. “the pupils did not pay fees, but donated money to buy kerosene for the oil lamps that were used if classes were held at night. more often the pupils assisted their teachers with such chores as carrying water from the well, carrying firewood, or growing and harvesting rice in the fields.” (rosnani hashim, 1996: 20). in addition, they are free in the study. it depends on the  comfort of the students  because  their learning  is not  assessed  in the examination but is for the good of themselves and the community. “there were no examinations, and promotion to higher level was determined by students’ capabilities. thus, the length of study depended on the students themselves” (rosnani hashim, 1996:21). while the teacher is called tok guru or tok lebai and do not expect sympathy from others because it is based on a sense of obligation to provide knowledge to those who want to learn. “the teachers were not paid a salary. they led simple lives, made great sacrifices in time and energy, and worked from a sense of duty “ (rosnani  hashim, 1996: 21). it has become a mandate to those who know to tell to those who do not know. they expect the divine pleasure alone. in fact, they expect rewards in the hereafter. another  uniqueness  and pride  of pondok  education  that is also  worth mentioning  here  is  the application of  independence  among the students. all students are required to stand on their feet during their study at the  pondok.  pondok  does not provide any  facilities for  food, clothing  and [ 52 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 even  shelter,  so  students  have to build  their own.  the education  world  in the  pondok  is open  wide  for them to  learn  during the  study  period and during their stay at the pondok. the minutes and life during their stay in the world of  pondok  are the  most valuable chapters  of education. norms  of life  like this  actually  is  the initial  setup  to the  students  before  they enter the  world of  adulthood  which is full of  twists.  it  is a training  that  enables them to know themselves in all fields of life. they grow up with  maturity as a human being. thus, the phenomenon of unemployment hardly ever occurred among students graduating from religious educational institutions, and this includes the pondok education itself. concluding remarks it is recognized that there are still many weaknesses that need to be changed in the education system of the pondok, so that they continue to stand and live to provide the religious spirit to every muslim as has been proved before. yet these benefits outweigh the weaknesses. it should not be repealed. we just have to find new formulas to empower this institution in line with the changes in time. it is something  which has been  proven to be good and  useful  to mankind, so there is no need to bother to change it. although there are wooden frames and a roof that need to be replaced, and water wells that should be constructed to ensure the water flows, but  again there is no need to destroy what has been strongly built (hassanzaidi, 2001: 16). the good values of  each item  are fixed.  the value of  a piece of gold,  even  a thousand years  have passed by,  will  remain the same.  in fact, as it  gets  old, gets  better in terms of its value.  similarly, it is also the  role of pondok education in religious education. it has played an effective role in order to form a  noble  personality and  civilized  humans in accordance with the  islamic principles. references hasan langgulung, “islamic education and human resource development in moslem countries” in kesturi jan-jun 1998 published by asasi (akademi sains islam malaysia). hasan madmarn, 1999. the pondok & madrasah in patani’, bangi : ukm press. hassan ahmad, datuk dr., “tanda manusia maju di luar” dalam dewan budaya, december 2002. j.krishnamurti, 1997. education and the significance of life, madras: krishnamurti foundation india. [ 53 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 matichon, 18 doisember 2005. matichon, 4, 5, 6 dan 9 januari 2006. misran rokimin at. all (eds.), 2002. falsafah dan peradaban pembangunan, bangi: ukm press. mohd. affandi hassan, 1992. pendidikan estetika daripada pendekatan tauhid, kuala lumpur: dewan bahasa dan pustaka. muhammad syukri salleh (eds.), 1990. konsep dan pelaksanaan pembangunan berteraskan islam, pulau pinang: usm press. rosnani hashim, 1996. educational dualisme in malaysia: implications for theory and practice, kuala lumpur: oxford university press. syed muhammad naquib al-attas, 1993. islam and secularism, , kuala lumpur: istac. ________, 1999. the concept of education in islam. kuala lumpur: istac. ________, 2001. risalah untuk kaum muslimin, kuala lumpur: istac. wan mohd nor wan daud, 1989. the concept of knowledge in islam and its implications for education in a developing country, london and new york: mansell. ________, 1995. penjelasan budaya ilmu, kuala lumpur: dewan bahasa dan pustaka. ________, 1996. “insan baik teras kewarganegaraan” dalam pemikir, january-march. ________, 2001. pembangunan di malaysia : ke arah satu kefahaman baru yang lebih sempurna, kuala lumpur: istac. ________, 2005. falsafah dan amalan pendidikan islam syed muhammad naquib al-attas: satu huraian konsep asli islamisasi, kuala lumpur: istac. zaidi hassan, “institusi pondok: keberadaannya dalam peradaban melayu”kertas kerja yang dibentangkan dalam kolokium peradaban melayu kawasan timur laut, pada 18-20 september 2001 di kota bharu kelantan, malaysia anjuran dewan bahasa dan pustaka wilayah timur. [ 54 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 4 number 1 june 2015 [ 133 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 cakalele dance: religious and social ethics in islamic and environmental education abdullah latuapo institut agama islam negeri (iain) ambon email: abdullahlatuapo@iainambon.ac.id abstract the cakalele dance is widely recognized as a “war dance” deeply rooted in maluku culture. it involves dynamic movements such as jumping, turning, stomping, and sword-slashing, reflecting its historical significance in war strategies. however, cakalele in banda showcases its distinctiveness. from the elaborate costumes to the formation of the dancers, and the specific dance movements, it conveys a profound connection to islamic religiosity and ethical values prevalent within the banda coastal community. this study used a qualitative analysis approach with a phenomenological perspective, focusing on the cakalele dancers and their characteristics, movements, and performances in the traditional village of namasawar, banda naira sub-district. the research reveals that the traditional cakalele dance incorporates essential islamic educational values, including aspects of sharia and ritual worship. in addition, it also emphasizes environmental ethics, promoting harmony between humans and the coastal and sea environment. through this research, it becomes evident that the cakalele dance carries a strong message regarding islamic education, social ethics, and the preservation of the environment. keywords: cakalele, religious and social ethics, islamic eduction, environment introduction historically, cakalele has been a significant tradition of warfare between villages and islands in maluku. according to aveling (1967), this tradition was practiced across various islands in maluku and involved symbolic “headcutting” rituals between rival clans (aveling, 1967:356). the primary purpose was to demonstrate the authority and power of different ethnic groups within the region. consequently, possessing a cakalele troop became a symbol of greatness in warfare for a village or tribe. due to its focus on aggressive and defensive movements, cakalele earned its reputation as a “war dance” or “war training” that exemplified the skills needed for combat. phillip winn (2003), traced the origin of cakalele to a story from 1865 involving an american shellfish collector who witnessed a captivating performance in a bay near [ 134 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 saparua on the island of nusalaut. the tale goes as follows: “… there are a dozen natives, wearing the war costumes of their ancestors. [they are carrying a machete or large sword in the right hand, a narrow shield about four feet long in the left. on their heads were large crowns with feathers, on their shoulders and elbows hung bright red calico. their war dance involves jumping forward and backward, and spinning rapidly” (winn, 2003:53). the story continues with the portrayal of the customary movements intrinsic to the cakalele dance: jumping, advancing, retreating, turning, and stomping their feet. these dynamic movements correspond to the quick beats of a tifa or drum, accentuating the rhythm. the dancers wield their shields and swords aggressively, at times adopting a defensive stance, epitomizing the dance as a symbol of violence and power. these bare-chested troops further embellish their appearance with red headbands, signifying their anger and courage. in banda naira, however, the cakalele dance takes on a distinctive character, varying from the formation of troops (dancers) and their attire to the specific status and roles of each participant, each having unique meanings. in these small islands there are two formations of cakalele dancers: a five-person formation and a nine-person formation, originating from the patalima (or ulilima) adat [customary] group, as noted by des alwi (2007) in his book “history of banda naira.” typically performed in traditional houses, also known as “rumah kampong” [village house] cakalele stands as a significant traditional ritual. this ceremony holds a sacred status, bestowing customs with a profound sense of sanctity. rituals, in essence, construct and uphold myths, religious practices, and social customs, representing religion in action. these rituals may be conducted privately or within a group setting, shaping the participants’ individual positions according to their respective customs and cultural norms. embracing the encompassing nature of rituals, they span various religious ceremonies, including those commemorating birth, death, marriage, and daily routines, signifying an individual’s reverence for the sacred aspects of life, thus necessitating special attention and observance. customary ritual holds symbolic significance in both religion and human culture. symbolic actions during religious ceremonies play a vital role and are indispensable. they represent a means of communication with the divine, allowing individuals to express their devotion and connect with a higher power. moreover, customs also carry prominent symbolism, with traditional ceremonies being passed down from older to younger generations (budiyono 2016). [ 135 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 regarding cultural artifacts such as the cakalele dancer’s attire, it reflects the assimilation of diverse social and cultural influences from both within the archipelago and across the globe. the vibrant display serves as evidence of the island’s historical status as a hub for international trade, attracting visits from various nations in the past. however, the significance of the dance movements extends beyond depicting mere war maneuvers; it also imparts essential teachings on islamic law, social ethics, and the preservation of the coastal environment. employing a phenomenological approach, this paper endeavors to describe the traditions of banda island’s inhabitants while highlighting their close connection to islamic education and their commitment to safeguarding the natural marine ecosystem, inherent to the region’s topography. through an examination of symbols and meanings, the author aims to unveil the profound essence behind the cakalele dance, a cherished tradition of the bandanese. cakalele and the history of banda banda island, situated in the banda sea, is a cluster of small islands in maluku known for its deep-sea trough. this island group boasts a rich and extensive history, once serving as the focal point of the spice trade during the colonial era. its past is marked by contentious encounters involving spain, england, and the netherlands, leaving a lasting impact on the collective memory of the local inhabitants. these memories persist through generations, preserved and commemorated in numerous folk traditions, including the cakalele dance (amsi and muhammad, 2021). in banda naira, two models of the cakalele group exist, historically known as the five and nine alliance groups, which were commonly adhered to by the people of maluku and seram. frank l. cooley identified these major groups with different names: ulisiwa and ulilima in north maluku, patasiwa and patalima in central maluku, and ursiuw and urlim in southeast maluku (cooley, 1987). according to francois valentijn, this grouping originated from the division of territories by the two major kingdoms in north maluku, namely ternate and tidore (valentijn, 1721). however, an oral tradition presents a different narrative, attributing the separation to three brothers residing on mount nunusaku (seram) who became divided after a significant flood. these brothers settled in three distinct regions: the eldest ventured to west seram, giving rise to the group of nine; the second brother settled in east seram, forming the group of five, while the youngest brother inhabited the small islands of southern seram, forming the uliate or uliasa group (alwi, 2005: 7). [ 136 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 in banda naira, traditional villages are categorized into two major groups known as orlima (group of five) and orsia (group of nine). among the seven customary villages in banda, six villages belong to orlima, namely namasawar, ratou, fiat, selamon, waer, and sairun, while only one village belongs to orsiwa, namely lonthoir. des alwi (2005) explains that the separation of these clan groups was prompted by political competition between the king of ternate and the king of sahulau. in the pursuit of power, the orlima group came under the control of ternate’s influence, whereas orsiwa fell under the rule of sahulau (alwi, 2005). according to the oral history of the bandanese traditional elders, each traditional village maintains kinship ties. for instance, ratou village shares brotherly connections with three other siblings: namasawar, sairun, and selamon. on the other hand, fiat village holds brotherly ties with lonthoir. nevertheless, other oral records mention the brotherhoods of these villages under different names, such as maulana kun fayakun (king lewetaka/namasawar), maulana rasudin (king waer), maulana safiuddin (king selamon), maulana sahiudin (king rosengging), and nerr boi rattan (princess/queen of ratou village). in each of these traditional villages, the kings had a set of bodyguards who eventually came to be known as cakalele troops. among the villages following a five-group system, the cakalele troop comprises five individuals. however, the lonthoir traditional village stands out with nine cakalele troops. for the purpose of this paper, the author will focus on reviewing cakalele orlima from the namasawar traditional village in banda naira sub-district. the cakalele ritual in the namasawar custom the namasawar customary village is situated within the nusantara administrative village area in banda sub-district, central maluku regency, maluku province. the namasawar customary petuanan comprises three administrative villages on the island of neira: nusantara village, merdeka village, and rajawali village. namasawar’s customary house, commonly referred to as “rumah kampong,” resides in an archipelago village that follows the group of five (ulilima or patalima). this traditional house serves as the venue for the customary buka kampong procession and cakalele dance, celebrated every few years. the ritual procession preceding the buka kampong usually takes place a week before the event, though sometimes it occurs over a shorter duration, ranging from 2 to 4 days. the following is the expalanation of buka kampong procession. [ 137 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 1. namasawar customary meeting in the initial stage, the namasawar customary village community invited guests from the three administrative villages that belong to the petuanan, namely nusantara village, merdeka village, and rajawali village. they also invited traditional leaders to convene for a meeting to determine the buka kampong ceremony, marking the start of all customary activities. the meeting was scheduled one week ahead. the process of buka kampong entails extensive preparations, including the creation of tempat sirih [betel leaf baskets], crafting gates, and various other tasks. the purpose behind these invitations is to foster collaborative efforts among the customary workers and ensure the success of the event through collective work. 2. task division in the buka kampung process the division of tasks, pre-arranged by the five traditional elders, known as orlima dalam, allocates orlima 1 and 2 with the responsibility of preparing all aspects concerning the cakalele for kamar puang. meanwhile, orlima 3, 4, and 5 handle the equipment and consumption department, yet all members continue to support each other throughout the process. the orlima luar also plays a role in assisting this stage, typically managing equipment and consumption preparations and contributing to the revival of rumah kampong affairs. 3. buka kampung preparation the customary meeting begins at 4:30 (afternoon), signaled by the obligatory sounding of lot-lots (beating the tifa) at the namasawar village house. this marks the time for everyone to gather and initiate all forms of preparation. activities include training and preparing for the cakalele dance, cutting bamboo for gate construction, maruka dance practice for women, and arranging coconut leaves (janur) for the ritual of putar tampa sirih. tampa sirih, a basket-like structure made from woven young coconut leaves (janur), is used to hold flowers, lime, gambier, tobacco, and betel nut during the pilgrimage to the graves of the ancestors of the banda community before the buka puang procession. the materials and tools prepared for the process of preparing the buka kampung event include: (1) young coconut leaves for making tempat sirih [betel leaf basket] and tempat sirih anak, (2) contents of tempat sirih for betel nuts, gambier, tobacco, frankincense, and kapur [slaked lime], (3) bamboo tree trunks and coconut leaves for building gates, (4) tiwal and gong sembilan to invite people to come and chanting the kabata on the night of buka puang, and (5) machete, spears, and salawaku used during the cakalele. [ 138 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 4. putar tampa sirih (making the betel leaf basket) after all forms of preparation have been completed, it proceeds with beating “lot-lot” to call on the community for the putar tampa sirih activity. the negri elders as the leaders of the namasawar custom lead the “putar tampa siri” activity at 07.30-08.00 in the kamar puang [puang room] of the namasawar traditional house. the puang room is a room where various kinds of equipment and traditional objects of the namasawar village are kept. due to its relatively small size, the puang room is only allowed to be entered by less than ten men consisting of “orlima” and people who are considered to have the ability to assist in the process of the putar tampa sirih activity. putar tampa sirih is performed in front of the rumah kampong [village house]. the putar tampa sirih activity begins with making 17 pieces of tampa sirih from coconut leaves, which are similar to “baskets” and tampa sirih anak [smaller betel leaf basket] as many as required for the activity. while the male elders are making the betel leaf baskets, in a different room, the women are busy preparing the contents of the betel leaf baskets. among them, flowers, betel, lime, tobacco, incense and gambier. after the 17 betel leaf baskets have been made, the women are also welcome to enter the puang room to fill the baskets that will be used for pilgrimage the next day. 5. contents of tempat sirih there are two types of tempat sirih [betel leaf basket], namely tampa sirih anak [smaller betel leaf basket] and tampa sirih besar [bigger betel leaf basket] which contains 5 ingredients, namely; gambier, tobacco, incense, lime and betel. meanwhile, the contents of the larger betel leaf basket are: 25 pieces of betel leaves, banana leaves, cigarettes or tobacco rolls, all tied with banana leaves and betel leaves called sirih lele 5 pieces in total, then put back betel leaves called sirih amba 6 pieces in total, then cover them with banana leaves decorated with flowers edit the betel nut which is 11 in number, then close it and put in the cotton, wax and the 5 ingredients that are in the tampa sirih anak. finally, flowers are sprinkled on top of the tampa sirih. 6. taking the betel leaf baskets to the tomb (ziarah) one day after the putar tampa sirih is carried out, people gather at 06.00-07.30 or no later than 08.00 to take the tampa sirih to the tomb (sacred). the number of betel leaves that have been prepared is seventeen. as many as sixteen betel leaves are taken to the tomb (sacred), while there is one betel leaf basket left in the village for the buka puang night event. before leaving, a prayer or tahlil is recited according to islamic teachings. prayers are intended to ask for safety on [ 139 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 the way and returning from pilgrimage and there is no shortage of anything. the men, both young and old from the three administrative counties that were included in the namasawar ritual, numbering approximately 30 people, are ready to take part in the pilgrimage. the group of pilgrims is divided into three groups, namely groups 1 and 2 for the land route, group 3 for the sea route. the first group is led by an orlima whose job is to visit graves in the following places: rumah adat, mesang jadi, gunung manangis, gunung tujuh, batu lanang, parigi laci; this group is called the “mountain of seven”. the second group was led by orlima head and an imam to make pilgrimages to five tombs namely; rumah adat, kebun kelapa, papan berek, boy kerang, kubor gila, kota banda, batu masjid, and parigi laci. the third group is a group led by an orlima using the sea route, namely; rumah adat, gunung api, and parigi laci. after dividing into groups, they converge at a place known as parigi laci, an ancient well situated along the coast at malole beach. they open the lid of the well and collect water while also gathering white sand for the traditional house’s necessities. once all the containers are filled with water and sand, the pilgrimage group proceeds to the dapur pala lautaka for their pilgrimage. subsequently, the entire group boards a pre-arranged boat provided by the sea route team. on the return journey before reaching the traditional house, the boat takes the entourage to their final pilgrimage site, the batur basar pante kasteng. upon arrival at kasteng pante, the sound of “lot-lot” resonates, warmly welcoming the group of pilgrims who have successfully completed their pilgrimage. 7. buka puang the buka puang stage is usually carried out at 12 at night, it cannot be done later or before that hour. in the seconds approaching the buka puang event, the orlima will turn off the lights around the traditional village and sound the lot-lot to signal that the bamboo carriers will come down and enter the village house. the bamboo is cut into 5 pieces, which are used for flagpoles. each bamboo has 13 to 17 segments. the cakalele dancers will hold the bamboos. the bamboo with 17 segments is held by hulubalang, the bamboo with 15 segments is held by kapitan 1 and kapitan 2, while bamboo with 13 segments is owned by “malese”. meanwhile, the bamboo is cleaned or bathed and each tied using a “traditional cloth” at both ends. after all the preparations have been made, at 10 pm the “buka puang” procession begins where the orlima who are on duty in the cakalele puang [ 140 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 room prepare the cutting of coconut in half for the “buka puang” event. the sign that the buka puang has started is when the coconut is cut in half. then from the cakalele puang room, the bell rang 3 times indicating that the preparations in the puang room has been completed. next, the sound of lot-lot from outside will be heard and the process of installing bamboo (flag poles), erecting gates, installing the naga namasawar symbol, flag cloth, coconut leaves on each house pole, tiwal and gong will begin, accompanied by scattering sand on the ground in front of the village house must be completed quickly. then, cakalele dance performances and maruka dances are staged. 8. cakalele namasawar dance the cakalele dance of the namasawar customary village consists of five dancers, namely: 2 kapitan, 1 hulubalang, and 2 malesi. the cakalele dancers usually wear make-up like a woman, namely face powder and lip coloring; the red color on the lips is not from lipstick, but from the sirih lele which consists of betel leaves, areca nut, and lime rolled in betel leaves and eaten or chewed for lip coloring. in the cakalele dance, different outfits are worn to distinguish between the kapitan, malesi, and hulubalang, whose differences can be seen from the color of the clothes and accessories used in war. captain’s outfit is for the commander who wears a green shirt, yellow pants, red sash, red belt, holds two white handkerchiefs in both hands, and as a decoration the captain uses a capsete decorated with a bird of paradise on top. one fruit edit, one fruit machete and salawaku (shield). hulubalang outfit is for the commander’s bodyguard, wearing red clothes, yellow pants, orange sash, and orange belt, holding two white handkerchiefs in his hand, decorated with a jester or crown on the left side of which there is a lusi bird, one my salawaku and one machete. malesi outfit is for the adjutant of the commander, wearing yellow clothes, red calana, yellow sash, and green belt, in his hands he wears two white handkerchiefs, the head is decorated with a jester or crown and on the left is decorated with a bird of paradise, a spear, and one machete. the musical instruments used for the cakalele dance are tiwal, gander and nine gongs, but during rehearsal the musical instruments used are tiwal, and gander. in the cakalele kampung ratu dance, the types of movements that are often performed are only five types of movements. according to the parents, there used to be many movements in the cakalele dance, but what was only taught were five movements: flying movements, carrying movements, jumpot movements, ordinary carrying movements. there are also two movements that are prohibited in the cakalele dance if the movement being perfomed [ 141 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 at that time coincides with a relative who is also performing buka kampung, namely the slep tumbak movement, the jumping movement similar to that of a bird. the attribute on the cakalele bamboo pole is called “patola cloth”, which is tied in five folds. the distance between the cakalele pole and the other pole is 3 adult steps. 9. maruka dance the maruka dance is one of the stages in the traditional buka kampong ritual. maruka is the personification of the queen lewetaka from the “kingdom of namasawar”. maruka is surrounded by 5 “cakalele commanders” who dance together the night after buka puang. the maruka dance is performed during “natu” (people who sing kabata/traditional songs). when natu chants the kabata accompanied by the sound of tiwal and the nine gongs with kabata, the queen will come out of the rumah kampong followed by 5 cakalele dancers that perform in front of the rumah kampung, then kapitan 1 enters to call 5 “mai-mai” (ladies-in-waiting) to come out and dance with queen maruka along with 5 cakalele dancers. religious ethic and islamic education the cakalele banda dance and its attributes embody profound islamic teachings and educational values. this phenomenon illustrates the characteristics of indonesian islamic traditions, formed by the acculturation of islamic values with people’s customs and the surrounding natural environment (rizal, 2012). according to azyumardi azra (2000), islamic education values conveyed through tradition emphasize three vital aspects. firstly, it highlights the pursuit of knowledge, mastery, and growth grounded in worship to god. secondly, it recognizes and nurtures human potential and abilities, fostering personal development. lastly, it underscores the practice of knowledge with a sense of responsibility towards god almighty and humanity. this phenomenon demonstrates that islam in indonesia, particularly in the maluku islands, holds not only artistic appeal but also practical ease, as it seamlessly integrates with the beliefs and lifestyle of the island’s inhabitants. this creates a cultural model that, as anakota and andries (2021) note, flourishes and evolves among the maluku people, reflecting their unique values and diverse characteristics. these aspects are evident in the traditions and symbols of the people of banda island. the patola cloth tied to the cakalele pole symbolizes the five daily prayers and the victory of religion and custom over the invaders (infidels). that is why the [ 142 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 bamboo pole must be held in high esteem, which symbolizes the upholding of religious principles. the cakalele bamboo poles consist of 17 segments. according to community leaders in banda, these 17 segments represent the number of cycles in the five daily prayers, while the 5 segments signify the five daily prayers themselves. this serves as a reminder for the people of banda to consistently engage in prayer as a source of inner strength. meanwhile, the 5 segments of bamboo without leaves symbolize the importance of maintaining the practice of five daily prayers throughout one’s life. in the ratu traditional village’s cakalele dance, there are 3 types of cakalele: ordinary cakalele, cakalele flag poles, and cakalele cabu flag poles. the first cakalele denotes the war dance, the second is called salwir, and the last signifies closure or victory. the dance and attributes of the cakalele banda dancers hold a profound significance in islamic religious education. the cloth tied fivefold to the cakalele bamboo, known as “patola cloth,” symbolizes the five daily prayers. additionally, this cloth represents the triumph of religion and custom over invaders (infidels). this underscores the importance of upholding the bamboo poles, as it signifies the preservation and strengthening of religious principles. the distance between cakalele poles from one pole to another is three steps for an adult size. the white sand placed on the cakalele pole and the traditional house signifies the red carpet symbolically. the bird used on the head of the cakalele personnel represents the glory or rank of a victorious or affluent person. the cakalele personnel jester also has five folds, representing the five daily prayers, akin to the patola cloth. the belts of the cakalele personnel are also counted with five folds. before performing the cakalele dance, a discussion is held by the traditional elders to choose an auspicious day, as the cakalele dance is a war dance that carries significant importance. because this dance is full of religious values, it is understandable that this dance is sacred and magical. some historians call cakalele a “spirit possessed” attraction. caka means ghosts, spirits, and suanggi (similar to a witch’s spirit). lele means angry. cakalele seems to involve a spirit to possess the human soul so that it dares to fight the enemy. however, the spiritual meaning in the cakalele banda dance is not singular; it is subject to various interpretations. according to farid (2020) in his book titled “tana banda,” several banda figures perceive the “spirits” in cakalele banda not as ghost spirits (suanggi) but as the spirits of datuk or individuals who were killed during the colonial period. prior to the performance, the dancers are required to visit specific graves considered sacred, making the cakalele dance an endeavor to “seek” missing bodies or commemorate those killed without a trace. the upright [ 143 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 bamboo poles feature a bunch of red cloth symbolizing wounds from severed body parts, adding to the dance’s significance. consequently, the dancers are forbidden from uttering any words during the performance. therefore, it can be stated that the cakalele banda traditional dance fulfills the values of islamic religiosity including; physical importance values (‘ahdâf aljismiyyah), spiritual values (‘ahdâf al-rûhiyyah), intellectual importance values (‘ahdâf al-’aqliyyah) and social values (‘ahdâf al-ijtimâ’iyyah) (latuapo, 2020). the significance of the body is evident in the dancing procession, which heavily relies on physical strength, aligning with the essence of islamic teachings that prioritize physical health. the traditional elders diligently oversee the health rules of the cakalele dancers, including checking their physical well-being, ensuring they wear clean clothes, and strictly prohibiting drinking before and after the cakalele dance. the spiritual values are intimately connected to islam, serving as the core teachings of faith and obedience to allah and his messenger. the intention (nawaitu, motivation) plays a central role in the cakalele dance procession, with each dancer intending solely for the sake of allah swt while avoiding arrogance and pride. the narrative in the cakalele dance imparts spiritual education, encompassing teachings about the pillars of islam and faith. the ultimate goal of this dance is to foster good character (al-’akhlâq al-karȋmah), shaping individuals who believe and embody the teachings of the quran and the moral guidance of prophet muhammad. intellectual importance involves reasoning to discern god’s signs of power and extract the messages from his verses, instilling faith in god. the wealth of historical content preserved in the cakalele dance and kabata strings (poems, traditional songs) resembles a grand book created by god, encouraging contemplation of the human mind to gain knowledge beneficial to humanity, moving away from the destructive and usurping nature practiced by colonialism in the past. social values manifest in the formation of a wellrounded personality, encompassing spirit, body, and mind. individual identity in cakalele banda reflects a human being living in a diverse, pluralistic society. the formation of a “human banda” encompasses mental exercise (faith), physical exercise (physicality), and intellectual development (intelligence) amid coexisting with a diverse mix of ethnicities, religions, and races in banda naira until the present day. the cakalele dance seems to serve as a platform where religious teachings transform into a series of metaphors and symbols. as defined by turner (1967), “a symbol is anything that is regarded by popular convention as naturally symbolizing or representing or remembering something by having an analogous quality or by association in fact or thought.” in studying the [ 144 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 ritual symbols depicted in the cakalele dance, it becomes essential to explore the reciprocal relationship between these symbols and their meanings for the bandanese, as described by eriksen (2009). from the perspective of islamic education, four vital values emerge, especially spiritual values. social and environmental ethics in addition to the educational values inherent in cakalele, their profound love for the marine environment and natural coasts holds equal significance. fishing not only serves as a primary source of income for many bandanese but also represents an essential part of their cultural identity, entailing boat building and traditional songs that bind their community, environment, and history together. one such traditional song called kabata recounts the ancestral history of banda. furthermore, visiting sacred sites, utilizing bamboo poles, birds, and banda fauna symbols all play a pivotal role in conveying the intrinsic message of adat. these elements collectively encompass the social and environmental ethical values present in the namasawar kabata. 1. respect for the ancestors it seems clear that the bandanese really respect their ancestors which are enshrined in traditional rituals in the form of poetry and songs which they call kabata. some kabata verses read as follows: “gong seng gong seng namasawar gong seng. namasawar sawar liling sawar liling ee” meaning: (greetings and respect for the ancestors of the namasawar customary village. this sentence marks the start of the traditional buka kampung ritual, which is followed by the cakalele traditional dance. this act of reverence is deeply rooted in the respect for the namasawar king’s ancestors who have passed down their traditions and customs to this day. 2. respect for women in addition to the king, the banda poem also shows respect for queen naira, known as queen maruka, which is enshrined in the couplet as follows: “boy e, boy e, aku somba boy e. maruka namasawar aku somba boy e” meaning: we pay our respects. to the reigning queen of namasawar, we pay our respects. [ 145 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 the term “somba” literally means “to worship,” but its significance lies in paying respects not to a deity, but to the queen of namasawar, from whom the lineage of banda’s children and grandchildren originates. an intriguing aspect is that the word “somba” is directed towards the banda woman (mother) and not the king, highlighting the crucial role of women as the sole successors to the banda generation following the voc genocide against banda in 1621. historically, the banda war, which spanned from 1609 to 1621, resulted in the tragic massacre of 14,000 banda inhabitants out of the original 15,000. the aftermath of the genocide left only 1,000 banda residents, all of whom were women, including mothers and daughters (joella & farid, 2020; farid, 2018). women as symbols of honor, dignity and self-esteem of the bandanese are also shown in the following kabata couplet: “rete rete, rete ratu nairan. nairan sunting bunga kambang campaka e” meaning: … that saved queen naira’s honor. there is also an epic about a woman who was expelled from her homeland, but because of her glory, later on she was highly respected and became a queen, as in the story of the following kabat poem: “boi rattan timbang tana timbang apa lelekala. tarusauh kelemuri angka raja ole” meaning: exiled because of honor and dignity. until she arrived in the land of exile, and henceforth a just ruler she became there. the tale of boi ratan in the banda oral tradition recounts the story of a revered woman from banda who faced unjust accusations and was subsequently banished from her homeland. she found herself on a distant and mysterious island (referred to as ambon by some) already ruled by a king. captivated by her beauty and nobility, the king chose to marry her, and together, they became the ancestors of the moluccan people, whose legacy endures to this day. over time, the woman assumed the role of the king’s successor and skillfully governed the islands of maluku with fairness and dignity. 3. respect for the inhabitants of nature in the banda kabata, there are poems that also highly praise a number of animals such as the mention of doves, and local birds that are unique (endemic) to banda. some kabata verses read: [ 146 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 “walange walange marapati walange. marapati lewetaka, lewetaka ee” meaning: lewetaka kingdom, home and gathering place for the doves. these verses show the area of the lewetaka kingdom as the place or home for all doves to gather. images of doves can be found in a number of traditional attributes, such as traditional boats and cakalele dancers. it shows how close and harmonious the customs and fauna are. in addition, there is also mention of the names of local birds, namely the baikole bird, as in the following stanza: “ole-ole burung baikole, tarabang sini sana burung baikole” meaning: being courageous in battle, jumps at the enemy like the baikole bird dancing on the ground. the baikole bird, also known locally as “kipasan kebun” [garden fan] or scientifically willie wagtail, is commonly found in coastal areas, river banks, and lowland regions. the name “baikole” derives from “ass wiggle,” highlighting its distinctive habit of wagging its tail while singing melodiously, especially during sunny mornings or just after rainfall. this bird’s cheerful singing continues throughout the day. its plumage is predominantly black from head to tail, with a white underside, chest, and tail, complemented by a long white stripe above its eyebrows. the baikole bird constructs its nest in the shape of a bowl, measuring 8-10 centimeters in diameter, meticulously woven from grass to provide a secure and sturdy abode. bold and daring, the baikole bird fearlessly hunts for prey and frequently perches on branches and other precarious locations. in the kabata banda, the philosophy of “baikole” signifies beauty intertwined with strength, courage, and solidarity. there is also a type of dragon mentioned in the kabata poem, as shown in the following verse: “nairanbese besetiris tirise. tiriso yo malela ular naga nairan” meaning: respect for the dragon boat, symbol of the ruler of the naira sea. the dragon snake is a symbol of glory and the ruler of the sea. in the namasawar custom, the dragon becomes the main emblem enshrined in the dragon boat (kora-kora) which denotes the ruler of the banda naira sea. 4. respect for the inhabitants of the sea kabata banda also treated the sea area as a territory of power that must be guarded. a number of poems even mention that the rulers of the sea were actually “headquartered” in banda waters, as indicated in the following verse: [ 147 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 “lusi ooo ronda laut yo tantara nairaaan” meaning: the army of the rulers of the sea that surrounds the entire waters of the naira island. this includes marine biota such as sharks which are the life relations of the bandanese. sharks are referred to by the locals as “yo” or “eyo”, as in the following verse: “dua yo kapitang kora-kora lewetaka. siku-sikuruma ke belang urulima e meaning: two yos (warlords) who lead the troops on the battleship of the lewetaka kingdom. perhaps, the use of the name shark as “commander” is to show the greatness of the two commanders (illustrated in the cakalele and striped/dragon boat personnel) who led the battle troops on the battleship of the lewetaka kingdom. even the rocks on the coast are also mentioned in the kabata stanza as follows: “batu kapasete batu gong gai e” meaning: these are the kapala rocks of the people who witnessed the might of the namasawar commanders the rocks on the coast are an attempt to show how important the relationship between humans, coastal nature including rock, sand (in the cakalele ritual one has to sprinkle sand on the ground where they dance), fish and the sea have become one in the harmony of the life of the bandanese. conclusion the cakalele dance, initially a war dance, holds profound significance for the bandanese, encompassing crucial values. although it no longer serves as a war dance, the cakalele has evolved into a welcoming dance that embodies strong islamic educational values. this captivating dance is frequently performed at various cultural events, where the queen’s signature attire symbolizes a woman adorned in bright clothes, lipstick, eye shadow makeup, and an umbrella to shield herself from the sun. in the context of islamic education, the cakalele dance imparts essential values that are highly relevant for the present bandanese generation. it serves as a physical, spiritual, and mental training, promoting harmonious coexistence among diverse ethnicities and religions. this alignment with the main objectives of islamic religious education is very importance. furthermore, the [ 148 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 cakalele dance offers a beautiful expression of the bandanese people’s love for the marine environment and its natural coast. engaging in cultural practices such as constructing traditional houses, arranging flowers, and visiting sacred sites accompanied by traditional songs, the bandanese demonstrate their deep connection with the marine, forest, and coastal environments. the traditional song “kabata” not only narrates the ancestral history of banda but also conveys a significant message on the preservation of forests, endemic animals, oceans, fish, as well as sand and rocks along the coast. this study highlights the interplay between islam and community traditions, leading to cultural symbols rich in religious values and reverence for the environment, which forms the natural cosmology of society. however, it is essential to acknowledge that this study does not dive further into the practical implementation of islamic values or the manifestation of love for the marine environment in daily life. further research is needed to unveil these aspects in a more comprehensive and profound manner. bibliography amsi, n. & rafita, m. (2021). prosesi dan makna tarian cakalelekampung adat ratu (dwiwarna) kecamatan banda naira. in paradigma; jurnal ilmu pendidikan dan humaniora, volume 7. alwi, d. (2005). sejarah maluku: banda naira, ternate, tidore, dan ambon. dian rakyat alwi d. & farid, m. (2007). sejarah banda naira. malang: penerbit pustaka bayan. anakota, e. (2021). false consciousness: the cultural identity construction of cele and batik within moluccan scholars in ambon,” al albab: volume 10 number 1. azra, a. (2000). renaisans islam asia tenggara: sejarah wacana dan kekuasaan, bandung: rosdakarya aveling, h. g. (1967). seventeenth century bandanese society in fact and fiction:’tambera’assessed. bijdragen tot de taal-, land-en volkenkunde, (3de afl), 347-365. budiyono, d., & soelistyari, h. t. (2016). evaluasi kualitas visual lanskap wisata pantai balekambang di desa srigonco kabupaten malang. jurnal lanskap indonesia, 8(2), 81-90. 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(1996). phenomenological sociology the subjectivity of everyday life. in hviid, jacobsen, m (ed.), 2009. encountering the everyday: an introduction to the sociologies of the unnoticed. palgrave macmilan basingstoke, p.93-115. rizal, n. (2012). kedudukan seni dalam islam. tsaqafa:jurnal kajian seni budaya islam. vol. 1no. 1(juni, 2012). schutz, a. (1967). the phenomenology of the social world. george walsh. northwestern university press. turner, v. (1967). the forest of symols: aspects of ndembu ritual. ithaca and london: corenell. university. valentijn, f. (1856-58). oud en nieuw oost-indiën. ‘s-gravenhage: h.c. susan, h.c. hzoon. three vols. van donkersgoed, j., & farid, m. (2022). belang and kabata banda: the significance of nature in the adat practices in the banda islands. in wacana: journal of the humanities of indonesia, 23(2), 415-450 wilson, t.d. (2002). alfred schutz, phenomenology and research methodology for information behavior research. isic. winn, p. (2005). tanah berkat (blessed land); the source of the local in the banda islands, central maluku. in thomas reuter (ed.), sharing the earth, dividing the land: land and territory in the austronesian world. pp 113133. canberra: anu press watloly, a. (2010). filsafat masyarakat kepulauan. ambon: pascasarjana unpatti. [ 150 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2758 [ 95 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 religious moderation in indonesian context lukmanul hakim uin imam bonjol padang email: lukmanulhakim@uinib.ac.id aziza meria uin imam bonjol padang email: azizameria@uinib.ac.id sartika suryadinata uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta email: tikadinata4@gmail.com abstract this paper aims to explore the concept of religious moderation across islamic history within indonesian context. the method used is qualitative with a historical approach. the historical approach is used to reformulate the concept of religious moderation in modern times and classical times. the results showed that religious moderation in modern times correlates with religious moderation in classical times. although the term religious moderation was only promoted by the ministry of religious affairs of indonesia in 2019, in terms of practice it has been carried out by the prophet who was then continued by the companions and the people after him. classical and modern religious moderation both focus on establishing harmonious and peaceful social relations with people of different religions. however, there are some differences between modern and classical moderation, namely: first, in modern times religious moderation is focused on improving and maintaining relations between muslims and people of other religions by providing several indicators related to this. whereas in the classical period, this religious moderation focused on their freedom to embrace their religion without any coercion to convert to islam. second, in modern times the term moderation is used in the hope of being an antidote to the many conflicts, while in classical times religious moderation was practiced by the prophet to serve as an example for the companions and subsequent people. third, the practice of religious moderation in terms of tolerance towards people of other religions in modern times looks very tolerant by congratulating each other on the holidays of other religions, while in classical times religious moderation only centred on giving them the freedom to choose their religion and carry out their religious worship. keywords: religious moderation; islamic history; indonesian context [ 96 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 introduction the government of indonesia is aggressively echoing the term religious moderation. as stated by the former minister of religion lukman hakim saifuddin who made 2019 the year of religious moderation for the ministry of religion (qolbi, 2019). the concept of moderation has been socialized in various efforts, one of which is that religious moderation is included in the 2020-2024 national medium-term development plan (rpjmn) prepared by the ministry of national development planning/national development planning agency (bappenas) with the hope of becoming an integral part of the cultural strategy in advancing indonesia’s human resources (agama ri, 2019b). the spread of the spirit of moderation is not without reason, indonesian society consisting of various ethnic groups and religions still cannot live in harmony. there are still many riots between religious communities. one of them is the case of church burning in aceh singkil in 2015 (chandra, 2015). a similar case occurred in tolikara papua in the same year, where christians damaged the mosque used for eid prayers at that time (ilham, 2015). not only actions carried out directly, controversial events related to religion have also touched social media as a space to spread hate speech against a religion. in october 2020, gus nur was reported to the police for defaming nu for likening nu to a bus filled with liberals, drunken people and people who like to dance. this was conveyed by gus nur when interviewed by refly harun on his youtube channel (saifuddin, 2022). and there are many other cases caused by this religious diversity and diversity. religious moderation is expected to be an antidote to conflicts between adherents of religions and beliefs. the expected result of the embodiment of religious moderation is a peaceful and harmonious religious community life. that is why religious moderation never uses the terms ‘enemy’, ‘opponent’, ‘fight’, or ‘get rid of ’ against those who are considered excessive and beyond the limits of religion (saifuddin, 2022). one of the indicators of religious moderation offered by the ministry of religious affairs is having an attitude of tolerance between religious communities. this attitude of religious tolerance in terms of moderation is exemplified by giving christmas greetings to christians or helping to prepare for the celebration of other religious holidays (arib, 2016). historically, religious diversity in one country has existed since the time of the prophet muhammad. when the prophet muhammad migrated from mecca to medina, the population consisted of jews, christians, and other religions. to regulate the peace and harmony of neighborly life, the prophet muhammad also created the medina charter as an official rule governing relations between the muslim community as immigrants and the ansar consisting of jews [ 97 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 and christians. the prophet muhammad also made an agreement with the christians of najran that guaranteed protection and security to them, similar agreements were also made by the prophet muhammad with the jewish community in the arabian peninsula after the war of khaybar in 7h and the years after that with bani junbah at muqna near ilah in the gulf of aqabah (muhammad, 2011). at the time of the prophet, he gave freedom to people of other religions to embrace the religion they believed in. despite direct contact with nonmuslims, the relationship built by the prophet was very peaceful, there was no reluctance or preference in associating. religious differences do not make them as enemies, or directly fight them. even the prophet muhammad was good friends with the christian king negus, a ruler of ethiopia, even though they were of different religions, the prophet did not hesitate to ask for political protection for some of the prophet’s companions from king negus (wibowo, 2021). based on the background of the concept of religious moderation, the following sections will discuss the concept of religious moderation from two sides, in modern times and in classical times. with consideration, moderation echoed in modern times has existed since the time of the prophet but, with different practices and terms. related to theoretical studies on religious moderation, several studies have been conducted including edi junaedi on religious moderation in the perspective of the ministry of religion (junaedi, 2019). the next mapping of the principles of religious moderation in the life of the nation by mustaqim hasan (hasan, 2021). as for those who discuss religious moderation in terms of its history, there has previously been research conducted by bagus novianto. in contrast to bagus who focused his research on exploring religious moderation in the islamic education civilization, this study focuses on the journey of religious moderation from time to time of islamic civilization. the concept of religious moderation in modern times religious moderation is formed from the word moderation which is adopted from english moderation which means balanced attitude, not excessive, moderate and impartial. in the big indonesian dictionary (budaya, 1989) the word “moderation” comes from the word moderate which means leading to the meaning of attitudes or behaviors and actions that are reasonable and not deviant, tend towards dimensions or middle ground, sufficient views, and willing to consider the views of other parties. in arabic, religious moderation is known as wasathiyah, which means close, fair, and in the middle as ibn [ 98 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 faris said (ash-shallabi, 2020). the word wusuth means al-mutawassith and al-mu’tadil. the word al-wasath also has the meaning of al-mutawassith baina al-mutakhashimain which means the mediator between two people who are at odds (agama ri, 2019a). quraish shihab interprets moderation (wasathiyah) with an attitude of diversity that positions itself in the middle and does not take sides to the left or right. this impartial attitude will later shape humans into someone fair so that they can be role models for all groups (shihab, 2002a, p. 415). agreeing with quraish shihab, hamka also interpreted religious moderation as a middle that is not centered on the world alone and also not only concerned with the spiritual, because religious moderation is a balanced position between the two (ulinnuha & nafisah, 2020). the indonesian ministry of religious affairs (hereinafter kemenag ri) explains that moderation means not excessive or moderate. furthermore, kemenag ri provides an analysis when the word moderation is juxtaposed with the word religion, so that it becomes ‘religious moderation’, then the term refers to an attitude of reducing violence or avoiding extremism in religious practice (agama ri, 2019a). from the above definition, it can be concluded that religious moderation acts as a balance between two points. this balance is not only centered on worldly aspects but also on spiritual balance. yusuf al-qardhawi explained that the attitude of wasathiyyah is the same as altawazun, which is an effort to maintain a balance between two sides, opposite or contradictory ends, and edges so that one of them does not dominate and negate the other (qardhawi, 1983a). as explained in the qur’an al-baqarah verse 143. in the interpretation of the ministry of religion, it is stated that what is meant by the middle people is the chosen people, the best, fair, and balanced, both in beliefs, thoughts, attitudes, and behaviour. the verse explains that what is meant as a moderate ummah is the size of the relationship between people, muslims can be called a moderate ummah only if they are able to socialize with other people. so, when the word wasathan is understood in a religious context, the consequence is a demand for muslims to be witnesses and at the same time objects that are witnessed, in order to become role models for other people. it can be said that the extent of commitment to the values of justice can be seen from the high level of one’s commitment to moderation. a person who becomes more just can also be characterized by being able to be moderate and balanced in all matters. conversely, if he is not able to be moderate and balanced in his life, then it is likely that he will find it difficult to be fair (agama ri, 2010). religious moderation based on the definition given by lukman hakim from the [ 99 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 ministry of religion through a book he compiled entitled religious moderation, means confidence in the substance (essence) of the religious teachings he adheres to, while still sharing the truth as far as religious interpretation is concerned. in this sense, religious moderation shows acceptance, openness, and synergy from different religious groups. the word moderation, whose latin form moderâtio means sadness, also means self-control. in english, moderation is often used in the sense of average, core, standard, or nonaligned. in general, moderate means prioritizing balance regarding beliefs, morals, and behaviour (character) (saifuddin, 2022). therefore, religious moderation means the way of religion through the middle way. with religious moderation, a person is not extreme and does not exaggerate when living the teachings of his religion. the key to moderation is not to go overboard, especially in religious matters. this key is important to understand so that everyone can practice it in their daily lives. the most obvious example is when a religious believer paganizes his or her fellow believers of the same religion just because they differ in religious understanding, even though only god knows whether someone has fallen into the category of kafir or not (agama ri, 2019b). a person who prays continuously from morning till night without caring about the social problems around him can be called over-religious. a person can also be called excessive in religion when he deliberately denigrates other people’s religions, or likes to insult the holy figures or symbols of certain religions. in such cases, he is already trapped in extremes that are not in accordance with the principles of religious moderation. a moderate person must be in the middle, standing between the two extremes. he is not excessive in religion, but also not excessive in trivializing religion. he does not go to the extreme of glorifying religious texts to the neglect of reason, nor does he go to the extreme of deifying reason to the neglect of texts. in short, religious moderation aims to mediate and invite both extreme poles in religion to move to the middle, back to the essence of religious teachings, namely humanizing humans (agama ri, 2019c). in its conceptual study, the ministry of religious affairs formulated the importance of religious moderation, where in general, the basic idea of moderation is to find similarities and not sharpen differences. while in zaki mubarak’s perspective, moderation attached to islam is an attempt to see a moderate concept of islam. the goal is to find an islamic concept that can solve complex problems, especially in the current era of disruption. furthermore, zaki explained that islamic moderation with its other terms refers to and is intertwined with various terms such as wasathiyah islam, islam rahmatan lil [ 100 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 ‘alamin, islam nusantara, islam berkemajuan, moderate islam, or ummatan ausatuha. although these terms, if studied one by one, are not compatible with each other, substantively the concept of islamic moderation has more similarities with these concepts than differences. as a new discourse or paradigm, the presence of islamic moderation also aims to uphold the values of tasamuh, pluralism, and islamic ukhuwah that prioritize the unity and integrity of the ummah (miftahuddin et al., 2020). in its further elaboration, the ministry of religious affairs suggests at least three main reasons for the need for religious moderation. first, one of the presences of religion is to maintain human dignity as a noble creature of god’s creation, including guarding against taking his life. this essence marks that every religion always carries a mission of peace and salvation. to achieve this goal, religion always presents teachings about balance in various aspects of life (agama ri, 2019c). secondly, for the ministry of religious affairs, historically, humans are increasing and diversifying as well as religions that continue to develop. therefore, religious texts also experience multiple interpretations. from here, complex conflicts arise in human life and religion. this context causes the importance of religious moderation so that human civilization does not become extinct due to conflicts with religious backgrounds. third, the indonesian ministry of religious affairs explained that in the indonesian context, religious moderation is needed as a cultural strategy for maintaining indonesianness, where in the process of its establishment, the unitary state of the republic of indonesia has succeeded in uniting all religious, ethnic, linguistic and cultural groups. this is the identity of indonesia, which is characterized by being polite, tolerant, and able to dialogue with diversity (agama ri, 2019c). religious moderation is part of the nation’s strategy in maintaining indonesia. as a very diverse nation, from the beginning the founding fathers have succeeded in bequeathing a form of agreement in the nation and state, namely the unitary state of the republic of indonesia, which has clearly succeeded in uniting all religious, ethnic, linguistic and cultural groups. indonesia is agreed not to be a religious state, but it also does not separate religion from the daily lives of its citizens. religious values are preserved, combined with local wisdom and customs. some religious laws are also institutionalized by the state, religious and cultural rituals intertwine in harmony and peace. that is the true identity of indonesia, a very religious country, with a character that is polite, tolerant, and able to dialogue with diversity. religious moderation must be part of the cultural strategy to maintain our identity (agama ri, 2019c). religious moderation is an endless process, because the possibility [ 101 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 of extreme religion will continue to exist. it will continue to be dynamic in the midst of religious citizens. therefore, religious moderation must be lived and implemented as a joint movement, not only perceived and meant as a program, or project. religious moderation is a cultural strategy for a needy country whose masculinity is very religious like indonesia, just as right as maintaining the integrity of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia (saifuddin, 2022). in the indonesian context, the values of islamic moderation are implemented in the form of ummatan wasathan. the characteristics are as stated by afrizal nur include 1. tawasuth, taking the middle way, 2. tawazun, balance, 3. i’tidal, straight and firm, 4. tasamuh, tolerance, 5. musawah, egalitarian means not discriminating against others because of differences in beliefs, traditions and origins, 6. shura, which is to deliberate on every issue to reach consensus with the principle of benefit above all, 7. ishlah, which prioritizes the reformative principle to achieve a better situation that accommodates change and progress, 8. aulawiyah, prioritizing priorities, 9. tathawwur wa ibtikar, dynamic and innovative (nur, 2016). the mentioned characteristics are certainly not just a concept. religious moderation needs to be presented in the mind so as to give birth to self-awareness in responding to the times. in this case, nirwani jumala emphasized that the concept of religious moderation must become a personality that includes all attitudes, feelings, expressions and of course the reasoning that each individual will construct. therefore, moderation in thinking can influence moderation in religion. in addition, moderation in thinking also creates self-awareness that leads to dedication to self-development, personality development or scientific upgrading (jumala, 2019). the ministry of religious affairs explained that the principles of religious moderation consist of two, namely: fairness and balance. being fair means putting everything in its place while carrying it out as well and as quickly as possible. while being balanced means always being in the middle between two poles. in terms of worship, for example, a moderate believes that religion is to perform devotion to god in the form of carrying out his teachings that are oriented towards efforts to glorify humans. extreme people are often trapped in practicing religion in the name of god only to defend his majesty while ignoring the human aspect. religious people in this way are willing to kill fellow humans “in the name of god” even though preserving humanity itself is part of the core teachings of religion. religious understanding and practice can be considered excessive if it violates three things; humanitarian values, mutual agreement, and public order. this principle is also to emphasize that [ 102 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 religious moderation means balancing the good that relates to god with the benefits that are social in nature (agama ri, 2019b). religious moderation, which is understood as a perspective, attitude, and behaviour that always takes a position in the middle, always acts fairly, and is not extreme in religion, certainly has measures, limits, and indicators to determine whether a certain religious perspective, attitude, and behaviour is classified as moderate or extreme. some indicators of religious moderation are always taking a position in the middle, always acting fairly, and not being extreme in religion. some indicators of religious moderation contained in the ministry of religion’s book are four important points, including national commitment, tolerance, anti-violence and radicalism and the acceptance of local culture (agama ri, 2019b). the concept of religious moderation in classical times the prophet muhammad saw spread islam in a way of peace without coercion and did not rely on violence. he invited humanity with gentle language and wise arguments and did not corner one party. during his 13 years of preaching in mecca and 10 years in medina, he went through a very tolerant path. the beginning of the prophet muhammad’s da’wah began against his family and close relatives which were carried out secretly for 3 years (al-buthy, 2008). afterward, god’s revelation came down which ordered the prophet muhammad saw to invite mankind to islam openly, this is stated in qurán verse 94. allah also emphasized that the prophet muhammad saw had no right to force someone to follow the teachings of islam, allah’s command was only limited to conveying the teachings of islam. while giving guidance to a servant is the absolute power of allah swt. as stated in the qur’an verses 21-22. therefore, it is not appropriate for someone to impose their opinions or ideas on someone. even though that person is a family or close friend. this is also seen from abu talib who is the biological uncle of the prophet muhammad saw, he is a person who is very meritorious in helping the struggle of the prophet muhammad saw. however, until the end of his life he was not a muslim. rasulullah as a nephew did not impose his will on his uncle (malik & parianam, 1997). when viewed from the cause of the revelation of this verse is when the city of medina is often visited by groups of traders from the levant who are christians. in addition to supplying merchandise, they also carried out missionary missions in the arab region. abu al-husein, a devout muslim, had two children who often bought oil and other necessities from these traders. [ 103 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 worried about not getting any more merchandise from the merchants, both of them decided to convert to christianity. abu al-husein was so sad and devastated that he complained to the prophet, then qur’an surah al-baqarah verse 256 was revealed (al-jawi, 1976). muhammad rashid ridha said that this verse is general in nature which is not only addressed to one people. the meaning of this verse is that the choice of religion is not something that is imposed from allah, but it is a choice that is decided by humans themselves, because the issue of religion is a matter of belief for each person (ridha, 1973). al-zamaskhsy also emphasized that the issue of faith is a personal choice of humans, and cannot be imposed by someone. coercive efforts to choose or religion are contrary to what has been conveyed by allah (misrah, 2010). after emigrating to medina, the prophet was welcomed by the people there and lived in harmony with the jews who had lived in medina. before the prophet muhammad saw arrived in the city of medina, the people of medina had heard about the honesty, and the kindness and noble character possessed by the prophet muhammad. so that the prophet muhammad was made the head of the executive and judiciary in medina (hasyim, 1991). the prophet then made official rules to regulate the people of medina which consisted of various tribes and religions, both muslims, jews and other communities of different religions. this agreement is called the medina charter which is the constitution or written legislation of the city of medina. it is called a charter because its contents recognize all rights to freedom of belief and religion. not only that, this charter also explains the freedom of speech and the desire of the citizens of medina to create justice in their lives. it contains all the rules and obligations of society for all groups, and abolishes old tribal traditions and regulations that have a negative impact. in addition, it is called a constitution because it contains principles that regulate leadership and socio-political basics that aim to form society and government as the centre of the unity of the people of medina (adriansyah, 2014). umar hasyim said that the contents of the medina charter initiated by the prophet had two characteristics, namely: first, peaceful coexistence with all groups, both the jews and other arabs who settled in medina. second, explaining the realization of religious freedom which is not only recognized and permitted by islam but also must be maintained and guaranteed by it (hasyim, 1991). the prophet muhammad had interacted deeply with all religious communities such as jews, christians, pagans, major political powers such as the romans and persians, as well as the culture that dominated arab society at that time. this is also illustrated in many verses of the qur’an that have provided guidance to muslims in dealing with cultures and religions [ 104 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 other than islam that have been practiced by the prophet (handrianto, 2022). the qur’an does not prohibit muslims from doing good to people of other religions, as long as they are not hostile to religion and muslims. quraish shihab also said something similar in his interpretation, according to him, the previous verse was an order to antagonize the disbelievers who fought islam, then allah revealed this verse to emphasize the basic principles of interaction relations between muslims and non-muslims, and emphasized that not all adherents of other religions should be antagonized. if in a social relationship, non-muslims do the right thing and muslims are on the wrong side, then according to him muslims must support non-muslims as a form of upholding justice as ordered by allah swt (shihab, 2002b). as the reason for the revelation of this verse is because asma’ bint abu bakr as-siddiq said that her mother who was still a polytheist visited her, then asma’ asked the prophet through her sister aisyah about the permissibility of her establishing a relationship with her mother, then this verse was revealed which explains the social relations between muslims and non-muslims. the prophet also told asma’ to accept her mother’s visit and accept any gifts brought by her mother (shihab, 2002b). prophet muhammad was very wise in giving freedom to someone, to make his own choices. as happened to raihana bint zaid bin ‘amr bin khanafah who was the wife of the prophet muhammad saw. she was a jewish woman from the bani nadhir clan who became a prisoner and was married by the prophet with a milkul yamin contract, because initially she refused to convert to islam and chose to remain a jew. the messenger of allah respected raihana’s decision and allowed her to remain jewish, although there was anxiety in the prophet’s heart about this. however, he did not want to force raihana and gave her freedom until her own heart chose to convert to islam. not long after, raihana embraced islam by the will of her own heart (am, 2020). how great is religious moderation in islam, the prophet did not in the least take away someone’s religious freedom even though it was his own wife. the prophet muhammad saw also established good social relations with non-muslims, even the prophet often stayed in touch with his non-muslim neighbours and did not hesitate to come to visit when they were sick (qardhawi, 1985). ibn ishaq explains that when the najran christians came to medina when the prophet muhammad was performing the asr prayer at the prophet’s mosque. then the fourteen najran christians performed their worship in the prophet’s mosque facing east. the prophet allowed this and continued to treat them well, even after the prophet muhammad made a peace treaty with them which guaranteed the safety of the banu najran, the prohibition of harming [ 105 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 children and women, and the leaders of the banu najran. the prophet in the agreement also prohibited destroying their churches (muchlison, 2019). the prophet muhammad also established a very close relationship with the jews of medina, he had a close friend a jewish priest named mukhairiq who was wealthy and pious. mukhairiq participated in helping muslims in the battle of uhud, before starting the war he testified that if he died he would donate all his property to the prophet to be used by the muslims of medina (wibowo, 2021). the prophet’s tolerant attitude towards non-muslims was continued by his companions after his death. abu bakar as the first caliph who was entrusted with replacing the leadership of the prophet also did the same thing. the biggest religious problem faced by abu bakar during his tenure was the problem of apostates, the emergence of false prophets, and people who refused to pay zakat. during his short reign abu bakr was mostly preoccupied with disciplining them and bringing them back to islam. before disciplining the zakat payers, abu bakr discussed with the great companions. some of the companions including umar bin khatab did not agree to fight the zakat dissenters who still believed in allah and his messenger. the majority of the companions did not want war. however, abu bakr was determined to fight them, because according to him the truth is only faith, there is no truth that is covered by falsehood behind it. if there are people who oppose the truth of allah, the only way is to fight them until they return to the path of allah’s truth (tumangger, 2021). before fighting them, abu bakr first chose the peaceful way by sending a letter to the dissident and apostate groups. the letter explained that there was a misunderstanding in their minds, and abu bakr invited them to return to islam. the letter also included the consequences that would be obtained if they still chose to disobey. abu bakr in his letter also explained that they would not be disturbed by their rights, obligations, and freedoms if they returned to the teachings of islam (haikal, 2003). in addition, abu bakr once advised the commander usamah ibn zaid that he should not commit treason, commit oppression, destroy corpses, kill children, the elderly, and women, and prohibit destroying trees that have fruit the prohibition not torture and destroy livestock such as sheep, cows, and camels (al-umairi, 2013). during the battle of ubna, abu bakr as-siddiq sent troops led by khalid bin walid to help usamah’s troops. they also managed to knock down the eastern door of the city of damascus, the archbishop of the city surrendered and asked for peace and asked for protection from the islamic army. later, a peace treaty was concluded between the islamic army and the [ 106 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 archbishop of damascus which guaranteed their safety, security for themselves, their property and their places of worship. the inhabitants of this city would not be harassed or threatened in any way as long as they paid the jizyah (al-mudhar, 1994). for the elderly and poor christians were not obliged to pay the jizyah, they were given assistance from the baitul mal. even when islam could not protect them from attacks by other nations, abu bakr would return their jizyah (muchlison, 2019). this agreement proves that islam is a religion that gives freedom to people of other religions to continue practicing their religion without any interference or threats that force them to convert to islam. abu bakr as-siddiq once ordered not to disturb people who were worshiping, whether it was worshiping in churches, monasteries or those who were worshiping in their other holy houses (hasyim, 1991). after abu bakr as-siddiq died, he had previously appointed umar bin khattab as his successor. in running his government, umar realized the values in islamic teachings. he also guaranteed a person’s freedom to choose and practice his religion, without any threats from any party. when conquering a region, umar did not force them to embrace islam and leave the religion they believed in. this is illustrated in umar’s attitude during the siege of sham that led to peace. amr bin al-’ash refused to return a female captive to her family. umar acted by gathering all the female captives and asking them to choose, enter islam or return to their religion on condition that they pay jizyah (nasution, 2018). on another occasion, umar bin khattab’s tolerance was also evident when he had a beggar woman come to his house, after giving a little of his wealth umar invited the woman to enter islam, but the woman refused. because of umar’s anxiety the woman misunderstood and thought he was forcing her to convert to islam, umar immediately prayed to allah: “o my lord i did not mean to force her, for i know that there is no compulsion in religion, and the difference between the right path and the wrong path is clear (kamali, 1996).” in addition, umar ibn khattab once helped and cared for a christian to the extent that he fed, clothed, and housed him and his other needs. however, he never forced the christians to convert to islam. once he asked the christian about her desire to convert to islam and she said no, adding that she wanted to die a christian. hearing this remark umar ibn khattab was silent and allowed the woman to embrace the christian religion she believed in (shalaby, 1984). after gaining victory when conquering jerusalem, umar made a peace treaty with the local people. umar bin khattab guaranteed their security, along with their property, their churches, crosses, and places considered sacred by them. their places of worship would not be taken over, torn down, or reduced in size. [ 107 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 nor would the local people be forced to embrace islam (qardhawi, 1983b). in addition, umar bin khattab also made a treaty with the muslims in baitul maqdis, the contents of which were similar to the agreement he made with the inhabitants of jerusalem (patmawati, 2016). ali bin abi talib who was given the mandate to replace usman bin affan as caliph after he died. in one of his remarks ali bin abi talib once advised not to be a slave to others, because allah has made humans free (qardhawi, n.d.). if we look deeper, ali ibn abi talib’s message implies religious moderation. humans are creatures of god who have been free and have the freedom to choose, including in terms of the beliefs they will embrace. in his message, ali wants humanity to fight for the rights of freedom and the value of independence it has. nevertheless, this message can also be interpreted that ali bin abi talib will also not deprive someone’s right to freedom, including in terms of religion. caliph muawiyah in his reign not only tolerated by giving religious freedom to his population, he also allowed those who were not muslim to enter the government. such as the appointment of a christian sarjun to be the minister of finance of the umayyad dynasty. orientalist k. houar also stated that muawiyah gained tremendous sympathy from syriac christians because of his high tolerance (hasyim, 1991). muawiyah also repaired churches in iraq that were damaged by the earthquake. not only muawiyah, his commander also had extraordinary tolerance for non-muslims. uqbah bin nafi’ spread islam in tunisia, many of the local people were interested and decided to convert to islam because they saw uqbah’s tolerance. he never used violence and forced people to embrace islam (latif, 2016,). this tolerance descended on other umayyad caliphs, during the time of caliph abdurrakhman ii, he and his ministers gave freedom to the people of andalusia, so that muslims and christians could work together peacefully in defending the kingdom from enemy attacks (hasyim, 1991). at the time of the conquest of west asia, there began to be contact between the islamic government of this dynasty and the greeks. it can be seen from the allowance of a christian court doctor who came from yunan. tayazhuq, the doctor of the umayyad dynasty who was entrusted with treating al hajjaj bin yusuf al-tsaqafi (hitti, 2005). tayazhuq took care of al hajjat until he died, he was known for his extraordinary medical advice. not only in the medical field, the greeks were also seen in the umayyad dynasty government in the field of art. when al-walid acquired the roman church area in damascus in 705m, he converted it into an umayyad mosque, greek artists were hired to make carvings on the wings and dome supports of the mosque (hitti, 2005). [ 108 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 the attitude of moderation was also seen during the reign of marwan bin abdul malik, he still respected the rights of non-muslims by keeping the church of john which neighbors the jami’ damascus mosque. at first the church was going to be demolished for the expansion of the mosque, but this was opposed by the syrian muslim community. the church was left and maintained, but was demolished during the time of caliph walid bin marwan. during the caliphate of umar bin abdul aziz, this church was rebuilt due to pressure from non-muslims to restore their place of worship (wibowo, 2021). the bani abbas caliphs often organized meetings to exchange ideas on religious matters, which were attended by scholars from various religious traditions. they exchanged ideas on matters of creed and comparative religion. each of them could present their arguments and explain their opinions freely (hasanah & verawati, 2022). the role of the caliph was not limited to legalizing the exchange of opinions, but encouraged and facilitated it, and participated in the exchange of opinions. max i. dimont, a leading scholar in jewish historical studies, says that it would not be wrong to say that islam has shown such a possibility in the case of islamic spain (andalus). spain at that time had succeeded with a form of “marvelous alliance” which dimont called the spain of three religions and “one bedroom” (al-khudari, 2016). at that time, muslims, christians and jews together provided a glorious civilization despite being inspired by different religious forms. conclusion the religious moderation promoted by the ministry of religion in 2019 is not new, the practice has been carried out by the prophet and his companions. like the shura system that was practiced by abu bakar ash-shiddiq when running his government. giving freedom to people of different religions to choose the religion they want to believe in, and allowing them to worship without interference and threats was one of the practices of religious moderation at the early time within the history of islam and muslims. religious moderation in indonesian context today, therefore, is very modern practice of religious moderation that deeply relates to the teaching of islam since it’s the era of the prophet muhammad. from the data and discussion provided in this work, it is clear that there are some differences between religious moderation in modern times and classical times. firstly, in modern times religious moderation is focused on improving and maintaining relations between muslims and people of other religions by providing several indicators related to this. whereas in the classical period, this religious moderation focused on their freedom to embrace their [ 109 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 religion without any coercion to convert to islam. secondly, in modern times the term moderation is used in the hope of being an antidote to the many conflicts that occur between religious communities, while in classical times religious moderation was practiced by the prophet to serve as an example for the companions and subsequent people. thirdly, the practice of religious moderation in terms of tolerance towards people of other religions in modern times looks very tolerant by congratulating each other on the holidays of other religions, even government officials attend celebrations of other religions in the name of moderation, while in classical times religious moderation only centred on giving them the freedom to choose their religion and carry out their religious worship. although there are some differences between religious moderation in modern times and classical times, but in general the meaning of moderation in classical and modern times is the same, providing freedom rights for them to carry out their religious worship and rituals and not discriminating against those of different religions. bibliography adriansyah, a. (2014). toleransi beragama dalam praktek negara madinah (upaya mengungkap realita sejarah nabawiyah). madania, xviii(2). agama ri, k. (2010). al-qur’an dan tafsirnya (edisi yang disempurnakan). lentera abadi. agama ri, k. (2019a). implementasi moderasi beragama dalam pendidikan islam. kelompok kerja implmentasi moderasi beragama direktorat jenderal pendidikan islam kementrian agama republik indonesia. agama ri, k. (2019b). moderasi beragama. badan litbang dan diklat kementrian agama ri. agama ri, k. (2019c). tanya jawab moderasi beragama. badan litbang dan diklat kementrian agama ri. al-buthy, m. s. r. (2008). sirah nabawiyah: analisis ilmiah manhajiah sejarah pergerekan islam di masa rasulullah saw. robbani press. al-jawi, m. n. (1976). marah labib: vol. i. dar al-kutub. al-khudari, s. m. (2016). bangkit dan runtuhnya daulah abbasiyyah. pustaka al-kautsar. al-mudhar, y. a. (1994). toleransi kaum muslimin dan sikap musuh-musuhnya. bungkut indah. al-umairi, a. a. bin i. 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(2003). abu bakar as-shiddiq yang lembut hati: sebuah biografi dan studi analisis tentang permulaan sejarah islam sepeninggal nabi. pustaka utera antar nusa. handrianto, b. (2022, february 12). toleransi islam kepada non muslim. adian husaini. https://www.adianhusaini.id/detailpost/toleransi-islam-kepada-non-muslim hasan, m. (2021). prinsip moderasi beragama dalam kehidupan berbangsa. jurnal mubtadiin, 7. hasanah, u., & verawati, h. (2022). pendidikan islam multikultural: analisis historis masa dinasti abbasiyah. asanka: journal of social science and education, 3(2). hasyim, u. (1991). toleransi dan kemerdekaan beragama dalam islam, sebagai dasar menuju dialog dan kerukunan antar agama. bina ilmu. hitti, p. k. (2005). history of the arabs, terj. r. cecep lukman yasin, dedi selamet riyadi. serambi. ilham, i. (2015, july 17). ini kronologi pembakaran masjid di tolikara. republika. jumala, n. (2019). moderasi berpikir untuk menempati tingkatan spiritual tertinggi dalam beragama. jurnal substansia, 21. junaedi, e. (2019). inilah moderasi beragama perspektif kementrian agama. jurnal multikultural dan multireligius, 18. [ 111 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 kamali, m. h. (1996). kebebasan berpendapat dalam islam. mizan. latif, a. m. a. (2016). bnagkit dan runtuhnya khilafah bani umayyah. pustaka al-kautsar. malik, h., & parianam, b. (1997). ham dan pluralisme agama, tinjauan historis dan kultural. pksk. miftahuddin, m., faizah, f., & kurniawan, a. (2020). moderasi beragama dalam situs tafsiralquran.id. islamika inside: jurnal keislaman dan humaniora, 6. misrah, m. (2010). kebebasan beragama dalam perspektif hadis. miqot, xxxiv(2). muchlison, m. (2019, agustus). perjanjian nabi muhammad dan orangorang kristen. nu online: sirah nabawiyah. https://islam.nu.or.id/sirah-nabawiyah/perjanjian-nabi-muhammad-dan-orang-orang-kristen-3gcwn muhammad, n. (2011). piagam madinah dalam pluralisme di indonesia. jurnal substantia, 12. nasution, r. (2018). karakteristik kepemimpinan umar ibn khattab. al-ashlah, 2. nur, a., & muchlis. (2016). konsep wasathiyah dalam al-qur’an (studi komparatif antara tafsir al-tahrir wa at-tanwir dan aisar at-tafsir). jurnal an-nur, 4. patmawati, p. (2016). dakwah pada masa umar bin khattab. jurnal dakwah, 10. qardhawi, y. (n.d.). fatwa-fatwa kontemporer (5th ed., vol. 1). gema insani press. qardhawi, y. (1983a). al-khasa`is al-‘ammah li al-islām. mu’assasah ar-risalah. qardhawi, y. (1983b). minoritas non muslim di dalam masyarakat islam. mizan. qardhawi, y. (1985). ghayr al-muslimin fi al-mujtama’a al-islami. maktabah wahbah. qolbi, i. k. (2019, september 5). lhs dan moderasi beragama. kemenag.go.id. https://kemenag.go.id/opini/lhs-dan-moderasi-beragama-lf0fyj ridha, m. r. (1973). tafsir al-qur’an al-hakim: asy-syahir bi tafsir al-manar. dar ma’rifah, dar al-fikr. [ 112 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2619 saifuddin, l. h. (2022). moderasi beragama: tanggapan atas masalah, kesalahpahaman, tuduhan, dan tantangan yang dihadapinya. yayasan saifuddin zuhri. shalaby, a. (1984). masyarakat islam. pustaka nasional pte ltd. shihab, m. q. (2002a). tafsir al-misbah: pesan, kesan, dan keserasian alqur’an (i, vol. 2). lentera hati. shihab, m. q. (2002b). tafsir al-misbah: pesan, kesan, dan keserasian alqur’an (vol. 13). lentera hati. tumangger, m. (2021). pemerintahan abu bakar: tinjauan sejarah terhadap dinamika dan sistem pemerintahan. taqnin: jurnal syariah dan hukum, 3. ulinnuha, m., & nafisah, m. (2020). moderasi beragama perspektif hasbi ash-shiddieqy, hamka, dan quraish shihab: kajian atas tafsir annur, al-azhar dan al-misbah. suhuf, 13. wibowo, m. (2021, november 18). cara rasulullah dan para penerusnya bergaul dengan non-muslim. nu online: sirah nabawiyah. https://islam. nu.or.id/sirah-nabawiyah/cara-rasulullah-dan-para-penerusnya-bergaul-dengan-non-muslim-fnivr [ 113 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 the existence of kaharingan within dayak identity in west kalimantan moch riza fahmi department of religious studies uin sunan gunung djati bandung email: emharizafahmi@iainptk.ac.id.com asep muhyiddin department of religious studies uin sunan gunung djati bandung email: asepmuhyiddin1957@gmail.com abstract identity is a fluid and adaptive phenomenon that suits the needs of its users. identity is often used as a tool by certain groups for certain purposes, for example as a form of resistance or as a means to show the existence of a group. in west kalimantan, the kaharingan religion reveals its existence in the dayak identity. this paper aims to explore the existence of the kaharingan religion in the dayak community in west kalimantan, especially when there is a rift between ethnic groups. the rifts between ethnic groups in west kalimantan are commonly referred to as social conflicts that occurred around the 1990s. this paper was based on literature research data using historical and phenomenological approaches. the historical approach was used to describe the history of the dayak ethnicity, the kaharingan religion and the history of social conflicts between 1997 and 1999 in west kalimantan, while the phenomenological approach is used to analyze the phenomenon of the existence of the kaharingan religion when social conflicts occurred. the results showed that the existence of the kaharingan religion was on the rise during the 1997-1999 social conflicts among the dayaks. the emergence of the kaharingan religion could be seen in the rituals, such as the nyaru tariu, mangkok merah, and tiwah ceremonies. despite the fact that some of the dayaks at that time were already catholics and protestants, they performed the rituals of the kaharingan religion. after the 1997-1999 social conflicts, the kaharingan religion was institutionally declared on may 16, 2019 in bengkayang regency under the name of the indonesian kaharingan religious council (maki) west kalimantan. keywords: existence; kaharingan; dayak identity, west kalimantan introduction social conflict that occurs between groups (inter-group social conflict) in civil society involves a crisis of socio-cultural pluralism and has nuances of social identity. such conflicts frequent occurred in indonesia following the economic [ 114 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 crisis and the fall of the new order regime in 1997. in ethno-communal nuanced conflicts, it is very clear that there are parties who carry political attributes of ideological identity, inter-religious identity, group identity or also differences in sects within the same religion (sectarian conflict), as well as differences in origin or descent as the main differentiators of groups prosecuting each other, making claims on disputed issues, as well as the radicalization of identity differences, the radicalization of communalism and the adherence to bounded rationality which triggers “class consciousness” (class consciousness proposed by marx) in conflicting groups. it is inevitable that these things are responsible and reinforce incentives for each member of the community to have dispute with members of other groups and if possible, they will make efforts to eliminate each other (eliminating strategy). this notion of social conflict is adopted by sociologists who base their analysis on differences in the socio-cultural basis (in the perspective of culturalism) adopted by society. the social conflicts that occurred between 1997 and 1999 between ethnic groups in west kalimantan were dark events for the community which resulted in the deaths of 1004 people (1997) and 481 people (1999). since the 1960s, there have been nine major conflicts in west kalimantan, eight of which were conflicts between the madurese migrants and the dayaks, and only one with sambas malays. based on a study by elsam (institute for community studies and advocacy) that almost all dayak traditional community leaders along with dayak academics share similar analyses and arguments about the root causes of ethnic conflict, namely injustice in almost all social, economic, political, cultural, and legal aspects experienced by the indigenous dayaks, making them marginalized in such a way. apart from the root of the problem, it is evident that the series of conflicts have brought suffering to the victims. whereas the neglect of the rights of indigenous people, making violence a manifestation to restore those rights, actually results in the same serious consequences, human rights violations against immigrant communities. in lewis a. coser’s analysis (coser, 1956; doyle paul johnson, 1986), conflict and society have separate functions which do not have to be detrimental or dysfunctional for the system in which the conflict occurs, but that conflict can have positive or beneficial consequences for the system. in other words, conflict serves as a stimulus for integration between groups. normatively it means that social conflict is a necessity in society which is motivated by fights or differences in interests between super-ordinates (rulers) who always try to maintain power (status quo) and even increase power. while the subordinate party (which is controlled) wants to gain power (equal distribution of power and power retribution). [ 115 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 as the sampit riot indirectly boosted the morale of the dayak ethnic community and also the kaharingan religion, the dayaks who have converted to major religions, saw how kaharingan could help them in fighting the madurese. the kaharingan religious ceremonies which they had abandoned before, once again came into practice. seeing this fact, some members of the community from the dayak ethnic group who have embraced major religions have return to their faith in kaharingan. according to our informants, there were several households that returned to the kaharingan belief. in the tanah putih area, for example, in the wake of the riots, there were three households that return to the kaharingan faith. in other cases, many families who had never prayed at the basarah hall before returned there to pray (marjanto, 2011). similar saces also occurred in west kalimantan where the social conflict has resurrected the existence of the kaharingan religion as the original religion of the dayaks which has a history of dayak culture, so we were interested in researching the extent of the existence of the kaharingan religion when the social conflict occurred between 1997 and 1999. this paper was based on a study using the library research method and documentation in journals that discuss social conflict in west kalimantan, as well as documentation available on the internet, such as on youtube, etc., with a historical and phenomenological approaches. the historical approach was used to explain the history of the kaharingan religion and the history of social conflict in between 1997 and 1999 in west kalimantan, while the phenomenological approach was used to analyze the phenomenon of the existence of the kaharingan religion during and after the social conflicts. ethnicity and social relations in west kalimantan historically, indonesia is in fact not a social-conflict free nation. the rise and fall, and expansion of government power of the hindu (such as majapahit) and islamic (mataram) kingdoms in the indonesian archipelago involved strategies of social conflict which even became their mode of struggle. the history of the modern national movement initiated by budi utomo was also filled with conflicts and struggle, and class-consciousness between the colonized and the colonist (the netherlands). the year 1945 was the highest point of conflict process which was marked by the birth of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia through a struggle and conflict journey which was exhausting and claimed many lives. even today, social conflict continues to occur repeatedly and continuously replicates itself from one place to another in various forms throughout indonesia. it appears that social conflict has now has become part of the “routine and [ 116 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 daily life” of indonesian society. the intensity and spread of social conflicts are on the rise in line with the many incidents reported in the news of the mass media. the appearance of news about social conflict in newspapers and television has created a “socialization process” which has unknowingly formed opinions about differences for members of society in other places to imitate the process of “solving problem through violence” for similar problems found in their area. (dharmawan, 2007). in general, there are two approaches to explaining the factors that lead to conflict in kalimantan, namely: cultural and structural (cahyono, 2008; banawiratma and muller, 1995). the culturalist view says that west kalimantan and central kalimantan have almost equal levels of religious and ethnic populations, making these regions “vulnerable” to conflict due to the absence of a dominant culture. the assumption is that areas with high heterogeneity have a greater potential for conflict. in this view, inter-religious and ethnic relations are manifested in conflict rather than assimilation. in assimilation each diversity creates religious, social, and cultural symbiosis through models of conformity, melting pot, and cultural pluralism, but conflicts occur in the form of population transfer, subjugation, and genocide. it should also be noted that culturally, as a legacy since the dutch colonial period, ethnic dayaks have always been people of the interior with various stigmas—savages, bloodthirsty, pengayau (head hunters), uncivilized—so that they experience and inherit a kind of “cultural and religious wounds”. as a result, they have become a sensitive, emotional, and easily reactive community. meanwhile, the structuralist view believes that communal conflict is never purely ethnic in nature. the conflict is related to structural factors in the form of unequal power relations, in which marginalized people tend to strengthen communal bonds and become more militant. still according to the structuralist view, ignas kleden said “inter-ethnic relations only lead to hostility and violence if the differences between one ethnic group and another are accompanied by religious, political or economic domination by one ethnic group over another” (kleden in sa’dun, 1999: 152-153). it all begins with the uneven development felt among the people, to the massive deforestation and deagrarianization that has occurred in west kalimantan, central kalimantan, and the whole kalimantan regions in general. apart from the two analyzes above, the spread of conflict is often caused—perhaps even made worse—by failed efforts to localize it to stop violence, or in some cases there are indications of “connivance” and the absence of the state as the party that should practice democracy and uphold human dignity. this assumption is of course inseparable from the pattern of conflict resolution which so far has [ 117 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 been top down and limited to ceremonial formalities. inter-religious relations in west kalimantan are also reflected in inter-ethnic relations. in the ethnic conflict in sambas regency, west kalimantan, the malays had a direct clash with the madurese. later, the dayaks—which had been in conflict with the madurese—joined the malays to fight the madurese. why was the dayak involvement possible in the ethnic conflict in west kalimantan in 1999? it has a long history. according to tjilik riwut’s notes, there has been interaction between the dayaks and the malays for a long time. the relationship between the dayaks and the malays has been built naturally through marriage. this marriage is a natural-starting mechanism that enables the process of inter-ethnic adaptation form a very effective social cohesion. this genealogical unity factor then becomes an explanation for the malay conflict as well as the dayak conflict with the same enemy: the madurese. in reverse logic, aritonang said that the dayaks who converted to islam (malays) in the conflict with the madurese generally sided with the christian and kaharingan dayaks. interestingly, in the ethnic conflict in sambas, both the dayaks and the malays identified themselves as a cultural unit because of a common ancestor. this ancestral unity is actually not difficult to trace to the mythology of adam as the ancestor of the dayak people. the dayaks, despite being christians or practicing the kaharingan religion, or having converted to islam (becoming malays) due to marriage, they bind themselves in primordial belief in adam as a common ancestor. (steenbrink, 1998; riwut, 2003) in general, the tendency for social conflicts to occur in west kalimantan follows the trend in indonesia. meanwhile, the patterns of social conflict (form, background or root causes of the conflict, depth and scale of the conflict) are not much different. table 1. events of social conflicts in west kalimantan 1991-2003 year of occurrence frequency of occurrence number of deaths number of people injured number of buildings destroyed number of public buildings destroyed 1991 1 1 0 0 3 1993 2 1 1 0 0 1994 1 0 0 0 1 1995 3 0 4 0 0 1996 5 3 17 268 4 1997 17 1004 356 2406 6 [ 118 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 1998 2 4 12 0 0 1999 28 481 180 942 7 2000 10 8 46 9 5 2001 3 6 12 25 1 2002 3 6 8 40 0 2003 3 1 5 3 2 source: unsfir 2004 events of social conflict in west kalimantan province took place the greatest and highest in intensity in 1997 and in 1999 (see table 1.). socioculturally, differences in racial identity, ethnicity, religions and socio-cultural characteristics between social groups living in this area explain why social conflicts took place. on the other hand, the results of al-qadri’s research (1999) found that malays were around 47% including the dayaks who converted to islam and declared themselves malays, dayak 37%, chinese 12%, javanese 3%, madurese 3%, bugis 2 %, sundanese 1% and the remaining 2% other ethnic groups. meanwhile, the percentage of sambas population based on ethnicity is malay 47%, dayak 28%, chinese 11%, madurese 9.4% and the remaining 4.6% of the total number of approximately 791,937 people in 1996 and nearly 900,000 people in 1999. based on population data for the province of west kalimantan based on religion in semester 2 of 2019. religion male female total islam 1.669.219 1.594.439 3.263.658 christianity 325.510 301.553 627.063 catholicism 626.607 579.978 1.206.585 hinduism 1.574 1.359 2.933 buddhism 169.424 155.651 325.075 confucianism 6.952 6.088 13.040 traditional beliefs 903 773 1.676 regarding the data above, the possibility of a “cultural clash” and competition to “dominate” is so high that the ‘seeds’ of ethnic conflict are prone to emerge, because the majority group will certainly be tempted to control and maintain the power of strategic institutions. from the point of view of ethnic diversity, it will somehow affect communication, thus causing disharmony between ethnic groups. as usual, each ethnic group will always maintain its culture and norms. (humaydi, 2007) [ 119 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 the history and diversity of the dayaks the term “dayak” is a designation for the natives of the island of kalimantan (borneo). the island of kalimantan is divided based on the administrative area which governs its respective territory consisting of: east kalimantan with the capital of samarinda, south kalimantan with the capital of banjarmasin, central kalimantan with the capital of palangka raya, west kalimantan with the capital of pontianak, and north kalimantan with the capital of tanjung selor. the dayaks are divided into 405 sub-tribes (j.u.lontaan, 1974). each dayak sub-tribe has similar customs and culture, according to their society, customs, culture, and language that are unique to each of these sub-tribes of both the dayaks in indonesia and those in sabah and sarawak malaysia. ethnic dayak in kalimantan, according to j.u. lontaan (1974), consists of 6 major tribes and 405 small sub-tribes spread throughout the interior of kalimantan (borneo). they call themselves a group that comes from an area based on the name of the river, the name of the hero, the name of nature, etc. for example, the iban tribe originates from ivan (in the kayan language, ivan means wanderer). according to other sources, they call themselves the batang lupar tribe, because they come from the batang lupar river, the border area between west kalimantan and sarawak, malaysia. mualang, was taken from the name of a respected figure (manok sabung/executioner) in tampun juah and this name was immortalized as the name of a tributary of the ketungau river in the sintang regency area and then made into the name of the dayak mualang tribe. dayak bukit (kanayatn/ahe) comes from bukit/ gunung bawang, as well as the origin of the dayak kayan, kantuk, tamambaloh, kenyah, benuag, ngaju, desa and others, who have their own historical backgrounds. (j.u lentaan, 1975). they live scattered throughout the interior of kalimantan, both those living in indonesia and those domiciled in sabah and sarawak, malaysia. the dayak tribes spread along the rivers downstream and then inhabited the coast of the island of borneo. historically, they once established a kingdom. in the dayak oral tradition, it is often called “nansarunai usak jawa”, namely a nansarunai dayak kingdom which was destroyed by majapahit, which is estimated to have occurred between 1309-1389. this incident resulted in the dayak tribe being pushed and scattered, some of them entered the hinterlands. most of the dayaks who embrace islam no longer recognize themselves as dayaks, but instead refer to themselves as “malay” or “banjar”. meanwhile, the dayaks who do not embrace islam settle along the river, entering the interior [ 120 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 of kalimantan. in south kalimantan, for example, they live around the areas of kayu tangi, amuntai, margasari, watang amandit, labuan lawas and watang balangan. others continue to build settlements the jungle. the dayaks who embraced islam were mostly in south kalimantan and parts of kotawaringin. one of the famous sultans of the banjar sultanate was lambung mangkurat who was a dayak maanyan or ot danum whose name was immortalized as the name of lambung mangkurat university in banjarmasin (fridolin, 2000). on the other hand, the dayaks have a tradition of shifting cultivation, from year to year they look for forests that are considered fertile for farming as a livelihood. in the end, after years, tens of years, hundreds of years and even tens of thousands of years, in the end, almost all remote areas of the interior of kalimantan have been settled by the dayaks. each dayak tribe develops its own culture. in other words, the culture developed by the dayak-iban is not exactly the same as the culture developed by the dayak-punan, etc. however, all the dayak sub-tribes have a unique weapon called mandau. in everyday life this weapon is inseparable from its owner. wherever they go, they always carry the mandau because it also serves as a symbol of honor for them. for the dayaks, becoming malay due to religious (islamic) factor can have two meanings: on the one hand, they deny their ancestral power, but on the other hand, there is a feeling of increasing their social status compared to their previous lives. riwut even argues that the dayaks who have converted to islam and thus officially become malays, have been actually inseparable from the pattern of community development since the colonial period. the dutch colonial government gave privileges to the malays to develop themselves in the fields of trade and politics, while the dayaks tended to be isolated and far from access to power, politics and the economy. (riwut, 2003). even the colonial education policies implemented by the feudal powers during the pontianak sultanate were closed to the dayaks. if a an ethnic dayak wanted to go to high school and enter into the civil service, they had to to give up their power and embrace islam. (salim, 1996). on the other hand, this colonial policy can also be seen in the cultural politics of “old yeast” which places dayak culture in trouble and must be replaced with a new culture, namely western (christian). (adyanta, 2011). the appearance of local christians (dayaks) with the outer form or “clothing” in the western style is one of the difficult points for christianity to take root, including in dayak lands. west kalimantan province has its own uniqueness in the process of acculturation or the transfer of a religious culture to the local community. in this case the process is closely related to the three largest ethnic groups in west kalimantan, namely chinese, dayak, malay (known locally as tidayu). at [ 121 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 first, the dayaks inhabited the coastal areas of west kalimantan, living with their own traditions and culture, then traders came from gujarat who were muslims (malay arabs) with the aim of buying and selling goods from and to the dayaks. then because they often interacted, back and forth taking and delivering merchandise to and from the malacca straits (a trade center in the past), they to wanted to settle in new areas that have great trade potential for profits. the frequent process of buying and selling goods, and cultural interactions, caused the coast of west kalimantan to become crowded, visited by local people (dayaks) and arab-malay traders from the malacca strait. during this time, the religious system of the dayaks began to be influenced by the malay traders who had already learned islamic knowledge, education and religion from outside kalimantan. because harmonious relations were well established, the local community, some had sympathy for the gujarat traders, islam was accepted and widely known in 1550 ad in the tanjung pura kingdom during the reign of giri kusuma which was a malay kingdom that later began spreading throughout the area of west kalimantan. the dayaks who converted to islam and married malay migrants are called “senganan”, or know to have entered the senganan (entered the sea), and now they claim to be malays. they appointed a figure they respected, either from their ethnic group or migrant with the same religion and had charisma in their circle, as the leader of their village or the leader of a region they respected. along with the social development of society and the advancement of knowledge, the dayaks who are muslim call themselves “dayak muslim”. the strengthening of muslim dayak identity is driven by social change which includes aspects of politics, economy, education and local culture as happened in melawi regency to the katab kebahan dayaks who believe that their dayak identity must be preserved because it is a legacy from their ancestors who have a long history and rooted in the kebahan dayak culture for a long time which must be preserved as local wealth (prasojo, 2012). there are muslim dayak organizations that have been established such as the west kalimantan islamic dayak family association (ikdi) as a form of strengthening ethnic identity and reaffirming their ethnicity so that they do not disappear due to embracing religions recognized by the government. in addition to embracing islam, some of the dayaks of west kalimantan also embrace catholicism/christianity as a result of the impact of catholicization after the operation to crush the sarawak people’s guerrilla forces (pgrs) in 1966-1974. catholicization with the arrival of 3,000 civil servant teachers from east nusa tenggara (ntt) who were catholics in the period of 1978-1982. the arrival of these catholic teachers was facilitated by the provincial government [ 122 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 of west kalimantan and the tanjungpura regional military command xii at that time in order to ensure that they would not be exposed to communism. the dayaks were required to embrace one of the major religions recognized by the government, during which the religious program (islamization) did not work as expected, especially propagation by islamic religious leaders who were members of the mui. seeing this reality, an internal meeting was held within the west kalimantan provincial government on september 17, 1976 in pontianak, the governor of west kalimantan, brigadier general kadarusno, decided to bring in three thousand (3000) civil servant catholic teachers from ntt. this consideration was based on the fact that catholicism would be accepted by the dayaks while the muslim teachers who had been sent were considered unable to integrate with the dayaks at that time because they could only stay there for a few months (kristanus, 2020). this collaboration was welcomed by the governor of ntt eltalli and was implemented from 1978 to 1982. these catholic teachers were placed in several inland areas of the dayaks who had not embraced a religion recognized by the government in several sub-districts of sintang and melawi. these catholic teachers were given the additional task of teaching catholicism to the dayaks. the religious program (catholicization) had tosome extent contributed the fading community beliefs based on local culture, and the kaharingan religion began to be abandoned by the dayaks of west kalimantan. in addition, the dayaks also converted to a state-recognized religion due to security reason so that the government and the military would not regard them as followers of rebel movements such as the pgrs [sarawak people’s guerrilla forces] and the pki [indonesian communist party]. kaharingan religious rituals in times of social conflict according to many observers (a cultural approach), ethnic conflict between the malays --assisted by the dayaks-and the madurese in sambas regency occurred due to a “clash of values” which for a long time had existed in the process of inter-ethnic assimilation and cultural assimilation which did not occur). as a migrant community, the madurese lived in an exclusive environment even though they were already a generation born in sambas. conformity, which implies that newcomers adjust to general social values in a new place, is not natural. this can be marked in several explanations below. the notion of land as hinterland, or what the madurese call “belonging to god”, is often seen in stories of abrupt looting of agricultural produce ready for harvest and the takeover of lands that belong to the malays or the dayaks. [ 123 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 in addition, the tendency to spread terror can also be seen in the madurese people’s habit of carrying sickles wherever they go. the use of one’s own language, in this case the madurese language, in every social relationship is also part of the difficulty of assimilation that can be imagined by the madurese (cahyono, 2008). in the dayak tradition, war is not something to be desired and many factors must be considered before going to war. war will only occur when they feel that their tradition or their pride is being insulted. the declaration of war will be made by the war commander, this title of commander in the dayak community is given by the dayak traditional leaders or elders. in jan aritonang’s article it is explained that when the conflict broke out, the dayak and the madurese generally re-practiced the custom of “tribal religion” (read; kaharingan) as a form of identity against those considered enemies. (aritonang, 2006; farsijana, 2005;) this view is sharply reinforced by martin sinaga that communal disputes involving the church are a reflection of the powerlessness of the church socially, irrelevant and losing the social gospel, phobia of monitoring islam so that it fortifies itself in a spiritually parliamentary way, when there is a conflict what they have and come from the kaharingan religion appears so that they summon the power of their ancestors for the sake of survival (sinaga, 2004). there were several kaharingan religious rituals performed by the dayak tribe in the 1997-1999 social conflicts in west kalimantan, namely in the preconflict period, during conflict and in the post-conflict period. pre-conflict rituals are commonly referred to as mangkok merah and nyaru tariu or kamang tariu; conflict-time rituals are ngayau (head hunting) and manajah antang; while post-conflict rituals are tiwah or ijambe ceremonies. 1. pre-conflict rituals (mangkok merah and nyaru tariu) mangkok merah [literally meaning “red bowl”] is a code system for the dayaks which is circulated from village to village. mangkok merah is circulated to convey danger or threats that can have an impact on the dayak social order. mangkok merah itself consists of several objects, namely a bowl, chicken blood, ash, kajang leaves, matchsticks, and chicken feathers. distribution of red bowls should be done carefully. the “red bowl” cannot stay overnight in a village and the carrier of the bowl must explain the meaning of the red bowl as clearly as possible. in addition to being a code to indicate danger or threat, the red bowl is also a symbol of unity and an invitation to war. putra also explained that there are at least three conditions in spreading the red [ 124 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 bowl. first, the distribution of mangkok merah must be carefully considered by traditional leaders or elders. second, the circulation of the mangkok merah must have strong reasons that concern public interest and have an impact on social order. third, distribution that is unreasonable will be subject to the blood the pomomar rule for lying to the public. after the mangkok merah has been distributed, the dayak tribal commander will perform a traditional ceremony known as nyaru dance or kamang dance (putra, 2012). nyaru tariu is a ceremony performed by the dayak commander to summon kamang or ancestral spirits to ask for help in declaring war. in addition, this ceremony is also performed to gain strength from the ancestral spirits so that those who go to war will be invulnerable, powerful, and brave in battle. this ritual cannot be defined because only the commander knows its procession. the tariu screams can also have a psychological effect on lowering enemy morale. this ceremony in the kanayatn dayak tribe is performed in panyugu or pandagi which is a sacred place for the dayak tribe. with the completion of the nyaru tariu or kamang tariu procession, the dayaks will be ready to go to war (hanifi, 2016) 2. rituals during conflict (ngayau dan manajah antang) ngayau itself is interpreted as head hunting. in the dayak tradition, beheading the enemy is a symbol of victory and strength. similar to the red bowl and nyaru dance, headhunting is carried out carefully. in practice ngayau is more complicated than it looks to the naked eye. for the dayaks, ngayau is an agreement and joint action, so it is called a tradition. that is why mangkok merah and nyaru tariu are performed before ngayau. ngayau itself has certain rules and taboos that the dayaks must comply with, and therefore ngayau is more inclined to rituals in the dayak culture. thus, headhunting must be done in certain ways and manners. there are four reasons that serve as the motive for performing ngayau. first, to defend or protect agricultural land. second, to get magical power as spiritual power. third, to revenge. fourth, to increase the durability of buildings (the dayak believe that human head sacrifices can make buildings stronger). in fact, there is another motive behind ngayau which is the most important, namely the effort or mechanism of self-defense, for example in an open war someone will be killed if they do not kill first in a situation where people have to kill each other. although ngayau is performed with several motives as mentioned above, most dayaks have abandoned the motives other than self-defense or war. this is based on the tumbang anoi agreement in 1894 which was made by the dayak tribes in borneo to stop the practice of ngayau. this agreement [ 125 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 was made because at that time the dayak tribes practiced ngayau even among fellow dayak tribes. the dayaks also have a belief in the supernatural world. this is because most of the dayaks adhere to animistic beliefs and ancestral spirits. one of the rituals they perform in war is manajah antang. this ritual is a ceremony performed to find the enemy’s location. this ritual is performed by calling an antang bird (similar to an eagle) by asking for the help of ancestral spirits to give directions. 3. post-conflict rituals (tiwah or ijambe ceremonies) the tiwah ritual, which is a ritual performed in a funeral for a dead member of the dayaks. this ritual has a different designation in several dayak tribes. tiwah is the name for the funeral ceremony of the ngaju dayak tribe. meanwhile, the ma’anyan tribe dayak it is known as ijambe. in the ot danum dayak tribe, it is known as nyorat, the taboyan dayak call it wara, and the siang tribe call it totoh. the ritual is performed to deliver the spirits (liaw) of the deceased to heaven (lewu tataw) or the land of spirits (lewu liaw) by moving the bones of the deceased into a sandung, a beautifully carved building. meanwhile, the ma’anyan dayak tribe burn the bones and then put the ashes in a building called tambak. the phenomenon of kaharingan religious rituals that emerged during social conflicts in west kalimantan explains that both the dayak tribes who have embraced established religions such as islam, protestantism / christianity and catholicism have returned to their original kaharingan (out of place) religious beliefs. the existence of the kaharingan religion in these social conflicts emerged because of their strong belief in the indigenous religion) so that a process of shifting of religion and culture (self religionation) occurred. however, does the kaharingan religion only exist when conflicts or wars occur? some assume that the kaharingan religion will disappear and the adherents among the dayaks will be left behind, and some even think negatively that kaharingan is the religion of the pengayau (head hunters). in fact, we should think humanly and scientifically in observing the religious behavior of the dayaks in the wake of the social conflicts in west kalimantan. the return of kaharingan in post-conflict era kaharingan is the traditional belief of the kalimantan dayaks before outside religions entered kalimantan (borneo). the term kaharingan means to grow or to live as in danum kaharingan (water of life), meaning tribal religion that [ 126 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 believes in god almighty (ranyiang hatalla langit) who lives and grows for generations in the dayak community of kalimantan. kaharingan was first introduced by tjilik riwut in 1944 when he was a sampit resident based in banjarmasin. in 1945 he proposed kaharingan as the designation of the dayak religion and had a place of worship called the balai basarah, while the holy book of the kaharingan religion is panaturan and the prayer book is referred to as talatah basarah. in the colonial era under the dutch and the japanese, the treatment of the kaharingan religion was not very encouraging and even tended to be painful. the dutch cololists referred to the kaharingan religion as infidel, heiden, freedenker, etc., all of which offended the followers of the kaharingan. a better view came from western orientalists who admitted that the kaharingan religion worships god (ranying hatalla), so the word god is translated as hatalla, meaning god in their holy book which is the same as hatalla in the kaharingan belief. during the colonial era, there was no guidance from the colonial government towards the kaharingan religion, and kaharingan leaders also did not intend to include their religion in the colonial administration. in practice, the kaharingan religion existed in society, as evidenced by the fact that there were a llot of ceremonies performed by its adherents during the colonial era. harun hadiwijono explained that all aspects of the dayak religion must be seen from its ideas about the gods and creation. mahatala who appears in the form of a hornbill and jata who appears in the form of a dragon are described as two opposing forces. however, this conflict is eliminated in the sense of they are seen as a unity. therefore, the religious motive of the dayaks is the mutual influence of the conflict between mahatala and jata which makes the two gods unite. (hadiwijono, 2003). marko mahin in his research also explained that the dayaks avoided symbolic violence from the ruling structure at that time until they converted to a religion that was recognized by the government (external conversion). but at present they prefer to return to the ‘internal conversion’, namely returning to the kaharingan religion. it comes with consequences and requires the right strategy so that we can call it the politics of religion (marko mahin, 2000). since indonesia’s independence, the fate of the kaharingan followers has not been so fortunate. in the early days of independence, there was optimism among the kaharingan religious leaders for the government to foster the kaharingan religion. even though it has not been recognized as an official religion by the central government, the enthusiasm among the kaharingan religious leaders to start the institutional process in a forum for [ 127 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 the recognition of the kaharingan religion was high. in 1950, initiated by kaharingan religious figures such as sekari andung, demang, sikur petus, the first congress was held in tangkehan which brought together all kaharingan leaders of kalimantan because at that time kalimantan was one province. the results of the congress gave birth to the indonesian dayak kaharingan union organization (skdi). one of the aims of establishing this organization was to further the struggle of the kaharingan adherents so that they would be recognized and included in government administration. the struggle at that time did not yield any results, but the activities of the kaharingan followers continued, especially their religious ceremonies. there have been several organizations founded by some kaharingan followers who wanted to leave the parisada hindu dharma organization: makip (central indonesian kaharingan religious council), bakdp (kaharingan dayak indonesian religious organization), makri (kaharingan religious council of the republic of indonesia), and dbdki (indonesian dayak kaharingan grand council). although within the elements of kaharingan figures, there were pros and cons of merging into hinduism, for the administrators of the kaharingan hindu religious council, this merger was considered the best option. they chose the issue of underdeveloped human resources of the kaharingan followers as a priority that must be addressed immediately. the indonesian kaharingan religious council (maki) was declared in west kalimantan on may 16, 2019 in bengkayang regency led by fabianus oel to preserve the ancestral religion of the dayaks in west kalimantan. the kaharingan religion as an organization (maki) is based in palangkaraya, central kalimantan. the declaration of the kaharingan religious organization (maki) in west kalimantan was held with the traditional ritual of narang in panyugu, a place that is believed to have been blessed since the time of their ancestors. the ritual was a way of praying to their god jubata for guidance so that the kaharingan religion in west kalimantan could be revived amidst the major religions today. kaharingan is one of the beliefs that is quite large in terms of its adherents. therefore, according to its adherents, kaharingan did not start from a certain era, but it has existed since the beginning of creation, i.e. since ranying hatalla langit created the universe. this means that its adherents believe that kaharingan had existed for thousands of years before hinduism, buddhism, islam and christianity. in the course of history, it seems that the arrival of these religions caused kaharingan to be seen as the helo (old religion), the huram (ancient religion), or the tato-hiang (the religion of the ancestors). [ 128 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 the awakening of the dayaks started in the 1980s. one of the institutions that has contributed greatly to this awakening in west kalimantan is the institute of dayakology research and development (idrd). according to nitiprawiro, one of the people who contributed greatly to the development of idrd in pontianak is a ugm professor, prof. masri singarimbun (nitiprawiro, 2008). the establishment of the indonesian kaharingan religious council in west kalimantan and the institute of dayakology research and development (idrd) in the post-social conflict era shows the existence of the kaharingan religion amidst the official religions in west kalimantan. the kaharingan religion reveals itself with the concept of state culture or the objective structures around it. its followers carry out practices and rituals for their own positive benefit for self-existence. conclusion in general, there are two approaches to explaining the factors that led to social conflicts in kalimantan, namely: cultural and structural. the culturalist view says that west kalimantan has almost equal levels of religious and ethnic populations, making this region “vulnerable” to conflict due to the absence of a dominant culture. it is assumed that areas with high heterogeneity have a greater potential for conflict. in this view, inter-religious and ethnic relations are transformed into conflicts rather than assimilation, and thus inter-ethnic conflicts often occur in west kalimantan. based on literature research and through a phenomenological approach, the existence of the kaharingan religion during the 1997-1999 social conflicts that occurred between the dayak and the madurese ethnic groups at that time could be seen in the rituals before the conflict, such as nyaru tariu and mangkok merah; during the conflict, such as ngayau and manajah antang; and after the conflict, such as tiwah. in the wake of the social conflicts in 1979-1999, the institute of dayakology (idrd) in pontianak in the 1980s and the kaharingan religion was institutionally declared on may 16, 2019 in bengkayang regency under the name of the indonesian kaharingan religious council (maki) of west kalimantan interestingly, in these social conflicts, the dayaks, who already had embraced catholicism and protestantism, let go of their official religious’ ‘attire’ and returned to the previous religious rituals of kaharingan by uniting with their fellow dayak tribes in west kalimantan as identity politics against economic and political domination. as for the conflict in sambas, both the dayaks and the malays, the latter are muslim, identified themselves as a cultural unit because of a common ancestor in the fight against the madurese, who are [ 129 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 predominantly muslim. this ancestral unity is actually not difficult to trace to the mythology of adam as the ancestor of the dayaks. the dayaks, despite being christian or kaharingan, or having converted to islam (malay) due to marriage, bind themselves in primordial belief in adam as their common ancestor. in this way, the dayaks actually stick to their ancestral religious belief (kaharingan) even though they have become adherents of the governmentrecognized religions. embracing a new religion that came from outside for them is viewed as a way to seek administrative legitimacy as indonesian citizens and for individual security so that they are not seen as sympathizers of the state rebels (pki and pgrs) in the period of 1966-1978. bibliography adyanta, d. (ed.). (2011). budaya dayak: permasalahan dan alternatifnya. malang: bayumedia. aritonang, j. s. (2006). sejarah pejumpaan kristen dan islam di indonesia, jakarta: bpk gunung mulia. banawiratma, j.b. & muller, j. (1995). berteologi sosial lintas ilmu: kemiskinan sebagai tantangan hidup beriman. yogyakarta: kanisius. cahyono, h. at.al. (ed.). (2008). konflik kalbar dan kalteng: jalan panjang meretas perdamaian. jakarta-yogyakarta: p2p-lipi and pustaka pelajar. darmadi, h. (2016). dayak dan asal usul penyebarannya di bumi borneo. jurnal pendidikan sosial. vol 3. dec. dharmawan & arya, h. (2007). konflik sosial dan resolusi konflik, analisis sosio-budaya dengan fokus perhatian kalimantan barat. unpublished paper presented at semiloka nasional in pontianak 10-11 january 2007. dewi, m. d. (2018). agama dan kebudayaan kaharingan di kalimantan menurut para penulis indonesia (1990-2003). unpublished mini thesis. fakulty of ushuluddin uin jakarta. hadiwijono, h. (2003). religi suku murba di indonesia. jakarta: gunung mulia. hannerz, u. (1992). cultural complexity: studies in the social organization of meaning. new york: columbia university press. hanifi, m. l. (2016). ritual perang dalam suku dayak. jurnal sabda. vol 11, no 2 december. [ 130 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 holland, j. & henriot, p. (1994). analisis sosial dan refleksi teologis:kaitan iman dan keadilan. yogyakarta: kanisius. humaydi, m. a. (2007). analisis stratifikasi sosial sebagai sumber konflik. jurnal karsa. vol. xii. no. 2. lewis, a. c. (1986). the functions of social conflict (glence, i 11: free press, 1956) as quoted in doyle paul johnson teori sosiologi klasik dan modern 2, translation of robert m.z. lawang, (gremedia, jakarta). mahin, m. (2009). kaharingan; dinamika agama dayak di kalimantan tengah. unpublished disertation. facultu of social science university of indonesia. marjanto, d. k. (2011). kaharingan: perjuangan masyarakat adat dayak ngaju di kab kotawaringin, dahulu dan sekarang. book of kearifan lokal di tengah modernisasi, p3k kementrian kebudayaan dan pariwisata ri. mas’oed, m. (ed.). (2000). kekerasan dan konflik: kondisi dan pemicu. yogyakarta: pusat penelitian pembangunan pedesaan dan kawasan ugm. maunati, y. (2004). identitas dayak: komodifikasi dan politik kebudayaan. yogyakarta: lkis. nitiprawiro, f. w. (2008). teologi pembebasan: sejarah, metode, praksis, dan isinya. yogyakarta: lkis. putra, r. m. s. (2012). makna di balik teks dayak sebagai etnis headhunter. journal communication spectrum. 1.2. prasojo, z. h. (2012). penguatan identitas dayak muslim katab kabahan. jurnal al-ulum. vol. 12. no. 2. riwut, t. (1993). kalimantan membangun alam dan kebudayaan. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. ______. (2003). manaser panatau tatu hiang: menyelami kekayaan leluhur. palangka raya: pusakalima. sa’dun, m. (ed.). (1999). pri-non pri: mencari format baru pembauran. jakarta: cides. salim, h. (ed.). (1996). kisah dari kampung halaman: masyarakat suku,agama resmi, dan pembangunan. yogyakarta: dian/interfidei. sinaga, m. l. (2004). identitas poskolonial “gereja suku” dalam masyarakat sipil: studi tentang jaulung wismar saragih dan komunitas kristen simalungun. yogyakarta: lkis. [ 131 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 simon, j. c. (2013). konflik dan dilema gereja suku ; mengurai relasi agama, etnisitas dan budaya dalam konflik sosial di kalimantan sebagai upaya gereja menemukan kembali rasa asia. jurnal gema teologi. vol. 37. no. 2. october. steenbrink, k. a. (2003). catholics in indonesia, 1808-1942: a modest recovery 1808-1903. kitlv press. ukur, f. (2000). tuaiannya sungguh banyak: sejarah gereja kalimantan evanggelis sejak tahun 1835. bpk gunung mulia. internet sources kristianus. (2020). mengenal agama kaharingan dichanel kristanus atok tv www.youtube.com. accessed on 01 july 2020. border tv bengkayang, accessed at www.youtube.com on 01 july 2020. [ 132 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2662 editor-in-chief zaenuddin hudi prasojo international editors afifi al-akiti (faculty of theology and religion, oxford university, united kingdom) yasien mohamed (university of the western cape, south africa, south africa) irwan abdullah (gajah mada university, yogyakarta, indonesia) zainal abidin bagir (universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta, indonesia) hans-christian günther (department of classics albert ludwigs university of freiburg, germany, germany) kamaludeen bin mohamed nasir (nanyang technological university, singapore) mohd roslan mohd nor (university of malaya, malaysia) giuseppina strummiello (university of bari aldo moro, italy) abdul razak abdulroya panaemalae (walailak university, thailand) florian pohl (oxford college of emory university, united states, germany) mujiburrahman (iain antasari banjarmasin, indonesia) minako sakai (director of social sciencesresearch group, australia) busro busro (uin sunan gunung djati bandung, indonesia) tassim abu bakar (universiti brunei darussalam, brunei darussalam) assistant editors faizal amin, iain pontianak, indonesia saifuddin herlambang, iain pontianak, indonesia syamsul kurniawan, iain pontianak, indonesia section editor setia purwadi, iain pontianak, indonesia language advisor jennifer h lundt, colgate university scholar, new york, united states al-albab volume 11 number 2 december 2022 al-albab issn 0216-6143 (print) and issn: 2502-8340 (online) is an interdisciplinary journal published twice a year in print and online (e-journal) by the pontianak state institute of islamic studies, pontianak. our academic publication concern includes the studies of world religions of islam, buddhism, christianity, hinduism, judaism, chinese religions and other religions. interdisciplinary studies may include the studies of religion in the fields of anthropology, sociology, philosophy, psychology, education, cultural studies and other social sciences. since the journal is published twice a year, special issue would be made available for special condition. the regular issues include june and december editions each year. the journal publishes research-based articles in the area of religious studies. all prospective contributors from various background are welcome to contribute to the journal publication. contributions in english should be typed single-space and contain minimum of 4.000 and maximum of 8.000 words. the citation should follow apa style with footnotes. editorial office: al-albab, gedung saifuddin zuhri pascasarjana iain pontianak, jalan letjend suprapto no. 19, pontianak selatan pontianak 78122, kalimantan barat, indonesia. phone: (62-561) 734170 fax: (62-561) 734170 ; handphone/wa: +6281256738348 e-mail: redaksi.bjrs@gmail.com website: http://jurnaliainpontianak.or.id/index.php/alalbab al albab volume 10 number 2 (december 2021) contents 1. lgbt and religious negotiations: a case study of youth interfaith forum on sexuality (yifos) roni, fatimah husein, dewi candraningrum .............................................. 161 2. pinah laman: the construction of religious and ethnic identity within the mentuka dayak of west kalimantan felisitas yuswanto, sekar ayu aryani, ahmad muttaqin .......................... 177 3. face veil and lawo-lambu: negotiating religious practices among muslims and catholics in ende city yosep aurelius woi bule, adison adrianus sihombing ............................. 199 4. preserving diversity: lessons from batang tarang village of west kalimantan hermansyah, faisal abdullah, mochamad hamdan .................................. 221 5. cultural resistance and sharia-based ecology in the fishing community in aceh zubir, abdul manaf, abdul mugni, noviandy ............................................. 245 6. ethnicity, religion and the changing community structure within fakfak society in papua ade yamin, musa rumbaru, nining lestari, mufliha wijayati ............... 267 7. religious solidarity for coping with economic crisis during the covid-19 pandemic luqman, ilhamdi .................................................................................................. 287 8. portrait of moderate islam within muslim university students in indonesia ahmad jais, sumin ............................................................................................... 301 [ 301 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 portrait of moderate islam within muslim university students in indonesia ahmad jais iain pontianak email: ahjaza@gmail.com sumin iain pontianak email: amien.ptk@gmail.com abstract the violence in the name of religion is now not only happening in the middle east but has also penetrated indonesia. indonesia is not only known as a muslim-majority country that is friendly and peace-loving but also has a diversity of religions, ethnicities, races, and cultures that have the potential to trigger conflict at any time. violations of religious freedom in indonesia have increased dramatically in recent years. this study is aimed to explore the understanding of muslim students in indonesia about islamic moderation, the perceptions of muslim students in indonesia about the application of islamic moderation, and the challenges and strategies of universities in implementing islamic moderation on muslim students in indonesia. this study uses phenomenology approach with muslim students as the object of the research. the participants were selected purposively as many as 20 students. this study finds that muslim students in indonesia characterize islamic moderation as muslims who are open to technological change, tolerant and harmonious with other muslims and non-muslims, non-violent, democratic, and access to comprehensive islamic sources. even though muslim students in indonesia have implemented islamic moderation, there are still misconceptions about islamic moderation. the challenge of implementing islamic moderation in muslim students is that they are easily exposed to extreme understanding through social media or the pragmatic and rational islamic community. keywords: portrait of moderate islam; muslim students; portrait islam, religiosity introduction the challenges of muslims today are becoming increasingly complex, no longer limited to religious issues but have penetrated other aspects of life, including education, economics, law, society, culture, and politics. the history of islamic [ 302 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 civilization records that islam is divided into several groups. these groups were born from different understandings and perspectives on the teachings of islam itself or political affiliations and interests. theological issues that arise among muslims are the result of the struggle between various islamic notions of fundamentalism and liberalism. islam word derived from “aslama,” “yuslimu,” and “islaman,” which are arabic words that mean submission, obedience, and protection (manzūr & ibn mukrin, 2003). islam is defined as a complete surrender to allah. people who identify as muslim show that they have accepted and submitted to the teachings of islam. a true islamist implies that the individual must be able to save himself and others around him; even though it is not completely safe, its existence is still useful. lately, we have entered a new chapter in which violence in the name of religion exhibits various relatively more varied and extreme patterns. perhaps, we have witnessed horrific propaganda on social media, beheadings, rapes, and tortures carried out in the name of islam by fanatics fighting for the islamic state of iraq and syria (quainton, 2020). the violence in the name of religion does not only occur in the middle east but has now penetrated indonesia, which culturally and socially is a nation that is polite, friendly, tolerant, and loves peace. indonesia, as a country with a majority muslim population, has a myriad of problems that intersect with religion, ethnicity, race, and class, thus forcing the government to be wise in managing diversity and potential conflicts triggered by religious sentiments. violations of religious freedom in indonesia have grown dramatically in recent years, with a jump from 134 cases in 2014 to 208 cases in 2018 (sudarto, 2022). from 2016 to 2018, there were 208 violations of freedom of religion/ belief, including 270 different types of actions, spread across 24 regions in indonesia. of the 270 violations of freedom of religion/belief, 140 involve state authorities as to the perpetrators, 123 of 140 are active state activities (based on commissions), and 17 are passive (based on negligence). provocative words and violence committed by public authorities, 130 out of 270 violations of freedom of religion/belief were committed by non-state entities. individuals and members of community groups commit violations in this category. the group of residents committed the most violations, namely 42 cases (sudarto, 2022). groups that receive less favorable treatment or acts of violence are shia islam, ahmadiyah, gafatar, and salafi (marshall, 2018; zuhdi, 2018) several studies on religious study inform opinion and behavior among young muslims in indonesia, including high school and university students, have found a tendency to grow intolerance and religious radicalism and exposure to violent extremism and terrorism. according to setara institut (2019) [ 303 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 formalistic, conservative, and exclusive religiosity among state university students in indonesia tends to be stronger than substantive, moderate, and exclusive religiosity (sudarto, 2022). the center for islamic and community studies at the state islamic university of jakarta found an almost identical pattern. there are 58.8 percent of radical sentiments among students, although 74.5% of them prefer to take moderate action (syafruddin et al., 2018). on the other hand, kanafi et al. (2021) found that through the influence of the implementation of ahlussunah waljama’ah islam, leaders and members of islamic organizations in indonesia now have a more moderate view, following the established and consistent doctrine of ahlussunah waljama’ah in various disciplines, islamic organizations help promote the moderation character of islam in a positive way. ab rashid et al. (2020) study reveals than moderate moslem on 319 articles published from 2001 to 2018 and a critical review of 29 scientific publications, moderate muslims have the characteristics of nonviolence, liberalism, democracy, secularism, pluralism, and tolerance. considering the trend of violence in the name of religion and the increasing potential for inter-religious conflict in indonesia, the government, through the research and development agency for education and training of the ministry of religious affairs of republic indonesia 2019 released the book “religious moderation,” which is specifically described in the presidential regulation of the republic of indonesia. indonesia number 18 of 2020 concerning the national mid-term development plan for 2020-2024, which was followed up by regulation of the minister of religion of the republic of indonesia number 18 of 2020 concerning the strategic plan of the ministry of religion of the republic of indonesia. recently, islamic moderation in indonesia has experienced significant opposition from various muslim groups. not only those who do not agree with the concept of islamic moderation but also those who claim to be moderate. in addition, several muslim groups pressure the government to accommodate their interests, including sharia-based laws, muslim leadership in muslimmajority areas, and prohibiting the religious activities of anti-mainstream islamic groups such as ‘shia,’ ‘ahmadiyah,’ gafatar , and salafis (marshall, 2018; zuhdi, 2018). this agenda is easily disseminated throughout the country due to the increasing use of social media, one of which is in universities. from elementary school to university levels, educational institutions welcome the government’s attitude towards the policy of religious moderation in indonesia (arifianto, 2019). school and university leaders organize seminars, and book reviews, incorporate islamic moderation into the curriculum and issue a joint statement committed to instilling islamic values that are peace[ 304 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 loving, tolerant, and accepting of diversity (arifinsyah et al., 2020). however, the school cannot rule out the possibility of becoming a vehicle for spreading various religious and political ideas, including extreme or fundamental ideologies, especially in countries with different religious education systems, such as indonesia. based on the results of the researcher’s search, although there have been quite some studies examining islamic moderation, there has not been a single study that has examined the portrait of the implementation of islamic moderation, its obstacles, and challenges. previous research only focused on three aspects: theoretical aspects, implementation in communities and religious groups, and micro research on high school students or islamic boarding schools. borum (2011) conducted research examining the theory of islamic moderation, ab rashid et al. (2020), kanafi et al. (2021), mujahid (2021), and nasir & rijal (2021), research that examines the implementation of islamic moderation among the muslim community, such as in salik‘s research (salik, 2019), syafruddin et al. (2018), and safei (safei, 2021), and micro research in the local scope that discusses islamic moderation in the context of student learning in schools, among others, carried out by hanapi (2014), sumbulah et al. (2018), zuhdi (2018), susilo & dalimunthe (2019), sirry (2020), siswanto (2020), subandi et al.(2020), helmy et al. (2021), yahya & rahmat (2021), gunawan et al.(2021), and pajarianto et al. (2022). on the other hand, students and students are the nation‘s next generations, so they need special attention from all parties to develop into the future generation of islamic moderation. teachers and lecturers are important in determining students’ understanding of islamic moderation because they function as interpreters and implementers. there is not much difference if the religious education curriculum is designed to be more moderate and responsive to social change, as messages can be delivered differently in the classroom depending on how a teacher presents them (zuhdi, 2018), in line with sirry (2020) that muslim students can be de-radicalized through education, publication of information, support and attention, alternative approaches to religious beliefs, and involvement of family and peers, and this is because students are more critical of dogmatic patterns in interpreting religious teachings. other previous study also discus religious moderation phenomena, syafruddin et al. (2018), zuhdi (2018), ab rashid et al. (2020), sirry (2020), kanafi (2021), and sudarto (2022), this study focus on the implementation of islamic moderation on islamic students in indonesia to answer three research questions, namely; how do students define islamic moderation? how do students perceive islamic moderation?, what are the challenges and strategies [ 305 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 used in implementing islamic moderation for islamic students in indonesia? in line with the focus, this study aims to explore the understanding of islamic students in indonesia regarding islamic moderation, as well as explore the perceptions of islamic students in indonesia regarding the implementation of islamic moderation, and explore the challenges and strategies undertaken by universities in implementing islamic moderation on muslim students in indonesia. islamic moderation is a manifestation of the islamic convention known as wasatiyyah. wasatiyyah islam is defined as the middle way, balance, justice, implementation or extreme, tolerance, simplicity, and harmony as the embodiment of islam as a carrier of goodness for all nature (gunawan et al., 2021; helmy et al., 2021; qaraḍāwī, 2010; safei, 2021; salik, 2019; siswanto, 2020; subandi et al., 2020). moderation is a manifestation of wasatiyyah islam, positioning oneself fairly, not ignoring his religion’s teachings, and not exaggerating. al-wasatiyyah gives the idea of doing good with steadfastness and strength while remaining true to one’s beliefs and refraining from committing any evil while avoiding evil with knowledge. a muslim who makes islamic moderation his lifestyle will be able to balance two opposing extremes of understanding, neither extreme-left nor extreme right (hanapi, 2014; safei, 2021). islamic moderation is the opposite of islamic extremism or islamic radicalism; islamic extremists are defined as “…as reactionary actors seeking direct and massive political change in the status quo through illegal and violent means” (prinsloo, 2018). the term extreme left can be interpreted as behavior that is “skeptic,” “apathetic,” and too “permissive” so that it does not make religious teachings a guide for life. contrary to the meaning of the extreme right, which tends to be fundamentalist, intolerant, feels the most righteous, acts beyond what is reasonable in the name of religion so that it violates the essential goals of islam, namely, to bring about peace and safety. islamic moderation has several main characteristics, namely; adhering to the philosophy of non-violence in spreading islamic da’wah; adhering to modernity which includes science and technology, democracy, human rights, and the like; using rational thinking; using a contextual approach to understanding islam; secular, pluralist, has a high spirit of tolerance, respects differences or diversity, and performs ijtihad (educated decisions in deciding legal opinions if there is no justification) in deciding legal opinions (ab rashid et al., 2020; safei, 2021; wibisono et al., 2019). on the other hand, radical or extreme islam has at least 3 factors; create hostility towards the target group; provide reasons and mandates for acts of violence; remove social and psychological barriers that can prevent violence (borum, 2011). according to the opinions of experts [ 306 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 and theories that have been stated above, islamic moderation is substantially essential islamic teaching to regulate muslims in interactions with fellow muslims, muslims, and non-muslims, the government, or the surrounding environment, so that the concept of peace and safety which is the mission of islam can be achieved. made the best. the experts opinions we have described in the literature review section are interpretations of the verses in the muslim holy book (al-qur’an), including the qur’an surah al-baqarah verse 142, al-qur’an surah an-nahl verse 90, and the qur’an surah al-mumtahanah verse 8 (kementerian agama, 2005), namely: “in the same way we have made you (muslims) a middle class so that you may be witnesses of (deeds) of mankind and that the messenger (prophet muhammad) may be witnesses of (deeds) you. ...”. almost the same meaning is also contained in the qur’an surah an-nahl verse 90 “verily allah commands to be fair, to do good, and to help relatives. he (also) forbids evil, evil and enmity. he taught you a lesson so that you always remember.” alqur’an surah an-nahl verse 90 is emphasized by allah swt, through his words in the qur’an surah al-mumtahanah verse 8 “god does not forbid you to do good and be fair to those who do not fight you in matters of religion and does not expel you from your hometown. verily, allah loves those who act justly.” the ministry of religious affaris of the republic of indonesia interprets “umatan wasatiyyah” in the qur’an surah al-baqarah verse 142 as “middle (moderate) people, the chosen people, the best, fair, and balanced people, both in beliefs, thoughts, attitudes, and behavior.” furthermore, the ministry of religion of the republic of indonesia interprets the qur’an surah an-nahl verse 90 “... allah forbids all of his servants to commit heinous acts that are despicable in the view of religion, such as adultery and murder; commit bad deed, namely things that are contrary to the values in customs and religion; and conduct enmity with others as a result of oppression and persecution. through these commands and prohibitions, he teaches and guides you in matters relating to good and evil so that you can take valuable lessons.” the meaning of the qur’an surah al-mumtahanah verse 8 is that “allah does not forbid you (muslims) from doing good and doing justice, because goodness and justice are universal, to unbelievers who do not fight muslims because of religion with emphasize religious freedom and tolerance; and to those who do not expel you from your hometown, because you believe in allah. verily, allah loves those who are fair to themselves and to others.” prophet muhammad saw encouraged his followers to behave moderately and forbade his followers to be excessive in religion; this can be seen from the words of the prophet [ 307 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 muhammad in a hadith in musnad ahmad bin hambal number 3078, and sunan an-nasa’i number 3007 (lidwa, 2020), as follows; “do not act ghuluw (excessive attitude in religion), because verily the destruction of those before you is due to being ghuluw in religion.” universities can instill islamic moderation values in theoretical, practical, and ideological aspects through the development of a curriculum that contains national commitment, tolerance, anti-violence, accommodates local wisdom (culture) in aspects of content, learning strategies, evaluation models, teaching materials , and references, as an effort to stem the strengthening of extremist understanding (nasir & rijal, 2021; siswanto, 2020; sumbulah et al., 2018). building islamic education with a local character and reducing the extreme teachings of wahhabism and the like is an effective deradicalization strategy (susilo & dalimunthe, 2019). through empirical studies conducted by yahya & rahmat (2021), the dialogue-argumentative method is highly recommended to develop islamic moderation thinking among students because this technique is seen as more effective for students who are already familiar with academic discussion or critical thinking. a different method but still considered relevant as a way of inculcating islamic moderation values in islamic boarding schools is through the dogma of ushul fiqh, which states “al muhafadhatu ‘ala al-qadim as-sholih wal akhdu bi al-jadid al-ashlah ( maintaining a good tradition and using a new, better tradition) rooted in the holy qur’an and hadith.” (mujahid, 2021). this study uses a phenomenological method with a qualitative approach. this method fits the purpose of this study, which aims to explore the experiences, perceptions, responses, and feelings of islamic students in indonesia towards implementing islamic moderation on their campuses. phenomenology is an appropriate method used to explore a person’s experience or feelings regarding the phenomena he or she experiences (creswell & creswell, 2017; denzin & lincoln, 2011; taylor et al., 2015). the setting of this research is islamic students in indonesia to explore the experiences of muslim students in implementing islamic moderation, based on open interview questions formulated in such a way as to reveal in-depth their experiences and perceptions of islamic moderation. researchers set the criteria for participants to obtain complete, objective, and credible information. participants in this study consist of 2 (two) groups, namely, (1) key participants, (2) main participants, and (3) supporting participants. the key participants in the research are the chancellor, vicechancellor, or other parties who have general but comprehensive and complete information about religious moderation programs in universities in [ 308 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 indonesia, namely, the head of the university, the head of the higher education quality assurance institution, and the head of the management of the study program at the university. the main participants are students participating in the religious moderation learning program. the main participants in this study were students at islamic campuses in indonesia as the object of implementing islamic moderation learning. supporting participants are lecturers at public universities and islamic religious universities in indonesia who can provide additional information related to mentoring, coaching, and monitoring the islamic behavior of muslim students in indonesia. the technique of selecting research participants in this study was chosen on the condition that the adequacy of the information provided by the purposive technique was used (creswell & creswell, 2017; denzin & lincoln, 2011). informants were selected purposively to represent campuses in indonesia’s west, central, and east regions. the number of participants is 20 consisting of 18 main informants, 1 key informant, and 1 supporting informant. the data collection uses in-depth interviews and focuses on group discussions (fgd). the fgd process was carried out first, followed by in-depth interviews with the same participants to explore the initial information obtained through the fgd. the data collection instrument was in the form of an open-ended interview guide (question list).the stages of data analysis in this study include data condensation, presenting data, verifying data, and drawing conclusions (miles et al., 2014). data reduction was made by summarizing, coding, patterning, ranking, partitioning, or grouping each piece of information contained in the interview transcript throughout the research process. the presentation of the data is carried out on the reduced data, in the form of matrices, charts, and others, to obtain dense and integrated information that is easy to interpret. data verification is done by checking the completeness, correctness, and suitability of the data obtained; if the data is still incomplete, the previous process is carried out until the information obtained can answer the research objectives. checking the validity or credibility of the data using member check and triangulation with key participants (denzin, 2012; lub, 2015). to ensure the consistency of the process and the results of the analysis of the data obtained, the researcher carried out strict control over the dependability and confirmability of the participants. dependability is related to participant bias and subjectivity. to make it easier to encode data (coding), researchers used the qsr international nvivo plus 12 software free version for 14 days. [ 309 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 understanding muslim students regarding islamic moderation to explore participants’ understanding of islamic moderation, we need to know how participants imagine islamic moderation. participants were asked to describe their experiences as moderate islamists. we gave participants the freedom to define islamic moderation based on their muslim experiences. the definition is given by participants of islamic moderation collectively consisting of several parameters, which we can then combine or summarize using nvivo 12 software into a word cloud in figure 1. figure 1. word cloud of student understanding of moderate islam students understand islamic moderation as the practice of islamic values, which refers to the definition of islam: loving, peace-loving, tolerant, has good morals, is intellectual, by adhering to the qur’an and sunnah. moderation of islam in the perspective muslim students the results of interviews regarding islamic moderation based on the perspective of islamic students in indonesia were analyzed using the nvivo 12 software and presented in the form of a explorer gram (figure 2). cluster diagrams are formed based on the level of similarity of responses to each participant. [ 310 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 figure 2. gram’s explorer of islamic moderation in the perspective of islamic students openness to technological development based on the results of interviews related to participants’ experience in using information technology to facilitate access to information, understand and practice islamic teachings, participants are open to using technology for the progress and good of the ummah. internet-based information technology, digital technology, or other relevant technologies can make it easier to understand the holy text of the qur’an in an attractive and flexible mobile format and can be a source of literacy to access information related to islamic science and general sciences. however, every muslim must use information technology wisely, filter positive information, and clarify and confirm its truth with trusted sources. democratic and respect differences of opinion the shared experience of participants regarding respecting democratic deliberation decisions revealed that participants had different opinions in deliberation, but even though they had different opinions, they respected [ 311 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 and prioritized the majority opinion as a final decision or joint decision, even though, according to personal perception, the decision was considered inappropriate. apply the philosophy of non-violence in the results of in-depth interviews with participants about applying the philosophy of non-violence in upholding truth and justice, participants expressed their experiences that conveying the truth (islamic da’wah) and fighting for justice; it must be done by prioritizing harmony, tolerance, peace, and love, and avoiding hatred, hostility, and division. truth can only be conveyed right, and justice must be fought for in a just and wise manner. violence and hostility will only trigger a more violent reaction of hostility and hatred from the other party. respect for human rights participants expressed their experiences in respecting human rights; according to participants, apart from the right to life, everyone also has the right to be treated non-discriminatory even though they are of different ethnicity, race, skin color, economy, political rights, and those who are very sensitive are in their beliefs and practice worship, according to their religion. participants also revealed that in their area of origin, they had been involved in inter-ethnic wars, which later spread to political and religious issues; this was a result of the lack of awareness of certain individuals in the area on the importance of respecting human rights. tolerance the results of in-depth interviews related to tolerance for fellow muslims who have different understandings, different groups or sects, some participants revealed that they had different opinions with their friends, relatives, or parents in understanding the teachings of worship or amaliyah in islam, but the differences did not reach cause quarrels or disputes, because they have adhered to the principle of mutual respect, respect, and tolerance for their fellow muslims. participants’ experiences on how to implement tolerance to fellow muslims who have different understandings, we summarize as follows: [ 312 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 figure 3. word tree of muslim students in tolerance in the interview related to tolerance, we expand on tolerance towards adherents of other religions (non-muslims); the participants shared their experiences. figure 4. word tree of muslim students in tolerance on different religions most participants have shown tolerance in the practice of associating with friends of the same religion or different religions as a consequence of different understandings, cultures, ethnicities, regional origins, and languages. appreciating differences participants shared their experiences regarding how they responded to the diversity of cultures, races, ethnicities, languages, groups, religions, and sects in indonesia. participants revealed that: [ 313 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 figure 5. word tree of muslim students in appreciating differences the ability of participants to understand and appreciate ethnic, linguistic, cultural, and religious diversity is a form of individual awareness that represents a moderate attitude as the embodiment of the values of rahmatan lil ‘alamain. accommodating local wisdom that does not conflict with islamic teachings. participants’ experiences in respecting local culture and wisdom, data from in-depth interviews with muslim students in indonesia are presented in the form of a word tree graph in figure 6. figure 6. word tree of acceptance of muslim students in local wisdom based on the interviews presented in figure 6, we get information that muslim students in indonesia generally accept and respect local culture and wisdom [ 314 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 that do not conflict with religious values and islamic beliefs. challenges and barriers to the implementation of islamic moderation in higher education the results of interviews with key participants (college leaders) and supporting participants (lecturers) revealed that the implementation of islamic moderation in universities faces several challenges and obstacles, namely: “[1] the low level of understanding of students and the community (student parents) towards islamic teachings. [2] there are suspicions from students or the public, linking islamic moderation with political interests. [3] islamic moderation is understood as liberal or plural islam which is considered weak and not militant.[4] islamic moderation is perceived as “islam nusantara,” which is promoted by certain religious organizations, so there is resistance from people who are not from these organizations.[5] extreme and radical notions are easily accessible by students through social media, or websites or community studies of certain religious groups.” principally, the challenges, and obstacles to implementing islamic moderation for muslim students can be reduced to two factors first; internal factors, students who misunderstand (misconceptions) islamic moderation, and second; external factors, students easily access extreme radicals from the internet or social media and through religious communities affiliated with extreme radicals. strategies for islamic moderation in universities in indonesia the results of in-depth interviews with key participants (leaders of higher education institutions in indonesia) revealed their experiences regarding strategies and policies for implementing islamic moderation in universities, that. “the implementation of islamic moderation in universities is an extension of the government, to create harmony, tolerance, mutual respect in order to prevent division or disintegration of the indonesian nation which is plural in terms of race, ethnicity, culture, language and religion.” key participants explained the efforts that have been made in universities to implement islamic moderation, including academic and non-academic [ 315 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 activities. these efforts include the following: “[1] include islamic moderation as test material in the selection of new students, [2] hold public lectures on nationalism, [3] include islamic moderation material in islamic student character education programs, [4] include islamic moderation study materials as part of the curriculum islamic studies or general courses at public universities, [5] supervises student organization units so they are not exposed to extreme (radical) teachings or ideas [6] opens research opportunities for students and lecturers with the theme of islamic moderation. [7] make leadership policies regarding the obligation of all academics to practice wasatiyyah (moderate) islamic values that are harmonious, tolerant, non-violent and compassionate.” the strategies that have been used in implementing islamic moderation in universities, in general, include academic, non-academic, and extra-curricular activities as well as policymaking for higher education leaders that require the academic community to model the practice of practicing moderate islam. through this study, we have explored muslim students’ experiences in indonesia as subjects of implementing islamic moderation. students have explained how they define islamic moderation or wasatiyyah islam, which they have implemented in life within the university environment and the community. we can interpret their perception regarding how they define moderate islam as a portrait of the implementation of moderate islam they have practiced. this study is relevant to study of prasojo et al. (2019), which states that “the portrait of moderate islam can be seen from people’s understanding of the practice of islamic values, and how their efforts create harmonization, harmony, and tolerance in a pluralistic society . when we asked students to define islamic moderation according to their experiences, participants focused on the depth of information related to 7 (seven) issues, first; the openness of participants as muslim students to the development of information technology and using it to understand and practice religious teachings in daily life, secondly; the democratic attitude they display in deliberation to make decisions, third; respect/respect fellow muslims who have different understandings about the practice of islamic teachings, third; building good relations with non-muslims, being tolerant, and associating with good morals with non-muslims without reducing the commitment to faith and islamic creed, fourth; rational use in understanding and practicing religion, sixth; using multi-literacy as a source of religious information, and seventh; vigilance against detribalization by extreme/radical-minded people. [ 316 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 muslim students’ understanding of the concept of islamic moderation does not merely reflect the values of moderation that they have implemented in their daily life and society. however, it also comes from external sources. the external factors that we mean in this context can be in the form of moderation learning in the university curriculum, moderate friends, community leaders, religious leaders, and the role of parents. the results of this study are relevant to the results of the mubarak & razali study (2019), and susilo & dalimunthe (2019). the implementation of islamic moderation on these participants is a perceptual internalization that they build about islamic values rahmatan lil ‘alamin through academic and non-academic activities in universities, parents, the environment, and social media. this is consistent with research conducted by sirry (2020) that muslim students can be de-radicalized through education, publication of information, support and attention, alternative approaches to religious beliefs, and involvement of family and peers; this is because students are more critical of dogmatic patterns in interpreting religious teachings. this study identifies the existence of negative stereotypes in a small number of students who consider islamic moderation as an organized effort from certain groups to undermine the originality of islamic teachings following the qur’an and as-sunnah by incorporating cultural values, liberalism, pluralism, and political jargon. islam phobia or anti-semith (anti-arabic). based on the results of our confirmation with key participants, the emergence of stereotypes is caused by students’ misconceptions about islamic moderation, the large amount of media exposure that often displays radical content, and the influence of parents, society or religious communities, or religious leaders whom muslim students follow. this is in line with the results of research by lailial et al. (2021, p. 1) that “education plays an important role in the process of building community peace and in generating tolerance through the application of islamic moderation values.” conclusion understanding the concept of islamic moderation, which directly impacts religious attitudes and practice, is based on the ability of students to reduce the islamic values of rahmatan lil ‘alamin, which is a manifestation of the core values of islamic teachings originating from the qur’an and as-sunnah. family, peers, and community can shape students’ understanding and perception, religious communities, academic and non-academic activities in universities, as well as digital literacy (internet and social media). [ 317 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 the findings of this study indicate that students have strong views regarding implementing islamic moderation in higher education. participants expressed their understanding in understanding islamic moderation, as muslims who are not anti-advancement of the times who adopt modern technology from non-muslim countries to understand and practice islam, are tolerant and harmonious with fellow muslims and non-muslims, anti-violence, democratic, using comprehensive sources of islamic law (al-qur’an, as-sunnah, ijma’, and qiyas). muslim students in indonesia already have a good understanding of islamic moderation and have implemented islamic moderation values in the campus, family, and community environment; however, muslim students still “misunderstand” islamic moderation. moderation of islam is considered an attempt by certain parties to erode the purity of islamic teachings by mixing culture with religious teachings, incorporating western liberalism and pluralism into islamic teachings as part of islam phobia or anti-arabs. challenges and obstacles to the implementation of islamic moderation in muslim students in indonesia are related to the misunderstanding of students who consider the concept of islamic moderation as an effort to erode the purity of islam through liberalism and religious pluralism, the influence of extreme understanding from social media, or islamic studies from certain islamic communities in indonesia that offer a pragmatic, rational religious concept. the strategy of universities in implementing islamic moderation in indonesia is carried out in several ways, including; [1incorporating islamic moderation as test material in the selection of new students, [2] holding public lectures on nationalism, [3] inserting islamic moderation material in islamic student character education programs, [4] inserting islamic moderation study materials as part of the islamic studies curriculum or general courses at public universities, [5] to supervise student organization units so that they are not exposed to extreme (radical) teachings or ideas. [6] opens research opportunities for students and lecturers with the theme of islamic moderation. [7] make leadership policies regarding the obligation of all academics to practice wasatiyyah (moderate) islamic values that are harmonious, tolerant, non-violent, and compassionate.” this study suggests to improve the understanding of muslim students to eliminate negative stereotypes about islamic moderation, as well as how to optimize the implementation of islamic moderation among muslim students and students in indonesia. these efforts can be carried out through crossministerial cooperation, in this case, the ministry of religious affairs of republic indonesia and the ministry of education and culture of the republic [ 318 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 of indonesia. the implementation of islamic moderation is not only limited to seminars or extra-curricular activities in universities but must also be included in special courses measured by valid and reliable instruments with achievements that must be monitored on an ongoing basis. the limitation of this study is the difficulty of tracing and digging deeper into information to informants because, at the time of the research, there were still social restrictions by the government of the republic of indonesia to prevent the spread of the covid-19 virus. researchers only met face-to-face with a few participants who could be reached; the rest of the information from participants in different regions or islands was explored via whatsapp and zoom meetings. further studies need to be carried out quantitatively to determine the factors that influence the implementation of islamic moderation in muslim students in indonesia. sampling can be done using a cluster random sampling technique by considering the representation of students from all provinces in indonesia, including students from public universities and islamic religious universities. bibliography ab rashid, r., fazal, s. a., ab. halim, z., mat isa, n., mohamad yusoff, z. j., musa, r., & hamzah, m. i. 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[ 322 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2459 editor-in-chief zaenuddin hudi prasojo international editors afifi al-akiti (faculty of theology and religion, oxford university, united kingdom) yasien mohamed (university of the western cape, south africa, south africa) irwan abdullah (gajah mada university, yogyakarta, indonesia) zainal abidin bagir (universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta, indonesia) hans-christian günther (department of classics albert ludwigs university of freiburg, germany, germany) kamaludeen bin mohamed nasir (nanyang technological university, singapore) mohd roslan mohd nor (university of malaya, malaysia) giuseppina strummiello (university of bari aldo moro, italy) abdul razak abdulroya panaemalae (walailak university, thailand) florian pohl (oxford college of emory university, united states, germany) mujiburrahman (iain antasari banjarmasin, indonesia) minako sakai (director of social sciencesresearch group, australia) busro busro (uin sunan gunung djati bandung, indonesia) tassim abu bakar (universiti brunei darussalam, brunei darussalam) assistant editors faizal amin, iain pontianak, indonesia saifuddin herlambang, iain pontianak, indonesia syamsul kurniawan, iain pontianak, indonesia section editor setia purwadi, iain pontianak, indonesia language advisor jennifer h lundt, colgate university scholar, new york, united states al-albab volume 11 number 2 december 2022 al-albab issn 0216-6143 (print) and issn: 2502-8340 (online) is an interdisciplinary journal published twice a year in print and online (e-journal) by the pontianak state institute of islamic studies, pontianak. our academic publication concern includes the studies of world religions of islam, buddhism, christianity, hinduism, judaism, chinese religions and other religions. interdisciplinary studies may include the studies of religion in the fields of anthropology, sociology, philosophy, psychology, education, cultural studies and other social sciences. since the journal is published twice a year, special issue would be made available for special condition. the regular issues include june and december editions each year. the journal publishes research-based articles in the area of religious studies. all prospective contributors from various background are welcome to contribute to the journal publication. contributions in english should be typed single-space and contain minimum of 4.000 and maximum of 8.000 words. the citation should follow apa style with footnotes. editorial office: al-albab, gedung saifuddin zuhri pascasarjana iain pontianak, jalan letjend suprapto no. 19, pontianak selatan pontianak 78122, kalimantan barat, indonesia. phone: (62-561) 734170 fax: (62-561) 734170 ; handphone/wa: +6281256738348 e-mail: redaksi.bjrs@gmail.com website: http://jurnaliainpontianak.or.id/index.php/alalbab al albab volume 10 number 2 (december 2021) contents 1. lgbt and religious negotiations: a case study of youth interfaith forum on sexuality (yifos) roni, fatimah husein, dewi candraningrum .............................................. 161 2. pinah laman: the construction of religious and ethnic identity within the mentuka dayak of west kalimantan felisitas yuswanto, sekar ayu aryani, ahmad muttaqin .......................... 177 3. face veil and lawo-lambu: negotiating religious practices among muslims and catholics in ende city yosep aurelius woi bule, adison adrianus sihombing ............................. 199 4. preserving diversity: lessons from batang tarang village of west kalimantan hermansyah, faisal abdullah, mochamad hamdan .................................. 221 5. cultural resistance and sharia-based ecology in the fishing community in aceh zubir, abdul manaf, abdul mugni, noviandy ............................................. 245 6. ethnicity, religion and the changing community structure within fakfak society in papua ade yamin, musa rumbaru, nining lestari, mufliha wijayati ............... 267 7. religious solidarity for coping with economic crisis during the covid-19 pandemic luqman, ilhamdi .................................................................................................. 287 8. portrait of moderate islam within muslim university students in indonesia ahmad jais, sumin ............................................................................................... 301 [ 283 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2488 religious solidarity for coping with economic crisis during the covid-19 pandemic luqman iain pontianak email: luqyhakim16@gmail.com ilhamdi iain pontianak email: ilham03hamdi@gmail.com abstract the covid-19 pandemic has devastated global and local economies alike. however, it has also contributed to the functioning of social solidarity in dealing with crisis pressure among local people, which became a survival strategy for various businesses. this paper aims to map the patterns of economic pressure resulting from the pandemic and analyze the social strength factor that became a survival strategy in the economic field. this research was conducted on several chinese indonesian converts to islam [mu’alaf ] to examine their religious solidarity that served as the strength for their survival as entrepreneurs. therefore, qualitative research was conducted in a community of converts to islam in pontianak city, one of the centers with a significant chinese population. in addition to data on the crisis they experienced during the pandemic, this research also revealed their perceptions, motivation, and actions in response to covid-19. the research results showed that social and spiritual capital is the most important support for converts to recover from difficult times. religion has become the moral basis of these entrepreneurs for solidarity and a source of support in coping with pressure and problems. amid scarcity of economic resources, religion-based social resources have become the answer to the problems encountered by these entrepreneurs. keywords: social solidarity; economic crisis; muslim entrepreneurs: covid-19 pandemic introduction covid-19 has killed not only humans, but also the economy. therefore, various strategies have been adopted for dealing with these situations in society. people led movements to collect donations which were then distributed to those affected by covid-19. community solidarity, called tempat nasi gratis jogja [ 284 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2488 [jogja free rice venue], distributed free rice packs to the public with as many as 140 rice packs given out a day (a. kurniawan ulung, 2021). the gusdurian community raised funds to help people affected by covid-19. in addition to raising funds, this community also helped street vendors market their wares (aru lego triono, 2021). as shown by chinmayee mishra and navaneeta rath, the importance of social solidarity is that solidarity gives rise to strength to face the impact of covid-19 (mishra & rath, 2020). in line with that, solidarity in social networks plays a vital role in mobilizing community force to deal with the impact of covid-19 (vandenberg, berghman, & schaap, 2021) to date, studies on social solidarity in dealing with the economic crisis due to a pandemic have focused on two main issues; first, studies of social solidarity that view it from mechanical and organic perspectives developed by durkheim, (anderson, 2020; leap & thompson, 2018; ritzer & goodman, 2009). ritzer & goodman (2009) indicate that a society formed by mechanical solidarity is a collective consciousness encompassing the entire community and all of its members, where this condition is deep-rooted and religious in nature. while in a society that has organic solidarity, collective awareness is limited to some groups, non-obligatory, less deep-rooted, and concerns only individual interests. the same thing is also illustrated by leap & thomson (2018) and anderson (2020) that mechanical solidarity gives rise to strength in dealing with difficult situations in society (ritzer & goodman, 2009). second, solidarity is formed in inclusive social networking groups (haryadi & malitasari, 2020; (irwan, m, muljono, & yonvitner, 2019; yudina & alekseenko, 2020). the three researchers indicate that social solidarity can be formed in social media or online communities. from the two models above, studies on social solidarity have yet to analyze the subjective perspectives of the actors involved profoundly. the actor’s perspective is needed to provide a better insight even though it is very conservative to formulate the right strategies for community groups to overcome the impact of covid-19. this research aims to complement the existing studies that have yet to accommodate subject perspectives in analyzing social solidarity in overcoming the economic crisis due to covid-19. in line with that, this paper aims to map the patterns of solidarity and analyze the conditions that cause solidarity to form among the chinese indonesian converts to islam −, hereafter referred to as mu’alaf. the answer to this question allows for an in-depth insight into the correlation between social solidarity and the community’s socio-economic strength in facing the economic crisis. this insight can serve as the basis for formulating more contextual and effective policies in coping with the impact [ 285 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2488 of covid-19. social solidarity involving communities can be a potential social strength in dealing with crises, especially the economic crisis felt by the community. on the one hand, this social solidarity shows togetherness and solidarity that accommodates community participation in helping others. on the other hand, it is built on pragmatic interests. in addition, at the same time, these communities cannot overcome all their problems. however, in this case, social solidarity was in line with the government’s policy of handling crises during the pandemic, which involved various social forces with their interests. this research analyzed the form of solidarity during the covid-19 pandemic among the mu’alaf in pontianak city, indonesia. this solidarity was closely observed regarding the support they provided to fellow converts. then, we also focused on the form of capital, business network, and mental-spiritual support, which aim to enable these mu’alaf to face challenges and economic crises caused by the covid-19 pandemic. these mu’alaf are members of the indonesian chinese muslim association (piti). this association has become the center for studying islam for the mu’alaf. the data used in this research were primary qualitative data using three types: knowledge, attitude, and practice. the data on knowledge is the conception of mu’alaf about their understanding of the conditions of the impact of covid-19 and their knowledge of the importance of solidarity built on social identity (zhong et al., 2020), while attitude is the ability to process beliefs and relevant information. it turns into an attitude responding to context (ajzen, 1993). the data on practice is a concrete action that they take intentionally. the source of information in this paper is in the form of primary data (lexy j. moleong, 2019). information in this study was obtained from the mu’alaf who had converted to islam for at least two years, who believed that they had understood islamic teachings and often interacted with fellow mu’alaf. these informants are members of the piti [indonesian chinese muslim association] in pontianak city. the data collection process in this study began with the collection of materials that became the central issue of research, related to social solidarity built by community groups, then continued with field observations. (sugiyono, 2018). field observations were mapped into three parts; first, the routine activities of the convert community at piti; second, social movement activities; and third, individual actions. then we also conducted in-depth interviews (a. anggito & j. setiawan, 2018). informants in this study consisted of west kalimantan piti management, members of piti, and mu’alaf retailers. it aimed to confirm the [ 286 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2488 solidarity among the mu’alaf community in coping with the economic impact of the covid-19 pandemic. the data analysis in this research follows the stages of miles & hubermann’s qualitative research (1994): after data collection, we carried out data reduction, data display, and data verification. data reduction was done according to the themes and research questions by classifying, focusing, organizing, and analyzing the data in-depth. data display was done by displaying the data by writing it along with direct quotations from the interviews. the verification process used the method of interpretation of data with tendencies having been mapped since the beginning of data collection. covid-19 pandemic covid-19, designated by the who (world health organization) as a pandemic as this research was conducted, had entered its second year in indonesia (smeru, 2021). mascie taylor & moji (2021) states a pandemic is “an epidemic occurring worldwide or over a vast area.” in line with this, nossem (2020) added that a pandemic knows no administrative boundaries because of the high level of people’s mobility so that the impact of its outbreak is felt by the majority of people in the world or a wide region (iaquinto, 2020; iacus et al., 2020). the influence of a pandemic triggers various problems (uzun et al., 2021; sharma et al., 2021). the problems caused by this pandemic affect people who are victims of covid-19 and the general public who live in affected regions or countries. for those who contracted covid-19, the problems they face are threats to their health and life (cepel, gavurova, dvorsky, & belas, 2020), given that this virus attacks the human respiratory system and anyone who is infected is at high risk of death (pascarella et al., 2020; rothan & byrareddy, 2020). in addition to issues related to health and life-threatening risks, various other issues also threaten the unaffected community, including economic, social, and psychological issues. (cepel et al., 2020). these problems then turn into a crisis that threatens people’s lives (puchkova et al., 2021). the drastic decline in income due to the termination of employment carried out simultaneously by many companies also triggered economic instability (gassman-pines et al., 2020; eisenbeck et al., 2022). it didn’t stop there; the economic crisis then created a series of emotional pressures such as anxiety, depression, a large responsibility burden, and mental disorders (john et al., 2019; caffo et al., 2020). this economic, social, and psychological crisis occurred to people around the world. in a study entitled “covid-19 outbreak in italy: are we ready for the psychosocial and the economic crisis? baseline findings from [ 287 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2488 the psycovid study” that the emergence of this crisis has fostered a sense of empathy in the community for each other as a result of awareness of the gravity of the crisis caused by the covid-19 pandemic (cerami et al., 2020). economic crisis economic activities are activities carried out by the community by providing input in the form of labor, material, and thoughts to produce output in the form of daily income (saepuloh & aisyah, 2020). in daily life, economic activities cannot be separated from people’s lives, even people always seek to increase income to achieve welfare (marlinah, 2019). this welfare is the community’s desire because when it is achieved, stability in life can be ensured (shin, 2016). on the other hand, efforts to improve the economy do not always run smoothly. various challenges also hinder this effort, including the crisis (buendía, gómez serrano, & molero-simarro, 2020). the economic crisis is diverse and widespread across sectors (a. sharma & borah, 2020). there are three forms of economic crisis: the monetary crisis triggered by the current account deficit (cad) phenomenon caused by liquidity and solvency problems in the banking system (bitar, 2021). second, the global financial crisis is driven by an imbalance in global capital flows, loosening monetary policy, and inadequate supervision and regulation (nier & merrouche, 2012; purwono et al., 2018). third, the impact of the crisis caused by this pandemic has been worsened by a decrease in people’s income due to policies made to reduce the rate of spread of the pandemic. (mehta, saxena, & purohit, 2020). the three forms of economic crisis mentioned above have obstacles (irawan & alamsyah, 2021). one of them is the covid-19 pandemic which is capable of destabilizing the economy on a global scale and is even causing a crisis (lucchese & pianta, 2020). still, the economic crisis caused by a pandemic is becoming more complex because it involves not only economic issues, but also health factors that should be considered. the economy in indonesia has started to weaken since the implementation of social restrictions paralyzed economic sectors (saputra & salma, 2020). a study by herdiana (2020) argued that the policy was ineffective in addition to the paralyzed economy, the level of public compliance was still low. this example indicates that the policy does not favor both (lusianawati, 2020; nasruddin & haq, 2020). social solidarity social solidarity is a form of solidarity resulting from a relationship between individuals or groups based on belief in shared values and strengthened by emotional experiences. (hanifah, 2019; saidang & suparman, 2019). the [ 288 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2488 emotional experiences here can be triggered by the threat of a collective enemy or the threat of disaster felt by one individual or group (hekmatyar & vonika, 2021). groups in social solidarity are formed based on a shared homeland or primordialism, feelings of shared fate and responsibility, and a sense of empathy. in addition, solidarity can also be included based on religion and ethnic community (weol et al., 2021; tomasini, 2021). furthermore, morgan & pulignano (2020) examined the performance of this social solidarity. they mentioned that the resulting performance is only sometimes optimal because it depends on other forms of capitalism. eckenwiler (2018) added that dependence on this form of capitalism results from moral imagination in recognizing individuals or groups who need to be assisted through responsive actions. the differences in moral imagination make the performance of social solidarity dynamic. in an era where globalization can unite these economic, social, political, and cultural dimensions, it is relatively easier to create space for social solidarity within these dimensions (estuningtyas, 2018). in addition, the emergence of social solidarity can fill the empty space for the government’s ineffectiveness in making public policies (lee, 2020). the ineffectiveness of the government is caused by the limited space used to overcome crises, especially for vulnerable groups (angaw, 2021). in responding to the limited space, virtual space is used as a medium to build new solidarity (saifudin, 2018). much convenience is offered when it comes to donations using virtual-based social solidarity, given that there are no space and time restrictions in using it (astuti & prijanto, 2021). even today, crowdfunding, an open donation phenomenon utilizing virtual media, has become a trend in indonesia (sitanggang, 2018). kitabisa. com is one of the successful crowdfunding sites in indonesia, so many donations have been opened and channeled from this institution (warapsari, 2020; rachmawati & solikhati, 2020). capital support during the pandemic the covid-19 pandemic has impacted the socio-economic aspects of all walks of life. the economic impacts can be seen in the form of reduced income, termination of employment, stagnancy in trade distribution channels, scarcity of raw materials for production, etc. these conditions led to the instability of the country’s economy and a decrease in public consumption. it was then worsened by the government’s social restriction policies, which limited the space for economic activity. this can be seen from the closing of access to public spaces. the chaos of this condition caused helplessness in the community, especially in the economic aspect, which ultimately created a sense [ 289 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2488 of solidarity in society, helping each other and overcoming problems together. solidarity from various groups effectively deals with everyday problems, as in the mu’alaf community. based on observations in the field, at least three forms of support as a form of solidarity shown by the mu’alaf community in dealing with the impact of the pandemic. first economic capital support; in this case, fellow members of the mu’alaf community provide capital support in the form of money or goods to help other mu’alaf in continuing business affected by the economic crisis. (mutiara, 2020) which was later replaced with the term of community activities restrictions enforcement (care) (moegiarso, 2021), all of which aimed to limit the space for people to interact with fellow citizens in the public space (mashabi, 2021). it is commonly known that during the pandemic, many retailers, business people, and entrepreneurs were unable to continue their business, such as the inability to extend the lease of a kiosk or shop for trading purposes due to a decrease in the number of buyers, which had caused a decreased income. this reduced sale is one of the consequences of the largescale social restrictions (lssr) policy issued by the government. due to such a situation, the retailers’ income decreased dramatically, so they sometimes needed help to rent their stores. ah (age 59) reported that since the covid-19 pandemic, his income had been reduced significantly, so he could not pay the rent for his store in downtown pontianak. he even had to lay off his employees. however, he still felt grateful because he had a friend who helped him pay the rent of idr 90 million [usd 5,772] a year. “i can’t afford to pay the rent; i even laid off my employees because my income wasn’t enough for all of that,” said ah. he added, “fortunately, there was help from mr. a, an old friend of mine who helped me to pay for my needs so that i could continue my business.” another businessman, al (age 45), an ornamental fish seller who experienced a shortage of capital during covid-19, was assisted by his friend in form of fish feed. al said: “i felt frustrated because my business could not meet my daily needs, let alone pay for the store rent after all my business fulfills people’s hobby needs because today, they are more concerned with basic needs than hobbies.” al was quoted as saying. the capital support from fellow mu’alaf helped with the business continuity of other mu’alaf retailers affected by the co-19 pandemic. in addition to the capital support from fellow mu’alaf, as members of west kalimantan piti, they also received entrepreneurship training from the association. this training was attended by the mu’alaf who were laid off and women to help build the family economy. hendris (age 49) said that this entrepreneurship training activity was to help mu’alaf, who had been affected [ 290 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2488 by covid, to recover from the economic downturn. the training provided by the association was among others making frozen chicken noodles and frozen meatballs and sewing. as a result, some mu’alaf were able to start new businesses. bringing up this entrepreneurial spirit is part of organizational support to help mu’alaf recover economically. meanwhile, another informant initialed, d said, “my husband was laid off, so i helped him by selling food. i was trained to sell foods online, [especially] frozen foods; what’s important is we can survive in such a difficult condition.” in the short term, the solidarity movement for mu’alaf is to help by distributing groceries to poor mu’alaf families. according to hendris, piti’s secretary, they distributed staple food packages for poor families. these packages were donated by donors who were contacted by the piti management. the package contains 2 liters of cooking oil, 10 kg of rice, 1 kg of sugar, ½ kg of coffee, two cans of milk, and vitamins. these staple food packages were distributed to poor mu’alaf’ families based on the data compiled at the piti. a total of 150 packages were distributed. this concern for fellow mu’alaf was shown by their real actions of support in the form of the first category, namely economic capital, which indicated that it was done out of the awareness of the mu’alaf themselves. social capital support in business resilience the second form, social capital support, is a support that indirectly helped members to overcome economic problems during the pandemic when the mu’alaf could not sell their wares. one of the solutions was to offer their wares to members of their community. mr. nl, a food seller, often advertised his food to the mu’alaf community and young entrepreneurs in pontianak city. he often shared food photos in the whatsapp group where community members buy items from each other. other members of the group shared their posts with other groups. many mu’alaf and young entrepreneurs buy food at mr. nl’s outlets in this way. it was also the case with mrs. n. she posted the foods she was selling to the whatsapp group and asked group members to share her posts. mutual buying of merchandise occurred to help fellow traders. additional social capital support was also given by the mu’alaf community using social media to market the merchandise to community members. they helped to market their merchandise by posting their fellow members’ merchandise on social media such as facebook and instagram. they shared each other’s posts and promoted and reviewed this merchandise on social media to attract social media followers. the use of social media allows for online sales to reach many groups in the hope of increasing sales which [ 291 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2488 contributes to more income. the mu’alaf community often builds good relationships with fellow mu’alaf by visiting one another. it is not a routine but is often done in the context of strengthening solidarity. individuals and organizations make these visits. visiting one another is a way to chat, discuss, and exchange ideas. mr. um (age 56) often visits mr. ah, and vice versa. they often exchange ideas about many things, including economic issues, which sometimes led to finding solutions to problems, ranging from capital, sales, to cooking spices. therefore, these visits give them a feeling that they are not alone in coping with economic problems. the support of community members is important to boost the morale of fellow mu’alaf. mr um was quoted as saying, “i often visit mr. ah. we are fellow mu’alaf, so we often exchange ideas to give alternative solutions to the problems we are facing.” thus, it indicates that the community members have emotional closeness and solidarity with one another, so sharing experiences and discussing problems is a way for them to interact and find solutions. moral support in facing the crisis third, spiritual capital support. it is called spiritual capital because this form seeks to strengthen the mental and spiritual well-being of every mu’alaf. in strengthening the religiosity of the mu’alaf, routine qur’anic recitation is held at the darussalam al arif mosque in the center of pontianak city, at jl. tanjungpura no. 340. this routine recitation is held after the noon prayer, every thursday. this recitation also contains islamic studies on worship, both ritual worship and social worship. in addition, this activity can also give consolation over the problems they are facing in life, especially during the pandemic. patience, effort, power of prayer, etc., are parts of the materials discussed in the group study. this recitation activity gives spiritual support to the mu’alaf affected by covid-19. another form of spiritual capital support during the pandemic is disaster relief which is often given during adversity, for example, cases of illness, death, etc. thus, spiritual capital support provides moral support to one another, and they also pray for and make donations to one another. donations are often made to the mu’alaf community. voluntary donations, prayer support, and mutual moral support are family bonds built among them so that they can recover and be strong in coping with the hardship in life. hendris (age 49) reported as follows. “if our friends who are members of the piti get into a difficult situation, such as illness or death, then we visit them and donate. but [ 292 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2488 because we have corona [covid] now, we only collect voluntary donations from members that we ask from the group. then if it has been collected, we give it to our members who are going through hardship” (hendris, 2021). religious solidarity as a strategy for coping with crisis this study illustrates that the solidarity in the mu’alaf community is based on the shared identity, namely the same ethnicity and situations, as a person who converts to islam. this solidarity is shown by the support they give one another in the form of economic, social, and spiritual capital. this support is given to ease the burden and to help recover from the economic crisis due to the covid-19 pandemic. the motivation to help fellow mu’alaf can be seen from the capital assistance to extend the rent of kiosks, assisting in the sale of merchandise, buying one another’s merchandise, helping to market a member’s merchandise through social media, and mutually reinforcing through gathering and religious studies which remind one another of the importance of patience and the power of god. such social solidarity displayed by the mu’alaf community above indicates that a community, no matter the size, can make its members “stand tall” even in this dark hour because there is a close friendship, togetherness, and shared conditions to give rise to a close relationship. this is an example that we should never disregard something small because it can bring members together in emotional unity. solidarity in the form of economic capital support in the mu’alaf community when economic conditions are bad, and everyone needs economic capital to do business, is very helpful as they can still give economic support by providing loans to help a fellow mu’alaf to continue their business. this is possible because a bond of solidarity is built for a long time, and there is trust. because solidarity in supporting a fellow member by giving them quite a large amount of money will never happen if trust is non-existent between them. trust is made possible by the belief that their friend is a good, honest, trustworthy person with a strong work ethic; therefore, this economic support will not be misused. it would be different should the individual not fulfill the aspect of trust. social support among the mu’alaf community is given because of friendship and a sense of togetherness. it creates a feeling of being in a difficult economic situation during the pandemic. this sense of solidarity triggers mutual support to provide social capital to recover together by overcoming economic difficulties. meanwhile, spiritual support emerges due to the need for every human being to feel calm and comfortable [ 293 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2488 to create a feeling of comfort, peace, piety, and a high sense of humanity. these psychological responses arise naturally and are reflective due to religious and human awareness. the solidarity displayed by the mu’alaf community is a form of individual and collective solidarity because of unity. it arises due to the intensity of social interaction between them. in addition, it is strengthened by the same situation they are facing, namely coping with the economic crisis as an impact of the pandemic (hekmatyar & vonika, 2021). besides, they also have the same emotional bond as mu’alaf and come from the same ethnic group. (hanifah, 2019; weol et al., 2021). however, this solidarity is not always static and linear. it tends to be dynamic, especially concerning coping with economic (read: financial) problems, since economic capital requires “speculation” or “guarantee” of proven trust in an individual. not everyone will support economic (financial) capital if this “guarantee” is unmet. this aligns with what morgan & pulignano (2020) stated. therefore, this research confirms previous studies that solidarity can occur spontaneously in certain conditions because its elements are fulfilled. however, in other conditions, solidarity requires a ‘guarantee’ to strengthen faith and trust. this research has proven that a small community’s social solidarity can fill empty spaces that government authorities cannot reach. therefore, if small communities from this society can be embraced and empowered, development can reach all walks of life in society. in this light, it is necessary to promote community-based empowerment to create an equal distribution of human development in the country. conclusion it turns out that social solidarity has become the basis of resilience in coping with the crisis. social solidarity in the community grows because there is an awareness, sympathy, humanity that arises due to togetherness and a need for calm and comfort. the form of support for economic capital, social capital, and spiritual capital for fellow community members proves this solidarity. however, this research shows that solidarity that requires financial sacrifices will only emerge because of a full sense of trust. this research provides a new perspective on the issue of social solidarity that community-based empowerment could potentially reach small communities that government’s development programs have not touched. this research has limitations in the number of samples, so comparison and generalization cannot be made. that being the case, further research should be conducted to accommodate more diverse communities. 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(2020). characteristics of solidarity on social networks. communicology. https://doi.org/10.21453/2311-30652020-8-1-114-127 zhong, b. l., luo, w., li, h. m., zhang, q. q., liu, x. g., li, w. t., & li, y. (2020). knowledge, attitudes, and practices towards covid-19 among chinese residents during the rapid rise period of the covid-19 outbreak: a quick online cross-sectional survey. international journal of biological sciences. https://doi.org/10.7150/ijbs.45221 [ 300 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2488 [ 115 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 ahlus sunnah views of covid-19 in social media: the islamic preaching by gus baha and abdus somad saifuddin zuhri qudsy uin sunan kalijaga – yogyakarta email: saifuddinzuhri@yahoo.com achmad fawaid universitas nurul jadid, probolinggo email: fawaidachmad@gmail.com althaf husein muzakky universitas islam negeri sunan kalijaga email: althofhusein@gmail.com abstract the covid-19 pandemic, which occurred in line with the massive transformation of digital media, was a significant moment that enabled diverse islamic preachers to use media to advance their own interests. however, little has been discussed regarding the religious responses to the covid-19 performed by ahlus sunnah community members or those who are not inclined to participate in radical activities. by analyzing two important ahlus sunnah figures, gus baha and abdus somad, this article focuses on the group’s covid-19 views on social media, which represents their motives, perspectives, strategies, and theological views to encourage muslims to have certain mindsets on the virus. given that abdul somad official account around $140021,700 per month with 950 thousand subscribers and gus baha official account around $5-75 with 500 thousand subscribers, this article investigates their religious/ theological perspectives on covid-19 and the extent to which they represent religious moderate viewpoints as the solution of the covid-19. it argues that their youtube or facebook channels have enabled the birth of religious moderate arguments on covid-19 rooted in the ahlus sunnah movement. unlike well-established scientific perspectives on covid-19 that spread out through official government channels or television, gus baha and abdus somad’s viewpoints have been relatively independent from medical networks, but highly dependent on ahlus sunnah movements. with a high number of offline and online followers, it demonstrates the potential of their status as religious influencers on covid-19 based on ahlus sunnah viewpoints in indonesia. keywords: covid-19, religious influencer, gus baha, ustadz abdus somad [ 116 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 introduction the internet has allowed people to better access all information, including religious information. religion that was once studied through interface strategy, requiring a significant time to learn has now become more accessible. even though it faces various online religious options ranging from a different level of online belief and participation system and even diverse ideologies (christopher 2002), the internet has put religion (especially islam) as something that is easily presented. bunt calls this the ‘cyber islamic environment’. it is a virtual space where people can interact and discuss islamic matters. this evidence has encouraged and stimulated the emergence of preachers to deliver their religious lectures online, especially after the proliferation of social media like facebook, youtube, instagram, and others that were increasingly quick to socialize religious messages. gus bahauddin (gus baha) and ustadz abdus somad (uas) are among the speakers on digital media. their ideas have begun to influence many people. in the case of social media, ‘influence’ is possible to measure by considering performance indicators, such as follower counts and web traffic (financial gains directly result from the number of the followers). experts on word processing and his profound knowledge in various disciplines have already put them among the young lecturers. departing from a profound knowledge of the main sources of muslims, gus baha’s expertise in tafsir al-qur’an and abdus somad’s expertise in hadith, have made them some of the most popular digial preachers. gus baha or kiai ahmad bahauddin nursalim is nahdlatul ulama figure, son of kh. arwani al-hafidz kudus and kh. abdullah salam al-hafidz kajen pati with its genealogy to the islamic saints of java, has memorized sahih muslim (one of the greatest turats in hadith) in java, also composed hafidzuna li hadza al-mushaf li bahahuddin bin nursalim (a tafsir book based on ‘amr usman bin sa’id ad-dani’s work, almuqni’ on characteristics of quranic stylistic writing in mushaf rasm usmani). abdus somad has studied ilm al-hadith in the magister program of dar el hadith el hassania, morocco, in 2006, studied the similar study in doctoral program of universitas islam omdurman, sudan, in 2019; also, a lecturer of tafsir hadith in uin sultan syarif kasim riau. one of the lectures that had a broad response is their lecture on covid-19 which has reaped the pros and cons of the masses themselves. many studies on these two figures exist, especially uas whose appearance and popularity are better known than gus baha (uswatun, usman. 2020; qarni, waizul., syahnan, mhd., harahap 2019; ridho 2019; zahidi, salman., ikmal 2019; yanuar 2020; sholihah, nur., isti’anah, zahro’ul., hakamah 2019). the [ 117 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 emphasis of both studies highly relies on the rhetoric of da’wah and the use of social media in the dissemination of religious lectures. www.socialblade.com has estimated monthly income from youtube.com for abdul somad official account around $ 1400-21,700 per month with 950 thousand subscribers. unfortunately, gus baha official account is still around $ 5-75. it indicates that his account is not properly managed, but it remains a channel with nearly 500 thousand subscribers with an estimated monthly income of $500-8000. meanwhile, a study that sets both figures in a discussion themed ‘covid-19 has not been conducted by any researcher. this paper complements some previous studies. both figures have expressed their public opinion about covid-19. additionally, their opinions have been received by the public (at least) in the cyber world through a column “comment” on youtube and the use of hashtags that include their names. in line with this reality, this study has three focuses, namely: (1) the perspective of both speakers on the covid-19 pandemic; (2) motives (rationale) of their perspectives; and (3) their strategies that have affected the audience about the covid-19 pandemic. both figures have great popularity on social media. there are approximately three arguments that can be proposed. first, through social media, their arguments can be rapidly consumed and influence the audiences’ mindset against the virus. second, their arguments are resulting from the theological viewpoint of ahlus sunnah that-without having to judge other viewpoints— strives for well-behaved, moderate, and relatively tends to prioritize religious solutions than scientific solutions. third, their arguments are delivered and spread through social media, and have been well known as influencers in religious terminology (abidin 2016b; 2016a; 2015). in this study, the data were obtained from various online sources. the primary sources were their second lectures on covid-19 that have been spread on social media. the data were collected and analyzed through interpretive analysis techniques that positioned their statements in one form of discourse to be demonstrated in the literature review section. social media, the theology of ahlus sunnah and religious influencer this study has involved three underlying courses as stepping-stones to conduct a review and analysis on the three focuses, namely social media, the theology of ahlus sunnah, and religious influencers (ranging from definition, variation, and some case studies). for that reason, it is important to first present an overview of social media and its users as the mission of da’wah. the theology of ahlus sunnah is a truth (paradigm) between jabariyah and [ 118 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 qadariyah, and that the religious influencer has now given the latest nuance in religious discourse. o social media for religious missions (da’wah) social media is a site or application that allows a person to create anything to fill and share in many social networks, including false information and/ or propaganda. initially, social media is a communication media that has been discovered since the end of the twentieth century (the beginning of the twenty-first century) and invented by andreas kaplan and michael henlein. yet, for the millennial community, the role of social media has shifted to media propaganda (watie 2016). there are at least three maps of previous studies that have discussed social media as a place for preaching (da’wah). first, a study that describes the causes of social media that are widely used for propaganda. second, a study on the forms of social media facilities that are widely used for da’wah. third, a study on the view of ulama’ and lecturers in responding and finding a solution to any existing problem in social media as a missionary mission. three studies focus on the cause of social media widely used for media propaganda. first, the ease of social media in packaging preaching in the millennial era by merely accessing data through the internet. for omar et al., this evidence can open horizons of insight into the millennial community (omar, hassan, sallehuddin 2015), so that they can learn global issues through a study by fakhruroji (fakhruroji 2010). second, the level of effectiveness on the use of social media as a means of da’wah (marlina 2016). third, social media has a faster distribution of information compared to other media forms (fitriani 2017). in ancient times, preaching (da’wah) was done orally and delivered directly in the science assembly. after large-scale propaganda articles have penetrated the media of writing, it is no wonder that in the middle age, the scholars conducted preaching through the classical book, while other preachers currently use social media as a medium for da’wah to give direction to the people in the present time. various forms of social media facilities that are widely used in da’wah are also diverse. it indicates that the enthusiasm of muslims who are starting to learn science and technology, various features and applications are starting to be celebrated with islamic da’wah. first, preaching is also performed through facebook. it is similar to a study by choliq that focuses a lot on islamic figures, such as habib muhammad lutfi bin yahya, k.h. abdullah gymnastiar, caknun.com, gus mus, yusuf mansur (the official), ustadz m. [ 119 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 nur maulana, ustadz felix siauw, pearl of wisdom ustadz zaki (an islamic speaker at tpi), ustadz ahmad al-ethiopia, buya yahya, ustadz wijayanto, ustadz felix siauw, ustaz nasir bachtiar, ustadzah mamah dedeh, ustadz muhammad riza, and ary gina agustian (choliq 2018). second, a da’wah that is performed on instagram has turned out to have a great influence in shaping the character of the millennial community with their viral view (nurdin., ridwan, muhammad. 2020). it signifies that instagram is an easy means for da’wah (zahra, sarbini, shodiqin 2016). third, youtube is also another kind of media for performing da’wah. it is also a new commodification that is presently on hold (arifin 2019). in addition to the above description, the views of ulama’ and preachers answering problems through social media as a religious mission have not been perfectly maximized, although this study can be classified on its quantity of data and sufficient exploration on the meaning of the qur’an, the hadith and the classic book, particularly some national scholars who have traditional islamic scholarship, such as k.h. bahauddin nur salim (gus baha). gus baha has also studied the greatness of the logic of the qur’an in terms of stylistic components (sholihah, isti’anah, hakamah 2019). besides, some scholars have a competency in rhetoric and hypnotize the audiences with the charm of religious da’wah, namely ustadz abdus somad (uswatun, usman. 2020). o the theology of ahlus sunnah as a mediation for jabariyah and qadariyah there is no group more followed than the ahlus sunnah (nasution 1986). this theology greatly influences the mindset and behavior of indonesians. if someone commits a passive action by surrendering to allah the almighty on things that have befallen oneself, it is called jabariyyah. on the other hand, a person who behaves as if he has the power to change his fate and is called qadariyah. this phenomenon has stimulated the emergence of ahlus sunnah theology that frames and mediates jabariyah and qadariyah ideology with a concept of ikhtiyār and tawakkal. it is certain that the position of this theology is baina al-‘aqidah al-jabariyah wa qadariyah, so that islamic scholars and scientists are required to discuss and elaborate on these ideologies in the present. the theology of ahlus sunnah has a variety of parts. alike the flow of theology and religious point of view, there are certainly many variations, including the theology of ahlus sunnah. yet, in a broad outline, the understanding of ahlus sunnah in indonesia is divided into three defintions (bustamam, ahmad. [ 120 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 2002). first is a tendency which adheres to abu hasan al-’asy’ari (‘asy’ariyah). this group is more likely to be traditionalist. second is the theology adheres to abu manur al-maturidi (al-maturidiyah). third, it also adheres to salafi wahabi group as oriented to muhammad ibn abdul wahab (wahabiyah), and this group tends to be puritanical. in addition, the study of ahlus sunnah at least can be mapped into three categories. first is seen from the perspective of islamic scholars (kyai) (rofiq 2017). second, the study on ahlus sunnah theology in discussing social, political, and economic conception in a region or a state, has been largely moderate (putra 2013). third, the study on ahlus sunnah is seen as an effort to answer the problem in the struggle between jabariyah and qadariyah, and it has not been discovered. thus, this study criticized ahlus sunnah’s theological view between jabariyah and qadariyah through the study of perspectives of the ulama’. o religious influencer digital technology and new media have shifted, extended, and altered religious practice (campbell 2012). new media, specifically digital media, challenge the conventional configuration of religious and state authorities, facilitating the emergence of transnational muslim publics and making central the issue of identity politics (anderson, eickelman 2003; el-nawawy. 2009). for the muslim community, social media creates a sense of new public spaces (pennington 2018) which helps them navigate their presence in urban settings (waltorp 2013). in different parts of the world, social media enables people to negotiate their religious platform and reconstruct their identities (kavacki, kraepelin 2017). these social media platforms allow muslims to enact identity performance (baulch, pramiyanti 2018) and play around with the limits of religious interpretations in increasingly conservative societies (beta 2014; williams, kamaludeen 2017). adding to those studies, we propose the concept ‘religious influencer’ to understand how gus baha and ustadz abdus somad creatively fuse commercial, religious, and political participation about covid-19 through their own youtube channels. we define a religious influencer as a person or a group who can combine their interests in religious growth, financial gain, and socio-political change as attractive and attainable by their followers (mostly young and female), online and offline. such a combination, i argue, works effectively as it focuses on encouraging their followers to undergo self-transformation to understand the ethical idea of covid-19. a religious influencer usually deploys the notion of dakwah [ 121 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 (proselytization) as an umbrella term that includes their commercial, religious, and political interests. the followers (and lurkers) are given a sense of ‘choice’ to attain the idealized self (lewis 2015). in other words, muslim viewers who follow a religious influencer can opt to learn to make themselves worthy of god’s love in responding covid-19. however, when they have established a way to cultivate their pious subjectivity in dealing with covid-19, they understand that they are obliged to follow the religious injunctions closely, aiming for the ‘religious platforms’ set by the influencer. the notion of religious influence here builds upon crystal abidin’s works on influencers in singapore (abidin 2016b; 2016a; 2015). in her work, abidin defines an influencer as one form of microcelebrity … who accumulate a following on blogs and social media through the textual and visual narration of their personal, everyday lives, upon which paid advertorials – advertisement written in the form of editorial opinions – for products and services are premised. influencers make use of selfies for financial gains as well as for self-actualization. adding to her work, we propose that we consider how the representations of dealing with covid-19 are used by the religious influencers to garner a following and to mobilize their followers not just for commercial reasons through social media channels, but also encouraging their followers to ‘better’ themselves in religious terms. the case of gus baha and ustadz abdus somad is significant because both are popular ulama who voluntarily participate in both online and offline activities to present their religious platform on covid-19. the gus baha and abud shomad channels have attracted more than a million followers online each with hundreds of loyal followers attending their regular meetings. they are popular especially among urban, middleclass, young muslims, and use a range of online platforms: whatsapp, twitter, facebook, youtube, and visual-based instagram. a point of view of two figures against the covid-19 outbreak the development of increasingly sophisticated times has made social media a trend in media propaganda. social media is used as a tool of communication and has now started to modify and transform its function as a media of da’wah, religious teaching, and even islamic learning media in the millennial era. as evident during the covid-19 pandemic, there are at least two views of prominent islamic figures presented in real life and the cyber world, namely gus baha and ustadz abdus shomad. covid-19 is a potentially deadly [ 122 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 disease, but gus baha and ustadz abdus shomad have their significantly different opinions. for gus baha, the covid-19 is one of god’s greetings to his servant that death is a certainty. he advises meaningful thought to address a proper and appropriate behavior against the outbreak: “you should still strive for it, like you buy a mask. it is absolutely sought after, but do not need to believe in it. as if you can see lauḥ al-maḥfūẓ, you probably laugh. if you were in lauḥ all-maḥfūẓ written down with a death caused by a crash, then you do not know, but you wear a mask because you are afraid of the virus, the izrail should probably laugh at you. moreover, you die caused of a bad nutrition, and along your life, you wear a mask continuously, whereas in lauḥ al-maḥfūẓ, you die because of a bad nutrition. there is no correlation with this virus. please imagine, “i am afraid of being sick. if i were sick, i would have hindered everyone, and needed to slow down my prayer and recitation”. it indicates that your fear is against your worship, and it should be the truth.” in the view of ustadz abdus somad, the virus is a military of god that has been sent to destroy china after the nation’s poor treatment of muslims in uighur. besides, he also encourages muslims to anticipate the coronavirus because the whole world has been affected. for him, the best way is to be introspective (muhāsabah) and be consciously well-prepared to deal with the threat of the virus by consistently reading istighfar, conducting repentance prayer, improving prayers, increasing charity, and enacting kindness. he also appeals to people to wear masks and maintain cleanliness by always performing ablution, handwashing, and nail cutting (a legacy from the prophet). he also suggests executing a ‘lockdown’. on the other hand, gus baha suggests everyone not to be afraid of the virus, but to be more concerned with behavior in daily life – not creating trouble, distressing other people, and abandoning worship as well as other religious activities. in this context, gus baha provides a way to address the virus from an islamic perspective. the endeavor of humans is to strive for as much as possible, and anything remains in the control and will of god. in the case of covid-19, gus baha and ustadz abdus somad do not only share their opinions, but also adhere to the qur’an and the hadith. both figures have provide their arguments on the virus to their respective basse. as salafi, gus baha argues that the virus is a disaster that descends on the imbalance between righteous people who are ashamed to worship, while people perform anything instead of enthusiasm. the difference is that if a righteous person faces a disaster, he will remember allah the almighty. yet, people with sinful [ 123 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 acts will curse as it has been stated in al-baqarah [2]: 114. it is said that people who have not been regretful immediately for their behavior will receive humility in the world and hereafter. in his review, gus baha also confirms and convinces people not to get an untrue perception. it means that allah the almighty who has power over the disaster has dropped down a disaster in order that his servants will always remember him. by performing possibly best actions, most people probably have neglected the purpose of life; that it is not to accumulate property. when the president has declared and regulated a ‘lockdown’ for fourteen days, everyone must be indifferent to the economy, education, and anything related to the impact of the virus, because allah the almighty has invited humans to not only focus on their world, but also the hereafter as it has been clearly stated in al-takāṡur [102]: 1-8. furthermore, gus baha quotes a statement (maqālah) of ibn ‘umar in ibn al-arabi’s popular interpretation of aḥkām al-qur’an, so that humans are always enthusiastic to worship for the sake of their world and hereafter as a sentence says “imal li dunyaka kaanaka ta’īsyu abadan, wa’mal liakhiratika kaannka tamūtu abadan” (ibn al-arabi, 2008) apart from the above description, ustadz abdus somad also has his own basis for diversity regarding the outbreak. like gus baha, ustadz abdus somad explains that everyone should overview qs. muhammad: 7. he also advises that if someone helps the religion of allah, he (allah the almighty) will also help by immediately removing the existing pandemic as it has been well reminded in ali imran [3]: 54. besides, ustadz abdus somad also appeals to everyone to obey orders and always be patient with government policies. perhaps, this outbreak is not caused by the human act itself, but rather a trial from allah the almighty to see the quality of the faith of a servant. therefore, ustadz abdus somad quotes a hadith by al-ṭabrāni in his mu’jam al-kubra namely as follows (al-ṭabrāni, n.d.): “to those who are not willing for my resolve (fate) and not to be patient for my temptation on himself, he must have others than me”. as a role model, ustadz abdus somad presents a view that muslims should be slightly affected by the virus due to the daily habits that they are always in a holy condition. however, watchfulness must continue to be improved by always maintaining ablution anytime, worship at homes, nailcutting, and continuously reading istighfar. for him, a disaster is caused by humans themselves, so that they need to beg forgiveness from allah the almighty. in his response to this condition, he refers to a hadith quoted by sunan al-baihaqi as follows (al-baihaqi 1994): “for those who read istighfar, allah the almighty will create his sorrow to be felicity, and from his rigor is a [ 124 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 way out, and given livelihood from an unexpected way.” in strengthening the religious argument against the virus, both figures have a different framing. gus baha responds to the virus with a sufism approach. once, he told that when sayyidina ‘ali was under threat of murder, the attitude of ‘ali’s friend has remained calm, and said ‘ḥiṣnī ajalī’ (the fortification of my life is my death ration). this statement was then used as an argument to remain calm amid the covid-19 pandemic. meanwhile, ustadz abdus somad was more passive by saying that i’tibār al-kibār ‘ala ulamā’ al-azhar (considering the great opinion of ‘ulama’ in the city of azhar, egypt). thus, it is evident that ustadz abdus somad has a tendency against the opinion of the azhar’s religious decision. the rationale on the emergence of their arguments there are at least three things that make their thoughts about covid-19 have the same view as the above description, namely: (1) ideological factor; and (2) literacy factors (reception of the qur’an and hadith). the ideological factors that influence both scholars are from ahlus sunnah. as an ideology, ahlus sunnah positions rationality and revelation in a moderate position, so that ikhtiyār and tawakkal have equal portions although both scholars have differences in accomplishing ahlus sunnah. as a graduate of pesantren, gus baha factually refers to the conventional way of thinking which prioritizes tawakkal. however, he does not neglect any prevention, and that ustadz abdus somad prefers to choose and prioritize ikhtiyār than tawakkal. this fact indicates that their reference and preference are different. as literacy (source of reference), the religious insight and source of reference of gus baha and ustadz abdus somad have different axes. gus baha tends to refer to classical turaṡ (yellow book), because it has a load of historical and philosophical values that is still contextually beneficial for present time. on the other hand, ustadz abdus somad has a strong insight into history, but he has more tendency on tafsir and hadith which also has a historical aspect in the form of asbābul nuzūl and asbāb wurūd. the flexibility of gus baha in dealing with the covid-19 outbreak is signified using classic turaṡ (yellow book), particularly ‘ulumuddin’ as a work of imam al-ghazali. he also gives an interesting quote, such as kafāni ‘izzan an takuna rabban, wa kafāni fakhran an akuna laka ‘abdan. it means that whatever human’s life condition is a form of worship, although when it is performed during the ‘lockdown’ period. on the other hand, ustadz abdus somad who prioritizes asbābul nuzūl and asbāb wurūd explains that in the prophet’s period (after the agreement of ḥudaibiyyah), there was a person who wanted to shake-hand with the prophet, but the prophet refused him because the [ 125 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 person was affected by ṭaun. this evidence is then referred to as a policy for the government to execute ‘lockdown’ to avoid danger. furthermore, in the reception of the text of the qur’an and hadith, both figures portray a uniqueness in their reception of the text of the qur’an and hadith. the view of gus baha tends to refer to classical literature interpretation (sufism), such as al-ihya’ and al-hikam. his assumption is that the virus is a thing that will come and go immediately; there is no sense of panic, but trust in allah the almighty as clearly illustrated in al-baqara [2]: 114. this verse addresses that the world is despicable, so that muslims are summoned to behave as ordinary to the virus; not to be anxious. yet, ustadz abdus somad who adheres ali imrān [3]: 54 as instructed to be aware (alert). it is similar to the opinion of the azhar scholars. the influence of their arguments on covid-19 towards muslims in indonesia it seems that the ideas of both figures have influenced the indonesian on a perception against the virus. in this context, the audience is at least categorized into two patterns, namely pros audience and cons audience. for detail, the following illustration is presented to describe the audiences’ comments on social media that indicate pros and cons. table 1. the positive comments of the audiences in social media no. account name positive comment for gus baha 1. konco suwung life and death are the power of allah the almighty. the important matter is to continue to live with a healthy lifestyle and keep our environment clean. do not leave five-times prayer as our obligations as muslims, because many benefits we can produce from these prayers for our world and hereafter. ablution is a way to maintain personal hygiene and it can ward off viruses. 2. mr. zank i agree, and we must continue our efforts to prevent all diseases. 3. rsy_bolo for gus baha, the virus has become a joke. the corona will be defeated by faith. stay healthy, gus. shollu ala sayyidina nabi muhammad. 4. nouvan hidayat gus baha always connects every single phenomena with tauhid, so that it remains calm and sincere with anything happens. 5. larva el caused of his speech, i strongly believe to keep working. thank you. i wish i could visit you. [ 126 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 no. account name positive comment for ustadz abdus somad 1. veri indarto dear allah, there is nothing any boredom on myself when i am listening to the speech of uas. although i have not chance to smooch his hand at cutnyakdien mosque, it is a happiness to look at his face. moreover, it will be a happiest moment as if i meet and look at the prophet muhammad pbuh. 2. tunas paiche adhin selamet he is an intellectual scholar; a modesty lecturer, humble, and earnest for his struggle reaching for da’wah in the rural area. he has a higher academic title; prof. dr. kh. assyeikh abdulshomad lc ma, datuk sri ulama setian negara, kayi jaga mangkudilaga, figure of transformation 2017, the indonesian lecturer, and rahmatallilalamin. he is the key humorist orator and an author of a monumental book. masyaallah 3. muhammad satria thank you for the advice, ustadz. i can be calm to face the virus. two things i can do: having an ablution anytime (be purified) and reading istighfar. 4. nani yani maryani the spread of corona virus has made people anxious, but we can still be calm by listening at uas’s speech in 8 a.m. everyday. thank god, it can remain a comfort and knowledge for me. i note it as learning. 5. eva sari thank god. he (uas) finally deals and agrees with the decree of mui to stay at home, worship at home, not to handshake, physically distanced when communicating, and not to present in a crowd. the saudi arabia that becomes the destination of all muslims in the world has also implemented ‘lockdown’ to break the chain of the covid-19 spread. table 2. negative comments of the audiences in social media no account name negative comments for gus baha 1. eko hadi please prioritize any effort!!! 2. min j2 it is kindly the same that we suicide. 3. saiful hasan anyone will finally be disappointed. what he delivers does not connect to the case of the corona virus. everyone may not be afraid of the virus, but he should remain obedient to the existing regulation. it is untrue that he has resisted the regulation. if the government commands the public, they should remain obedient for the sake of others. moreover, he often gets flu, stomachache, keep away from everyone’s fart, fall asleep, and snoring. it means that he is the same as everyone else. he can say that way, because he has not been infected with the virus, whereas when he gets flu, he must look for any aspirin. it signifies that it is a lie when he says that he is not afraid of the corona virus. it can be easily proven when he or anyone approaches everyone affected with the virus, he will visit the hospital to get a medical aid. no. account name negative comments for ustadz abdus somad [ 127 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 1. nutcracker cracker it indicates that rationality is not well applied/performed. 2. zonker zoker try to chase away the virus. do not too much to say a harm. 3. eeah eea i believe that many people have been disappointed with his argument. moreover, he mentions that his perspective is the same as some popular scholars who say that the virus is god’s military. he always feels that he is the right. for me, when he proposes his argument, because the virus firstly appears in wuhan, china as well as there is an oppression against muslims in uighur. yet, his argument has made people judge that he does not have an empathy against people in wuhan whom are affected by the outbreak by unconsciously connecting an oppression in uighur with the corona virus. 4. hendri wijaya please be accustomed to think before start to propose an argument. be aware of the rationality in order that religion will be more beneficial. from the mentioned comments, both figures have tried to provide peace for people, especially muslims. it can be identified through a comment of an account konco suwung and muhammad satria. the influence of both figures is very visible in the context of religious social policy. in governmental policy, some advice is suggested as follows: execute a ‘lockdown’, do a physical distancing, stay at home, implement worship at home (including friday prayer and congregation). yet, this advice can still be applied in some cities. nouvan hidayat, as one of the operators at pt. djarum has claimed that he still went to work, because it was impossible to work from home. besides, he also posted on his facebook about an unsettling phenomenon of those who piled up masks and hand sanitizer: “for those who sell a mask, personal protection facility, and hand sanitizer, do not pile it up and sell it with a high price. be kind, not to oppress people. our prayer is against the coronavirus. beg for forgiveness and stay working with all the potencies we have”. pt. djarum kudus has continued to operate during the pandemic, but the company has regulated all employees and staff to keep cleanliness and health by supplying masks, gloves, and disinfectant fluids. as if the company has stopped operating, the economy of the indigenous people will certainly turn off. therefore, the influence of both figures on religious social policymaking in small cities is clearly portrayed. there are several places that still operate a working-time, but it remains possible, such as menara kudus, factory, and many others. justifying the role of social media to affect the mindset of audiences against the coronavirus in indonesia gus baha and ustadz abdus somad are the representatives of islamic figures [ 128 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 that have become more visible by the media. their advice is well socialized due to the existence of social media platforms, such as youtube, instagram, facebook, and more. the use of social media for preaching is unavoidable during an era of industrial revolution. the speed of audiences’ access and a wider reach has positioned both figures as popular figures. in this urgency, gus baha suggests the public to behave and act normally against covid-19, because this pandemic may be regarded as god’s warning that death is a certainty. his suggestion has been well absorbed by his audiences. the involvement of arguments in the qur’an and classical literature have strengthened their trust in his speech. ustadz abdus somad also reminds us to be watchful and careful against the pandemic. for him, ikhtiyar and tawakkal have become two matters that can be performed by audiences during the pandemic. the clear method of delivery and literature (classical literature) as main sources, as well as jokes, have made the public interested in them. although he was unintentionally involved in politics during the general election in 2019 (tenorio, jubba, qodir, hidayati 2019), his inner imagery did not fade among his audiences. the popularity of the internet as a medium to communicate has been a new section (fakhruroji, muhaemin 2017) that greatly eases any access, so that any existing boundary between center and periphery (minority and majority) in the cyber world has become vague. research on www.apjii.or.id notes that in 2018, indonesian users of the internet reached approximately 170 people and 19% had used the internet to operate social media. this fact is then exploited by both figures as a media to liver religious advice. besides, the internet has become a ‘bunt’ (cyber-islamic environment) to socialize and communicate with other muslims (bunt 2000). the theology of ahlus sunnah as a moderate religious solution the villagers and traditional people cannot be separated from cultural and social traditions. the theology of ahlus sunnah greatly influences the moderate attitude, tending to always prioritize religious solutions rather than scientific solutions. they also cannot leave any tradition, such as prayer for funerals and selametan. besides, a sufficiently medium economy has made the villagers required to go to the field, so their economy can progress and survive. they are not the same as everyone working in the city with a certain income and tends to allow ‘work from home’. thus, both figures are in moderate position, and not to behave excessively though covid-19 is a pandemic that has struck down many countries in the world in terms of social, religious, economic, and environmental sectors. this moderate position is called tawassuth. both [ 129 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 figures finally attempt to mediate the social development trends. the tendency to prioritize religious solutions rather than scientific solutions is because these figures are religious preachers, not medical experts. the emphasis on health perspective and the use of religious narratives that support health regulation will be certainly more dominant. there is a need for the existing religious lecturer with his moderate religious behavior and literacy on various issues in public health, environmental science, and other sciences, so that his perspective is not mono discipline. the need for religious lecturers to read and study health and pandemic literature from a turkish perspective is also important, such as a work of ibn sina, or other multi-talented religious figure, like ibnu hajar al-asqalany with his work bazlul maun that discusses a history of a plague in the islamic world since the prophetic period up to 900s h (al-asqalany 1991). therefore, a comprehensive understanding of the pandemic is not only seen from a religious perspective, but also from history, health, and environmental science. because both of their thoughts are conveyed through social media, and they have been widely known as influencers in the religious field. their ideas are absorbed by their audiences so that they tend not to heed any suggestion and solution from the perspective of science and medicine. pros and cons resulting from the wide circulation of lectures have indicated that the position of both figures as religious influencers have processed very well despite different responses from audiences. as viewed from medical science, the minimum of knowledge on covid-19 pandemic, both figures are frequently highlighted. the openness to see and re-analyze classic turats on health and disease as combined with a religious point of view, is a combination that increasingly confirms the position of both figures that mostly affect muslims in indonesia (qudsy 2019). similar to the singaporean case that abidin analyses, most of the religious influencers in indonesia are young muslim ulamas aged between 18 and 40 years. it refers to the called names of ‘gus’ baha and ‘ustadz’ abdus somad, in which gus is usually a person descendant of kiai (an elder of pesantren) who young-middle-aged until 40, and ustadz is usually a young religious teacher in an islamic institution. they deploy techniques of visual labor, through their official social media channels, that engage their followers. the most popular influencers in indonesia started off as young da’i, with a significant rise in popularity of those identifying as one-million-views-da’i (da’i sejuta views for ustadz abdus somad) and walking-qur’an-kiai (kiai al-quran berjalan). although influencers also have a significant number of followers in indonesia, they formed ‘komunitas’ or ‘fans’ (interest groups), such as pecinta gus baha, [ 130 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 in indonesia. ustadz abdus somad, for instance, has a popular youtube channel, ustadz abdus somad official and has since gained popularity in the mainstream media as a ‘fans’ for muslims interested in learning better about islam. the notion of religious influencers and the example previously provided on how gus baha and ustadz abdus somad merged their religious platforms on covid-19 frame how we should think about both as ‘theological actors’ and their movement. although my examples above do not seem to have direct links to certain theological roots (except for ahlus sunnah theology to some extent), they condition the muslim community’s religious platforms and reconfigure their (religious) subjectivity. further, by positioning them as ‘theological actors’, we can see the preacher (dai) influence over the way the muslim community in indonesia reconstruct their opinions on covid-19 how they should and how they will respond to the virus in the recent periods. gus baha and ustadz abdus somad’s emphasis on religious approach, rather than a scientific and medical one, to covid-19, their idealization of covid-19 as catastrophe taken by god to human beings and the way they (re) make the issue of covid-19 in public should be seen as a shift in the current imaginary of common people, and particularly the muslim community, as citizen-subjects. although the positioning of gus baha and ustadz abdus somad as religious influences can be seen as influencing religious opinions on covid-19, we suggest that we look at both as part of an emerging ‘movement of young preacher instead of a form of a religious movement. this perspective allows us to recognize their religious potentials as well as to ‘to glimpse the movement’s possibilities—without forgetting its limits’. this movement of young preacher, instead of promoting scientific approach to covid-19, enforces certain modes of subjection. the notion of ‘scientific’ commonly used in the approach to covid-19 pushes them to move into other spaces that require specific religious platforms. in other words, in indonesia, the common religious opinions among the muslim community can be captured by the figure of ‘social-media religious influencers’, who actively and creatively sets out how the muslim community should look, behave, and set their opinions on covid-19. the religious influencer’s presence and influence are mediated by the prevalence of social media platforms. the religious influencer’s presence and influence are mediated by the prevalence of social media platforms and shaped by the contested religious dynamics to covid-19. [ 131 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1921 conclusion the young preacher’s religious approach to covid-19 has undergone a significant impact on the way the muslim community has expressed thoughts on the virus. through social media, their arguments can be rapidly consumed and influence the audiences’ mindset. their arguments also result from the theological viewpoint of ahlus sunnah that strives for well-behaved, moderate, and tends to prioritize religious solutions than scientific solutions. since their arguments are delivered and spread through social media, they have been well known as religious influencers. the ‘religious influencers’ become a part of religious transformation and condition the muslim community’s expressions on the covid-19 issues. as seen in the case of gus baha and ustadz abdus somad, when they took part in expressing their religious platforms on covid-19 in their official youtube channel, which required them to be visible on the social media, they had to give the ‘stage’ to the religious counterpart instead of scientific or medical approach. the increasing presence of the religious influencers, circulating through social media and garnering significant following both online and offline, reveals the shifting imaginary of ideal religious expressions on covid-19. however, it also indicates, unfortunately, the limits of this study which positions them in the dominating and lasting patriarchal gender in indonesia’s religious preaching even on the public health realms. bibliography abidin, c. 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[ 123 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 rituals for harmony: exploring the bersih dusun local genius  behind rubber tapping hasse j. muhammadiyah university of yogyakarta abstract differences have long been a natural marker of the dynamics of the relationship of society. differences often become obstacles in creating social stability. diversity can be a strength if managed properly, but may become a source of conflict in case of faulty management. this short article addresses the issue of how to manage diversity so as to produce harmony in society that has different beliefs. there are three  basic things  defined  in this paper.  first,  a society  is capable of  being integrated through commonly shared events.  second, providing  room  for all of the elements of society gives rise to collective solidarity which allows differences --even conflicts-- to be turned into unity. third, the typicality of ritual that continues to be practiced in society can be optimized to serve as the medium that manages the differences and turned them to peace. keywords: management of diversity, relations, local genius introduction in the teaching of any religion, there is a doctrine which asserts the truth of each religion.  it is then  shifted  into  claims of  religious truth that aims to show  the faith  and  constancy  of the religion one believes in. however, conflict often emerged from such a claim because it tends to take sides. the difference  of perspectives  in understanding religious  truth makes  followers of religions  exclusive because  there is always  presumption that  their religion  is  the most correct, while  others  are wrong.  it is closely related to the religious teachings (especially  islam)  that no  existing  religion  (will be accepted)  by  allah  except  islam  and thus  muslims  strongly hold on to  this belief and practice.  people of  other faiths  also have  similar belief  so they  have  comparable  tendency, namely  claiming  their religion  to be the best and most correct. religion is in fact the perfection of human existence, the source of vitality that embodies the changes of the world and preserves them. religion is also one of the sources of value, role, significance, and even the highest contribution in [ 124 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 the life of  human beings.  religion,  if seen  in the context of  the function,  is capable of being the power of integration for its adherents. apart from that, religion  sometimes also plays the  role of  disintegration, becoming one of the factors in the occurrence of conflict among humanity, although this is still a debatable case. in the name of religion, people can come together and become strong, build a  civilization  and  advance together.  nevertheless, also in the name of  religion, people can  kill  each other  and  destroy the existence  as well as the roles and functions of each other. diversity  should be seen as the uncontested  reality  that becomes one of the  important  conditions  that must be  addressed  openly  and thoroughly.  diversity  which  definitely  contains  differences  should  not  be considered a factor that triggers a conflict. differences of identity (religion), often  triggers  the occurrence of  disharmony  among  a diverse  society, even war  such as  the crusade  involving  islam and christianity. socioreligious  conflict  can be  minimized  when  religious  followers are  willing to appreciate and respect the existence of others who are different. as a matter of fact, not only do religious followers need to appreciate each other but at the same time  they also have to acknowledge  other groups  who  have their own creed. recognizing the existence of other religions is not in order to state that all religions  are the same,  but to acknowledge in terms of difference  as something that we definitely have to live with. cooperation  among  religious followers  can be reached  if it is done without any  prejudice,  suspicion  and when each  does  not stand on  his own  religion,  ethnic  group,  or  other  self-interest.  the presence of  religious groups  with each  attributes  could in fact open the opportunity for  the occurrence of  conflict  with each other. religion  which is believed to be a factor of integration, on certain conditions, tends to create conflict involving many parties. however, in one of the rural areas in yogyakarta, two religious groups,  while continuing to  compete  with each other,  can still  get along well side by side. one of the questions closely related to this condition is how do they manage their differences? to be more specific in this case, how is the process of unity running amid diversity that accompanies the two faiths? conceptual framework there are two  important concepts  used  in this paper,  namely  dialog and ritual. the concept of dialog and the ritual used to view any relation established between muslims and buddhists who are united by a routine rituals they hold together in a hamlet inspired the writing of this paper. [ 125 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 concept of  dialog.  this concept  is  used in order  to see  what kind of communication has been established among the residents of pedukuhan sonyo to date. dialog is often understood solely as conversations between people. the focus  is only  on the method,  rather than on  a more substantive  level or what lies behind that dialog. in the tradition of a society, the dialog takes place not only in daily socilization, but also in various forms of activities. up to now, we can still find a variety of routine activities of the residents of the hamlet in which there is a lot of dialog among them such as in festivals, rituals, and implementation of various activities that involve a lot of other people. in the context of  religion, dialog  is not  meant to  unify  the perception  of differences  because  every religion  has  a  point of  difference that  must be  emphasized to  differentiate it from  other  religions.  dialog  in the context of  religion is in the form of interreligious dialog. the  dialog is  underway to  build peaceful  hearts and minds  between various  religious groups.  it is the  communication  between  two or more persons  in a religious  level.  the dialog is the way that leads to the truth. the dialog is also a form of cooperation in  projects of  common interest  which are not  afflicted with  hidden political objectives. one thing to note related to inter-religious dialog is the nature of the dialog itself. dialog is not a debate in which each side insists on who is right and superior. the dialog  is nevertheless a  way of  affirming  one’s own faith in the  religion itself and  also a way of enriching  their knowledge and  understanding of the  truth  found in  religions  other than  his own. such  dialog  will  affirm  the belief of the religion and give space to other followers of faiths to practice their own belief.  information about  other religions  is very  important  in order to build  better perception regarding  the existence of  other religions.  the dialog also should never be an attempt to unify different religions, but it should be a form of cooperation  between  adherents of  different religions.  dialog  is not a  charity, mission,  or  an activity  aimed at  inviting  other religious  group to embrace a certain religion. related to  inter-religious  dialog,  four different  typologies  are offered.  first, the replacement model. this dialog model is born from the spirit of there is only one true religion. this spirit triggers exclusive views among the adherents of  a certain religion  because of the  claim that  only one’s own religion is  the most correct. no the truth is out there except in the religion one embraces the truth can be found. salvation only exists and can be found in one’s own religion. second, the  fulfillment  model. this dialog  models  originates from  the view that  the one fulfills  the  many.  this dialog  model  is actually  almost identical to  the first  model; the only difference is that it still  provides  room [ 126 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 for the  presence of  truth for  other  religions.  truth in  one’s own religion  becomes  the source of  truth for  others  is  a simple  view of the model  of this dialog.  there is  salvation  in one’s own religion  that spreads  to the others so that the salvation of other religions is found. third,  mutuality  model.  this dialog  model  is more open  to the truth of other religions. out there there is a lot of truth so that it requires a dialog to find it. this model assumes that many true religions called to dialog. on a more philosophical  and  mystical level,  the truth  can be found  everywhere.  truth is not focused on  one religion,  but it can be found  through dialog.  so is salvation. there are many paths that can be taken to reach it. this model of dialog  does not  impose  the will to  say  that one’s own religion  is  the most correct. fourth,  acceptance  model. this dialog  is almost the same  model  as the third  model above.  the difference  is  in the assumption that  there are many true religions; so be it. this dialog model is considered the most open. the dialog goes from the assumption that there is a lot of truth. to achieve salvation is not  only through  one  particular religion,  all religions  allow  it.  dialog  will be  much better  if based on an assumption  like this  model because there is no  will to  impose  on other  religions  to change.  all  religions (followers) remain at their respective beliefs, without propagating religious truth which may bring harms to other religions. rituals. the second concept used in looking at the buddhist-islamic relations in  pedukunan sonyo  is the ritual.  this concept  is used  to understand  more about the  ritual  performed by the village  residents  twice in  three years’ period. the routine rituals are performed to ask for salvation to the almighty so that  all  activities of the residents of  pedukunan sonyo will be blessed and safe. how is the ritual performed so that both religious followers can be involved in it. this concept is more directed at how the ritual functions and how they perceive the ritual itself. a ritual according to victor w. turner (1967:19 in abdullah, 2002) is “ … prescribed formal behavior for occasions not given over to technological routine, having reference to beliefs in mystical being or powers”. it is done at a predetermined time and has a reference to something that has mystical powers. it is an expression of religious ceremonies that reflect the system of the human relations with the spiritual world.  meanwhile  according to  helman  (in  mudjahirn  thohir, 1999) essentially the ritual  has three  purposes:  psychological, social,  and protective. having a psychological purpose means that any ritual organized is intended to acquire ways of expressing and receiving in the sense of unpleasant emotions. having a social purpose because it is capable to reunite at least the [ 127 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 public perception  of the importance  of  the ritual  performed.  similarly, the protective purpose of the ritual is that it is organized to protect those performing it from any kind of danger. similarly, by performing rituals, anxiety, worry and other negative feelings can be reduced at least in terms of disease, death, and so forth. for the performers, the ritual has a very important function. through a ritual, an expression of  obedience  and  submission  can be found.  for the residents of pedukuhan sonyo, and for other residents and communities, rituals are not just  a  blank  expression.  it is a  medium  to show  the position  of humans  in the presence of  the almighty  where humans  are humble creatures.  the ritual is also a medium to ask for salvation as well as expressing gratitude for everything that  has been enjoyed  and  acquired.  similarly,  through  a ritual, humans acknowledge the existence of power that exists outside of themselves. by performing a carefully planned ritual, humans can negotiate with the spirit (some refer to it as the supra-natural being) so as not to interfere with their activities and life. a ritual serves as the space for human beings to communicate with the invisible, with fellow human beings, and with nature. both of  the above  concepts  are used  in order to  see the  dynamics  of relationship of  citizens pedukuhan  sonyo.  the concept of  dialog  is used  to see  the dynamics of the relationship and  communication of  the two groups in social practices and religious ritual. as for the concept of the ritual, it is  used to view  how far the ritual of bersih dusun  forms the  residents’ perception about the role of the other group. through the ritual, all elements and the residents involved are united in a common purpose. the ritual perceived here is not focused on the symbols performed by the community members, but on how it functions as a medium to build togetherness in the presence of differences. in this paper, the author uses a structural functionalism perspective to analyze the problem. this perspective views society as functionally integrated into a form of  equilibrium.  this perspective  is  also known as the  integration  approach, equilibrium approach, or structural-functional approach. the structural functionalism perspective developed by talcott parsons has several basic assumptions, namely (1) the community should be seen as a system of parts which are interconnected with one another; (2) thus, the influence of the relationship  between  these  parts  is  double and  reciprocal; (3)  even though social  integration  can never be  perfect, it  is  fundamentally  the social  system that always tends to lean toward equilibrium which is dynamic; (4) even though  dysfunction, tension, and  deviation always take place,  these conditions will naturally be resolved by itself through adaptation and institutional[ 128 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 ization processes, (5) changes in the social system in general is happening gradually, not revolutionary; (6) essentially, social changes arise from three kinds of possibilities: adjustment carried out by social system of adjustments coming from the outside; growth takes place through a differentiating and functional process;  and  new  discoveries  by  members of  the community;  (7)  the most important factor in the power of the social system integration is the consensus among members of the public about certain societal values. diversity management strategies the community  of pedukuhan sonyo is  simple, still  basing  their life  on subsistence  patterns, they  believe  the  nature  has given  them  everything,  for that they have always been  friendly with  nature, and  are always trying to communicate with it with a variety of expressions. their harmony with nature is reinforced by the new religion that came to them not long ago, hopefully full of teachings of love (islam and buddhism). when morning comes, the routines keep recurring  in the life  of the pedukuhan village.  this  is  truly  a  beautiful stagnation for them, but of course will probably give the impression of being ‘old-fashioned’  for those who fond of  modernization  and globalization  that are all fast-paced, stylish and new. as a pedukuhan that cannot be categorized as traditional, it will be important to tell how individuals in the community can maintain and strengthen each other in dealing with various issues of neighborly life, up to the more complex life in a  village.  when  the ‘invasion’  of information through  print  and  television media  that illustrate  the violent character of a particular religion  because of different symbols, or news about the sectarian violence that occurred across the archipelago,  between individuals,  between groups,  tribes, even  between  the races, but it does not affect the community of the pedukuhan. admittedly, there are  some  issues  in everyday life,  between individuals,  between  families, even  between groups  also happened in  this pedukuhan, but it  did not involve physical  clash, and all  could be resolved  through  a  simple mechanism  that is run  and believed  by the whole  members of the community.  the mechanism is simple  because it is complicated and consists of a variety of rules, but every citizen strives to do what is called consensus,  and in addition, the residents  of the village  also  know the  5  basic foundations  in the  community  (1)  one shall not  violate any applicable state law, (2) one shall not hurt fellow human beings (3) one shall not lie (4) one does not expect to have enemies and shall not necessarily try to find  friends, and  (5)  one shall always look for  true virtues.  the five basic rules  is  the implementation, or  perhaps  part of the  essence  of pancasila [ 129 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 that becomes the basis of the unitary state of the republic of indonesia today that seems  increasingly  not  so strong anymore to be  the  philosophy of indonesia. looking at the harmony  of people’s life  at pedukuhan  sonyo  of course will raise the following question:  what is  the main factor  that encourages  those community members to be  able to endure  the hardship of  their lives  amid the hustle and clash of globalization that go hand in hand with the changing environment and  the invasion of  pop culture  from many unexpected sources. in real life, society constantly changes and moves towards that in line with the more modernist community. in the past, every home had a joglo (a gathering place) which is usually separate from the main house. now things have changed. we no longer see a  joglo  for  guests but instead  spaces  inside the house are used for people to gather. they no longer sat on the floor cross legged but instead on modern chairs or sofas. it is in fact a big change. classes  among the community  also  have gradually  been created although it does not stratify people based on ownership of objects or wealth. many of the youths  at pedukuhan sonyo have higher level of education.  some even have a college degree and managed to work in government offices. the changes that occur  in such a  massive  and  sporadic manner of course  require  values and norms or at least a guideline in which the whole community will be able to maintain harmonization of  relations between  community members  without discriminating  each other by judging on the basis of status and  identity of every individual in the community. this is certainly  not an easy thing  to realize since  identity is  not  singular in nature,  but  it  is something that  is  constantly  changing,  adapting to time, place  and circumstances (context); it is the fact that  identity  is composed of  a set of  relations, but it is  equally important  to  affirm that  identity  can also be  a single entity, something that is  natural  in  a whole.  similarly  the status of someone that is normally obtained through hard work or efforts, is also something important to appear, assert and maintain in the community. the fact that strengthening identity will not (temporarily) replace the values that have been  instilled  so long  by  community members.  the community of pedukuhan  sonyo  has applied the basic  values in which they believe in the shared understanding of ways of life,  and that the whole  family  of the community is the nuclear family without having to look at identity, religion, status, and gender of its members. community members who see themselves as a  nuclear family always  have to  take care  and protect  each other. of course there will be  a lot of  problems that might occur, but  all sorts of  issues  can be  resolved through  a family  mechanism that has been passed down from [ 130 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 older generations which is intertwined with the basic values of public life. bersih dusun ritual: creating a room for community integration social relations  that have been strongly established in  pedukunan  sonyo can never  be separated from the  involvement of all  elements of  the community itself. although the village is situated behind a mountain, pedukuhan sonyo has demonstrated a potential for wisdom developed in a broader sphere. in the dynamics of their daily life,  the  residents of  sonyo  are not  stuck  on  the question of conflict based on  differences  of belief, especially  in terms of  the distribution of roles each group in the community plays. in any activity, with no exception to religious activities, the involvement of all the elements of the community is very visible. both buddhists and muslims engage in one form of cooperation in order to facilitate the festivals. on a three-yearly cycle, the residents of pedukunan sonyo  hold a shared ritual participated by all members of the community. every three years’ period, there are two rituals in the village which are filled with a series of events. in fact, in the ritual, prayer is conducted together. similarly, in the ritual that takes place in this hamlet, the main event is praying to the almighty so that the residents are given  salvation and  blessed  throughout  their activities.  in addition,  the purpose of this ritual at the same time is to serve as an expression of gratitude for what they have achieved in previous years. the ritual is performed every friday  kliwon  (javanese calendar) in the month of december. the  bersih dusun ritual held on december 27, 2013 took place at the home of the hamlet head. the ritual  performed  by the  residents  in this hamlet has a lot of  unique features.  among  the uniqueness  in the series of  ritual  is the way the  prayer is performed.  as  mentioned  earlier that  in pedukuhan sonyo there are  two groups  with different  beliefs,  and each  would like to  contribute to the hamlet.  one of the forms of  the  contribution  is  praying  to god  for the safety of the residents in the days to come. in this ritual, both buddhists and muslims pray according to their own beliefs. it is a prayer event and is carried out in the same room, which is at home of the hamlet head where the event is centered. muslims  pray  with  interspersed  praises to  allah and  blessings on prophet muhammad.  in addition,  tahlilan (recital of the oneness of allah)  is recited by  adult males.  their clothes  were  distinctive; those often worn when doing activities of worship such as wearing skullcap, sarong, and islamic prayer beads as well as other attributes. they solemnly pray, led [ 131 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 by  a religious  leader  (imam). the ritual of  praying  is performed  at about  8 p.m.  at night  after  isha  prayer time.  the  male  adults sit  with  their mouth busy chanting a series of prayers of salvation. not far from these muslim men, sat some adult males but were not included in the group reciting the prayer. they are buddhists who also had the same purpose. they also  joined the activity of performing  a ritual  prayer  for the salvation and harmony of the pedukuhan sonyo residents. when the muslims started praying, they did not leave the room. they took the position of sitting in the corner of the room because the same room will be used for prayer by them (the buddhists). they pray in accordance with their own belief which also asked for salvation. the ritual was also filled with other activities held by the village residents especially activities related to  entertainment.  jatilan and  wayangan  were  two  events organized between prayer events. kelompok jatilan (the jatilan entertainment group)  is a  group  that originates from  pedukuhan sonyo  and all the instruments are played by  the local residents).  before the performance  in each event, they always do a series of rehearsal. they have a routine practice each week. the owner of the musical instruments were also locals and happen to be a devout buddhist. the practice is done at night to avoid interfering with their regular jobs  during the  day.  the residents  involved were  composed of men and women. the voice artists also come from the hamlet. the group’s music is often played during events held both at pedukuhan sonyo, and outside the hamlet. the wayangan (javanese puppet show)  is also shown as part of the entertainment  in a series of  rituals  in the hamlet of pedukuhan sonyo.  the puppet  shown is usually held  night  which takes place  after the  events  of common prayer  is completed. sometimes, a puppeteer  in a wayangan  show comes from outside the hamlet, in addition to the available puppeteers. during the entertainment, there is no  divider  between  buddhists  and muslims.  they  share the joy of the entertainment together.  in addition, the players  are never segregated because of the difference of religion. they play musical instruments and perform together to entertain residents of the hamlet all night long. the phenomenon of the rituals conducted in the hamlet as outlined above can at least  demonstrate first,  the effort to  build  mutual  understanding  among the residents, especially  between the buddhist  and islamic  followers.  both  buddhists  and  islamic adherents come together  in a forum called a ritual. rituals in other places usually do not involve groups outside of one’s own. what happened at pedukuhan sonyo is a reflection of how the [ 132 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 residents put forward a sense of humanity without being blinded by sentiment in which one often considers their own group to be the most correct. second, the  ritual  conducted in the hamlet  is the  medium for  unification of  different  groups.  this ritual is  not  claimed by  a certain  group with a certain belief, so as to allow the creation of a sense of shared responsibility in developing the hamlet for all people  in the broad sense.  both the  muslims and buddhists have a sense of belonging of the hamlet they live in. they (the two groups) do their best to contribute  in accordance with  their respective  capacities  without getting  rejection from the other.  here, the  ritual  performed in the hamlet  serves  not  only as a medium to  ask for salvation  to the almighty, but also  as the room  that brings together  both groups to reach the same goal with their own way.  tensions, however,  at the very least  can be  minimized  and even  reduced  so that it  is no longer a belief difference as a factor that triggers conflict. third,  through  the bersih dusun  ritual,  recognition of  other groups  can be established.  the involvement of  both groups  in the ritual has  confirmed us that  in the community (especially in rural areas)  people still  have very high appreciation  of the existence of  human beings or other  groups.  the existence  of  other groups  in the context of  buddhist  and muslim relations  in  pedukuhan sonyo  is not only  found in  theory,  but it is  also manifested in  a variety of shared activities such as  the involvement of  each member of the  groups in  a ritual, including religious one. the bersih dusun ritual, however,  is not  based on religious groups, but rather it is based  on a  common  vision  about  the importance of  the ritual  so that it becomes  a collective  activity of the residents  in general. it is at this point that the brotherhood between the residents is becoming more powerful. the ritual  requires each other’s participation  and  gives each other  a chance to  do  and  contribute in  various  forms  on  every opportunity they can share together. the above discussion of the harmonious relation between the muslims and the buddhists, if  traced  back, shows that islam  is actually very  open and  respects  other people’s existence.  in  the  non-theological  or social  development area, islam  is so very  accommodating  to the existence of other groups, unlike  the case with  other  areas, especially  with regard to  the theological  aspects  (aqida/creed).  with regard to  islamic  theology (creed), islam draws a clear line of demarcation. in this matter, islam appears to  be  very  exclusive.  this  affirmation  of islamic creed is  enshrined  in the qur›an surah al-ikhlas and surah al-kafirun and reflected in the sahadah (two sentences of profession).  this  is  the central doctrine  of islam [ 133 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 called the tawhid, which is the profession of omnipotence and absolute god and  assertion that  muhammad  being the last prophet  sent by  god  to mankind on earth. the exclusive  claim  of islam  as reflected in  the  theological  doctrines  does not mean muslims  should become  exclusive  and deny  pluralism.  because islam  also  emphasizes  inclusivism, as stated in  islamic  primary  sources  (e.g.  q.  s  al-kafirun: 6,  q.s.al-hujarat: 13) and  also  as  practiced  in  the early history of  the formation of  the islamic community. description of the ideal of harmony between muslims and nonmuslims, as exemplified by  the prophet and  which later became the  model for the behavior of islamic state and community life can be seen in the details of  the “charter of  medina”.  in  the charter, the  rights of  the followers of judaism  to coexist  peacefully  with muslims are explicitly stated.  , with the charter, the status of the jewish people was lifted from tribal clients into the legitimate  residents along with  the muslims.  there is no  difference in  treatment  between the two.  such a  position  was never  owned by  jewish people since the invasion of babylonia in 586 bc. in the state of medina, the jews could observe the teachings of their religion in accordance with  the teachings of  the  torah.  in addition, the state  of medina also guaranteed and assumed the responsibility related to the jewish people. the medina state provided such fair treatment without discrimination, in particular, against the jewish community. it was during this period that the jewish civilization with a variety of its aspects reached its «golden age» under the rule of islam. the  condition was  also  enjoyed by  the  nazarenes, especially  during the post-”futuhat”  mecca.  the  christians  of najran  yemen  went to  the prophet to clarify their position vis-à-vis the islamic state. their delegation was well received by  the prophet.  some of them  later  converted to islam.  while the other remained on their religious beliefs within the framework of the islamic state. the prophet then solidified their position as the special ummah, a status enjoyed by the jews. the practice of harmony as exemplified by prophet muhammad was succeeded by the companions of the prophet, as did omar bin khattab when expanding into byzantine  christian  territories.  when the region  was conquered, umar made an agreement with the local bishop in which it was described that islam would guarantee the existence of christians in the reign of islam under the principles of equality, justice and freedom granted by the rulers of islam to these peoples, that later led the christians to grow and develop. even in the first century of the hijrah, the majority of the population in the muslim political [ 134 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 entity  were  christians,  the condition which was not found in  previous periods such as during the christian reign of byzantine, rome, or greece. the noble principles of the unity can also be found in most areas of muslim rule, such as  in  the subcontinent of  india.  the region›s  adherents, the hindus and buddhists have the same rights as the jews and christians. when islamic  rule  came to an end, the followers of other religions  remain in  their original belief. this proves that the principles of tolerance or harmony remain the grip for the muslim rulers. even  the development  of islamic civilization  which  reached its peak  during the abbasiya (caliphate), among others,  was caused by  the development of  the theology of  this harmony.  it would be inconceivable  to imagine the advances  of science  and civilization  of islam  without participation from other religious adherents. in this stage of the development of islamic culture with all its aspects almost always rests on a root of unity. the development of science and technology at the time of the abbasiya that gave birth to various branches of science began with the involvement of experts from non-islamic society  starting with  the massive  translation  process  as from the nazarenes and the persians. in  the smallest  scope,  the brotherhood established  shows  how  the practice of tolerance and respect for differences take place in pedukuhan sonyo. the ritual  is just  one of the  events in which  the practice of  tolerance  by the residents  can be found. the ritual  serves as a room  or medium  capable of uniting  various  differences.  the differences  in both  the  habits  and  beliefs of  the groups (islamic and buddhist) are reduced and even united by  the ritual.  all  people  have a common perception  regarding the  essence of the ritual conducted without looking at the origins and identity inherent in each group. what takes place at each performance of ritual in sonyo provides some clues  about how  interest  groups  are able to accommodate  aspiration to minimize the potential conflict. the differences that are often seen as a source of tension  have thus  become a new strength  to create  harmony.  departing from the ritual, social  integration of the community in sonyo remains strong. social integration  in society  can be achieved  when  elements  in it have the opportunity to interact  socially.  in addition,  social norms  and customs  are also among other important factors in achieving  social integration.  this is due to  the fact that social norms  and customs  that govern the  behavior of the community members  by upholding the imperative  about  how  people should  behave.  nevertheless, the achievement of  social integration  in society  requires  sacrifice, in terms of both immaterial and material [ 135 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 sacrifice.  the basis of  sacrifice  is  the  adjustment between  the difference  of feelings, desire, the size and the assessment in the community. therefore, social norms  of reference  to act  and  behave  in society will provide  the guidelines for a way to socialize within the community. portrait of unity backed by growing social integration can also be seen in the relations between muslims and other groups in several other places. in south sulawesi,  for example, while  the bugis-makassar  community  is often identified with islam, in terms of social contact, they are very open to other groups.  this happens  in  makassar sidenreng rappang  where  there is encounter  between  islam and the  towani  tolotang (hinduism).  both groups live and unite in a settlement. the towani  tolotang  settlement  which is situated next to the other community groups  has enabled mobility and  social relations  between the two  communities.  the pattern of  the  relationship  between  towani tolotang and the muslims in the vicinity is not only limited to neighborhood matters, but it could also take the feeling of kinship. at the neighborly level, the relationship is  based on intensity of  the  encounter  can happen  at any time because the groups coexist. helping each other in some daily activities serves as one of the main factors that strengthens their relationship. when the help each other, they no longer display concerns about different conviction they believe in but  sense of brotherhood  based on the  neighborly  relationship  is more important to them. settlement patterns of the towani  tolotang and the muslims that happens to be side by side has allowed intensive communication to occur. the frequency of their encounter also occurs intensely. at amparita, the homes belonging to the towani tolotang or the muslims other do not have a significant difference. the architectural construction  and  is the same, which is a  typical  house of the  bugis.  the distance  between  one house and the other is not far away, usually only  separated by  a fence  and the  yard  which  is  approximately  5 meters.  the towani  tolotang,  despite living in the same  hamlet, are not exclusive. in between their houses, there is also the home of the muslims. the condition at  pedukuhan sonyo  is also not far different.  people of both  religions  mingle and  communicate well.  on  other  issues, such as appreciating and respecting each other  (recognition of  other groups)  are also carried out  by residents  with the  exchange  of foodstuffs  such as  during lebaran (islamic holy day)  can be seen during  both eid al-fitr  and  eid aladha.  after  celebrating the  eid al-fitr, muslim  residents  for example,  hand out alms  (zakat) collected. the alms are distributed to those entitled to receive them. [ 136 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 one  interesting  phenomenon  that occurred  among the  muslim residents  at the time  of  zakat distribution  (where there was plenty of rice  left) was that it was distributed to the buddhists. it also occurred after the feast of eid aladha.  when  the distribution of sacrificial  meat  took place, the  buddhists also received coupons just like the muslims. according to suparno (39), the gift coupons were intended for anyone to pick up the meat in person. suparno reported that up to now, they have always come take sacrificial meat provided by the committee. the above  view  shows that  at least  in practice,  socio-religious life  of  the people  has  a very intensive  and dynamic relationship.  segregation  does not occur  in particular concerning  religion  among  them.  both  religious groups under certain conditions are very exclusive but in other conditions they are very open to the existence of other groups. it does have a direct impact on the already established communication that  occurs where  various  activities demonstrate the success of positioning one group in the presence of another so that conflict can be avoided. the solidity  shown  and group  solidarity  built are  getting stronger  because it  is based on the  mutual  understanding  and  commonality of  vision  related to the needs  or position of the groups respectively.  they managed to  sort and  select  appropriate  actions  done without denying the  existence and  each other’s role. ritual and  other social  activities  do not  scramble the role, but instead  serve as  adhesive and  reduction of tension  among  residents.  in the end, the existence of different groups thus increasingly provides opportunities for  the  harmonization of  life  among the people because it is  based on the principle of openness and respect for others. coclusion the relations between  buddhists  and  muslims  in pedukuhan sonyo  show  how communities in  a  small  hamlet  build solidarity  that goes beyond  religion.  what this  study  demonstrates is  how different groups of people manage  diversity  that is  built on the difference itself  and gives birth to  cohesion  between them.  the difference, as  can clearly be seen  in many places,  thus  often became  justification  to blame  the other.  the case in this study  shows  the opposite,  both groups  live together in harmonious situations that even penetrate the boundaries of belief. at this level, the diversity is no longer a question of beliefs that are considered urgent  among groups.  with similar culture, different  groups have been able to show understanding of sublime  cultural  values  which are relatively  the same.  here, they  no longer stress on the polarization of  non-muslims  and [ 137 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 muslims, but the  similarity of  the javanese  culture.  it  confirms  that the  commonality of  culture  that  eventually gives birth to  a bond that is important in establishing a good relation among members of different groups. here, social capital serves as a reinforcement of social solidarity. solidarity is formed because people do things together, not because the individuals are of the same value or belief. this research  confirms  that solidarity  demonstrated by  the community of pedukuhan sonyo  is a  portrait of a community that is successful  in overcoming group’s selfishness  and ego.  there are three  important things responsible for managing diversity based on the findings of this research. first, diversity is not always a trigger for conflict, on the other hand, it should serve as the adhesive to form a society despite different beliefs. in spite of difference in  belief,  it turns out that intensive  and  balanced  communication without involving  the interests was able to  reduce  the tension  in the middle of  the community. the difference of belief is just one of the many differences which, if  managed well,  will deliver  a secure  and peaceful  condition.  this kind of  paradigm shift  is also found  in the middle of  the community  of pedukuhan sonyo, both buddhists and muslims have to continue to develop themselves without bothering the other›s existence. second, in a society there is a lot of potential that can be developed in order to create harmony.  the  bersih dusun  ritual  still  practiced  and  preserved  to this day  turned out to be  an important  contribution to the  good community  relations  and communication  in the hamlet of pedukuhan sonyo.  the ritual  not  only concerns  how to build  a good relation  with god, but also creates harmony with our fellow human beings that exceeds the interests of  each individual.  the ritual  not only  builds connection between humans and  god, but also  becomes a tool  to  bond  people  far beyond  the differences  of  religion. in  this condition,  the ritual  has been  able to show a function that works to reduce potential for tension. third,  the involvement of  all elements  of society  is important  to be continuously encouraged  in order to  provide a space  that is  capable of accommodating  all  interests.  the involvement  and engagement  of all parties without labeling provide wider room for different groups to take part in any collective activity not only enjoyed by members of a particular group, but also by members of the other. the distribution of function to all elements in society will have an impact on trust in the presence of other groups. integration will  later  appear  in  the spirit of  respect for  the existence of  others.  both  the buddhists  and  muslims  lived side by side,  and are not  clustered based on their conviction, in particular with regard to settlement, so they continue [ 138 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 to integrate and mutually need each other. in the future,  it  is crucial to  always  accommodate  a wide range of  community discernment  as an attempt to  minimize the  hostility  that often triggers conflict. what is indicated by the community in a remote hamlet in yogyakarka can serve as an example of how to manage diversity and brought to  a much wider  area.  the pedukuhan sonyo  community has exemplified  a good lesson on how  collective  solidarity  can be built on differences  without denying the  existence of other groups (minorities).  they  have been able to allocate  their respective  roles  so as to avoid  conflict  which  interferes with the harmonious relationship they worked hard to establish. this, in fact, reflects that they have succeeded in managing  difference and  diversity  into a  strength  although it is only  practiced within  the small  scope of  the dynamics of indonesian government. as a pluralist nation, it must be noted that we should never split just because of the difference of beliefs. the difference should become a precondition for the formation of an open society. the spirit of appreciation can at least spread to penetrate all aspects of life. the existence of other groups outside one’s own will add  dynamics  to the  relationship  that tends to  move toward  an increasingly complex pattern. what is indicated by the community of pedukuhan sonyo is that social life is full of  meaning.  their  steadfastness  regarding  the implementation of the ritual is not only limited to the normative-practical level, but it also arrives at substantive-applicative by continuing to cultivate the sense of togetherness  by  acknowledging  differences  exist among them.  this  is  the true spirit of democracy, where differences are managed and used as a force to establish unity and a sense of togetherness. references abdullah, irwan. 2002. simbol, makna dan pandangan hidup jawa: analisis gunungan pada upacara grebeg. yogyakarta: balai kajian sejarah dan nilai tradisional yogyakarta. ali, as’ad said. 2009. negara pencasila: jalan kemaslahatan berbangsa. jakarta: lp3es. azra, asyumardi. 2003. “merajut kerukunan hidup beragama antara cita dan fakta, dalam jurnal harmoni: jurnal multikultural dan multireligius, vol ii no. 7, juli-september. jakarta: puslitbang kehidupan beragama, badan litbang agama dan diklat keagamaan departemen agama ri. baidhawi, zakiyuddin. 2006. kredo kebebasan beragama. jakarta: psap. daya, burhanuddin. 2004. agama dialogis: merenda dialektika idealitas dan [ 139 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 2 december 2014 realita hubungan antaragama. yogyakarta: mataram-minang lintas budaya. hasse j. 2012. “keberadaan towani tolotang di kabupaten sidenreng rappang sulawesi selatan: studi tentang konstruksi negara terhadap agama di indonesia”, disertasi. yogyakarta: agama dan lintas budaya, sekolah pascasarjana ugm. ismail, arifuddin. 2012. agama nelayan: pergumulan islam dengan budaya lokal. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. knitter, paul f. 2004. introducing theologies of religions. maryknoll, new york: orbis books. kompas, 29 mei 2013. kung, hans. 1991. global responsibility in search of a new world ethic. new york: crossroad. misrawi, zuhairi. 2007. al quran kitab toleransi. jakarta: fitrah. nasikun. 2006. sistem sosial indonesia. jakarta: rajawali press. nasr, seyyed hossein1968. science and civilization in islam. massachusetts: harvard university press. qodir, zuly. 2012. sosiologi politik islam: konstestasi islam politik dan demokrasi di indonesia. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. thohir, mudjahirin. 1999. wacana masyarakat dan kebudayaan jawa pesisir. semarang: bendera. turner, victor w. 1967. “symbols in ndembu ritual”, in victor w. tuner, the forest of symbols: aspect of ndembu ritual. ithaca: cornell university press. [ 135 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 false consciousness: the cultural identity construction of cele and batik within moluccan scholars in ambon elka anakotta the christian state institute of ambon email: anakottaelka@gmail.com flavius floris andries the christian state institute of ambon email: qumran_2007@yahoo.com abstract identity is a social construction. the moluccan people are evident of this structure, especially regarding the policy of the obligation to wear cele (moluccan traditional garment). this has become a process of identity construction involving culture and ethnicity for moluccans. this paper discusses how moluccan scholars who studied in java understand their position wearing cele in the local context in maluku. in addition, this paper also discusses the scholars’ views on how the process of identity negotiation between localism and nationalism is represented through cele and batik. information for this study was gathered using a qualitative method with a cultural studies approach. the data were collected using several techniques including interviews, observation, and literature studies to answer research questions and problems. this paper shows that in response to the moluccan government policy which requires the people to wear cele once a week, most scholars prefer to wear batik instead. one justification is related to cultural and religious aspects, noting cele is more familiar and originates from within the christian community, while the islamic community does not recognize cele in their culture. they consider that such policy leads to the construction of cultural identity based on false consciousness. keywords: false consciousness, cele, batik, cultural identity construction, moluccan scholars introduction the development of modern society has resulted in local knowledge, generally referred to as culture. culture is the result of knowledge, where humans learn and claim that culture should be revisited in a certain context and locus either locally or nationally. culture grows and develops in society in line with the conditions and characteristics, so that cultural diversity appears to reflect its [ 136 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 own uniqueness. at this point, one can find cultural similarities and differences at the local, national, and global levels. identity is a human need in general but at the same time it is also fundamental (shils 1975; berger and luckman, 1991). biologically, humans are not born in a complete state, but are in the process of building themselves. humans can basically function depending on how each social actor has achieved self-development and is manifested in existential life experiences. the identity of an individual has several layers, where its significance is determined by the extent of individual experience in a culture that forms it. thus, various aspects of a person’s multi-layered identity are exposed to the environment through conversation, interaction with various other cultures, and even biologically potential (greenfeld & eastwood, 2009). in a famous work by jacques derrida, he notes identities are never quite identical, because they always contain elements that cannot be reduced from various changes (derrida, 1992, p. 9). the content of identity thus is never singular, having several aspects, differences, and similarities, both internally and externally for any identity (individual or collective). therefore, ‘diversity’ or multiple identities overlaps and hangs on one of the characteristics of identity politics (tully, 2003b). identity politics consists of three ongoing negotiation processes that interact in complex ways: (1) between members of a group fighting for recognition (2) between themselves and the groups to whom they demand recognition and (3) between the latter group members, whose identity is formed because of the struggle, whether they like it or not (tully, 2003b). identity politics is disruptive when norms of mutual recognition are questioned and become the focus of struggles and negotiations for justice and freedom (tully, 2003b). social identity theory proposes that all interactions with others lie in sustainable interpersonal relations (tajfel & turner, 1979). it means that if the related group behavior is personally motivated, it will not be motivated by personal prominence, and vice versa. self-categorization theory (swann, 2012) extends this idea by hypothesizing the hydraulic relationship between social environment and individual. therefore, the social identity approach suggests that the motivational burden for pro-group behavior rests entirely on the shoulders of relevant social identities (swann at al., 2012). conversely, when a social identity stands out and group members assert themselves in terms of their social identity, they will “be harmful”, seeing themselves and other group members as a social category. this means that group members will see other group members through the lens of their membership in the group, rather than in terms of the personal relationships that they have established with one [ 137 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 another (swann et al., 2012). meanwhile, to understand national identity, one must begin with a preliminary investigation into such questions regarding identity. at the individual level, identity can be understood as part of a person’s cognitive map that concerns the configuration and structure of a person regarding a social domain. cognitive maps are images of social order carried out by social actors and classified into various sub-supporting aspects as a picture of a broader social order, awareness of expectations, behavior, norms, conceptions of morality and justice, etc. identity is an aspect of the cognitive map because of the inevitable relationship as a component of the cognitive map itself. a person’s identity is inseparable from the image of the world, one’s ethical appearance, etc. (greenfeld & eastwood, 2009). identity politics has not only become popular and appropriate at the national and local levels, but also on an individual level through lifestyle. these politics penetrate the center of the economy through the ideology of capitalism. ‘identity politics’ emerged into modern discourse in the late twentieth century to describe political struggles occurring with increasing frequency. these came to represent some of the most pressing political issues of our time. various political activities refer to struggles for legal, political, and constitutional recognition and identity accommodation of individuals, refugees, women, gays, lesbians, languages, ethnic groups, cultural minorities, immigrants, and often, religions that exclude western culture (tully, 2003a). applying this research framework, moluccan scholars studying in java tended to change their appearance and fashion by wearing “batik” clothing. this trend not only follows the context of their place of study, but also continues when they return to their place of origin. these scholars prefer to wear batik instead of “cele” (moluccan garment) even though the local government has designated “cele” as a uniform in public buildings (schools and offices) as a way of increasing local identity consciousness (pursuant to ambon mayoral regulation no. 46 of 2017 concerning wearing ambon clothing). however, there is debate among moluccan scholars about cele for several reasons. among other arguments, is a principle one arguing that cele is not rooted in the ideology nor does it contain philosophical values. additionally, cele is not culturally rooted in islamic regions in central maluku. this means that cultural space in maluku is not all rooted in the cele tradition which makes cele a moluccan cultural icon, where wearing it in public space as a feature of identity is still debatable. in fact, people wear cele only because there is pressure from authorities, not as a form of consciousness. it also is different than fashion interests such as the batik people wear daily. cele is a stranger to [ 138 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 some moluccan people, on the other hand batik has become familiar to the moluccan society. this paper aims to discuss the contestation between localism and nationalism among the moluccan people using their attitude towards cele and batik as a mechanism for understand. do moluccan scholars forgo their identity by wearing batik? how much does their identity depend on the symbol of the clothes worn, if at all? couldn’t it be argued that identity is strongly attached to the symbol? these pressing questions makes this topic fascinnating to study because the issues of identity and ethnicity are two unified and important things that must be discussed from the perspective of modernity. batik has become a trend for indonesian society, especially when the government established batik as a national garment (presidential regulation no. 33 of 2009 informally known as national batik day, resulting from unesco designating batik as an intangible cultural heritage item on october 2, 2009). moreover, various batik modification pushes have been driven by designers to present a style that is still suitable for wearing batik. batik has become a cultural symbol of indonesian identity. since its designation by unesco, batik has received world recognition and there has been growing reinvention and remodeling of batik (moersid, 2013). batik is not only a mass product, but its existence has become intertwined with indonesian cultural identity (trixie, 2020). cele in the cultural context of maluku cele is the garment worn by women who live in christian villages in central maluku and not worn by women who live in islamic parts of the region. in addition, this traditional garment is not part of a fashion tradition in other areas in maluku such as in southeast maluku and other areas. rather than a trend, cele has become a uniform outfit in maluku. the discourse about cele in the context of moluccan culture is fascinating because the idea of cele as a moluccan cultural jargon has penetrated the political space. cele, through the gubernatorial instruction and the mayoral decree, has been decreed as the must-wear outfit in schools, campus offices, etc. however, when cele is placed in the moluccan cultural context, it has become an interesting debate. an informant, y, had the following to say: “the identity consciousness through symbols is lost so that a movement is needed even though it is political in nature to revive the culture, including cele. people, including myself, like to follow suit and are always encouraged to wear cele but do not know the meaning of the big and small squares, because of the cultural value education process that does not work. this is different from batik. in the past, i did not know the meaning and significance of the symbols in batik so i did not consider the [ 139 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 moment. however, after having encountered other people (javanese people) while studying in yogya, i understood the symbols in batik.1 the informant’s statement shows that cele does not have strong ideological roots, but combination of customs and religion have led to it being a collective dress code in maluku. hall (hall, 2021) argues the definition of culture is “the lived practices or practical ideologies which enable a society, group or class to experiences define, interpret, and make sense of its condition of existence”. in other words, culture is the implication of people’s knowledge of the world through specific actions within a particular context in a specific locality. thus, centering cele as a uniform in the moluccan local context needs to bring up the philosophical and ideological values that underlie the cultural values of cele itself, so that it can be worn as an expression of local identity in the public space. this is because it does not have a philosophy and ideology as the implications of local knowledge that can be expressed through fashion. it does not appear to be ideological and philosophical in the context of cele culture. informant a2 reported the following: “the ideological process related to cele through cultural education does not work, so the significant philosophy of cele through the motifs of the big and small squares is unknown, so it seems that cele is not rooted in a strong tradition.” the informant’s statement emphasized that cele is not culturally strong as reported by another informant under the initial g that big and small squares are made in industry, therefore the cultural and philosophical dimension of cele is a phenomenon.3 the rejection of cele has strong cultural ground as reported by an informant under the initial f as follows;4 “placing cele as an icon in the moluccan cultural arena is not yet final, because they are still looking for a form. in addition, cele has yet to be accepted by all moluccan people who have an islamic background, and in traditional rituals as well. emphasis is on the context of customary rituals because that is where localism originates and through these media, we can find cultural traces. cele which is forced to be accepted in the context of localism is a durable process of position and disposition, not yet final and continues to look for a form so that it can be accepted by all levels of society.” the informant’s account demonstrates in the context of indigenous places in maluku, cele is something that belongs to “the other”, not to traditional islamic regions. therefore, cele is not the identity of traditional muslim areas. the informant’s statement implies two things, namely the existence of an identity debate in which there is a process of coercing other elements to accept cele as a 1 interview with y, 20 january 2017 2 interview with a, 7 june 2017 3 interview with an informant under the initial g, 3 june 2017 4 interview with an informant under the initial f, 6 june 2017 [ 140 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 shared culture. this contradicts the idea proposed by hall, which asserted that identity is inherent and relational. this identity is built vis-à-vis between races, ethnic groups, and religions, so that no identity is built without a dialogical relationship with the others. cele policy: discrimination against religious identity cele as a shared uniform or as a culture of uniformity through government instructions and the ambon mayoral decree, in addition to being viewed as a form of symbolic violence, the cele policy discriminates against the moluccan muslim community and live in islamic regions. this can be seen from the statement of informant f who reported the following: “talking about the cele culture, multiple parts of this culture are not at a place where all moluccan people can accept it, especially in regions with muslim population. in traditional and religious rites in islamic communities, people do not wear a cele, but a white kebaya for women and a white shirt for men. this indicates that culturally, cele is not accepted among the moluccan muslim indigenous community because of that, discussing cele as a moluccan cultural icon in terms of customs, religious traditions, and fashion has not penetrated the official regional culture, because cele is not rooted in cultural identity.5 informant f’s statement emphasizes that in customary and religious traditions in islamic communities, cele is something foreign or belonging to “the other”. in addition, this statement shows a rejection of the cele policy which does not respect certain customary traditions and religion (islamic communities) in maluku. therefore, making cele a collective outfit is detrimental to communities living in customary muslim communities. as a result, this policy can be seen as a form of discrimination against customs and islamic traditions in maluku. however, the reality is that cele has been used as a shared cultural icon and has penetrated the public sphere in maluku, especially in provincial and city government agencies, schools, and private agencies. from bourdieu’s perspective, the gubernatorial and mayoral decrees embody the symbolic power that is present to suppress the public. bourdieu (2010, 652-653; 1993: 164) argues symbolic power is invisible power that can only be exercised with the involvement of people who do not realize that they are the target, or exercised themselves. therefore, the language aspect presented verbally through the gubernatorial instruction and the written language are representations of power. the gubernatorial instruction and the mayoral decree as a representation of symbolic power, have unsuspectingly become a form of symbolic violence or cultural domination of society especially for 5 interview with f, 6 june 2017 [ 141 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 islamic communities in ambon city, as well as other christian and muslim communities in other areas in maluku. bourdieu (1993: 168) maintains that symbolic violence is a model of structural and social domination that takes place unconsciously in community life, including acts of discrimination against certain groups, races, ethnicities, and genders. this phenomenon is a form of denial of the multicultural reality of maluku, which in fact consists of various ethnic and religious identities which are full of various traditions. farrely (2004: 43) argues that “multiculturalism is not about difference and identity, but about those that are embedded in and sustained by culture, that is a body of beliefs and practices in terms of which a group of people understand themselves and the world and organize their individual and collective lives.” farrely emphasizes that in a multicultural society, differences in identity are not an issue and/or something that must be debated. however, the concept of multiculturalism appears to provide an understanding that each different identity can understand and interpret cultural differences to live in a common space. in other words, multiculturalism emerges as a response to the fact of diversity in a society (heywood, 2002: 119). the cele policy of the government is a denial of multicultural facts, or an act of unrecognition of the existence of religious identity (islam) through the symbol of clothing. this is not realized by policy makers in maluku. therefore, the informants’ statements above also tend to be a form of rejection of government policies that do not consider aspects of the religious traditions of all religions which are also identities. symbolic violence practice through the cele policy politically and through the means of power, cele penetrates public space and eventually cele is forced to be accepted as a culture of uniformity as their culture. this context is what homi k. bhaba in the location of culture (1994) calls hybridity, with the view that there are efforts to transform culture and identity carried out by the dominant culture represented by “cele” over other subordinate cultures. the impact of hybridity can be seen from cele penetrating the education arena, the offices of both public and government schools, as well as government and private offices. the government has made wearing cele obligatory, but the informants clearly state that they did not understand the philosophical values and the meaning of the cele motif. it seems that cele is forced to become a regional icon as demonstrated in an interview with a different respondent. 6 the cele movement in maluku emerged as a response to instructions from the local government which i think is part of an effort to 6 interview with y, 6 february 2017 [ 142 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 elevate cele from a minority position to become synonymous with batik. cele is a “forgotten minority identity” and needs to be promoted. it is a representation of an ethnic group that continues to fight for position and recognition and so they can compete with other ethnic groups. the earlier statement indicates that the informants see the discourse of cele as an identity that is now in a neglected minority position and thus the government instruction to wear cele is an attempt to elevate local culture in the representation of identity consciousness. from the poststructuralism approach, there are problems with representation through cele. the informant stated that the local government policy is an attempt to elevate cele from the minority to the majority by claiming cele to be typical of moluccan culture. however, maluku consists of many local areas each with own characteristics, which are not unilaterally represented by cele. even as the informant said that cele is absurd when it comes to identity and symbols. the big and small squares in the cele motif cannot be explained philosophically. the informant’s statement about the cele policy, if viewed from the concept of nationalism, is an approach to building nationalism against the idea of localism or global versus local, the west versus the east, or national versus local. batik has been a representation of the majority and thus a part of nationalism, while cele is a representation of a minority, based on localism. however, in the context of cele localism as a minority representation, it eventually has become a representation of moluccan culture, and therefore the dominant narrative. this kind of practice was criticized by robert young (2001) in postcolonialism for the use of western ideas by contemporary thinkers such as parterejee. although they tried to develop a reverse culture through an independent concept of life (like of swadesi), they were still influenced by the western socialist utopian thinker and the economic theory of john ruskin. the term ‘minority’ attached to cele is a form of resistance to the dominant culture of batik. however, eventually it is trapped in the modern tradition or know in social theory as structuralism (wacquant & akçaoğlu, 2017). the ‘cele’ policy cannot be accepted by other informants. many interviewed claimed that forcing cele as moluccan culture is a process of cultural domination.7 this is the so-called representation resulting from the practice of symbolic literacy, the invisible power that engages people who do not want to know that they are the target, or that they themselves exercise power (wacquant & akçaoğlu, 2017). most moluccans do not realize that policies contain representational values or cultural domination that leads to hegemony or as bourdieu said it is called a form of symbolic violence. the government 7 interview with f, 6 june 2017 [ 143 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 may not realize this either. some moluccans see the cele policy as legitimate because it is associated with a marginalized culture. therefore, by using the term as a local cultural minority, the government wants to shift the structure and reality of cele to integrate with the habitus. this is what bourdieu means by ‘power’ arbitrarily determine the instruments of knowledge and the unconscious expression of social reality. it also means that symbolic power is the power to change and create a reality that must be legally recognized (wacquant & akçaoğlu, 2017). the government’s effort to make regulations and policies regarding cele as a shared culture in maluku is a form of cultural domination in the cultural context of maluku. culture in the local context is an important point in habitus, but this does not mean that the jargon of moluccan localism should be represented by cele. cultural position and disposition in social reality still exist, thus providing room for the creation of domination structures. by making cele a local culture, several questions then arise among the informants, what exactly is local culture? which cele are we talking about? and what is the philosophy of cele? 8 the philosophy of preservation is closely related to traditional values; therefore, tradition will always contain philosophical values that can be understood and explained by the community associated with that tradition. the problem is that moluccan people who wear cele cannot explain the self-philosophy as reported by the informant by saying, “i don’t really understand the philosophy of the small or the big squares of the cele motif at all, but because my parents wear it, i also wear it without understanding the meaning behind it.” 9 this statement shows that moluccan scholars who mostly have critical awareness of hidden cultural instruments do not know or understand the philosophical values of cele even though they wear it. this ignorance is the result of an unsuccessful cultural education process. this is explained by the following thought from an interviewee: “the ideological process regarding cultural education does not work, so that the philosophical value and meaning of the cele motif are not understood. therefore, it seems that the moluccans do not have tradition related to cele. although batik still survives because tradition, crafts, and arts are part of the culture, cele is still limited to fashion.”10 the earlier mentioned statement also provides legitimacy to the claim that cele does not have strong philosophical power, nor does it have cultural roots in the context of the moluccan people. this was later confirmed by informant g (see above). informant g also made the strong claim local culture and community are suggested and forced, but the moluccans are not familiar with it and nor 8 interview with s, 12 june 2017 9 interview with s, 12 june 2017 10 interview with a, 7 june 2017 [ 144 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 do they understand it.11 informant f also emphasized that the problem of cele in the moluccan localism is not only for people who wear it in islamic areas, but also those in christian areas themselves who do not understand it, so cele has yet to be formalized: “the city government’s struggle to place cele a moluccan cultural icon has yet to be final; they are still looking for a form and this is important so that it can be accepted by all people, especially muslim moluccans, whether it is worn daily or only for rituals. cele worn in the local context is a process of position and disposition that is durable, unfinished, and continues to seek form so that it can be accepted by all.12” the statement shows that cele is, in fact, something belonging to “the other”, and not islam. thus, cele is not the identity of the islamic regions since the culture of these regions do not have cele for their rituals. so, for these people, it is something belonging to “the other”. there are two implications for it: first, there is a debate about identity where there is a process of coercing other elements that are forced to be accepted as common property. this contradicts hall’s opinion (k. hall & nilep, 2015). the other implication of hall’s statement is that cele worn as a moluccan culture is the result of a mental process involving two communities in maluku --muslims and christians --as a form of dialogical meeting. as such, there is a form of acceptance and recognition from both communities of the culture. however, this is not the case in maluku’s cultural sphere, but in the political or power arena which has become an instrument of legitimacy. thus, in bourdieu’s terminology, cele policy is an instrument of symbolic representation and violence, where representation has caused discrimination, and symbolic violence has become an entry point to worsen conflict and relations. representation has become stronger due to local government regulations and policies related to the wearing of cele, which unwittingly produces a symbolic form of violence against the muslim communities in maluku where cele is not accepted but they must wear in all their ritual activities. cele is only accepted in christian areas in central maluku, but other christian areas in maluku do not recognize cele as part of their culture as in the case of islamic communities in the moluccan context in general. policies are instruments for strengthening the representation process through the educational institutions and workplaces. through strategic and coordinated actions, it is very easy for the authorities to suppress. this regulation is reinforced by the claim that ‘cele’ as a local culture is considered an absolute truth (what bourdieu called doxa) (zurmailis & faruk, 2018). doxa is a truth produced unilaterally supported by the interests of the authorities, and ultimately believed to be the same truth. therefore, it is the people’s obligation 11 interview with g, 3 june 2017 12 interview with f, 6 june 2017 [ 145 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 to protect and defend it, even though culturally not everyone accepts it as part of their culture. therefore, the policy regarding cele can be regarded as a form of symbolic power which arbitrarily determines the instruments of knowledge and the expression of social reality and is not recognized as valid or legitimate. symbolic power is the power to shape the things that are given, to make people see and believe, and/or to strengthen or change the way they see and act toward the world. this is how domination and violence are forced so that there are parties that benefit from it while others are opposed to it. the term ‘cele’, well known in the moluccan contex, has transcended mental processes in the form of stories and experiences to be easily accepted as part of the habitus. habitus is a system of disposition that produces a lifestyle and practice that is in line with the experience and internalization of the agent’s processes when interacting with other agents or the objective structures of their environment. the new habitus that develops as a way of introducing a local identity such as cele is seen as a culture of uniformity, and eventually people accept it as part of their culture. this context is what homi k. bhabha, in his book “cultural locations” (studies et al., 2016), called hybridity with the assumption that there is an attempt to change the culture or identity by the dominant culture represented by cele. this hybridity process can also penetrate the educational arena (ghasemi et al., 2017) and that is the case where every level school from elementary to high school requires students to wear celes of pre-determined colors at least once a week. likewise, in government offices, all employees must wear cele on certain days of the week. however, in the cultural arena, there seems to be a resistance to this behavior because society is not equipped with knowledge of the philosophical values of ceel. in other words, cele is not rooted in culture and society cannot explain it, as stated by the informant under the initial a13: “cultural education doesn’t work very well. education influences the process of cultural ideology. there is no local content in schools that provides space and a portion for local cultural issues. as far as i can remember, local content only talks about food, namely sago. therefore, people know cele only through oral tradition, but formally in written form it is not available.” the informants viewed schools as an arena for cultural battles but failed in making them a social capacity to be used as content in formal cultural education for the moluccan generation, rendering the community unable to understand what cele is and what philosophy it contains. the informants understand the dominance of the sago narrative because local content in schools is always related to this traditional food. this is not the case with cele, so in the local context, cele is a minority narrative. 13 interview with a, 7 june 2017. [ 146 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 batik in the perspective of moluccan scholars in java batik is a javanese culture that is full of ideology and philosophy behind every motive and is very easy to understand by other people who are not of javanese ethnicity. this can be seen from the following interviewee: “i am a moluccan who studies in java. at first, i didn’t know the meaning behind each batik motif, but as time went on, i could finally understand the meaning behind each batik motif so that when i used it, i was able to choose which one fits the context. for example, a batik shirt with a flower motif or arrow should be used at what time.”14 this statement shows that batik has succeeded in attracting the attention of non-javanese people, and the philosophy behind the motif is now well-known. this also shows there is an educational process that has been passed down from generation to generation, so that the identity consciousness through batik is realized. this is what eagleton (2000: 14) meant regarding culture as an implication of knowledge. based on berger’s theory of the identity construction process, informant y’s statement shows the internalization process in the wearing of batik. berger and luckman (dharma, 2018) argue that human internalization of reality changes it from the structure of the objective world into the structure of subjective consciousness. this shows that the statement of the informant in seeing the batik is a form of value transformation because of the “dialectification” process that occurs, from externalization and objectification before finally coming to internalization. social order begins with the continuous external vanity in humans to the world, both in physical and mental activities. society as an objective reality implies institutionalization. the process of the correctional institution starts externally, carried out repeatedly so the patterns are seen and understood together, eventually resulting in habituation. the habituation that has taken place eventually led to disposition and tradition (sulaiman, 2016). the dialectical process through external agents and experienced objectification will eventually enter the internalization process. this then results in an understanding of the meaning of the batik in the informant’s position, not as part of the society and culture in which batik is produced. this dialectical process makes informants understand the values and meanings of various batik motifs. in addition, batik also has advantages in terms of fashion because it is very easy to adjust to the context.15 this informant’s statement emphasized that batik is one of the items which has a high selling value in the market due to fashion. from the two statements above, it is emphasized that batik has dominance 14 interview with y, 20 january 2017. 15 interview with f. 6 june 2017 [ 147 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 through social and economic capacity, and it eventually strengthens batik culturally. this is what the cele culture lacks in the local moluccan context. people wear it routinely once a week, not for cultural reasons, but due to the gubernatorial instruction and the mayoral decree as a means of legitimacy. cele and batik as means of negotiation for local identities to become national a society that is formed into a nation state is always attached to its name, an identity which is no longer particular but collective in nature. this collective identity bond is formed from various localities, unified and are bonded by a term that is often called nationalism. both localism and nationalism are important for an individual as well as a collective bond, because they are related to identity as illustrated by the following interview result: “nationalism for me is the border or fence of indonesian territory, which is the result of construction, so there are similarities. therefore, for myself batik has become part of my national identity, so i am free to wear it in any context and space and time at any time.”16 the result of the interview above illustrates that even though nationalism is a constructed process, the result is a pillar of guarding a common identity as a national community. it is clear from the above statement that the informant shows the symbol of nationalism through batik in which acceptance is made through a mutual consensus. there is a dimension of flexibility the informants show as an expression of dual identity between localism and nationalism, where awareness as part of the moluccan localism remains visible, but nationalism as an indonesian is also manifested. therefore, the wearing of batik has become part of the informant’s identity in the context of indonesian nationalism. the same thing was also explained by informant r who stated: “batik and cele have the same portion that describes identity. however, cele has only become a local identity, on the other hand, local batik has become a national identity. so that batik does not have to be claimed as a javanese identity but a national identity which means there is a shared belonging.”17 the statement above shows consciousness of the informant as a moluccan offspring who on one hand understands the position of batik and cele as a representation of identity, while acknowledging they both have different portions. in bourdieu’s perspective, it is called the limitation of the arena. applying this framework, using the cultural arena lens to see cele illustrates that it is weak. the battle arena for cele culture is only limited to the moluccan localism. on the other hand, batik is 16 interview with f, 6 june 2017. 17 interview with r, 15 may 2017 [ 148 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 more widespread because of the cultural struggle on the national/indonesian scale. in other words, the informant realizes that cele has a weak position in negotiations to become a national identity, as illustrated by the following arguments: “however, i must be honest that batik has greatly benefited from a policy perspective in addition to being populist because it is a joint movement that is also claimed by the state. here there are political interests at play due to batik being deliberately claimed by other countries. therefore, the batik policy is an attempt to claim the indonesian batik.”18 the informant firmly emphasized politics is a powerful means of negotiation which, in the end, gives an advantage to the position of batik as a representation and national cultural jargon. this was also confirmed by informant f who noted the national political process through the government policy that established batik as a national culture in addition to the award from unesco placing “batik” as a national identity is stronger than cele. the weakness of cele in the process of negotiating a local identity to become national results from by several crucial things. one of the weaknesses of cele is the inability of the people who wear cele to explain the dimensions of the cultural philosophy contained the clothing, and not all the regions where cele originates can accept it. therefore, in the moluccan localism itself, cele is an ongoing debate because not all moluccan indigenous peoples accept cele both in the context of customary practices such as traditional ceremonies, and in fact as a daily habit of the moluccans, cele is not familiar.19 in other words, the position of cele in the context of negotiation at the local level is weak from a cultural perspective even though it is politically strong, especially when placing “cele” in the context of national negotiation. the interview illustrates despite the construction process, nationalism may be a pillar of guarding same identities as the nation’s community. the informants clearly show a symbol of nationalism through batik, whose acceptance is through consensus. there is a dimension of flexibility the informants show as an expression of multiple identities, between localism and nationalism. consciousness of being part of maluku is still present, but nationalism as an indonesian also exists. batik represents the informant’s identity in the indonesian context. the same was stated by informant r as follows: “batik and cele represent identity. cele is a local identity while local batik has become a national identity. batik cannot be claimed as a javanese identity but a state identity. this is a shared property.”20 the statement shows the informant’s consciousness as a moluccan who understands the position of batik and cele 18 interview with y, 20 january 2017 19 interview with f, 6 june 2017 20 interview with y, 20 january 2017 [ 149 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 as part of his identity, but also that they are different. according to bourdieu, there is a boundary to the arena. the battle arena for the cele culture is limited to the moluccan context, while batik has a wider scope. in other words, cele is in a comparatively weaker position to negotiate to become a national identity, as stated by the informant in the following: “frankly speaking, batik has a better position due to national policies. it is a joint movement supported by the government and the state. there are political interests since batik is claimed by other countries, so the policy related to batik is an attempt to reclaim batik as the original property of indonesia.”21 the informant stated that politics is a powerful way of negotiating which ultimately gives batik an advantage in its position as a national representation and cultural jargon. informants a and s also stated that the national political process through government policies declared batik as the national culture. moreover, recognition from unesco has further placed batik as a national identity over cele. the position of batik and cele in the context of indonesianness every society has an identity, both particular and collective, as well as local and national. every identity, both local and national, appears with its own jargon in various styles and forms. indonesia is defined by the socio-cultural context of society consisting of various ethnic groups, tribes, and sub-tribes, making the condition of indonesian localism unique. this uniqueness is closely related to various cultures with jargon, which on the one hand displays wealth as a marker of the identity of each group. but on the other hand, the question stands, will each local identity continue to live and develop when faced with the universal culture of a nation (indonesia), or will it sink into the rhythm and superiority of universal culture that exceeds the national jargon? this issue is related to the culture of cele and batik, both of which are claimed to be rooted in local identities (batik = javanese and cele = moluccan). but can both survive in a broader contex? or can they be used as a jargon for national identity? the discussion of batik and cele as national and local representations is important here. presenting batik and cele in the stage of indonesian national culture or presenting both as a national cultural jargon from the perspective of moluccan scholars who have studied in java and ambon at the graduate and post-graduate levels has introduced various arguments. one of the arguments 21 interview with a, 7 june 2017 [ 150 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 stated:22 “for the informants it can be affirmed that placing cele and batik in the context of indonesian nationalism, both have the same and balanced position in the sense that speaking of identity, as a moluccan offspring, i would cele, in java i would wear batik. it is also my appreciation of diversity. expressing identity requires strategy and negotiation, for example, when i know the context, when to wear cele, and when to wear batik. by wearing batik or cele, both of them define who i am.” from this argument, the way the informant understands the issue of identity represented through batik and cele is very flexible. cele remains part of a national cultural jargon, though the arena is for maluku. similarly, a national cultural jargon batik’s arena is java. on the other hand, the batik from the perspective of the informant shows the value of cultural recognition in which there is respect for other cultures as an expression of multicultural reality. (svetelj, 2013). however, to the informant, wearing cele represents a consciousness of identity that is directly related to the state of being a moluccan. the consciousness of collective identity appears through the symbols of cele and batik, which for the informant are both means of representing a national identity. the informant’s statement shows a process of identity construction, both ethnic (moluccan) which is attached to the characteristics of cele (personal reasons) and batik that is attached to the community as an expression of a sense of community and a sense of belonging. this is somewhat in contrast to the opinion of liliweri (2007), that explains that ethnic groups are are defined by same cultural characteristics, i.e., language, customs, cultural behavior, cultural, and historical characteristics. according to him, ethnicity refers to classification and is based on affiliation. if batik and cele are placed as culture, both are representations of certain ethnic groups which are rooted in aspects of language, customs, and cultural behavior. the same thing that is expressed by giddens in (itulua-abumere, 2013) who argued that ethnicity refers to cultural practice and outlooks that distinguish a given community of people. giddens explained that members of an ethnic group see themselves as culturally different from other social groups. in addition, he also said that many different characteristics may serve to distinguish ethnic groups from one another, but the most usual are language, history, or ancestry (real or imagined) religion, and style of dress or adornment. in line with giddens’ thought, zhang (2019) argued that ethnicity refers to cultural practices and views that distinguish a given community from the others. he explained that members of an ethnic group see themselves as culturally different from other groups. moreover, many different characteristics can serve to differentiate ethnic groups from one another, but the most common are language, history or ancestry, religion, and style of dress/ adornment. 22 interview with y, 20 january 2017 [ 151 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 between maluku and java or cele and batik, both have different characteristics, and both are means of representation of their respective groups even though in the end batik has become a national cultural representation supported by philosophical power that can be properly explained. however, for certain ethnic groups it is understood as cultural domination and hegemony. like the effort to construct cele as part of the moluccan localism, what has also emerged is cultural representation and domination due to the penetration of the government through the “cele” policy which is coercive for the whole society regardless of the diversity aspects that exist. in other words, cele in principle does not represent the entire ethnic groups and religions in maluku, including history, culture, and tradition. the results of the discussion related to the research on localism versus nationalism among moluccan scholars who studied in java show that they have different cultural knowledge and insights about cele and batik. different reasons also emerge which state the choice of batik and cele as a means of bodily expression. in general, wearing batik is an option rather than cele, for various reasons. the research findings indicate that one of the fundamental reasons is related to the cultural aspect in which cele is phenomenal in the muslim and christian communities of maluku. cele is more familiar with christian locus, although culturally and philosophically they are unable to explain the presence of cele in their cultural context. benedict anderson writes about this theory, suggesting that this fact can be called false consciousness due to wearing cele without understanding its philosophy. conclusion contestation between local and foreign cultural values can occur in a short period of time between people as interconnectedness has never been prevalent in this area. dialectics between the batik and the moluccans, for example, has resulted in new cultural consciousness leading to the batik becoming familiar to them. on the other hand, cele, which is considered a local culture, has yet to be a habitus for the moluccans. therefore, efforts to maintain local tradition of “cele” are made through the policy of the “cele movement” which has unconsciously perpetuated colonial culture with the tradition of the “cele” symbol that represents other cultural entities. deterministic policies have also influenced the moluccan people, including moluccan scholars, regarding cele which is worn once a week during their time away from home. they wear cele due to instruction not a habitus. therefore, this movement has resulted in a form of false consciousness. the context of the moluccan people as a multicultural society, both in terms of religion, culture, language and adat [ 152 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 (customary practices), is a necessity. this is an inevitable socio-cultural fact and is not the result of construction. on the other hand, placing cele in the context of the moluccan universality and forcing it to become a shared culture is the result of identity construction born through government intervention and penetration through the use power as a tool. campus communities, schools, and offices become arenas for identity construction due to penetration and intervention by power. the impact of this policy is that the wearing of cele garment is not due to cultural consciousness but pressure from the authorities through policies. therefore, making cele an identity construction tool does not give birth to the consciousness of cultural identity of the moluccan people whose characteristics are heterogenous. particularly in the cultural context, cele is not familiar to muslim communities on the islands of maluku. the muslim and christians maluccans who come from the southeast, buru island, or outside the central moluccan region do not recognize the cele culture, regarding it as the identity of “the other”. therefore, the cele movement which in terms of politics and power can penetrate schools and offices is seen as a means of cultural representation, which is at the same time a form of symbolic violence that is domination and hegemony both culturally and religiously. it can be understood that culture is not only limited to performance, but also rooted in ideology and containing philosophy. this is not found in the cele tradition in maluku. people wear it but do not understand its ideological and philosophical values. therefore, cultural education must be created as a conscious effort in the community for interpreting identity. learning from the batik for the javanese people, there is a political element to make batik a representation of indonesian nationalism. however, on the other hand, the cultural education process 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(2003b). identity politics. in the cambridge history of twentieth-century political thought (pp. 517–533). cambridge university press. https://doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521563543.026 [ 155 ] al albab: volume 10 number 1 june 2021 doi: 10.24260/alalbab.v10i1.1977 wacquant, l., & akçaoğlu, a. (2017). practice and symbolic power in bourdieu: the view from berkeley. journal of classical sociology, 17(1), 37–51. https://doi.org/10.1177/1468795x16682145 young, r. (2001). postcolonialism: an historical introduction. usa: wiley blackwell. zhang, n. (2019). discussion on the modernist paradigm of nationalism. 357, 83–85. https://doi.org/10.2991/iceess-19.2019.22 zurmailis, z., & faruk, f. (2018). doksa, kekerasan simbolik dan habitus yang ditumpangi dalam konstruksi kebudayaan di dewan kesenian jakarta. adabiyyāt: jurnal bahasa dan sastra, 1(1), 44. https://doi. org/10.14421/ajbs.2017.01103 [ 275 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 islam, papuanness and indonesianess within papuan muslims in fakfak saidin ernas iain ambon email: saidinernas@iainambon.ac.id ismail, dp iain ambon email: ismaildp@iainambon.ac.id ismail kilderak sekolah tinggi agama islam seram timur email: staisseramtimur@gmail.com abstract this study shows that the long historical process associated with islam in west papua has an impact on defining a unique identity, and significantly interrelating islam, papuanness, and indonesianness. the data in this study were collected for three months in fakfak of west papua, through methods of observation, interview, and documentation. some key informants were data sources consisting of religious leaders, community leaders, and government employees. two important findings are found in this work. first, the presence of islam in papua has significantly contributed to the formation of the identity of the fakfak community in papua through an intense and strong acculturation process between islam and local papuan culture. this process has formed new inclusive and tolerant values that are reflected in the local wisdom of satu tungku tiga batu (one stove with three stones). second, islam and papuanness in fakfak appear to have certain implications on the formation of indonesian (national) identity. theoretically, this research shows that identity is not something fixed and natural, but a constantly changing process, concerning the socio-political dynamics that affect it. that is why papuan muslims strive to continue to define themselves amid the construction of papuan identity which is often defined as christian and melanesian. keywords; papuaness; indonesianess; acculturation; papuan muslim; fakfak introduction the phenomenon of the development of islam in the coastal region of west papua is comprised of three main areas: raja ampat, kaimana, and fakfak [ 276 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 have several characteristics distinct from other places in papua. since the fifteenth century, the islamic preachers who set foot in this region have spread islam to the southern part of fakfak. they generally came to papua on trade expeditions and then settled down and spread islam (putuhena, 2006). only a small number of people were on board in expeditions to control the territory carried out regularly by the sultanate rulers in north maluku; ternate and tidore. interestingly, islam in fakfak and its surrounding areas do not necessarily diminish cultural practices but regulate and direct them to conform to islamic values. even when other missionary religions, namely christianity and catholicism, arrived here, muslims who were on the coast of west papua were able to adapt and acculturate with the two major religions, especially in building a moderate and tolerant religious spirit. the interaction between the three abrahamic religions then gave birth to a family’s religious system, where one family divides its members to adhere to different religions (onim, 2006). such a process of religious accommodation, according to conventional islamic views, is considered something that endangers the islamic faith. however, sociologically, it shows the flexibility of islam when faced with the reality of religious differences in society. this occurred evolutionarily during the arrival of islam in indonesia, which formed the custom and culture of the community interrelated with islam (mudjib, 2013; tuhri, 2020). similarly, when the integration of papua with indonesia occurred, some kings and tribal chiefs in the fakfak region and its surroundings took the initiative to assist in this political integration (ernas, 2014). the muslims in fakfak saw the integration of papua with indonesia as the right choice, especially in a religious context. today, islam in the fakfak region is the majority religion which contributes to the dynamics of local politics. the muslims in fakfak have become more open to immigrants, and there have hardly been any violent political conflicts. they, as described by abel suwae (2013) are struggling to affirm their identity as muslims amidst the strengthening of their christian papuan identity (habel, 2012). based on these evolutionary developments, the study will focus on two important things. first, how does the presence of islam shape the identity of the fakfak people as muslims? do islamism and papuanness in fakfak have a certain impact on the formation of indonesian identity? by dissecting these two things, this paper will offer three things. first, the face of islam which is marked by the presence of muslims who are the majority in fakfak. according to the statistical data in the fakfak area, muslims are the majority in this region who make up 63.2% of the population. second, the papuan elements formed [ 277 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 from the influence of islam and papuan culture, create distinctive and unique models of tolerance and moderation across narrow religious views, as can be seen from the emergence of a “family religion” culture that allows one family to follow a different religion (iribaram, 2011). this is an important indicator of the moderate religious model. third, the islamic traits on the west coast of papua foster an indonesian spirit (nationalism) which is marked by the ideological political affiliation of the muslim community in this region which consistently supports integration with indonesia. the long socio-political and cultural relationship with muslims is recognized as one of the indicators of the strengthening of their sense of attachment to indonesia. although this is seen as another marker of papuan identity, which is often identified as melanesian and christian (chauvel, 2005). it is the shades of papua’s unique islamic identity that will be raised as the main theme in this paper, mainly because of two considerations. first, islam in papua has presented a unique mosaic in indonesia, related to how the formation of three important elements, namely islam, indonesianness, and papuanness that shape the islamic character in the region. second, to date, there are not many researchers in indonesia who make the process of encountering islam, indonesianness, and papuanness a topic of research and academic discourse. so far, papua has only been highlighted from the perspective of the conflicts that have constantly been taking place in several areas in papua. there are not many researchers who see islam in papua as a cultural potential to build peace. this study is part of research conducted in fakfak west papua in 2019. the data were collected for three months with the methods of observation, interviews, and literature study from september to november 2019. some key informants were successfully interviewed, consisting of religious leaders, community leaders, and government employees. during data collection, we read significant literature; books, journals, and documents on islam, ethnicity, culture, and political identity in papua. this included the literature data that had been collected and then analyzed with an interactive analysis, as proposed by irwan abdullah (2007) to understand how the interaction between islam and culture in papua has a certain impact on the national identity of indonesia in papua. studies on islam and papuan identity few studies on islam in papua have been produced, although in recent years there have been several researchers who conducted research related to islam in papua. such studies attempted to construct the position of papuan muslims in the increasingly dynamic political contestation in papua. cahyo pamungkas’s [ 278 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 (2008) thesis on islamic papua and special autonomy, which described the efforts of minority muslim papuans to negotiate their religious identity amid the christian papuan community, showed that cultural identities, such as ethnicity and religion, do not only function as an objective marker but also a symbolic power. this identity is constructed, contested, and used as a political instrument. cahyo’s study is interesting, but he only examined the dynamics of contemporary contestation and did not discuss the historical experience and its influence on culture. similar to cahyo’s study, idrus al-hamid described how political islam is getting stronger in papua, which strengthens the role of muslims, but also creates a cultural distance with the indigenous papuans. similar to cahyo and idrus, musa rumbaru in his study “identity construction of the minority papuan muslim: a study on the papuan muslim council,” also mentions the same thing. while the study of j.f. onim (2006) about the history of the encounter between islam and christianity in papua, which took place in the fakfak area, provided important information about how the two religions have interacted since the beginning of their arrival in papua, giving fakfak people experience to build social harmony. meanwhile, the anthropological study conducted by suparto iribaram (2011), entitled one stove/cauldron with three stones/legs --cooperation of three religions in religious life in fakfak), has significant relevance to this research. iribaram argued that one of the factors that support religious harmony in fakfak is the acculturation of religion and culture, which gives birth to the philosophy of one stove/cauldron with three stones/legs. likewise, pandie’s study (2018) which describes the philosophy of local wisdom from satu tungku tiga batu in fakfak. iribaram anda pandie’s research is an entry point to examine how islam influences the character of local culture and to create various institutions and local wisdom that are institutionalized and play a role in strengthening the integration of islam, indonesianness, and papuanness in fakfak regency, west papua. if we look at the various studies and research mentioned above, there are at least two things that have not received adequate attention. first, the study of islam in papua still places islam as an outside force that tries to conquer papua with all its influence in a contestatory and even destructive way. islam is considered the outsiders’ religion, while christianity is local. second, islam in papua is considered a disintegrative force that interferes with the development of papuan nationalism, so muslims should be suspected of being “less papuan.” the dynamics of the society in papua are not singular. in some islamic societies, papuanness and indonesianness are two identities that tend to be interrelated, as we can see in fakfak of west papua. [ 279 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 fakfak as an islamic majority region in west papua papua is a unique region, not only because of its location at the far eastern tip of indonesia but also because of its exotic people. alfreed russel wallace (as quoted by materay, 2011), a traveler from england described papuans as people of “dark skin, brownish or black. sometimes it is close to, but never the same as the dark skin tone of the negroid race. very different in color, exceeding the skin tone of the malay, sometimes dark and slightly brownish. their hair is very coarse and dry,” (materay, 2011). as for fakfak, it is an area located right on the neck of the “bird’s head” of papua island which is currently part of west papua province. this district is located extending from west to east on the southern coast of papua with the following territorial boundaries: to the east are the regencies of mimika and paniai; to the west are the seram sea, berau bay and sorong regency, and central maluku regency; in the northern part are manokwari and paniai regencies, and to the south stretches the arafuru sea and southeast maluku regency. the indigenous people of fakfak are native papuans who come from two major tribes, namely the baham and onin. in addition, there are also small tribes such as the ihandin who inhabit the fatagar and baruan areas, the yarimo, the sasim, the sabakor, the kembaran, the tukua, and several other small tribes who live in the areas along the coast of petuanan arguni. each tribe has a different language which is generally grouped into baham and iha languages. it is not known exactly when the indigenous people began to settle down in the fakfak area, because there is no important historical or anthropological research on this matter. in addition to indigenous people, the fakfak area is also inhabited by several immigrant ethnic groups. generally, they come from maluku, namely seram and kei which have geographical proximity to fakfak. the people of seram and fakfak have had socio-cultural relations and economic contacts that have existed for a long time, many of their people have kinship relations due to inter-marriage (widjoyo. 2009). many bugis and makassar people from south sulawesi also live in fakfak, generally, they work as traders in local markets in fakfak. other ethnic groups from sulawesi are buton people from southeast sulawesi. many of these people grow various kinds of crops that supply food, vegetables and some are fishermen. it is estimated that the buton people from southeast sulawesi have settled in fakfak since the dutch colonial era. they came for economic, trade, and religious purposes. the central government’s efforts to promote transmigration since 1990 have contributed to the presence of a significant number of javanese in the fakfak area. generally, they live in bomberay district which borders kaimana regency. [ 280 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 other ethnic groups found in fakfak are arabs and chinese who mostly live in the city of fakfak. the arrival of the arabs is estimated to coincide with the entry of islam in fakfak, which was around the 16th and 17th centuries. in addition to being religious leaders and imams of the mosque, the arabs also run grocery stores and trade various products along the main fakfak streets. the chinese also run a grocery store in the center of the city, selling various basic goods and acting as collectors of nutmeg seeds for sale to buyers from makassar and surabaya. the fact that there are many arabs and chinese who have lived and traded in fakfak since hundreds of years ago, is a testament to the glory of fakfak’s commerce in the past. in a book entitled a study on the history of the arrival of islam in fakfak, published by the fakfak regency government in 1996, it is stated that islam has been present in papua around the end of the 16th century. several other writers such as j.f. onim (2006) stated that islam was only present in papua around the 17th century. this conclusion was drawn based on an analysis of the report of miguel roxo debrito (1581-1582), who stated that during his visit to the raja ampat islands. king waegeo who ruled the islands at the time had not embraced islam. thus the presence of islam in papua is estimated around the end of the 16th century or the beginning of the 17th century. the path of the spread of islam in papua follows the path of the archipelago which started from aceh at the tip of the island of sumatra, java, and maluku, then entered and developed in papua. later, experts agreed that the presence of islam in papua was the final chapter of the spread of islam because after that the process of spreading islam had been cut off and stopped altogether. the encounter of islam with catholicism and christianity which came later to fakfak has opened a new chapter on the interaction of the three abrahamic religions which is generally peaceful. the development of islam in fakfak is very amazing. fakfak is the only region in papua where the population (the majority) is muslim. overall, islam is the religion that is embraced by 53.80% of the community. this number increased significantly after the integration of papua with indonesia, where many migrants came to fakfak. some were officially sponsored by the government through the national transmigration program. the followers of islam are comprised of the original fakfak people (natives) who generally inhabit the coastal area of fakfak, they are comprised of the onin, iha, and baham tribes. the second group is the fakfak people of seram, gorom, banda, arab, buton, bugis, makassar, javanese, madurese, etc. fakfak has become one of the beacons of islamic da’wah in papua. many people refer to fakfak as papua’s “veranda of mecca”. this fact is undeniable because of the 71,069 population [ 281 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 of fakfak in 2017, the majority were muslims (53.80%), and most of them are indigenous muslims who are quite religious and some have even become popular islamic figures in papua. islam, custom and family traditions in fakfak the presence of islam in fakfak, in addition to being the majority religion adopted by the fakfak community, also gives important values that contribute to the formation of islamic identity in fakfak. the fakfak people believe that as muslims in papua they have basic characteristics, which when analyzed in depth have different constructions from papuan identity in general. the presence of islam in fakfak strengthens cultural norms that further strengthen the brotherhood. although currently fakfak people embrace different religions, live in different districts or lords, and even have different social statuses, they are still bound and connected in a unitary custom, be it the baham mata customary unity, or the onin who have inhabited the onim peninsula (fakfak) since long ago. the moral values derived from these local values then gave birth to several norms and customary laws for the fakfak community. customary norms in fakfak can be distinguished in several areas of life which regulate family life and the public (people). in family life, for example, norms related to marriage law, tombormage, or respect for parents. acculturation between islam and local culture in fakfak has also made an important contribution to the high respect for mothers and women. in public life, there is also a tradition of bakubantu or masohi, namely the tradition of helping each other in the fakfak community. bakubantu is applied in group life as well as in broad social practice, such as helping to build houses, helping neighboring regions when building traditional houses, or organizing traditional rituals. in the public context, the acculturation of islam and local culture forms networks of brotherhood and social relations among citizens, not only among fakfak muslims but also between muslims and christians and catholics. customary responsibility gives rise to several local pearls of wisdom, such as the requirement to have dialog to solve problems through the dudu tikar tradition. the description of dudu tikar shows that it is a best practice in fakfak customary law, which serves as a medium to ensure social relations are always in a harmonious state, as instilled through the philosophical values of idu-idu, mani nina, and yoyo. if there is a problem, dispute, or conflict between the people, the king, tribal chief, or village elder must “open the mat” to talk, have a dialog, and deliberate. in contrast to some tribes in papua who make [ 282 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 war a way to resolve conflicts and disputes. the fakfak community considers such actions as harming brotherhood and kinship relations. the results of the acculturation of islam and custom in fakfak also provide an important construction for religious life, which is institutionalized in the local wisdom of satu tungku tiga batu (one stove with three stones). in simple terms, the philosophy of one stove with three stones is a reflection of the brotherhood of the fakfak community despite different religions, ethnicities, languages, and socioeconomic conditions. in the traditional construction of the fakfak community, one stove with three stones is a term that describes a balance, like a stove supported by three stones when cooking food by ancient people. without three legs of stone, the stove would not be stable and would cause food to spill. these three stone legs are likened to the three major religions in fakfak, namely islam, catholicism, and protestantism. in the opinion of the indigenous people of fakfak, if the three stone legs are stable then all problems can be handled properly so that the implementation of the philosophy of one stove with three stones spreads to the family life of the indigenous people in fakfak. in that philosophy, some elements are agreed upon, namely as one family, one must remain in one heart even though they have different religions and beliefs. there is no definite record of when exactly the term of satu tungku tiga batu (one stove with three stones) was first used in the fakfak community tradition. however, some researchers agreed that the term comes from the result of acculturation between religious values (islam) and local culture that upholds the spirit of kinship (onim, 2006). in the communal melanesian tradition, family is considered as everything, they used to risk their lives through wars to protect the family’s good name. the tribal war ritual that is still practiced by some tribes in timika and pegunungan tengah is an example of the cultural response of the papuan people when they feel that their family is under threat. war is waged as a request for responsibility to those who have killed or insulted the honor of the family of a tribe. likewise, with social practices in fakfak, the family is the center of identity that must be maintained. so the differences in religion adhered to by family members are not in question because they prioritize family harmony. this is the basis of the formation of family religion in the tradition of the fakfak community. the phenomenon of one family adhering to a different religion is a common thing for the people of fakfak, as stated by mr. simon hindom as follows: “in my family, there are eight siblings, some are christians, some are muslims, and some are catholics. my brother is a hajj, my nephew is even a priest. in our tradition here, we are used to sharing religions, as long as they are [ 283 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 sincere and obedient. so, for example, because of marriage a woman has to convert to islam. so, later one of her children is advised to follow christianity or catholicism. this is for the sake of togetherness,” (interview with simon hindom, 2019) this is what makes fakfak unique compared to indonesia’s other regions. in this diversity, there are no conflicts of beliefs or disputes that lead to clashes between religious communities. the flexibility of islam as the majority religion in fakfak and its tolerance, allows the people of fakfak to choose religion without coercion and respect each other’s choice. the philosophy of one stove with three stones unites the religious plurality in fakfak so that there are no dominations that cause jealousy and lead to division. the arrival of catholicism to fakfak coastal areas where the majority of the population have embraced islam is one of the important historical episodes that can describe the roots of tolerance in the culture of the fakfak community. the arrival of pastor cornelis le coq from spain in sekru village in 1984 on a mission to spread catholicism in papua was warmly welcomed by the local community. they apologized to the pastor that they had embraced the religion (islam), but they were willing to help the pastor to spread catholicism to their brothers who inhabited the mountainous region of torea. this friendly attitude surprised pastor le coq, because, in other areas where people embrace islam, the priest often received acts of intimidation and even expulsion (onim, 2006). according to pastor isak bame (interview), the friendly actions of the muslim community at sekru illustrate the perspective of the fakfak community towards inter-religious tolerance. they consider brotherhood to be much more important, and differences between religions do not necessarily separate the ties of brotherhood between them. in this case, religion is placed as a complement to brotherhood and kinship which has become a tradition in the communal society of fakfak. many families in fakfak have family members of different religions; some are muslims, christians, or catholics. another form of tolerance is participation in the construction of places of worship, both mosques, and churches. for the people of fakfak, the house of worship is not only a place to worship but also a cultural symbol of the local community. if a muslim helps build a church, then he is not helping christianity but more than that he is helping his brother who happens to be a christian, and vice versa for muslims. therefore, every construction of a mosque or church always involves the two communities. in some cases they are involved as committee members, helping with various building materials and fund-raising for the construction of houses of worship (interview with simon tengerere). [ 284 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 recently, the reproduction identity of “sat tungku tiga batu” has also been used for law enforcement and politics in fakfak. for example, the local government interprets “satu tungku tiga batu” as harmony between the government, society, and local leaders. some people consider the government’s efforts to adapt these traditions to politics it is a good thing, but it must be done carefully to create political hegemony that will close the critical attitude of society. fakfak muslims in the papua-indonesia integration process the identification of fakfak’s muslim identity amid the rivalry between papuan and indonesian identities is not easy to explain, especially amid claims of papuan identity which tend to be constructed as christian and melanesian. this section seeks to explain the dynamics of the development of islam, papuanness, and indonesianness that are interrelated with the fakfak-fakfak community during various political challenges in papua. the transfer of sovereignty over the dutch east indies from the government of the kingdom of the netherlands to indonesia on 27 december 1949 raised the question of the political status of papua which was still occupied by the dutch. the dutch made various political maneuvers to exploit the spirit of “papuan nationalism” to form a papuan state that was independent of indonesia. sukarno’s government took tough political steps by declaring the people’s three commands (trikora): 1) stop the formation of the dutch puppet state of papua, 2) raise the red and white flag in west papua, the homeland of indonesia, 3) prepare for general mobilization to defend the independence and the unity of the homeland and the nation (cholil, 1979). the dutch-indonesian conflict related to the papua issue officially ended with the signing of the 1962 new york agreement, in which the dutch handed over papua to the united nations through a commission called untea (united nation temporary executive authority) and then untea handed over papua to indonesia. as part of the new york agreement, indonesia is required to carry out a referendum to determine whether the papuan people are willing to integrate with indonesia or establish their own state. in a historical referendum in 1969, 1024 papuans from various groups officially chose to join indonesia (drooglever, 2020). the fakfak community has a long history regarding indonesia’s claims on papua during the period of integration and taking over of west papua. fakfak’s strategic position as the gateway to papua served as the main posts for military operations and the entrance to papua. during the period of the trikora, the [ 285 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 mobilization of volunteers and the infiltration of indonesian military troops were carried out through the areas of fakfak, kaimana, raja ampat, and sorong. to avoid radar monitoring of the dutch troops, infiltration into fakfak was often carried out secretly using traditional local fishing boats. people in the east seram region (where a monument of the seizure of west papua was erected) have many stories about the heroic actions of fishermen in infiltrating indonesian military soldiers into west papua. this process put very real pressure on the netherlands on several fronts and in various international diplomatic forums which forced the netherlands to recognize indonesia’s presence in papua. through un resolution no. 2504 of 1969, the un officially recognized the results of the referendum (pepera) in 1968. during the referendum, the representatives of the papuan people, totaling 1024 people, finally decided to join the unitary state of the republic of indonesia. the role of the fakfak people in the process was very clear when the fakfak community deliberations gave support to the choice of integration with indonesia. of the 75 participants in the pepera deliberation from fakfak in 1968, consisting of traditional leaders, religious leaders, youth leaders, and women’s leaders, 74 participants gave their approval to integration with indonesia. there was only one participant on behalf of eduard hegemur who refused to support indonesia. the absolute support of the fakfak community in the process of west papua’s return to indonesia has made the fakfak area often called the “veranda of the republic of indonesia” in papua. several monuments built in fakfak indicate these historical claims. the people of fakfak also continued to show solid support for the unitary state of the republic of indonesia after the 1969 referendum. they rejected various upheavals marked by political resistance and armed rebellion by the free papua movement (opm) movement. the fakfak people helped consolidate nationalist forces under the leadership of charismatic figures such as king mahamud rumagesan (sukanto, 2004). rumagesan who is the king of pikpik wertuar also carried out propaganda to strengthen the integration decision. he was often involved by president sukarno in the indonesian government’s diplomatic activities abroad. for his services, the government of west papua is currently making efforts to make mahmud rumagesan a national hero. fakfak is one of the most important areas in west papua which continues to be considered the most pro-indonesia community in papua. the very large muslim population in this region is considered as one of the important variables explaining the high level of indonesian nationalism in fakfak. in recent years, these claims have been challenged by new pro-independence papuan movements such as the west papua national committee in the fakfak area. [ 286 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 indonesian nationalism and the resistance to separatism as one of the regencies in west papua province, fakfak cannot avoid various problems that occur in big cities such as jayapura and manokwari that affect many other areas in papua. sensitive political issues such as separatism and papua’s special autonomy have also divided the fakfak people into conflicting interest groups. there are youth groups that are increasingly militant in fighting for papuan political rights in fakfak such as the west papuan youth national committee (knppb). this group is part of the papuan presidium council (pdp) network and its panels, as well as the west papua national authority (wpna), the west papua national coalition for liberation (wpncl), the west papua national committee (knpb). at the same time, opposing groups such as the barisan merah putih and civilian militias sponsored by the local security forces emerged. separatism has become a dangerous political trap because, in addition to being a tool to silence political aspirations against the government, it also triggers mutual suspicion among civil society groups. for example in fakfak, some groups use a separatist stigma; pro-m, anti-indonesia, etc., to corner political opponents. it occurs in political moments such as local elections or the contestation of political power in the government and during the elections of governors, regents, members of the legislature, or promotion to positions in the local bureaucracy to the civil servant recruitment. this issue is often used as a black campaign among local politicians. inevitably, in the fakfak area, some groups openly support the idea of an independent papua. moreover, the repressive security forces contributed to the growth of these groups in fakfak, for example, the treatment experienced by many young activists under the west papua national committee for youth (knppb) representing fakfak led by arnoldus kocu. this group is a representative of the knppb based in manokwari and jayapura and often conducts demonstrations to voice the aspirations of papuan independence. the main aspiration of this group is a referendum to determine the popular opinion, whether to join the republic of indonesia or to stand alone as an independent nation. knppb fights for its aspirations by peaceful means; demonstrations and mass mobilization at certain moments. however, their peaceful actions are often met with repressive measures by the security forces. for example, when two knppb activists, paulus horik and klismon woi, were mysteriously killed in november 2012 and knppb fakfak accused the indonesian security forces of being the perpetrators. likewise, the arrest and torture of arnold kocu and eight knppb activists in august 2013 also [ 287 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 contributed to the popularity of this group as evidence of the existence of pro-m groups in the fakfak area (karoba news, 2013). over time, several components of the fakfak community have secretly begun to give sympathy and support to this youth group. the presence of islam as the majority religion which has formed religious and social identity in fakfak also influences the way the fakfak community responds to separatism in fakfak. the long historical experience related to the acculturation of islam and local culture in fakfak has strengthened the people of fakfak to choose peace as a way of life as conceptualized in the local motto of one stove with three stones. this can be seen from the way they view the presence of some people’s organizations that support papuan independence (pro-m) and radical religious movements. although it is acknowledged that the knpb movements promoting the mission of separatism are quite worrying to the immigrant community, they are still allowed to carry out their activities. for the majority of the people of fakfak, knpb’s actions do not have to be taken seriously as long as their activities do not disrupt peace in the community and they always use peaceful means, which is permissible in democracy. according to the chairman of the fakfak customary court, as long as knpb’s actions do not cause violence or incite hostility between groups in society, they should not be faced with violence by the state (interview with jubair hubrow, 2019). the same opinion was expressed by the head of the fakfak islamic high school who considered that the ideas of independence and the referendum voiced by youth groups coordinated by knpb fakfak were normal in a democratic country. it is precisely through the discourse of separatism that they try to build critical negotiations with the state regarding various state policies towards papua (interview with wihel, 2019). there are also community groups that do not agree with the presence of separatist groups in fakfak, such as the red and white group led by haji ismail bauw. except for the violent incident that occurred in 2000, this group’s rejection of the issue of separatism is more often manifested by peaceful actions, statements of attitude, or social movements that attract public attention, such as the one-kilometer-long flag march, coinciding with the day of the integration of papua with indonesia, which was carried out on may 1, 2013. this action was carried out again in august 2019, when papua and west papua were hit by violent riots due to demonstrations against racial discrimination against papuan students in surabaya. [ 288 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 special autonomy and dilemma of papuan muslim identity since the integration of papua with indonesia, the papuan people have continued to feel that they live under pressure from the central government, which at that time used a security approach in maintaining papuan integration. so when the reform gave freedom, the papuan people demanded independence and self-determination. the government then built diplomacy by imposing a special autonomy in papua. after going through serious studies and debates, the government enacted law no. 21 of 2001 concerning special autonomy for papua. the implementation of special autonomy for papua province has more or less become a conciliation for the papuan people. there is hope that there will be changes and improvements in the fate and condition of the papuan people. since then papua has received a fairly large balancing fund and continued to increase every year. simultaneously, the construction of infrastructure, roads, bridges, office buildings, and several other strategic projects began. special autonomy is also interpreted as encouraging the creation of new districts in all corners of papua. however, the implementation of special autonomy has brought many serious implications for socio-political developments in papua, not only in big cities like jayapura and manokwari, but also in areas like fakfak. the real impact is the prominence of the practice of identity politics which refers to the symptoms of ethnocentrism. according to levaan (2012), special autonomy has been interpreted as the freedom to determine a region’s own destiny based on ethnic sentiments. this has prompted all political elites in papua to recently stipulate that the governor and deputy governor, as well as the regent and deputy regent in papua, must come from papuan natives. this stipulation creates problems for multi-ethnic areas such as fakfak. since two centuries ago, the people of fakfak have been interracially married to those of various ethnic groups who came and settled in fakfak. this has an impact on the construction of fakfak’s ethnic identity, most of whom have mixed identities. they have a distinctive identity that is different from that of most melanesians in papua, not only in terms of physical and biological forms but also in complex socio-cultural aspects. the identity of fakfak is unique and different from the dominant papuan identity construction. however, as a result of the special autonomy provisions that favor the melanesian race in papua, the specific identity of fakfak has also been challenged. many fakfak communities question their papuan identity. they are not considered to be indigenous enough to identify themselves as papuans because of several biological differences and cultural characteristics, including [ 289 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 religion and therefore their political rights as papuans are nor accommodated. papuan muslims are often stigmatized with various narratives that place them as being less papuan, siding with the indonesian military, pro-indonesia, etc. therefore, many get attacked and denigrated. moreover, special autonomy is interpreted as a specific right for papuans, so papuan muslims are not part of it. other issues have begun to emerge in the context of local bureaucratic segregation in fakfak lately, where identity as a papuan becomes a political construction that divides papuans into different social strata. the interpretation of putera daerah (local people) informally gave birth to the terms papua b1, b2, b3, and b4. a term that distinguishes the “level” of papuanness of the people in fakfak based on lineage. papua b1 are those born in fakfak to a papuan father and papuan mother who are reflected by a certain family name. papua b2 are those born in fakfak to a papuan father but whose mother is of immigrant ethnicity, papua b3 are those born in papua to a papuan mother and an immigrant father. whereas papua b4 or the lowest level, are those born and raised in papua for the last few years but whose father and mother are of immigrant ethnicity. such segregation began to occur during the process of recruitment of civil servants and promotion of regional officials. whereas previously politics of accommodation in fakfak only prioritized the representation of religions in politics. this is a challenge that must be faced by the multicultural people in fakfak that have been able to maintain the harmonization of their social and political life. meanwhile, the implementation of special autonomy was also followed by the expansion of new autonomous regions in papua, which so far have reached 40 autonomous regions for the provinces of papua and west papua. at the same time, the local people of papua have emerged as leaders, from regents, house speakers, to heads of offices and departments. the process of vertical mobility of the new papuan elites is not accompanied by political maturity in democracy. so in practice, mass mobilization carried out by local elites often occurs by exploiting ethnic and religious sentiments. this triggers tensions between tribes in papua, as well as between papuans and migrants. the fakfak community, which has a moderate political stand and harmonious social conditions, has also been dragged into the increasingly vicious dynamics of identity politics. there are political groupings based on ethnic, and religious identities. even regional segregation appears; between people living in mountainous areas and those in coastal areas, or between mainland people and islanders. this ethnocentric phenomenon gained momentum when regional head elections were implemented from indirect to direct elections. with this change, the role of local elites has become more prominent and [ 290 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 their bargaining position in local politics has increased. however, at the same time, issues of communalism such as ethnic and religious sentiments are also getting stronger. the papuan ethnocentrism that has developed in fakfak so far can still be brought under control with local norms which are the spirit of one stove with three stones. although there is friction, it can be normalized by employing the local social system. as seen in the political contestation in the 2011 fakfak local elections, where competing candidates often took advantage of religious and ethnic issues for their electoral incentives. this can be seen from the configuration of the supporters of the candidates which centered on two potential candidates, namely the mohammad uswanas/donatus nimbitkendik pair, who were supported by the natives of fakfak baham mata and the majority are christians and catholics. meanwhile, the said hindom/ ali baham temongmere pair was mostly supported by the majority of muslim immigrant groups. such a process also occurs in other places and is a common phenomenon in politics. however, in the papuan political context, such euphoria can have farreaching implications beyond the political process as the political contestation has triggered “anti-immigrant” sentiments and provoked widespread religious sentiment among the people of fakfak. the local political dynamics not only strengthens the negative seeds of ethnocentrism but furthermore it also leads to a political model of representation, where local political elites only use cultural and religious symbols for their pragmatic interests. furthermore, when they are elected or control certain political positions, the people are forgotten. papuan muslims are sociologically represented by the papuan muslim council (mrp). this organization, as reported by cahyo pamungkas (2008), is a continuation of the papuan muslim solidarity (smp) organization which was formed by 47 muslim leaders in papua from various ethnic groups in november 21, 1999. it seems that smp was established as a response to the political dynamics in post-reform papua that further strengthened the christian papuan identity. muslims from various ethnic groups in papua want to show their existence through smp, although in its later development, two groups were formed within smp, namely pro-m and pro-indonesia muslims. on 10-13 april 10-13 2007, at the papua hajj dormitory, the papuan muslim solidarity (smp) was founded and later changed to the papuan muslim council (mmp). mmp management builds relations and consolidates major islamic organizations in papua such as nahdhatul ulama and muhammadiyah, the jayapura branch islamic student association (hmi), the jayawidjaya muslim [ 291 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 community forum (fkmj) which is engaged in the development of muslim human resources in jaya wijaya. at the same time, it also strengthens the position of indigenous papuan muslims who felt being marginalized during the political upheaval in post-reform papua. mmp built communication and networks with the papuan people’s assembly (mrp), which is proindependence. the muslim leader in the mrp was thoha al-hamid who served as secretary-general of the mrp, while the chairman of the mrp was teys aluwae who died in the upheaval in papua. the mmp is filled with papuan muslim leaders such as arobi a. aituarow who is also the chairman of the mmp. as a native papuan muslim, arobi has become a cultural bridge with ethnic groups in papua (pamungkas, 2008). the mrp also builds a network with the church community in papua and often voices human rights violations that indigenous papuans often face. the mmp’s criticisms of the government (especially the indonesian military and police) are often seen as taking mmp’s side to the pro-m faction controlled by toha al-hamid. however, this fact benefits and strengthens the position of mmp, as an organization that is recognized as representing the identity of papuan muslims amid the political turmoil between the republic of indonesia and the independence movement. mmp’s efforts to fight for the identity of papuan muslims have been welcomed by media activists. an editor of the papua women’s voice tabloid (tspp) as quoted by cahyo pamungkas (2008) admitted that the establishment of mmp shows that construction and division not only favor christians but also muslims. mmp tries to construct that islam and papua are two unified sub-cultures. the existence of mmp shows that there is a serious effort to gain a strong bargaining position, especially in defining islam and papuaness. however, the problem is that there is a real reduction in the context of indonesianness. several groups we met in fakfak considered that the mmp has good strategies, but it provokes a new segmentation between the pro-indonesia papuan islamic group and papuan islam whose position is not yet clear. most papuan muslims, especially in the fakfak area, are supporters of indonesia. fakfak muslims feel the need to emphasize this, because islam, papuanness, and indonesianness for muslims in fakfak are three sub-cultures which is attractive identity. for fakfak muslims, being a fakfak muslim is similar to being indonesian, as shown in the experience of the political integration of papua with indonesia. conclusion this study shows that the papuan identity which has so far been constructed as being christian, black, and having curly hair is not always correct. this [ 292 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 study shows that the long historical process related to islam that has been experienced by the fakfak people in west papua has an impact on defining a specific identity amid the ongoing identity contestation in papua. this means that the interrelation between culture, religion, and nationalism has so far formed a specific identity and character in the context of papuanness, islam, and indonesianness. based on such a narrative, two things can be concluded in this study. first, islam has made an important contribution to the formation of fakfak muslim identity in papua. the process of acculturating islam with local papuan culture in fakfak has formed new values such as an open and inclusive culture. fakfak muslims easily interact with other religious and cultural groups. tolerance and harmony become the main culture in fakfak, which is found in the local wisdom of one stove with three stones. the fakfak muslims’ efforts to display identity as papuans are shown by exploring the history of the encounter with islam and local customs and culture from time to time. second, the islam and papuanness in fakfak seem to have implications on the formation of indonesian identity. the muslims in fakfak feel that they are the main part of the indonesian people in papua, so it is often heard that fakfak is both the veranda of mecca and the veranda of the republic of indonesia. this can be seen in the historical event of the integration of papua with indonesia where all fakfak delegates involved in the referendum (perpera) opted for integration with indonesia. even in the political turmoil that is happening in papua today, where there are often separatist movements that voice papuan nationalism and independence, fakfak muslims still stand strong as indonesians. even after the enactment of law no. 21 of 2001 concerning special autonomy for papua which put muslims in papua in a difficult position, muslims in fakfak responded by helping to encourage the existence of the papuan muslim council which plays a role in affirming their identity as muslims as well as papuans and indonesians. bibliography abdullah, i. (2007). handout pengantar metodologi penelitian kualitatif. yogyakarta; sekolah pascasarjana ugm. abdillah, u. (2002). politik identitas etnis, pergulatan tanda tanpa identitas magelang: indonesia tera. al-hamid, i. (2013). islam politik di papua. jurnal millab vol. xii, no. 2. azra, a. (2013). jaringan ulama timur tengah dan kepulauan nusantara abad xvii-xviii. jakarta: kencana prenada media group. [ 293 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 -------. (2006). islam in the indonesia world: an account of institutional formation. bandung: mizan. chaufel, r. (2005). constructing papua nationalism; history, ethnicity, and adaptation. washington: east-west center. cholil, m. (1979). sejarah operasi pembebasan irian barat. jakarta: pusat sejarah abri. denzin, n.k & ys. (1994). lincoln. handbook of qualitative research. california: sage publication. drooglever, p. 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(2012). etnosentrisme dan politik representasi di era otonomi khusus papua. unpublished paper presented at kbm ugm. bernarda, m. (2012). nasionalisme ganda orang papua. jakarta: pt. kompas media nusantara. mujib, i. (2013). islam lokal; perspektif historis dan politik dalam memahami narasi islam aceh dalam konstruksi global. banjarmasin: laporan aicis ke-10. ng, f. (1998). adaptation, acculturation and transnational ties among asian americans. new york: garland publishing, inc. pamungkas, c. (2008). papua muslim dan otonomi khusus; kontestasi identitas di kalangan orang papua. jakarta; unpublished thesis at program [ 294 ] al albab: volume 10 number 2 december 2021 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v10i2.1990 pascasarjana sosiologi fisip universitas indonesia. pandie, d. a. (2018). konsep “satu tungku tiga batu” sosio-kultural fakfak sebagai model interaksi dalam kehidupan antarumat beragama, societas dei jurnal agama dan masyarakat. vol 5 no 1. p:49-59. doi:10.33550/sd.v5i1.78 putuhena, s. (2006). studi sejarah masuknya islam di fakfak. fakfak: diproduksi oleh pemerintah kabupaten fakfak. onim, j.f. (2006). islam dan kristen di tanah papua. bandung: jurnal info media. rumbaru, m. (2018). identity construction of the minority papuan muslim: a study on the majelis muslim papua. jurnal episteme jurnal pengembangan ilmu keislaman, vol 3 no 2. https://doi.org/10.21274/ epis.2018.13.2.339-360 sukamto, a. e. (2004). pemataan peran dan kepentingan aktor dalam konflik papua. jakarta: lipi. suwae, h. (2012). konstruksi identitas kepapuan dalam era demokrasi. yogyakarta; unpublished dissertation at program kajian budaya dan media, sekolah pascasarjana ugm. tuhlil, m. et.al (2020). adat, islam, and the idea of religion in colonial indonesia,” al-albab. volume 9. number 2. victor, m. t. (2009). rekonstruksi sejarah umat islam di tanah papua. jakarta: badan litbang kementerian agama. editor-in-chief zaenuddin hudi prasojo international editors afifi al-akiti (faculty of theology and religion, oxford university, united kingdom) yasien mohamed (university of the western cape, south africa, south africa) irwan abdullah (gajah mada university, yogyakarta, indonesia) zainal abidin bagir (universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta, indonesia) hans-christian günther (department of classics albert ludwigs university of freiburg, germany, germany) kamaludeen bin mohamed nasir (nanyang technological university, singapore) mohd roslan mohd nor (university of malaya, malaysia) giuseppina strummiello (university of bari aldo moro, italy) abdul razak abdulroya panaemalae (walailak university, thailand) florian pohl (oxford college of emory university, united states, germany) mujiburrahman (iain antasari banjarmasin, indonesia) minako sakai (director of social sciencesresearch group, australia) busro busro (uin sunan gunung djati bandung, indonesia) tassim abu bakar (universiti brunei darussalam, brunei darussalam) assistant editors faizal amin, iain pontianak, indonesia saifuddin herlambang, iain pontianak, indonesia syamsul kurniawan, iain pontianak, indonesia section editor setia purwadi, iain pontianak, indonesia language advisor jennifer h lundt, colgate university scholar, new york, united states al-albab volume 11 number 2 december 2022 al-albab issn 0216-6143 (print) and issn: 2502-8340 (online) is an interdisciplinary journal published twice a year in print and online (e-journal) by the pontianak state institute of islamic studies, pontianak. our academic publication concern includes the studies of world religions of islam, buddhism, christianity, hinduism, judaism, chinese religions and other religions. interdisciplinary studies may include the studies of religion in the fields of anthropology, sociology, philosophy, psychology, education, cultural studies and other social sciences. since the journal is published twice a year, special issue would be made available for special condition. the regular issues include june and december editions each year. the journal publishes research-based articles in the area of religious studies. all prospective contributors from various background are welcome to contribute to the journal publication. contributions in english should be typed single-space and contain minimum of 4.000 and maximum of 8.000 words. the citation should follow apa style with footnotes. editorial office: al-albab, gedung saifuddin zuhri pascasarjana iain pontianak, jalan letjend suprapto no. 19, pontianak selatan pontianak 78122, kalimantan barat, indonesia. phone: (62-561) 734170 fax: (62-561) 734170 ; handphone/wa: +6281256738348 e-mail: redaksi.bjrs@gmail.com website: http://jurnaliainpontianak.or.id/index.php/alalbab al albab volume 10 number 2 (december 2021) contents 1. lgbt and religious negotiations: a case study of youth interfaith forum on sexuality (yifos) roni, fatimah husein, dewi candraningrum .............................................. 161 2. pinah laman: the construction of religious and ethnic identity within the mentuka dayak of west kalimantan felisitas yuswanto, sekar ayu aryani, ahmad muttaqin .......................... 177 3. face veil and lawo-lambu: negotiating religious practices among muslims and catholics in ende city yosep aurelius woi bule, adison adrianus sihombing ............................. 199 4. preserving diversity: lessons from batang tarang village of west kalimantan hermansyah, faisal abdullah, mochamad hamdan .................................. 221 5. cultural resistance and sharia-based ecology in the fishing community in aceh zubir, abdul manaf, abdul mugni, noviandy ............................................. 245 6. ethnicity, religion and the changing community structure within fakfak society in papua ade yamin, musa rumbaru, nining lestari, mufliha wijayati ............... 267 7. religious solidarity for coping with economic crisis during the covid-19 pandemic luqman, ilhamdi .................................................................................................. 287 8. portrait of moderate islam within muslim university students in indonesia ahmad jais, sumin ............................................................................................... 301 [ 177 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 pinah laman: the construction of religious and ethnic identity within the mentuka dayak of west kalimantan felisitas yuswanto uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta, indonesia sekolah tinggi agama katolik negeri pontianak, indonesia email: joezzwanto@gmail.com sekar ayu aryani uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta, indonesia email: sekar.aryani@ uin-suka.ac.id ahmad muttaqin uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta, indonesia email: ahmad.muttaqin@uin-suka.ac.id abstract for the mentuka dayak tribe, pinah laman is a change in ethnic and religious identity. pinah laman in the mentuka dayak community is perceived as a cultural space for community members who convert to a particular religion. generally, religious conversion occurs in this society from catholicism to islam. the new identity is given by the term ‘sinan.’ but on the other hand, the sinan identity has its own meaning. sinan is a new identity given to those who have converted to another religion. because of this pinah laman custom, they do not get their tribal rights, such as: performing the mentuka dayak traditional ceremonies. this article aims to explore the construction of a new identity from the construction process of religious identity, which involves custom. in addition, this article also explains the form of religious identity construction that occurs among the mentuka dayak tribe and the new converts who experience it. religious conversion is inseparable from the driving factors for the emergence of a new identity and the implications of constructing a new identity due to the conversion process. this article was compiled from the results of research using the ethnographic method. the results of this research show that pinah laman is a conversion process of a christian or catholic dayak to islam. this impacts the social sanctions one receives from one’s social group. for the mentuka dayak people, when someone decides to change his religion, he must be willing to give up his dayak ethnicity. one of the social effects felt by a new convert in the dayak tribe is that he will be given a nickname or term ‘sinan.’ based on the results of this research, the term sinan has a negative connotation. this is because those who change their religion are ultimately not given the freedom to practice dayak customs as usual. keyword: pinah laman; construction; religious and ethnic identity; the mentuka dayak [ 178 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 introduction the construction of a new religious identity after pinah laman occurs among the mentuka dayak tribe. the conversion of ethnic identity accompanies this construction of religious identity. pinah laman in the mentuka dayak community1 is perceived as a cultural space for community members who convert to another religion (religious conversion). generally, religious conversion occurs in this society from catholicism to islam.2 the converts (people who change their religion) in this custom will be required to renounce their dayak traditions and catholicism. a new identity, sinan3, is then given to them. however, the sinan identity has other meanings beyond the meaning of the conversation. even though they have left catholicism, because of this pinah laman custom, sinan still receives the opportunity to build relationships with other family members and the community. the dayaks in west kalimantan are predominantly catholics while the malays are muslims. (abdillah, 2012; akil, 1994; albab, 2018; martinus et al., n.d.; muhrotien, 2012; muhtifah, 2013; qodir, 2018; riwut & riwut, 2007; yuswanto, 2021) the religious conversion among the dayaks in west kalimantan gives rise to a new identity which is generally referred to as senganan (atok, 2017; barter, 2014; binti bolhasan, 2019; duile, 2017; erni, n.d.; halim et al., 2019, 2021; khair & zaki, 2018; kustini & pusat litbang kehidupan beragama (indonesia), 2010; misrita & no, 2016; nugraha, 2018; sellato, 2021; sulaiman et al., n.d.; susanti, 2015; tanasaldy, 2012; utami, 2022; yusriadi, 2019). the religious conversion among the dayaks of west kalimantan is unique because they leave their customs and daily life practice as dayak people. this conversion is also called turun melayu [becoming malay]. (lathifah, 2018a, 2018b). the two ethnic identities, dayak and malay, have developed according to the times. (andriana, 2011; nugraha, 2018; yusriadi, 2018; prasojo, 2008). based on these views, this research found new construction of identity among the dayaks, specifically among the mentuka dayak tribe. changes in identity related to culture are also found among the karo batak who convert to islam (amin et al., 2019; kipp, 1995; kumbara & anom, 2008; mujiburrahman, 2001; nurohman & gunawan, 2019; rumahuru, 2020; sugiatno, 2016). these changes are also the case with religious conversion among the sasak ethnic group (david harnish, 2021; kumbara & anom, 2008). religious conversion associated with ethnic identity is directly or indirectly related because it 1 mentuka dayak refers to the dayak sub-tribe in west kalimantan that generally live in sekadau regency, west kalimantan. they are synonymous with catholicism. 2 hereinafter, members of the mentuka dayak tribe who will convert to islam will be referred to as convert. 3 sinan is a distinctive term in the mentuka dayak tribe to refer to the dayaks who have changed religion from catholicism to islam. [ 179 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 involves a separate psycho-spiritual side (hironimus, 2022; iyadurai, 2014; prof. dr. h. kurnial ilahi et al., 2017). the issues examined in this article are: the dayak people who convert from catholicism to islam are alienated, for example: living outside of the mentuka dayak tribe means they cannot live with or be close to their family anymore and do not get an inheritance. even though those who have converted (pinah laman) still identify themselves as dayak, the social impact built in the mentuka dayak tribe is that those who have left the catholic religion are no longer accepted as members of the mentuka dayak tribe. the reason is that those who have left catholicism can no longer practice their ancestors’ customs. this is also intended to distinguish between the dayak people, who live in the upper reaches of the river, and the malays, who live in the coastal areas. other implications of this ‘alienation’ include not eating pork, drinking liquor, and dressing in traditional clothing (for women). from the point of view of the catholic religion, the catholic church provides freedom of religion and does not give a specific label or designation for those who leave catholicism (halawa, 2022). this article seeks to explore the construction of a new identity lost when someone has practiced pinah laman. the construction of this new identity includes the construction of religious identity, which involves custom. the author perceives that the problem of changing ethnic identity related to religious identity can trigger behavior of intolerance or cut off relations with other family members and the community in their hometown. the construction of a new identity among the mentuka dayaks needs to be examined in depth because people who change their religion and ethnic identity have new views on life in line with their new religious teachings and new customs. this can trigger conflict with each other, in which catholicism and islam have different patterns or ways of life, as is the case with the lifestyle of the dayaks and malays in west kalimantan. this article describes the form of construction of religious identity that occurred among the dayak mentuka and the converts4 who experienced it. religious conversion cannot be separated from the driving factors for the emergence of a new identity and the implications of constructing a new identity due to the conversion process. this article was compiled from the research results using the ethnographic method. the data were collected for approximately 3 (three) months in nanga mahap district, sekadau regency, using participant observation, in-depth interviews, and guided group discussions. the data sources for this research were the converts, traditional leaders, and community leaders. this research 4 convert is the word used in this article to refer to sinan. [ 180 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 found that there is new construction of religious identity in the practice of religious conversion among the mentuka dayak tribe in the context of spiritual life, namely sinan. in particular, this research was carried out in the lembah beringin. lembah beringin is part of the outer mentuka, but for customs and social life, there is no difference from the inner mentuka people. in lembah beringin, the term sinan is also found. sinan in this place has a culture that is almost similar to that of the mentuka dayak people because they are also mentuka dayak people. the construction of pinah laman the term pinah laman is a custom given to the mentuka dayaks, who will convert from catholicism to islam. meanwhile, the term sinan is an identity given to the mentuka dayaks who have converted to islam. in addition, sinan is a direct effect or social sanction given by mentuka dayaks to subjects who have converted from catholicism to islam. in other areas or dayak tribes, the term sinan is also known as senganan. the mentuka dayak tribe is divided into two regions: mentuka dalam [inner mentuka] and mentuka luar [outer mentuka]. the designations of the inner and outer regions indicate that the area is close to a ‘lump’ of land from the majapahit kingdom, which is recognized as the pioneer in the emergence of the mentuka dayak tribe. the religious, social condition of the lembah beringin hamlet5 and tanjung melati6 has an attachment between two different religions, namely islam and catholicism. regarding inter-religious tolerance, people in the two hamlets are like brothers and sisters. when the researcher visited a funeral in tanjung melati, the people present were not only from tanjung melati, but the sinan people who come from the lembah banyan also came and participated in the funeral ceremony and traditional events at the funeral home. it is the same case with religious holidays. the tolerance between the two hamlets is excellent and shows that the habit of living together in mutual respect is still going well. carrying out the traditions of the mentuka dayak ancestors in lembah beringin is inevitable for the people, especially in mystical matters such as berobat [traditional healing],7 with no exception for those who are sinan. this 5 lembah beringin is a location where the mentuka dayaks who have converted to islam (sinan) live. there are several places of worship for muslims but no place of worship for the catholics. 6 tanjung melati or better known as dusun soruk is the home of the outer mentuka dayak tribe. this village [hamlet] is synonymous with catholicism. there are several places of worship for catholics but no place of worship for the muslims. 7 the term berobat [traditional healing] in west kalimantan has a connotation of mystical matters, such as treatment using the help of invisible beings, borrowing terms that are [ 181 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 is quite common in lembah beringin village. an informant stated: “in lembah beringin there are many shamans, even more than those in soruk. they (sinan) still go to shamans and still give offerings. i also once accompanied a friend to see a shaman and look for medicinal herbs in the forest. at that time the plate we brought with us was empty. the sinan shaman recited some mantra, and suddenly there appeared the bark, flowers, and seeds we were looking for.” (selin, personal communication, 10 october 2021). a brief description of the conditions for traditional healing above is common in west kalimantan in general. traditional items are needed for the treatment itself, which are difficult to find now. these rare items can be replaced with money as gratitude or a substitute for the service a person does to prepare the items. one of the same customs practiced today is the custom of sinan religious conversion in lembah beringin. the sinan people in lembah beringin also practice pinah laman, which is practiced by the mentuka dayaks. interestingly, when the individual pinah laman was issued according to custom, the two village chiefs and customary leaders from each hamlet were present to witness the pinah laman event. pinah laman is a common thing known to the dayak mentuka and sinan. when the researcher collected data about sinan’s life, it was illustrated that the sinan tradition has the same culture or customs as the mentuka dayak tribe in tanjung melati. the thing that distinguishes it is everyday items that are replaced with money. this is in line with the healing rituals described earlier in this section. acceptance of salobar8 or a joint agreement with the indigenous people indicating that the dayak individual had converted to sinan was welcomed by the temenggung adat [customary leader] of lembah beringin, and they continued with the pinah laman practiced by the sinan people. living together in a community in terms of unity in the management of lembah beringin village does not make the mentuka dayaks change their religion. the new converts that we met knew islam outside the lembah beringin village. they are not afraid to change their faith because they know that by completing pinah laman, they can achieve their goal of conversion. a convert believes that outside the mentuka dayaks territory, he found a religion that suits his identity, namely islam. this is in line with the view of lewis rambo, who reported that the convert has goals to achieve, has future orientation, and is motivated when deciding to do a pinah laman. the experience of living in society has led the convert to find a new religion and generally the same as activities related to shamanism. 8 salobar is a statement or decision made by a customary council member or traditional leader declaring that a convert can become a sinan and has been ‘alienated’ from the culture or customs of the mentuka dayak tribe. [ 182 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 provide a new path in life. pinah laman really affects the convert to strive for a better life. the fact that a dayak individual who converts to another religion is still accepted by his family makes pinah laman, which at first looks difficult, become less complicated. the data collected during the research showed that the new convert lacked a profound understanding of the implications of sinan’s identity, which should live a life according to the teachings of islam properly. this is reflected in sinan’s behavior, drinking liquor and eating pork during traditional events and private moments. (rico and unyil, personal communication, 17 march 2021) the people in lembah beringin and tanjung melati have a similar social structure. a new life for the recent convert in lembah beringin as a new place to practice islam’s teachings is an appropriate description. second, the traditional adat elders, both in tanjung melati and lembah beringin, mutually accepted those who do pinah laman, which shows that these two hamlets have solid connections or relations with each other. from the observation data collected in this research, we saw that these two hamlets’ lives were going well. during religious holidays, they visited each other, and even during traditional events, they invited each other. in other words, the sinans, who have new life goals by the new religion, have a place to accomplish their life goals and are protected by the customs of their respective hamlets. “yang setau aku tih kesamaan adat atau ritual adat di lembah beringin tuk sama tamah yang ada di soruk nun, ... sistem kepengurusan adat a sama jak am, dituk pun ada gak pengurus adat a, missal a yak dituk ada gak tamongokng adat a, adat gak segala menteri-menteri adat a. tamah segala proses ngalaksana adat a yak sama jak am. cuma yang di soruk yak ada segala yang nama mangkok adat, babi, tuak a piak jak am. jolu yak yang nyadi pokok adat a tih. macam di lembah beringin tuk semua adat yang macam di sotuk yak ganti tamah duit jak, misik istilah macam di soruk yak ya. apai jak jolu adat a yang di lembah beringin tuk samua di ganti tamah duit jak am. ngalaksana a tih totap sama jak am yak a.” ( herianto, personal communication, 10 oktober 2021) meaning: “as far as i know, the customs or rituals in lembah beringin are the same as those in soruk, ... the conventional management system is the same, here we also have adat traditional elders, for example there is a temenggung adat [customary chief ], there are also adat ministers. and the process of carrying out the custom is still the same, it’s just like in soruk, the custom is traditional bowls, pork, rice wine and the like, there must be something that serves as the main component of the [ 183 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 custom. whereas in lembah beringin there is no such thing, here all the customs handled to the traditional elders are replaced with money, there are no other types, like in soruk. … all the violations of customary law in lembah beringin shall be replaced with money. the adat procession remains the same.” the adat procession which the two chiefs of the villages attended is a reflection of inter-religious tolerance as well as inter-cultural tolerance. pinah laman does not alienate someone from their family or hometown. the demographic condition of west kalimantan, which has a wide area with further development in each region, has brought a new mindset to the mentuka dayak community. therefore, the mentuka dayak people who know a new world have new hopes too. this is manifested in their intention to change their way of life that suits them. it also happens in religious life. those who know islam because they study outside their hometown and feel islam is suitable for them selfconsciously declare to do pinah laman. the pinah laman, which was done by a new convert outside the territory of the dayak mentuka tribe, was described that outside their place of birth, they found something that moved them to have a different life with new habits. the mentuka dayak tribe has a religious lifestyle by the teachings of the catholic religion, which are different from the teachings of islam. this difference could generate new thoughts; one will do pinah laman because of the motivation to get a new and suitable life. in other words, pinah laman is also driven by inspiration, hope, orientation, and something related to one’s conscience. we believe that the identity of sinan is given to the mentuka dayak tribe. even though a sinan himself does not want to use the term. pinah laman occurs not only because of one’s wish but because others make him interested and want to know more. this is not a form of the collectivity of various figures, but there is usually one figure who becomes a role model for him to change his religion. (ritzer & smart, 2012) the construction of sinan identity the construction of sinan identity, particularly, had yet to be obtained during this research. literature on sinan is scarce because it is only found among the mentuka dayak tribe. the construction of sinan identity needs to be viewed from the two designations for the two major tribes in kalimantan, namely the dayak and the malay. “in general, it can be said that the term dayak is used to name nonmuslims who live in the interior of kalimantan. this term was given by the malays on the coast of borneo, which means mountain. (andriana, [ 184 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 2011; mananta, n.d.; riwut et al., 2003) this term is related to the word malay, which is a term for people who come from the malay area and speak malay and live on the coast of kalimantan and are muslim.” the construction of sinan identity occurs when a dayak embraces islam. this is in line with the general view that the dayaks are christians or catholics because those who later embrace islam are no longer called dayaks. some call them senganan or refer to them as “becoming malay.”(fatmawati, 2007) the term sinan was used by grandpa akim, who reported as follows: “sinan ce naodant ka nya melayu ce odant bahasa saik se sinan. bahasa joman saik se, bahasa sinan ce bahasa joman muntuh. nya melayu mpoda nya dayak to kan nya doih. nya doih to kan joman nyamuntuh saik se, nya doih to kan kayodeh monai nik tamikng sungi. nya nik uut sungi to kan nya dayak. nya melayu kan kant e se nya nik monai nik piking. totap nik doih, nik tunu tona. kan bala angok, banatakng ce nik piking. nya doih ngan nik piking. nya melayu nik piking kan ideh uleh nsia bayunupm mpah ka duyung …sinan to odant panggilan e mom.”(akim, personal communication, 11 maret 2021) meaning: “sinan refers to the malays; formerly the word that was used [to call them] was sinan. it was an old word. the word sinan was [derived from] the old language. the malays referred to the dayaks as the darat people. the dayaks didn’t live on the riverside; where those living on the upriver side were the dayaks. the malays were riverine people. according to the legend, riverine people couldn’t live in the water in ancient times. [they] lived on land, on the ground. all fish and animals were in the water. darat people lived in the water, too. the malays couldn’t swim like dugongs... sinan was their nickname.” grandpa akim stated that the term sinan is a nickname. the old language (among the mentuka dayak tribe) referred to the malays as sinan people, which can also be interpreted as those (mentuka dayaks) who embraced the malay religion, namely islam. this is related to the disagreement regarding the view that in the past, the dayak people were called darat people because they did not live on the riverside, while the malays were said to live in the (river) water. according to grandpa akim, this is incorrect because the malays can’t live in the water as humans cannot live in the water like dugongs. the interview with grandpa akim shed light on a unique expression in the terms darat people and “water” people. in particular, the term sinan is given [ 185 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 explicitly as a nickname only for dayak muslim people. the temenggung of tanjung melati said: “deent ce tintikng ka sinan lamp bahasa mentuka, mungkin basa indonesia e ce ngutan. nik asli e deent ce saik se kan nya dayak manto ce ikunt e dayak, bahasa islam e mualaf. ikunt e ncela …padahal sabonar e odup e ce ikunt e dayak tapi sinan. tapi padai nyonsik hal nik mpah manto dah kotui manto ce biasa mom, padai nya dayak ngan nya sinan sabonar e bujoi agama mom ngan pamakant e jak baloikng tapi gik cukup kuat nahan modup basama nik bake.”(temenggung adat tanjung melati, fgd ii, 15 maret 2021) meaning: “they are referred to as sinan in the mentuka language, possibly ngutan in the indonesian language. originally they used to be dayaks, but now they are no longer dayaks; in islamic terms they are called mualaf [convert]. we don’t criticize... a person like that is just an assumption on his part that he is a dayak when he is no longer one but a sinan. but seeing things like this is normal so far because the dayaks and the sinans are only different in religion and food but still hold fast to tolerance.” the temenggung of tanjung melati hamlet interpreted that the term sinan means ngutan (a term of the mentuka dayak language), which according to him, is a derivation of the indonesian language. he explained that this term gives meaning to dayak people who embrace islam. his words can be interpreted by referring to the mentuka dayak tribe, who are catholic. if the mentuka dayak people are not catholic (in this case, muslim), that person is no longer said to be a dayak. this causes the mentuka dayak people who convert to islam to be called sinan or mualaf. as the temenggung of tanjung melati, he did not want the term convert to have a negative connotation expressed through his statement that he did not criticize. the term sinan according to the temenggung of tanjung melati hamlet, is simple. the dayaks and the sinans have differences in food and religion because, in tanjung melati, they hold fast to tolerance between religion and the practice of their tribal customs. “kalua beda sinan ngan doih ce memang am. kalua odup e dah turunt sinan, odup e dah pinah am. kalua melayu ngan sinan ce odeh ga beda e, kalua nik tintikng senganan ce nya melayu katurunt nya dayak. kalua melayu nik asl ice katurunt niti raja, nik sobut ka abang. ce baka e nik sobut ka melayu. tapi dah baoh manto ce bacampoi am. kalua [ 186 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 nya senganan ce kabangant e nya dayak. nik istilah e katurunt melayu kajoman raja saik se, ce kona paksa harus turunt. ce tintikng sinan.” meaning: “there are, in fact, differences between sinan and doih. if one has become sinan, he has changed to sinan. the difference between sinan and malay is odeh. if you call them senganan, they are malays of dayak descent. a real malay is a descendant of a king titled abang. that’s a malay. but now it’s mixed up. for the senganans, many dayaks are said to be descended from the malays because they were forced to convert during the time of the kings. they are called sinan.” this is different from the views of other mentuka dayak traditional elders, such as the view of the chief of pantok hamlet, which is the center of the mentuka dayak customary council. the chief of dusun pantok said that sinan is another term for senganan used by the dayaks. however, the term sinan is typical among the mentuka dayak tribe, so there is no equivalent of the term with the malay designation. this identity transformation is related to cultural displacement. there is no prohibition on changing religion, but there are separate warnings for people who will change religion. if the person concerned already has a firm intention, and has been given a warning that changing faith comes with inevitable consequences. that person will be subject to the custom of changing culture. an informant said: “padai nsia maah sabonar e ideh tao pinah budaya ce lah kakuatan e. kalau nsia longk nak nokap, odant e to kona adat. kalau nyamuntuh e ngidah, odup e totap nak barubah, odeh adat e. kalau odup e nokap, maka kona tuntot adat.” (husin, fgd iii, 16 maret 2021) meaning: “so because our people can’t change culture, that’s strength. if a community member wants to be reckless, that’s what we call it. it’s subject to customary law. if their parents forbid them, but they want to proceed, there is customary law. if they are reckless, they will be prosecuted through customary law.” the quotation above illustrates that to change religion or culture, parents have a role in guarding or forbidding their children because of the habits practiced in the life of the mentuka dayak tribe. however, a person who wants to change religion, in this case in his position as a child, and is determined to do so, will [ 187 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 be prosecuted through customary law. in this case, it is also implied that the risk of religious conversion is the change of dayak culture to a culture that is not dayak anymore. in the focus group, discussion held on march 17, 2021, in the pantok hamlet, there was an in-depth discussion regarding the term sinan, namely: “kalau dah pinah, sacara identitas niti kaluarga totap, tapi agame loikng. memang deent ce kalau dah pinah ce odant e sinan, menurut bahasa mentuka e. nik sabut ka sinan, sanganan, atau nyage ce talalu kasar gila bagi deent ce. deent ce togoh narima kona sobut mpah maen. deent ce lebih ngonal bala odup e ka melayu.” (riki, fgd iii, 16 maret 2021) meaning: “if one has changed [religion], his family identity remains the same, but the religion is different. in fact, when they have converted [to another religion], they are called sinan according to the mentuka language. the designation of sinan or senganan or nyage 9 is derogatory to them. they may find it difficult to accept that designation; they prefer to introduce themselves as malays” riki, head of tanjung melati hamlet, argued that the mentuka dayaks who had changed their identity, have their family identity unchanged, in the sense that religion had changed. the ethnic identity changed to become malay because the use of the terms sinan, senganan, or nyage is regarded as derogatory. the converts who live in tanjung melati hamlet prefer to use the term malay as their new identity. “melayu ce bahasa alus e, bahasa daerah. nik tintikng nya dayak mentuka ce sinan. jadi deent nyobut bala odup e melayu, padai deent ce pinah agama.” (aket, fgd iii, 16 maret 2021) meaning: “malay is the appropriate term, the regional language. they call the mentuka dayaks sinan. so they call themselves malays, because they have converted to another religion.” according to aket excerpted from the discussion above, the malay term for the convert is a subtle designation in the regional language. the correct term 9 the term nyage is a muslim dayak term in the nanga mahap area. this term is a term that has a negative connotation or has a rough accent when spoken among the mentuka dayak tribe. [ 188 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 is sinan because it comes from the mentuka language. the term malay is used after a religious conversion. “deent ce nik pinah niti suku dayak mentuka biasa e ce lebih panatik niti nya nik asli e. waktu ulang tahun dah babeda am. deent ce mincakng bala panyantak dodup mom. ntah padai onih deent ce. maka e senganan atau sinan ce budaya, ciri khas nya dayak ce dah ayap am. pas dah pinah agama deent ce dah tarikat ongan ajaran agama islam.” (husin, fgd iii, 16 maret 2021) meaning: “those who change religion in the mentuka dayak tribe usually become more fanatical than they originally were. during the birthday party, they were different.10 they brought their utensils. i don’t know why. so senganan or sinan is a culture; their dayak characteristics are gone. when they have changed religion, they are bound by the teachings of islam.” bang jiman was not interested in discussing the use of the terms. he prefers to invite the fgd forum to discuss the conversion issue. the converts usually become more fanatical than they were initially. in other words, converts are more passionate than those born muslim. for example, the converts’ life also changes in the designation of different birthday. when they return home, they bring their own utensil. this is in line with pak husin’s statement in the previous section. bang jiman also did not understand why this happened. this change in lifestyle makes the converts lose their identity. it would be difficult to call them dayaks because the teachings of islam bind them. “kalau odup e gulokng, balome islam to nak pinah agama ka nya dayak, baoh manto kalua dah lamat-lamat ce obu agik, ce odeh adat e … kalua dah pinah ka melayu, deent ce ikunt e dayak agik ... ce kan dah ntigal agama to odeh adat e, kalua kayodeh adat e, adat e gik odeh ... kalua odeh nik bapinah-pinah, kona adat nipu agama. odup e nak nyaga kabagos agama e.” (jiman, fgd iii, 16 maret 2021) meaning: “if he wants it, we muslims want to convert to the dayak religion; now it’s been a long time since they’ve run away again; there’s customary 10 the difference in the year among the mentuka dayak tribe is based on the calculation of the hijri year and leap year. a customary council member of the mentuka dayak tribe views that a person’s age or the birthday of a sinan based on the hijri year calculation. [ 189 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 law for that... when they become malay, they’re not dayak anymore... leaving religion requires customary law, if there is no customary law, this religion is useless... no longer dayak, then after renouncing religion, the customary law is still there... if someone changes religion back and forth, he will be subject to customary law for cheating religion. it will keep the religion clean.” grandpa akim’s statement emphasized pinah laman’s position related to ethnic identity. if the mentuka dayak people want to “jump the fence,” they have lost their customs as dayak people. if the person is half-hearted in making his choice, then the customary practice will be useless because the mentuka dayak tribe’s customs cannot be separated from their religion (catholicism). if he changes religion, he will be subject to even more severe customs for toying with faith. pinah laman brings changes in ethnic identity for the convert. in collecting data regarding this change, it was assumed that the use of the word sinan for the mentuka dayak convert was not final because there were two conflicting parties. one party accepted the term sinan because they believed that the word sinan was the correct term for a convert with various supporting reasons, and one party did not use the term sinan for specific reasons. “in west kalimantan, if a dayak converts to islam, he tends to reject his identity as a dayak and is considered malay. in west kalimantan, a malay does not have to be someone of malay ethnicity because a dayak who embraces islam also becomes a malay... a dayak who later converts to islam no longer calls himself a dayak but a malay and no longer uses the dayak language but malay.”(john bamba, 2008) the dayak identity that is lost and becomes sinan is the identity given by the traditional elders of the mentuka dayak tribe and the mentuka dayak community. however, the converts still regard themselves as muslim dayak. they do not want to give up their dayak identity even though society says otherwise. generally, society finds it difficult to accept them as dayak because the sinan are far more fanatical about implementing islamic teachings than the muslims themselves. for example, when the sinan return home, they bring their cutlery and cooking utensils. they do not want to use their family’s cutlery and cooking utensils even despite being made available to them. families respect them by providing a separate table or place for muslim families. but in reality, they always bring their cooking utensils and cutlery. even though this is difficult for the family and society to accept, over time, the family and community inevitably take the habit of the sinan to maintain a good relationship. [ 190 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 the sinan identity is full of islamic religious values, so their religious attitude is seen in their pattern of life. this spiritual attitude is maintained as their identity and personality, causing them to carry out the teachings of the religion they embrace steadily. such a religious attitude gives rise to excessive obedience and leads to fanaticism. therefore, the spiritual perspective of an adult tends to be based on the selection of religious teachings that can provide inner peace based on common sense considerations.(jalaluddin, 2019; rambo et al., 2014). fearon’s theory was used to construct the sinan identity in three forms: identity legitimacy, identity resistance, and identity projects. (fearon, 2020; jalaluddin, 2019) this theory was used to see how the construction of the sinan identity is preserved in the customs of the mentuka and dayak tribes and the polemic on the use of the sinan identity in society. the projection of the sinan identity is a symbol of the expression of traditional elders who have experience in pinah laman. identity legitimacy and resistance the first form of fearon’s theory is identity legitimacy which the traditional elders of the mentuka dayak tribe created. the traditional and customary elders of the mentuka dayak tribe in pantok, nanga mahap, and tanjung melati address pinah laman in the customary book of the mentuka dayak tribe. this pinah laman procedure has been “patented” and cannot be contested by anyone. this custom is also used as a guide from one generation to the other. the term sinan used as an identity for the convert from the mentuka dayak tribe is a special term given by the customary administrator to the convert. this identity is given without asking for the convert’s approval but is automatically accepted by the convert. the term sinan is nothing new among the mentuka dayak tribe, but the meaning of sinan has not been adequately understood by the mentuka dayak people. “odant sinan ce asal e niti bahasa nya dayak mentuka. ikunt e bahasa baoh tapi niti ine boyak deent ce, ideh kona nangkoingk, atau nangkoingk masyarakat adat mentuka. ... samua masyarakat dayak mentuka samua e dah ngantao sinan ce odant nik kona nambola ka osih ngan osih baka e. padai nik lamp adat pinah agama, masyarakat ongan kona nunangk ka acara dook dan saogont dook bala pamakant nik dah kona nontangk pelayan kona nampoda yoyi e onih tujuan odeh acara e ce.” meaning: “the word sinan comes from the native language of the mentuka dayak people. not a new language but from their ancestors, not artificial or [ 191 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 written by the indigenous mentuka people. ... all mentuka dayak people know that sinan is a title or nickname given to whom and who the person is. because of the custom of changing religion, the community is invited to a meal. before eating the dishes provided by the waiter, they are explained the event’s purpose.” (husin, fgd iii, 16 march 2021) the second form of this theory is the identity resistance generated by the convert in a position that receives pinah laman. opposition arose when we asked about the convert’s identity after pinah laman to the convert and the traditional elders of the tanjung melati hamlet. opposition arose when they did not want to be called sinan. “ … walaupun balome bapinah, balome totap suku dayak padai balome katurunt nya dayak.” “ … totap dayak, sukuk an ideh tao nubah.”(rosa, personal communication, 13 maret 2021) “ … kayodeh parubah e. ome totap suku dayak.” (anna, personal communication, 13 maret 2021) meaning: “... even though we change [religioun], we are still dayak because we are of dayak descent.” “... still dayak, ethnicity can’t be changed.” “ ... no changes. i am still a dayak.” the same thing was stated by utuy (70 years), who said: “they are still dayak. in other words, muslim dayak.” (utuy, personal communication, march 16, 2021) this statement was made because his son had become a sinan. the statement above is part of the resistance on the convert’s side and traditional elders that we met. in an in-depth interview, among the conventional elders who said they were still dayak, they unintentionally said their children had experienced pinah laman. this shows that there is a reason why the traditional elders did not give the sinan identity to the convert, despite knowing the consequences of pinah laman. in interviews and fgds held in pantok hamlet, it was explained that the mentuka dayaks did not want to experience sadness because some of their tribe members left. they do not wish any dayak people to go to their dayakness. we found the same thing in jenkins’ explanation of the meaning of the identity (jenkins, 2008; maunati, 2004). the converts consciously recognize the characteristics of the ethnic identity they choose. they do not want to use the term sinan because they know the meaning of sinan, which is no longer dayak. they do not want to lose their interaction with the dayak identity. however, in this case, the traditional elders know that [ 192 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 the convert cannot be forced to become a dayak again. the mentuka dayak tribe releases the obligation of the convert as a mentuka dayak from everything related to the customs of the mentuka dayak tribe. a sinan will not be prosecuted if he does not practice the traditions of the mentuka dayak tribe. for example, in the case of drinking rice wine at traditional events. drinking rice wine in the traditional event of the mentuka dayak tribe is an obligation for the mentuka dayak people. if they do not want to practice this custom, they will receive a separate customary sanction because of their dayak identity. tuak [rice wine] is an obligation in the traditions of the mentuka dayak tribe. therefore, people who do not drink it will have an issue in terms of ethnic identity. the identity issues above can be found in a sinan. he is free from the custom of drinking rice wine or the like because the mentuka dayak tribe already knows the name sinan as a person who has converted to islam, and they cannot force the sinan to drink rice wine. the mentuka dayaks respect islamic teachings and do not want to ruin the human relationship with god. if the mentuka dayaks force the sinan to drink rice wine, then the mentuka dayaks themselves will be prosecuted under the customary law by the traditional elders. rice, wine or the like, and pork is traditional food and drink that must be present in the traditional rituals of the mentuka dayak tribe. these two standard items cannot be replaced because they have their essence, especially in the customs of the ancestors of the mentuka dayak tribe. if these two traditional items are only served without being consumed by the mentuka dayaks, then it can be said that they do not respect the customs of the mentuka dayak tribe’s ancestors. they understand this as a custom that lives and is preserved for generations. identity project the third form of this theory is the identity project which refers to the conversion in terms of substituting social positions and changing social structure. sadness because a dayak individual who renounces his dayakness does not need to arise because pinah laman facilitates or cures the sadness the family and the mentuka dayak people feel. everyday items used to perform the pinah laman ceremony have the meaning of replacing the soul, locally known as kuronkg samongatn. this shows that one’s dayakness, or the convert’s dakakness, still exists in the village where the convert was born. the convert’s dayakness does not disappear because it is replaced with traditional items; even pinah laman allows the convert to explore and practice islamic teachings even better. changes in the social structure of the sinan in their hometown are no longer a big issue but become a struggle in itself when [ 193 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 they meet with the community. the sinan identity does not appear during a convert’s socialization with people. the convert focuses on which identity makes him safe and uses it as needed. the convert we met as a catholic said he was a muslim dayak. changes in the social structure of the sinan are in part because they have left their hometown. this is supported by information regarding the difference in the customary fine imposed on the convert from the family of the customary administrator. a convert from a family of traditional elders has to pay a sizeable customary fine to ensure the traditional elders’ family is not negligent in guarding his family. traditional elders, of course, know the history of pinah laman very well. therefore, their family serves as a model of the life of the mentuka dayak tribe. if it is found that someone deviates from the customs of the mentuka dayak tribe’s ancestors, the special customary fine for the family of traditional elders is multiplied. the customary items are given not only to the traditional elders of the mentuka dayak tribe but also to other dayak tribes, such as the nanga taman dayak, kerabat dayak, or other dayak tribes in nanga mahap sub-district. fearon and afif expressed the same thing regarding the definition of identity. “identity is one’s feelings about himself, character, and origins. although it is closer to our more recent understanding of identity than the earlier notions we have alluded to, it is still more descriptive of ‘self-image’..”(fearon & afif, 2020) conclusion the concept of the identity project as sinan has its history based on one’s character and origins. the new identity given by the traditional elders was not for nothing. sinan means breaking away from the dayak tribe by embracing islam. the new identity as sinan emerges because the teachings of islam are not by the customs of the mentuka dayak ancestors. the self-image of sinan, which is more oriented towards life by the teachings of islam, should appear in the sinan’s life, and the dayak identity, which is also part of sinan’s identity, as reported by a convert, makes their sinan identity ambiguous. the ambiguity lies in sinan’s situation, which is incompatible with the dayak people’s porkeating and rice-wine-drinking habits. pinah laman is when a christian or catholic dayak converts to islam. it comes with social sanctions he receives from his social group. for the mentuka dayaks, when a person decides to change religion, he must be willing to give up his dayak ethnicity. these social sanctions include: not living with the dayak tribe, not being able to attend traditional dayak ceremonies, and not wearing traditional clothes like a real dayak (for women). the social effects experienced by those who change [ 194 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2245 religion in the dayak tribe are, among others, they are given the nickname or term sinan. based on the research results, the word sinan, according to the writer, has a negative connotation. this is because those who change religion are ultimately not given the freedom to practice the dayak customs as usual. pinah laman is a comparison between ethnicity and religion. this process of unification of customs and religion indeed results in a person not being able to use his free will as a human being to choose and determine which religion he should embrace. a dayak is synonymous with christianity or catholicism, just as a malay with islam. this certainly hurts religious life due to dualism, where humans can no longer distinguish between custom and religion. the problems and research findings above provide ideas that can minimize social and religious issues arising from the practice of pinah laman. first, the traditional institutions should separate themselves from or not use the concept of religion in practicing their time-honored traditions; 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(2021). revitalisasi pengelolaan asrama dalam mengembangkan pendidikan katolik bagi suku dayak di wilayah perbatasan kabupaten sanggau. vocat: jurnal pendidikan katolik, 1(1), 30–36. editor-in-chief zaenuddin hudi prasojo international editors afifi al-akiti (faculty of theology and religion, oxford university, united kingdom) yasien mohamed (university of the western cape, south africa, south africa) irwan abdullah (gajah mada university, yogyakarta, indonesia) zainal abidin bagir (universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta, indonesia) hans-christian günther (department of classics albert ludwigs university of freiburg, germany, germany) kamaludeen bin mohamed nasir (nanyang technological university, singapore) mohd roslan mohd nor (university of malaya, malaysia) giuseppina strummiello (university of bari aldo moro, italy) abdul razak abdulroya panaemalae (walailak university, thailand) florian pohl (oxford college of emory university, united states, germany) mujiburrahman (iain antasari banjarmasin, indonesia) minako sakai (director of social sciencesresearch group, australia) busro busro (uin sunan gunung djati bandung, indonesia) tassim abu bakar (universiti brunei darussalam, brunei darussalam) assistant editors faizal amin, iain pontianak, indonesia saifuddin herlambang, iain pontianak, indonesia syamsul kurniawan, iain pontianak, indonesia section editor setia purwadi, iain pontianak, indonesia language advisor jennifer h lundt, colgate university scholar, new york, united states al-albab volume 11 number 2 december 2022 al-albab issn 0216-6143 (print) and issn: 2502-8340 (online) is an interdisciplinary journal published twice a year in print and online (e-journal) by the pontianak state institute of islamic studies, pontianak. our academic publication concern includes the studies of world religions of islam, buddhism, christianity, hinduism, judaism, chinese religions and other religions. interdisciplinary studies may include the studies of religion in the fields of anthropology, sociology, philosophy, psychology, education, cultural studies and other social sciences. since the journal is published twice a year, special issue would be made available for special condition. the regular issues include june and december editions each year. the journal publishes research-based articles in the area of religious studies. all prospective contributors from various background are welcome to contribute to the journal publication. contributions in english should be typed single-space and contain minimum of 4.000 and maximum of 8.000 words. the citation should follow apa style with footnotes. editorial office: al-albab, gedung saifuddin zuhri pascasarjana iain pontianak, jalan letjend suprapto no. 19, pontianak selatan pontianak 78122, kalimantan barat, indonesia. phone: (62-561) 734170 fax: (62-561) 734170 ; handphone/wa: +6281256738348 e-mail: redaksi.bjrs@gmail.com website: http://jurnaliainpontianak.or.id/index.php/alalbab al albab volume 10 number 2 (december 2021) contents 1. lgbt and religious negotiations: a case study of youth interfaith forum on sexuality (yifos) roni, fatimah husein, dewi candraningrum .............................................. 161 2. pinah laman: the construction of religious and ethnic identity within the mentuka dayak of west kalimantan felisitas yuswanto, sekar ayu aryani, ahmad muttaqin .......................... 177 3. face veil and lawo-lambu: negotiating religious practices among muslims and catholics in ende city yosep aurelius woi bule, adison adrianus sihombing ............................. 199 4. preserving diversity: lessons from batang tarang village of west kalimantan hermansyah, faisal abdullah, mochamad hamdan .................................. 221 5. cultural resistance and sharia-based ecology in the fishing community in aceh zubir, abdul manaf, abdul mugni, noviandy ............................................. 245 6. ethnicity, religion and the changing community structure within fakfak society in papua ade yamin, musa rumbaru, nining lestari, mufliha wijayati ............... 267 7. religious solidarity for coping with economic crisis during the covid-19 pandemic luqman, ilhamdi .................................................................................................. 287 8. portrait of moderate islam within muslim university students in indonesia ahmad jais, sumin ............................................................................................... 301 [ 245 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 cultural resistance and sharia-based ecology in the fishing community in aceh zubir iain langsa email: zubir@iainlangsa.ac.id abdul manaf iain langsa email: abdulmanaf@iainlangsa.ac.id abdul mugni iain lhokseumawe email: abdulmugni@iainlhokseumawe.ac.ic noviandy iain langsa email: noviandy@iainlangsa.ac.id abstract this article examines the cultural resistance and sharia-based environmental management in the fishing community in aceh timur raya, indonesia. aceh is a fascinating indonesian region as the country’s implementer of islamic law. to date, aceh’s environment has yet to become an issue that needs to be immediately addressed. this study is classified as field-library research with a qualitative analysis. the data were collected using interviews, documentation, and observations of fishermen’s environment in aceh timur raya. these data were analyzed using a sociological approach, social theories, power-knowledge relations, and habitus. this study found several important reasons why there could be damage to aceh timur raya’s ecosystems. this article has produced several vital findings; first, the absence of the role of religion in maintaining and building an ecological culture in the fishing community. second, the attitude of indifference among the fishing community towards the environment. third, the politicization of environmental care. these three pieces of evidence state that cultural resistance and sharia-based environmental management in aceh threaten the community’s survival, especially fishermen who rely heavily on nature. islamic law has not been able to base its teachings on the environment that must be preserved and developed. keywords: cultural resistance; ecological sharia; aceh timur raya [ 246 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 introduction culture and ecology based on sharia have not been part of aceh’s formalization of islamic law. since its preparation in 2000 and its declaration by governor abdullah puteh in 2001, the implementation of islamic law in aceh—with its various instruments— has not made culture and sharia-based ecology part of islamic law. the positivization of islamic law in aceh is still stuck with the implementation of mahdhah [pure] worship but does not or has not accommodated ghairu mahdhah [impure] social services, which have a more significant impact than religious ritual worship. concerning the fishermen’s ecosystem, for example, no less than 60 trawlers operate on the north-eastern coast of aceh today (walidain, 2022; randi, 2022; inews.id, 2021), not to mention the damage to various marine biota caused by trawling. in addition, the destruction of the mangrove forest should be the primary support for fishermen living on the east coast of aceh. the large-scale logging of mangrove forests not only reduces the income of fishermen in the coastal areas but also diminishes the amount of land and threatens the existence of fishermen (agency 2021; fitri dan iswahyudi 2010) politicians also disagree with the use of trawls, which has been part of the demands of the fishermen (toke [business owner]) who have been running the illegal fishing business (r 2021; www.monologis.id 2021). however, such demands cannot legalize the use of trawling ships in catching fish. on the one hand, the existence of panglima laot [the customary body that deals with marine affairs] is highly expected to help maintain the sustainability of the ecosystem for fishermen’s needs. however, on the other hand, panglima laot must also face the demands of releasing fishermen who were arrested while working in the illegal fishing business. mangroves are supposed to be one of the sources of sustainable natural resources and higher income for coastal communities. for example, a mangrove park can serve as a tourist attraction and an educational site; it also serves as a place where marine life can be caught by fishermen, produce food and drinks that can be sold, and maintain the amount of inhabitable land for fishermen. meanwhile, in a different case, logging of mangrove trees is common among the fishermen, as they use mangrove trunks to be sold as charcoal for additional income. studies on coastal community ecosystems in aceh tend to focus on two aspects of discourse. first, the study of the culture of coastal communities regarding the existence of panglima laot; keliat et al. argue that the existence of panglima laot is currently faced with various challenges and obstacles in maintaining the local community’s culture in managing natural resources on the coast of [ 247 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 aceh (keliat, amirudin, dan luqman 2021). in the same tone, nazaruddin and gurning view panglima laot as a ‘figure’ that will guard the continuity of managing natural resources on the coast (gurning, 2017). meanwhile, mahendra et al. view that the existence of panglima laot continues to change, both in terms of roles and responsibilities that have developed from a long history of 400 years (utama et al., 2020). second, many have also examined the roles and responsibilities of the panglima laot in aceh. the role of panglima laot as the guardian of the ecosystem in aceh, especially in banda aceh (mustaqim dan reni 2018; rahmah, salmarika, dan miswar 2021). similarly, the works of fazriah et al. examine the role of panglima laot in sabang (amfar, 2015). panglima laot also still plays the same role after the 2004 tsunami and other actors who supported the recovery period in aceh (boyland, nugroho, and thomalla, 2017). although in its journey, the panglima laot institution continues to experience role developments (mujiburrahman dkk, 2021). this article aims to complement previous research and, in addition, also to examine the extent to which the role of the positivization of islamic law in aceh works for environmental protection (hifdzul bi’ah). in particular, it also sheds light on whether the culture of loving the environment as a place of life and livelihood for fishermen is maintained or neglected. in addition, it also provides an overview of whether the attention of the government and politics leads to the preservation of nature, especially on the east coast of aceh. in connection with this, two questions must be answered in this article; 1) what are the roles of islamic law and the community’s culture in maintaining the sustainability of the fishermen’s ecosystem in aceh timur raya? 2) why is the sustainability of the fishermen’s ecosystem in aceh timur raya currently at a very concerning threshold? this article stems from an argument that environmental protection (hifdzul bi’ah) has yet to become an essential part of the positivization of islamic law in aceh. even environmental damage tends to be ‘driven’ and ‘backed up’ by religious leaders. this will not only deplete the natural resources on the east coast but, even worse, will threaten the balance of nature, both biologically and socially. on the other hand, from a political and cultural perspective, it has not yet become an influential agenda for the politicians and the people in the area. cultural resistance and sharia-based ecology experts agree that resistance tends to be interpreted as action by certain groups to make changes. the opposition does not have to be on a large scale but rather the significance of an action. these actions can also be taken at any [ 248 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 time in community activities. on the one hand, islamic law in aceh, through its qanuns [legislation], does not address the important things in maintaining the fishermen’s ecosystem on the coast of aceh. this is also the space for the resistance of the fishing community to islamic law, which tends to dwell on the mahdhah [pure] worship only. various fishermen’s activities currently do not favor the ecosystem, in addition to people’s lack of knowledge aceh’s islamic law also does not regulate the importance of ecosystems. the paradigm that is built tends to be: ‘nature is considered and intended to be used as widely as possible for mankind’ without the obligation to care for and maintain its sustainability. marine natural resources on the east coast of aceh are essential not only for aceh but also for indonesia (wilson dan linkie, 2012; yulindawati, 2018). nationally, one of the known natural products on the coast of aceh is the windu shrimp commodity—despite its scarcity nowadays (tjahjo dkk, 2019). this shows that the existence of nature in this area is very different from other places, so aceh’s natural products, especially tiger prawns, are highly sought after by various entrepreneurs as export commodities. it is time for these commodity products to regain their ‘prima donna’ status, with various policies, cultures, and fishermen’s activities that have disappeared all this time. various other commodities from the nature of the east coast of aceh are natural products and products that various policies must support community culture and fishermen’s activities, especially about preserving and caring for nature there. in light of the above, culture and islamic law should play an essential role in sustaining coastal natural commodities in aceh timur raya. ecology, one of the sciences about nature and natural ecosystems, should be integrated as an essential part of the culture of the coastal communities in east aceh. people’s lack of knowledge about protecting and caring for nature can be answered when an ecological culture is embedded in the coastal community. in addition, the islamic law in aceh should also not only deal with matters of worship that are mahdhah in nature but also regulate and promote cultural worship that is ghairu mahdhah in nature—in terms of economic needs, and the survival of this ghairu mahdhah worship is much more necessary. implementing islamic law in aceh has yet to get an ecotheological perspective. it also builds an understanding of islamic law in aceh that only focuses on forms of religious rituals. abdullah argues that protecting the environment must be in maqasid ash-shariah [purpose of applying a law according to sharia]. furthermore, he stated that the environmental crisis would hinder other maqasid ash-shariah’s achievements (abdullah, 2010, 2012; ahmad, [ 249 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 2015)race, religion, or group.it has been a common problem and requires global cooperation to overcome barriers regardless ofreligion and race. within this framework, every religion and traditions required to contribute in jointactions to overcome the environmental crisis. this is so, because the efforts of political and secular laware considered no longer sufficient to resolve the tragedies of today’s ecological problem on earth.therefore, this paper will explore the perspective of environmental fikih in the context of a globalmovement in overcome the environmental crisis.”,”container-title”:”ijtihad : jurnal wacana hukum islam dan kemanusiaan”,”doi”:”10.18326/ijtihad.v10i2.157173”,”issn”:”2477-8036, 1411-9544”,”issue”:”2”,”journalabbreviation”:”ijtihad : jurnal wacana hukum islam dan kemanusiaan”,”page”:”157”,”source”:”doi. org (crossref. this means that protecting the environment must exceed islamic law’s other goals. zubir, in his research, proposes the eco-ushul theory in making every decision and policy of islamic law in aceh. as a strong foundation in making legal decisions in islam, usul fiqh must first consider eco-ushul. the concept of ecotheology is the main structure before constructing other structures (zubir, 2021). when we look at nature and its potential in aceh timur raya, we wonder why the ecological culture of the people of the east coast of aceh is currently experiencing resistance? this can be seen from the fact that many trawls are used in fishing (randi, 2022). concern for mangrove growth is almost nonexistent (agency, 2021; fitri dan iswahyudi, 2010). fishery culture and sharia-based fishery are natural resources at stake for coastal communities in the future. as for the hypothesis of this research article, why is the ecological culture of fishermen met with strong resistance on the east coast of aceh? first is the absence of religion’s role in preserving and caring for ecological culture in policy and fishing communities along the coast of aceh. second, the community’s low awareness of the environment; and third, the marine environment, especially east aceh, which tends only to become a political area that needs to remember natural resources that should not be politicized for the benefit of certain groups. these three big problems are crucial to address immediately—perhaps future generations will never know the types of fish commodities of the aceh coastal communities, or it is even possible that the eastern coast of aceh will turn into the next bagansiapiapi city of riau province. the absence of the role of religion in preserving the fishermen communities’ environment islam has become inherent in every walk of life in society in aceh, meaning [ 250 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 all people are familiar with religion. this is in line with the motto of the hadih madja in aceh, islam ngon adat, lage zat ngon sifeut. kiban adat menan hukom, adat ban adat, hukom ban hukum, meusahoe adat ngon hukom, nanggroe teuga hana goega (mujiburrahman dkk. 2021; nurdin, 2016:8). this hadih madja has become a civilization of acehnese life from generation to generation so that islamic values will continue to live in each existing system and governance. in the current era, islam in acehnese society has begun to be undermined by the influence of modernism which tends to be secular. this is also the highlight of this research in viewing the position of islam in protecting and preserving the ecosystems needed for the survival of fishermen in the future. there are at least three crucial things that contribute to the lack of the role of islam in protecting and preserving the ecosystem of fishing communities on the east coast of aceh; first, the lack of values of sharia-based ecology contained in aceh’s qanuns [legislations]— values to be included tend to be practical, pragmatic, and punitive. second, the ulemas [islamic scholrs] have not made ecology a religious study in coastal communities in aceh as current conditions prove that the role of natural and human resource development has not been successful. third, fishermen lack the knowledge and understanding of the importance of protecting and preserving the ecosystems that fishermen rely on. lack of values of sharia-based ecology in aceh qanun qanun is local legislation that can regulate matters in a more detailed manner, or that has yet to be regulated in the hierarchy of the law above it. the special status of the qanun in aceh is a special derivative of law no. 11 of 2015 concerning the government of aceh. the aceh government can use this legislation to implement islamic law in aceh. qanuns in aceh have regulated many things —just like regional regulations in other regions—but in aceh, they can be drafted based on the values of the islamic law that apply there. this should be an essential input in formulating and enacting qanuns in aceh. the following are some of the qanuns related to fisheries and maritime affairs at the provincial and district levels in aceh, and other policies: 1. aceh qanun of number 7 of 2010 concerning fisheries 2. east aceh district qanun number 10 of 2010 concerning fishery business license fee 3. aceh qanun number 9 of 2008 concerning the guidance of customary life and customs 4. aceh tamiang district qanun no. 3 of 2016 concerning the protection of [ 251 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 tuntong laot species 5. aceh qanun number 11 of 2019 concerning wildlife management 6. aceh qanun number 2 of 2011 concerning environmental management 7. aceh qanun number 1 of 2020 concerning zoning plans for coastal areas and small islands of aceh 2020-2040 8. aceh qanun number 10 of 2008 concerning customary institutions (panglima laot) 9. aceh qanun number 7 of 2016 concerning aceh forestry in plain view, the qanuns formulated as political products or the fishing community’s needs lack sharia values. some important things are required by the qanun or government policy; 1) administration that fishermen, 2 must fulfill) retribution or related to state income, 3) protection of mangroves and certain species in tamiang, 4. settlement of conflict that occurs among fishermen by custom, 5. roles and responsibilities of related parties. the five things above are the qanuns formulated in aceh and the districts/cities in the east aceh region. so far, islamic values have yet to be included in the points of the qanun. the values of protection and preservation contained in the qanun are also part of islamic values. the nuances of islam, divine values , and monotheism are not attached to and felt by officeholders, fishermen, or the readers of these qanuns. the punitive aspect of these qanuns is greater than the spirit of protecting and preserving the ecosystems needed by fishermen on the east coast of aceh. the punitive spirit is different from the spirit of protecting or preserving the natural ecosystem. it is case-oriented, and the state officers take pride in the achievement; the more cases handled, the better the performance is. in fact, protecting and preserving nature should not be oriented to the officers’ performance in handling cases but to the achievement of developing natural resources located on the coast, beach, or sea. similarly, the spirit is built on the punitive aspect such as imposing a fine for violation according to the applicable provisions. very few potentials of natural resources and human resources can be adequately empowered—especially in protecting nature. compensation for paying a fine is not included as a spirit in protecting nature and the environment where the perpetrator commits a violation. fines will only be burdensome and feared by the lower-middle-class fishing community—while to the upper-middle class, fines concerns making amends, especially with bribery that is quite common there. these two aspects: punishment and fines, certainly have the desired impact on preserving natural resources throughout the years. policymakers should consider some things, considering that aceh is an agricultural area where [ 252 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 people have powerful islamic beliefs from generation to generation. these islamic values , which are not stated in the qanuns concerning fisheries and marine affairs, let alone the ecological values in natural ecosystems in coastal communities, are not part of the mahdah worship that scholars frequently communicate. on the other hand, the qanun also tends to refrain from involving fishermen in preserving natural ecosystems as their life necessities. it can be seen in the existence of panglima laot that it is nothing more than resolving conflicts that occur among fishermen (iwan, 2022; saifuddin, 2022; walidain, 2022). there is no qanun mandate to involve panglima laot in various program activities to protect and preserve the fishermen’s ecosystem. when panglima laot is involved in various program activities, it will be seen that the fishing community’s understanding and responsibility will grow through panglima laot. moreover, if the qanun contains islamic values, it will always be observed and guarded by panglima laot and the fishing community. ulemas have not made ecology a religious study ecology, in general, is the study of the relationship between organisms, as well as between organisms and their environment. this science is not part of religious studies—even in certain studies other than religion, but it is fardhu kifayah [obligation] to study it in depth. the existence of ecology is a non-negotiable necessity for human life—especially for fishermen’s lives. protecting the environment is not part of a worship ritual that must be carried out at any time following established guidelines. protecting the environment, dealing with the government, carrying out education, and various other social and cultural works are not included in the mahdhah worship, but the ghairu mahdhah worship. protecting and preserving natural ecosystems for the future needs of the nation’s generation is ghairu mahdhah worship. even though this is not a regular mahdhah worship where the management of natural resources will continue to be ignored, it is possible that mahdhah worship can no longer be carried out (ahmad, 2015; mudhoffir, 2011). the ghairu mahdhah worship, in this case, studying ecology and protecting and preserving natural ecosystems in the eastern region of aceh, is now mandatory for all parties. the mahdhah and ghairu mahdhah worship also cannot be separated from each other. all people, especially coastal communities, are obliged to carry it out. the mahdhah worship, especially protecting ecosystems among coastal communities, should be driven by the ulemas, especially those who constantly [ 253 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 interact with the fishing communities. in addition, the government considers that the role of the ulemas is to pursue and spread the message of the importance of performing mahdhah worship, not ghairu mahdhah. this can be seen from government programs, which have never facilitated the ulemas in socializing the importance of preserving the ecosystem in studying islamic law. for example, the head of the office of maritime affairs and fisheries (dkp) of east aceh district admitted that he had never involved the ulemas in socialization and raising awareness about protecting and preserving natural resources (intan, 2022). the same is also the case in langsa city and aceh tamiang district; in addition to not involving the ulemas, these two heads of office also complained about the behavior of the people who did not protect the natural resources for future generations (banta, 2022). the government does not involve the ulemas in socializing the importance of protecting and preserving the fishermen’s ecosystem because they need to gain scientific knowledge of ecology based on islamic law. aceh’s ulemas constantly interact with the community, at least in every recitation, friday sermon, wirid yasin recitation, friday night recitation, etc. in addition, the ulemas also interact with various social rituals in coastal communities; keunduri laot, peusijuk bot, peutron bot, peu ubat bot, takziah, etc.1 these various rituals have yet to be used by ulemas as a medium to propagate the importance of the natural resource ecosystem in life. basyaruddin, an environmental ngo activist in aceh timur raya, reported as follows; “since i was a child until i have my own family, i have never heard of any study of islamic ecology. teungkus from the past until now, from various types of fish, there are rivers and mangrove until now we have experienced difficulties and lost various types of fish. teungkus still continue and only teach prayer, fasting, zakat, and teaching the qur’an. teungkus come and go, but the themes they raise in religious studies are always the same. protecting natural resources does not seem part of islamic studies” (basyaruddin 2022). 1keunduri laot is a religious thanksgiving ritual performed by fishermen every year in each sub-district, which is supervised or coordinated by panglima laot lhok. rabu abeh is also a religious ritual that aims to ward off evil carried out by coastal communities on the beach on wednesday at the end of the month of safar. peusijuk bot peutron bot is a ritual of plain flour or thanksgiving and prayer upon completion of the boat/fishing boat construction or when the boat is launched to catch fish in the sea. peu ubat bot is a religious ritual performed on boats or ships that have been considered “unhealthy” or unable to provide enough catch for fishermen. [ 254 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 the panglima laot2 of aceh tamiang district had a similar view, depicted here: “the ulemas do not have the knowledge, let alone attention to natural resource ecosystems. these ulemas receive alms from the prayers they recite. that’s what they do all the time. they don’t know that these natural resources must protected, if it is not cared for then we will sin. if people cut mangroves in aceh tamiang, it is purely to meet their daily needs. but the ulemas have never played a role in conveying the message that the use of trawls is a big sin, why do they not convey it. because first they don’t know the laws and regulations; second, they receive a lot of alms from the toke [business owners] who use trawls” (muhammad 2022). the ulemas play a crucial role in the life of the acehnese. obedience to the ulemas is a characteristic of the life of the acehnese, especially given that aceh has been designated as a special region for implementing islamic law (indonesia, 1999). the community’s life should always be close to the ulemas in various aspects. the ulemas must also continue to improve their knowledge, not only of science and classical books that examine mahdhah worship. otherwise, people will believe that ulemas cannot solve the problems people face—they even consider that protecting the environment is not the responsibility of islam and muslims. of course, such a view is detrimental to natural resources and the muslims in aceh. lack of understanding of sharia-based ecology among fishermen sharia-based ecology is not part of other sciences but the equivalent of the words that the author summarizes to understand that ecology is a part of the study of sharia that should be considered and remembered. if we refer to the provisions of islamic law, both the qur’an and hadith, these two sources are sufficient to explain that islam has a high concern for natural resources. even in war, the messenger of allah forbade his troops to destroy plants (abdullah, 2010; basyar, 2020). this shows that islam has a strong message to protect the environment. without a healthy and comfortable environment, human life will be far from the blessings and grace of god. 2 panglima laot is a traditional structure that lives in the midst of a fishing community in aceh province. its existence has been known for more than four centuries, since the time of sultan iskandar muda to be precise. structurally, panglima laot is the leader of pawangpawang (boat owner/captain) in his area of authority, who is responsible to the sultan through the uleebalang intermediary. panglima laot then became part of a customary government structure called a mukim, a combination of several gampongs (equivalent to villages or kelurahans [urban villages]). the structure of panglima laot in aceh is institutional formed from the provincial, district/city to sub-district levels. [ 255 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 the question is, why do fishermen who rely heavily on renewable natural resources not understand the sharia-based ecology? understanding and awareness of protecting natural ecosystems should be the root of fishermen’s understanding and “doctrine” in their daily activities. religious understanding is rarely the subject of discussion in any religious activities. understanding the natural resource ecosystem for fishermen is a secular science that tends to be considered separate from islam as a religion and theology in their activities. when this science is considered secular, knowledge and understanding of ecology are not important for religious people who live on the coast. furthermore, understanding ecology considered secular will only relate to state law and the violations committed. using trawls, mangrove logging, etc., is only considered a violation of state law, not islamic theological doctrine (asykari, 2022; zubir, 2021:233). with such understanding, the fishermen do not feel guilty. they have become more savage in exploiting natural products as it does not violate religious law and will not be punished in the future. this impacts the boat owners’ fear of losing the crew. likewise, charcoal business owners will continue to have people stealing mangroves—after all, they are not stealing on the community’s land but state-owned land (walidain, 2022). the fishing communities do not understand sharia-based ecology well. as far as this research is concerned, eco-theology (ahmad, 2015; aman, 2016; saddad, 2017) is one of the perspectives that should be discussed in the broader scope. the eko-ushul idea, proposed in zubir’s 2021 dissertation, should also be considered. lack of environmental responsibility among the fishing community the environment is all external elements that affect organisms. these elements can be living organisms (biotic factors) or non-living (abiotic factors). this means that the environment as a unitary space with all objects, power, and conditions of living things, including humans and their behavior, affects nature itself. in ecology, nature is seen as a network of living systems that are interrelated with one another. this shows that every living thing is in the process of adjustment in the living system, which is affected by the principles of the sustainability of ecological life. fishermen are professional figures that depend on the environment they live in. living side by side with the environment is a must to protect and preserve the environment. however, if one visits this fishing village, one will see the opposite. fishermen’s villages tend to be seen as slums—not because of poverty, but because of the fishermen’s lifestyle that is not environmentally [ 256 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 friendly. there is an attitude of ‘ignorance’ toward the environment among fishing communities, especially in the aceh timur raya region. this condition is a manifestation of the attitudes and behavior of the community towards the environment. the environment should be able to continue to provide for their lives; at least it does not harm them and their families. one of the informants made a quite distressing statement: “in the past, for daily meals, it was very easy to catch fish or shrimp around the house or in the river. now it is very difficult, even if you want to get a little fish or shrimp in a fishing environment” (basyaruddin, 2022). another informant reported: “nothing can be expected anymore from the sea in langsa; the middle-lower class fishermen never get sufficient catch from their work” (asykari, 2022). this shows that serious problems occur between fishermen and their ecosystems. although in various expressions, the fishing community does not really believe in bad attitudes and behavior so far, which has caused a decrease in the catch. the fishermen believe that this is the destiny of allah almighty that determines their daily sustenance. this could be one of the causes of the indifferent attitude commonly adopted by the fishing village community in aceh timur raya. the fishermen’s ecosystem: between the demand and responsibilities of fishermen marine ecosystems can be maintained sustainably if fishermen use environmentally friendly ways of working. this means that fishermen are not only concerned with the catch, but also prioritize the sustainability of the ecosystem and its resources. according to yulia a. hasan in her book, law of the marine conservation of fish resources in indonesia (2020), preserving marine or aquatic ecosystems is the responsibility of users of marine resources. it is the right of fishermen to capture and utilize natural resources in the sea, in the form of fish or other marine catches (hasan, 2020). as a form of responsibility, fishermen must preserve the ecosystem and its natural resources. fishermen are not only a profession that catches fish or collects other marine natural resources, but also serves as guardians of nature from various damages. fishermen often report the presence of foreign trawler ships entering indonesian sea areas to the marine police, but on the other hand many fishermen also work for toke or boat owners where they work using trawling ships to catch fish in the sea. this means dispelling or reporting trawling vessels that plunder fish in indonesian seas to perpetuate their livelihood, so that they can catch more fish with their toke’s trawling ships (asykari 2022; rusyidi 2022; zulkifli 2022). [ 257 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 fishermen have many needs, including families to support. being a fisherman and working with a trawler boat owned by a toke is hard to resist. on the one hand, fishermen feel obliged to protect nature to ensure its sustainability. on the other hand, they must meet their needs. if they refuse to work for the toke, other fishermen will take the job. even one of the fishermen, let’s call him iwan, was bullied by fellow fishermen. in addition, the crew will not be detained even though the toke’s boat is caught by the security forces while catching fish at sea (saifuddin, 2022; walidain, 2022). the fishermen also have good relationship with the toke, as some of toke do not consider these crew members only as workers, but as part of their big family. the toke is like a parent to them. he gives loans, makes donations when there is a disaster or when there is a family celebration. it is difficult for fishermen to avoid working for the tokes who have trawlers. the toke and the fishermen are like a coin with two faces that cannot be separated from each other, because both will lose value if separated. but if such circumstances continue, the nature will lose its resources. obviously, we all do not want aceh timur raya to become the next bagan siapiapi due to the collaboration between the toke and the fishermen. fishermen have no responsibility to the ecosystem the fishermen do not seem to understand the importance of protecting the ecosystem where they get a livelihood. many fishermen use explosives or fish poison. these fishermen used to work on the toke’s trawler to catch fish. they have needs to fulfill despite the destruction of natural ecosystems. in the end, it will make their own lives difficult. understandably, they prioritize their needs. such ‘construction of needs’ is not the only contributor to the environmental damage, the government, ulemas, also gives eaqual contribution especially the point of view that is adopted by fishermen today (ahmad 2017; muhammad 2022). the role of religion, in this case the ulemas in aceh timur raya; east aceh, langsa city, and aceh tamiang, has yet to improve the situation. the ulemas do not yet have a strong and clear view of the destruction of natural ecosystems both at sea and on land. they never talk about prohibition of destroying natural ecosystems in their religious gatherings. on the other hand, there is also a complicated problem, namely the government that do not have many programs at the grass root level of fishermen. the existence of the panglima laot institution tends to be used as a scapegoat in resolving conflicts between fishermen. the panglima laot reported the following in aceh timur raya: [ 258 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 customary institutions, such as the panglima laot, are not institutions designed to involve the community in protecting and preserving natural ecosystems. the existence of the panglima laot institution tends to be politically motivated; various parties carry out many programs without informing the panglima laot institution. at the same time, the existence of panglima laot will have very different roles and responsibilities if it is involved in various roles and programs in society. at least panglima laot can be asked or controlled regarding how the economic development of fishermen, the fisherman’s ecosystem to the success of government programs. such circumstances show that internal factors do not only cause the fishermen who seem irresponsible toward natural ecosystems. external factors are also very influential in shaping the attitude of fishermen toward protecting and preserving the natural ecosystem as a place for them to live. currently, the state of nature in aceh timur raya is still relatively good in certain places. however, the fishermen’s lack of ecological awareness will inevitably turn the ecosystem into the next bagan siapiapi in indonesia. politizing the environmental preservation fishermen are one of the sources of authority in creating a culture of protecting the environment, especially in coastal areas where they and their families live. fishermen’s concern for their environment is a non-negotiable necessity, and fishermen have a major interest there. even though the coastal area is a tourist attraction, it should aim to improve the economy of the fishing community. the improvement of the fishermen’s economy should always pay attention to the environment despite the presence of tourists. the coastal area that is clean of various plastic wastes before the arrival of tourists should be more well-organized because tourists will return to an environment and places that are well-organized and well-maintained. tourists should not be scapegoats for the dirty and unmaintained coastal areas where fishermen live. the local government sometimes fails to notice this, as in sungailiat belitung (putri, 2022). also, identity politics or electability is rejected en masse due to halal tourism framing (makhasi dan rahimmadhi, 2020:373–74). the government should develop the potential of the community in protecting and preserving to the environment. if the community has the potential to protect the environment, the government must play the role in supporting and assisting the community. head of the office of food, agriculture, fisheries and marine affairs of langsa city, banta ahmad, reported that he had done this in empowering coastal communities. however, he has difficulty because he needs a budget for supervision, so that many programs given to the [ 259 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 community are not successful (banta 2022). the secretary of panglima laot, langsa city, denied what banta had stated, that the program activities carried out by the office of fishery and marine affairs were not on target. the office of fishery and marine affairs has never coordinated with us, so the program rotates without monitoring (saifuddin, 2022). this condition should not have happened, given the existence of coastal communities as guardians of natural resources and ecosystems on the coast and the sea. on the one hand, the existence of coastal communities needs serious attention from many parties. a culture of environmental care must thrive in the community there. coastal communities sometimes need to get attention. politicians then politicize this. as we can see in the two offices of marine affairs and fisheries in langsa city and east aceh regency, there is no budget for activity programs from the city and district other than for the salaries of employees and administration. the programs of these two offices come entirely from the state budget. this shows that the district/city’s budgeting is not allocated for coastal communities. who should care about the environment? an environment is a place where all creatures can live. fishermen are one of the professions that highly depend on the nature in which they live. the question is, today, who has concern for the environment? do fishermen have concerns for the environment? then, who should care about the environment? most people are aware or will be aware if they understand how important the environment is for their lives. zubir argues that hifdzul bi’ah is more important than other elements of maqasid al sharia. how is it possible that hifdzul mall, hifdzul aql, hifdzul nafs, hifdzul nasb, and hifdzul din can take place and be prioritized if hifdzul bi’ah is not prioritized earlier (abdullah, 2010, 2012; zubir, 2021). this means that a safe and comfortable environment must be the basis for constructing life in maintaining religion, guarding reason, protecting offspring, protecting souls, and protecting religion. several searches about aceh timur raya showed that environmental concern does not arise organically in fishing communities. concern for the environment tends to grow and develop and is brought in by people from outside the fishing community; even the existence of fishermen at first was more of a figure who only exploited the nature where they are located. exploitation here tends to use the potential of nature without caring for the development of the natural environment in the future. recently, fishermen have begun to understand the importance of the environment in their lives. it is difficult for fishermen to [ 260 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 escape the trap between needs and environmental destruction. the existence of fishing communities is in dire need of a sustainable program that is monitored at all times. concern for the environment tends to come from outside the fishing community, not even from the government. local governments tend to need programs to empower fishermen or maintain and care for the fishermen’s environment. the government of langsa city, aceh tamiang, and east aceh regency have yet to allocate budgets for programs for the fishing community. the programs under the marine affairs or fisheries office are based on the state budget. this indicates that the district/city government has no responsibility for the fishing communities. work programs for fishing communities tend to come from non-governmental organizations whose donors are foreign nationals (wijayanto, 2018). these foreigners that provide donations are interested in preserving nature and maintaining the world’s sustainability, where their country is starting to be threatened by the destruction of the world’s ecology. for the government, such programs have not been deemed necessary—they have not directly impacted the community’s survival in general, except for the fishing community. therefore, the fishermen are more responsive to the work programs of the ngos. it can be seen that the development of mangrove forests, the largest donor, is still dominated by ngos from abroad compared to state funds, as is the case with the empowerment of coastal communities in aceh timur raya. who is being empowered, and who is being used? these are political questions that this research raises in this article. considering these questions concern the existence of the fishing community. in fact, who empowers the fishing community in aceh timur raya? or, on the contrary, is the fishing community in aceh timur raya more likely to be deceived by empowerment programs? why are these questions raised? it is because government programs cannot empower the existence of this fishing community in aceh timur raya. this means that there are issues that should be taken seriously by all parties as to why various programs have failed to address issues in the fishing community, which are related to poverty, health, religion, and ignorance. basyaruddin, an ngo activist in east aceh and langsa city, stated: “there is no serious program from the government other than wasting money. we know that the institutions already have all the rules and responsibilities—but they are not implemented as they should be.” (basyaruddin, 2022) a member of the panglima laot, birrul walidain, reported as follows: “we, as panglima [ 261 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 laot, do not know anything about government programs in developing fishing communities. we often find out that the assistance provided by the government is not intended for fishermen.” (walidain 2022) perhaps it is common knowledge that the panglima laot institution is nothing more than a gathering place for fishermen and, at the same time resolving disputes (amfar, 2015; wilson dan linkie, 2012). thus, it is not surprising that it is not an empowerment narrative constructed in the fishing community. conceptually, the narrative aims to develop fishing communities—but in practice, it is nothing more than deceiving them. the narration reflects that the fishing community is difficult to communicate with; typically violent and unruly; uneducated community; untrustworthy; does not understand rules; challenging to accept new things; (banta, 2022; intan, 2022) and various negative narratives, all of which concern the profile of the fishing community. these narratives do not empower fishermen but rather deceive them, despite programs to empower coastal communities continuing to be created. conclusion the fisherman’s ecosystem should be a concern for all stakeholders. in addition to these stakeholders, culture also contributes to the root of the problem regarding the sustainability of natural ecosystems, especially in fishing communities. this research examines how the existence of a fisherman’s ecosystem should be a predictor of community life on the mainland. among the discussions in this study is the role panglima laot and various government agencies and other institutions play in protecting and preserving the fishermen’s ecosystem. furthermore, it also examines how culture and shariabased ecology play a role in the management and development of fishermen’s ecosystems in aceh timur raya. this research generated several significant findings, such as why the fishermen’s ecosystem on the east coast of aceh is going through a high resistance caused by culture or islamic law currently in effect. first, protecting and preserving the fisherman’s ecosystem has yet to become part of islamic law aceh’s law still focuses on matters of mahdhah worship. in addition, scholars have yet to make sharia-based ecology part of scientific studies in fishing communities so that the culture built in society is that this universe belongs to allah and humans are free to use it without any law to protect and preserve it. second, the growth of a culture of indifference among fishermen towards their environment. on the one hand, fishermen are responsible for maintaining the ecosystem’s sustainability. however, on the other hand, they must also meet their needs and demands of working on the trawl belonging to the toke. over time, that sense [ 262 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 of responsibility diminishes, and they prioritize life’s demands over nature’s survival. this also makes the fishing environment unfriendly to fishermen in terms of economy, health, social affairs, to the continuity of education for the next generation. third, resistance to a culture of caring for the environment is also caused by the politicization of environmental issues. who really cares for the environment and the sustainability of the fisherman’s ecosystem? it should be the fishermen themselves who care. however, those who seem to care are the politicians who allow trawlers to continue exploiting aceh’s marine resources under the pretense of welfare for the fishing community. who is actually empowered? alternatively, maybe the fishing community is more likely to be deceived by politicians who only take a pragmatic advantage. the existence of panglima laot should be central to maintaining the fisherman’s ecosystem. it turns out that what happened is still far from reality. the government, politicians, and security forces have yet to make panglima laot a suitable stakeholder. the existence of panglima laot is merely used for the needs and interests of certain groups rather than for the benefit of the ecosystem and the fishermen. the east coast of aceh will suffer heavy damage, in addition to the absence of the role of the government and related parties, cultural resistance, and the lack of understanding of the sharia-based ecology in the community about the protection and preservation of the fishermen’s ecosystem. the power relations in coastal communities with the toke and the rulers tend to construct a discourse on ‘reaping’ marine products. the discourse was not only justified by the attitude of the toke and the fishermen regarding the fishermen’s catch but is also supported by the ulemas and politicians. thus, it is widespread for trawlers to be found on the east coast of aceh. such a situation should not be allowed to continue any longer, especially on the east coast of aceh. aceh timur raya should not be the next bagan siapiapi that no longer has marine products. the government must conduct an in-depth evaluation of the various programs implemented so far. in addition, the existence of sharia in aceh must make the environment an essential basis for implementing islamic law, and the paradigm of islamic law must change, not merely focusing on mahdhah worship and religious rituals. aceh’s islamic sharia must move forward in responding to various future needs in the form of ghairu mahdhah worship, social worship, and the cultural and political needs of the people. the research still has many shortcomings and will be very useful if future research includes several other dimensions. what is essential is to continue this research by examining in depth using the ecotheological study appropriate to be applied in the culture of aceh. considering several previous studies that [ 263 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 examined the environment in the book of bustanussalatin, aceh in the past had a socio-cultural construct based on eco-theology. it would be great for future researchers to examine this theme in depth to protect environmental ecosystems in aceh for years to come. bibliography abdullah, m. 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(2020). transformation of panglima laot in aceh: from punggawa to customary institution. edited by b. warsito, sudarno, dan t. triadi putranto. e3s web of conferences 202:07031. doi: 10.1051/e3sconf/202020207031. wijayanto, x. a. (2018). peranan ngo lingkungan hidup dalam upaya pencapaian keberhasilan sdgs indonesia. doi: 10.13140/ rg.2.2.32087.32164. wilson, c. & linkie, m. (2012). the panglima laot of aceh: a case study in large-scale community-based marine management after the 2004 indian ocean tsunami. oryx 46(4):495–500. doi: 10.1017/ s0030605312000191. www.monologis.id. (2021). nelayan aceh timur pertanyakan legalitas pukat harimau. monologis.id. diambil 25 agustus 2022 (https://monologis. id/nusantara/nelayan-aceh-timur-pertanyakan-legalitas-pukat-harimau). [ 266 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2433 yulindawati, y. (2018). hukum adat laot (laut) sebagai kearifan masyarakat nelayan dalam upaya melestarikan potensi sumberdaya perikanan tangkap. dusturiyah: jurnal hukum islam, perundang-undangan dan pranata sosial 7(1). doi: 10.22373/dusturiyah.v7i1.2333. zubir, (2021). harmonisasi hukum islam pada masyarakat pesisir di aceh timur raya. banda aceh: uin ar-raniry press. [ 53 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 kampung beting: family resilience against religious radicalism suhardiman fakultas syariah iain pontianak email: suhardiman84@gmail.com eka hendry ar fakultas tarbiyah dan ilmu keguruan iain pontianak email: ekahendry77@gmail.com muhammad nizar fakultas tarbiyah dan ilmu keguruan iain pontianak email: nizarbbid225@gmail.com abstract the work cuptures the rise of terrorist movements involving families. the studies of family involvement in acts of terrorism in indonesia have not much been done. the work is based on research conducted in kampung beting of pontianak city, which is stigmatized as a drug trafficking village. it explores family parenting patterns and family responses to live problems especially on community literacy about religious radicalism. the findings include, first, the pattern of instilling religious values in families is relatively vulnerable. family parentings have shown physical resilience, social resilience and psychological resilience. the work finds the important roles of parents in instilling religious values and building communication with their children and the ability of families to solve problems they face. education has been found very important within the community. second, with regard to the existing conditions, people choose to “make peace” with the reality. the attitude of the people is split from pessimistic, pragmatic and optimistic. third, public literacy about religious radicalism is quite good among ordinary people and religious and community leaders. being radical in society’s point of view is an act of violence, while adhering to religious principles is considered not being radical. defending the honor of religion is a matter of principle, thus encouraging them to fight. fourth, four factors fortifying the community include the open and straightforward attitude of the community, the community involvement into the city security network, the high community mechanical solidarity and the effective role of religious leaders in fostering society. keywords: family resilience, religious radicalism, kampung beting. [ 54 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 introduction in recent times, the issues of religious radicalism have surfaced again, in addition to being part of political issue, the acts of terror are attributed to certain groups of religious organizations. as a political issue, when the president appointed the minister of religious affairs, fakhrurazi, the first task the ministry of religious affairs was expected to do was to carry out ‘deradicalization’ efforts. this issue continued to roll around, in pros and cons, from its definition to attaching a label of ‘radicalism’ to a particular religion (in this case islam). apart from this polemic, it is clear that indonesia is currently facing the threat of radicalism (manace of radicalism) both in the context of socio-religious and socio-political life. radicalism is not only in the context of ideas or ideology (cognitive radicalization), but violent radicalism continues to occur (violent radicalism). a few cases of the the latter were the attack carried out by a family against coordinating minister for political, legal and security affairs, wiranto, and the terrorist attack in medan, north sumatra. the issues of radicalism, especially those that have transformed into acts of violence is of course contrary to the spirit of national and state life. and should a messure not be taken, it will threaten the unity and integrity of the nation. however, what we need to realize is that the issue of radicalism (especially violence) does not occur due to a single factor, namely ideology (or ideas) alone, but, it is also related to socio-political variables (structural factors) such as injustice, poverty (underdog state) and social discrepancy. with the above assumptions, as long as social problems are not properly addresseed, the issues of violent radicalism will continue to haunt the nation. therefore, to overcome these problems, a comprehensive approach is needed, both culturally and structurally. the vulnerability of the spread of ideology and acts of violent radicalism does not only hit the public space, but can also enter personal and family spaces. the spread of radicalism or commitment to commit acts of violence occurs not only in an exclusive work organization, but also in the family institution. there are several recent facts showing that the family is one of the approaches or ways to build militancy and resistance. for example, the attack on the coordinating minister for political, forestry and security affairs, where the executors were a husband and wife and their children. although the child lacks the guts to attack. then the attacks on the pentecostal church, the santa maria tak bercela church and the indonesian christian church in surabaya were carried out by a family that was said to be related to the jama’ah ansharud daulah network. (ninis chairunnisa, 2018) the phenomenon of family relations in an act of violence has in fact been [ 55 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 going on for a long time. as in the case of the 1st bali bombing, it turns out that the amrozi brothers did it. mohammed m. hafez (2016; vol.9) in his article the ties that bind: how terrorists exploit family bonds (the jakarta post february, 2016) states that, based on publications from new america in 2015 there is a family relations between the perpetrators of the attack. in the case of the september 11 attacks on the world trade center (wtc), usa, it turned out that 6 of the 19 hijackers had family relations with each other. then, a study of the italian red brigades from 1970 to 1988, almost 25 percent of the perpetrators of terrorism were related (or had family ties). realizing this, various efforts have been made to fortify families from radicalism, as was done by the european union through the 2019 radicalization awareness network (ran) program and the positive parenting program (the triple p) initiated by the university of queensland. a collaborative program between the faculty of health and behavioral sciences and the family support center, faculty of psychology, university of queensland, uin walisonggo semarang and the indonesian ministry of religious affairs (mora). so, the family can take on the role of fortifying radicalism, as well as deradicalization efforts (especially in the context of exposure to radicalism). strengthening the family ties has become a major, important and urgent issue lately, in order to tackle the issues of radicalism and acts of violence. has this become the consensus of our society? this is an important question that must be answered. in this case, we sought to understand how family literacy is related to this role, as well as the family’s resilience in an effort to fortify family members from the influence of radicalism. another variable that is also crucial to this research is the existence of a family institution in a structural context. this is related to the idea that thought radicalism and violent radicalism occur due to various factors, including socio-political factors. the people of kampung beting in pontianak city have a tough choice because this area has its own socio-economic, religious and culural characteristics. the beting community is often identified with a negative stigma, such as a place for drug trafficking and other social issues. however, the bond of community solidarity is quite strong and the existence of kampung beting is in the center of the pontianak sultanate and the center for the spread of islam. these unique characteristics will make it more interesting to examine especially regarding the resilience of the family institution in fortifying the spread of religious radicalism. this research focuses on the resilience of the family institution of the kampung beting community in pontianak city to the spread of social and religious radicalism. in light of the issues discussed above, this research also focuses on [ 56 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 the pattern of instilling religious values among the families in the kampung beting, the views of the beting residents on social and religious issues in their neighborhood, and the literacy of the kampung beting families regarding radicalism, along with the factors that fortify the beting community from the spread of radicalism. the method used was the field research, namely research that seeks to construct a theory based on data and facts obtained in the field. according to roye singleton (1988:308) field research originates from two related research traditions, namely anthropology and sociology. ethnography is related to culture, then ethnomethodology is concerned with understanding human daily activities and behavior. garfinkel (in george ritzer, 2007: 322) states that ethnomethodological research focuses on the objective reality of social facts as a socially fundamental phenomenon because the reality is created and organized by the community. through this method, this research sought to understand and analyze the explanations provided by the informants based on their perspectives. infiltration of radical doctrine targeting family institution there are many studies regarding family and radicalism, both at home and abroad, such as research by ervi siti zahroh zidni (2018), a. syafi’ (2017) and elga sikken, et al., (2017). ervi focused her research on the role of the family as a means of early education for the children and the ability of the family institution to counter radical movements. ervi’s research shows that a pattern of equal and harmonious partnership between husband and wife in the household, as well as good literacy by parents regarding an inclusive understanding of religion will have an impact on the education of children in the family. this includes efforts to prevent radicalism. the research conducted by syafi’ as is more or less the same as ervi’s research, where the role of the family is to make efforts to prevent radicalism. shafi’ is of the view that one of the causes of radicalism is alienation. the alienation in question is the individual’s response in the family towards the moral decadence of their environment, the alienation of the individual from the underdevelopment of the family’s economic conditions and the alienation in the field of education. syafi’ wanted to test his hypothesis that a sakinah family (where there is love between members, harmony with the environment, able to live and practice the values of faith and noble character) will be able to play a role in fortifying against the spread of radical ideology. [ 57 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 meanwhile, elga sikken’s (et al.) research focuses on former extremists and their families in perceiving the influence of parents on radicalization and deradicalization. the specificity of elga’s research is in families whose family members have been exposed to or participated in acts of violence (extremists). from these three studies, there is no link between the role of the family in fortifying against the spread of radicalism with the environmental context of the family institution in their social sphere, not to mention, the social sphere with special characteristics. 1. family concept and role the family is the smallest institution in the social system, where parents and children live. the role of the family is vital as a means of achieving prosperity and happiness. the family plays a role in at least two aspects, namely being the first social environment that introduces love, religious morals and social culture, and at the same time as the main defense against various negative influences of social development. (kp3a and bps, 2016: 5) the ministry of women’s empowerment and child protection (kp3a) together with bps compiled a catalog containing the family resilience development strategies. in the catalog, it is stated that there are 4 family characteristics, namely; (1) composed of several people by marriage, blood or adoption; (2) live in one place together; (3) interactions between family members, communicating and creating social roles for each family member; (4) maintenance of shared cultural patterns in family member relationships based on the general culture of society. as for family functions, in accordance with government regulation (pp) number 21 of 1994 there are 8 clauses namely; religious functions, social culture, love, protection, reproduction, socialization and education, economics and environmental development functions. ibnu miskawaih (in ervi siti zahroh zidni, 2018: 41) argues that the family plays a very important role in the formation of a child’s character model. the environment will have an impact on child development, if it is good then the child’s growth will be good as well; if it is the other way around, then the results can be negative. therefore, ibnu miskawaih emphasizes the importance of parenting by both parents. the family is one of the social institutions currently targeted by radicalism, in addition to other institutions such as religious organizations, educational institutions and correctional institutions. in fact, these institutions play a dual function, on the one hand they can act as a breeding ground for radical ideology, but on the other hand they can also be a means for carrying out the function of deradicalization. [ 58 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 mohammed m. hafez (2016; vol.9) that, based on publications from new america in 2015, it shows that there is a tendency for perpetrators of attacks in the west to have family ties. in the case of the september 11 attack on the world trade center (wtc), usa, it turned out that 6 of the 19 hijackers had kinship with one another. then, a study on the italian red brigades from 1970 to 1988, almost 25 percent of the perpetrators of terrorism were related (or had family ties). these data show us that family relations (kinship) have an important role in the spread of radicalism. there are several reasons for this, including; first, acts of violence (terrorism) require a high level of solidity. they should feel intimate with the other. second, acts of violence also require high trust between the perpetrators. due to the high need for confidentiality among the perpetrators. third, in terms of instilling ideology, it is easier with people who have kinship than those who do not. fourth, the process of instilling radical ideology is relatively difficult to detect in the domestic sphere of the household because the family institution is very closed, compared to society in general. on the basis of these considerations, recruiting family members will be very easy, both in terms of spreading ideology to carrying out acts of violence. figur 1 institutions that are vurnerable to the spread of radicalism [ 59 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 the religious institutions here are religious associations or organizations, where education and cultivation of religious ideology is carried out. so far, much attention has been paid to these institutions. in the indonesian context, several religious organizations were popular such as jama’ah islamiyah (ji), indonesian mujahidin council (mmi), jama’ah anshar tauhid (jat) and jama’ah anshar daulah (jad) for the local context, and al qaida and isis for the international context. (asman abdullah, 2018:215) in addition, educational institutions are also considered vulnerable to the emergence of radical ideology because in these institutions, an intensive teaching and learning process is carried out. when there is a teacher who has been exposed to or is deliberately affiliated with a radical movement, then it is very likely that he will instill similar ideas and views on his students. at least, he will teach cognitive radicalization. therefore, to anticipate this, it is necessary to develop education (peace education), both in formal and nonformal educational institutions. (eka hendry ar) so far we have considered penitentiaries as places to punish people or to deter people from committing crimes, but now they can become grounds for indoctrination of radical ideology. based on a report from the international center for the study of radicalization and political violence (icsr) (2010: 7) that prisons are often described as hotbeds of terrorism. the report says, according to harvey kushner (american criminologist) that western prisons are al qaeda’s main recruiting ground. therefore, in 2006, the us issued an american policy report based on the opinion of a panel of 15 experts who came to the same conclusion that the radicalization of prison inmates is a serious (and undetected) threat of unknown magnitude to the security of the united states. 2. family resilience concept according to frankenberger (in kp3a and bps, 2016: 6) the concept of family resilience (family strength) is a condition of sufficiency and continuity of the family in accessing income and resources to fulfill basic needs such as food, clean water, health services, education, housing , time of participation in society and social integration. pp ri 21 of 1994 emphasizes family independence as a definition of family resilience. a family is considered independent if it has perseverance, strength, as well as physical, material and mental abilities. the opinion of sunarti and walsh (in kp3a and bps, 2016: 6) emphasizes the family’s ability to manage resources and problems to achieve welfare. walsh emphasizes the ability to adapt to changes that occur and a positive attitude [ 60 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 towards life’s problems. kp3a and bps (2016: 6) emphasize the ability of families to prevent or protect themselves from various problems and threats, both internal and external (including in the context of the environment, community and country). the indicators for the level of family resilience are as follows: mutual service, closeness between husband and wife, parents who teach and train children to face various challenges, leadership of both parents with love and obedience of children to parents. (kp3a and bps, 2016:6-7) in addition, there are at least three indicators for families with high resilience, namely; (1) physical resilience which is marked by the fulfillment of food, clothing, housing, education and health needs; (2) social resilience which is marked by being oriented towards religious values, effective communication, and high family commitment; (3) psychological resilience which includes the ability to deal with non-physical problems, positive emotional control, positive self-concept, and husband’s care for his wife. (kp3a and bps, 2016:8) 3. understanding the substance of radicalism and relations with the family institution etymologically radicalism comes from the word radic which means roots. meanwhile, in terms of terminology, there are various definitions of radicalism, and there is almost no universally applicable definition that can be accepted in both academic and government circles. (alex p. schmid, 2013:5). furthermore according to alex p schmid radicalism is now becoming more politicized. there are so many definitions, although there are also many that are not quite right. “in recent years the term ‘radicalisation’ has, like the term terrorism, become very politicised, i.e. it has been used in the political game of labelling and blame attribution. academics too have come up with multiple definitions that often lack precision”. (alex p. schmid, 2013:17) according to neuman (in elga et.at., 2017: 194) radicalization does not actually exist, but it is merely a term constructed by the media, government and security agents. therefore, it is distinguished between cognitive radicalization and violence. (bartlett, birdwell and king, 2010; vidino and brandon, 2012 in elga, 2017: 194) experts distinguish between radicalism and violence (or terrorism). being radical does not necessarily mean that someone becomes a terrorist, but radicalism is the forerunner of escalating acts of violence. regarding the term [ 61 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 used by the indonesian national counterterrorism agency (bnpt), it is said that radicalism is the embryo of the birth of terrorism. bpnt in its report entitled strategy for dealing with terrorism-isis radicalism (n.d.: 1) defines radicalism as an attitude that yearns for total and revolutionary change by overturning existing values drastically through using violence and extreme actions. meanwhile elga sikken et al., (2017: 194) define radicalization as a dimension of increasing extremity of beliefs, feelings and behaviors that support inter-group conflict and violence. while there are also those who define radicalization as a process that moves individual beliefs from moderate to extreme views, they differ in the use of violence to achieve ideological, political and social interests or religious change. (attorney-generals department, 2014; striegher, 2015) or religious change (striegher, 2015) (yulina eva riany, n.d. : ) based on the definitions mentioned above, it can be concluded that radicalism is not violence or terrorism, but radicalism is an initial condition that can escalate into violence or terrorism. in addition, radicalism is not always related to religion, because radicalism can also occur in a socio-political context. this means that radicalism can relate to social change, political change and even ideological struggles. therefore, in this study, we did not mention religious radicalism alone, because radicalism is a form of reaction to existing problems. therefore according to bartlett et al. and vidino and brandon (in elga et al., 2017: 194) most scholars distinguish between violence and cognitive radicalization. cognitive radicalization according to vidino and brandon (in elga et al., 2017: 194) is a process in which individuals adopt ideas that are contrary to the mainstream, reject the legitimacy of the existing social order and try to put this legitimacy back in a new structure based on a different belief system altogether. based on the various categories and definitions above, several indicators have been developed to identify those who are exposed to radicalism. bnpt said there are 4 indicators of radical attitudes and ideologies, namely: (1) intolerance, namely attitudes and beliefs that do not respect the opinions and beliefs of others; (2) bigotry, namely the attitude of always feeling right and considering others wrong; (3) exclusiveness, namely distingushing oneself from the general muslim community; (4) revolutionariness, namely using violence to achieve goals. yulina eva riany et al (n.d. 1) stated that there are 3 characteristics of people who are identified as radical, namely: (1) implementing islam in a complete and literal context based on the qur’an and hadith without a flexible [ 62 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 understanding of islam; (2) being reactive in responding to violence regarding something that is considered secular and materialist and often uses violence through language, ideas, physical action or even war; (3) fundamental islamic teachings as the basis for rebuilding society and the state. the indicators stated above are inseparable from the fact that radicalism occurs in the context of religion. because perhaps the focus of attention is from the radicalism referred to in the religious context. however, this does not mean that radicalism only occurs in the context of religion, but has the potential to occur in various other fields such as in social and political contexts. with regard to the relation with the family, according to maccoby and mertin (in elga sikken et al., 2017: 199) that family or parents have at least 2 roles, namely parental warmth and control function. if this role can be maximized then it will be able to produce positive results for children (the most positive child outcomes). a similar opinion was expressed by smetana (in elga sikken et al., 2017: 199) that effective interaction between parents and children will greatly help the moral development of children. in fact, according to hoffman (in elga sikken et al., 2017: 199) it can build pro-social moral internalization. on the other hand, according to hoeve et. at. (in elga sikken, 2017: 199) if support, supervision, discipline is too harsh, parents’ inconsistent attitudes, delinquency of family members and problems that exist in the family, then this can cause children to develop deviant behavior. meanwhile, what is the relation between family and radicalization, according to elga sikken et al. (2017:199-202), there are several roles of parents related to radicalism. first, parents have a direct influence on radicalization; second, parents have an indirect influence on radicalization. third, there is no parental influence on radicalization. fourth. parents influence deradicalization efforts. this relation is based on various empirical studies that have been carried out. parents who are exposed to radicalism have the potential to influence their family members with radical views. meanwhile, social and the family’s economic conditions can contribute indirectly to radicalization. however, the fact also shows that there is no direct influence of the nuclear family on radicalization, but there is a relation with the family in a broader sense. finally, it turns out that the family can also function to carry out deradicalization, especially for families who have been exposed to radicalism or have participated in acts of violence. with regard to prevention methods, the radicalization awareness network (ran) (2019: 5-6) compiled guidelines for preventing radicalism from turning into terrorism and violent extremism, with family support. the [ 63 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 guidelines describe the methods used in the context of empowering families to overcome radicalization. there are three levels of family support methods. this approach adjusts the level of family exposure to radicalism and violence. the three levels are primary prevention, secondary prevention and tertiary prevention. primary prevention means that the majority of the families can apply early prevention methods by providing support interventions to prevent radicalization and violence. the form of intervention could be public awareness courses in schools and community centers (such as interfaith organizations). secondary prevention means that smaller families are at higher risk and require greater efforts to reduce radicalization and violence. many factors influence family conditions such as unstable family dynamics, frustration and disappointment, history of abuse, communication and cultural issues. families like this need support to improve the ability to prevent their family members from becoming perpetrators of violence. for families at this level, it is necessary to build communication about life experiences and problems encountered and the need for assistance and counseling. meanwhile, the tertiary prevention level is an even smaller family group that needs special intervention and support because the process of radicalization has taken place in the family and there are family members who have been involved in acts of violence. forms of intervention that need to be carried out include intensive family counseling and deradicalization programs that involve all family members. figure 2 escalation of radicalism and de-radicalism based on what was stated by elga sikke et al. and the ran draft provides guidelines that each family can play a different role in instilling radical ideology on the one hand (both directly and indirectly), while on the other, [ 64 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 they can also be empowered to carry out deradicalization. efforts made to reduce radicalization depend on the level of family position related to radicalism. it can be in the form of prevention and can also be in the form of deradicalization. prevention is done especially for families who have not been exposed to radical ideas, are vulnerable to such exposure, or have a family member who has been exposed. meanwhile, deradicalization is carried out for families who have been exposed to, are involved in radical actions or come from areas of war (both as perpetrators and victims of war). kampung beting: a portrait of a “marginalized” society. beting is the name of an area at the junction between the kapuas river and the landak river. administratively, it belongs to the dalam bugis village, east pontianak sub-district. dalam bugis village is bordered by tanjung hilir village to the north, tambelan sampit village to the south, tanjung hulu village and saigon village to the west. in the east it is bordered by kapuas river. there are several opinions with regard to the origin of the name of this area. some said that beting is aek nyorong, the ground surface which is getting shallower due to waves. when the tide is high, the land sinks. if the water recedes, then the surface arises. (zulkifli abdullah, 2014:11) while there is another opinion that says beting means there is a niche at the four junctions between the kapuas river and the landak river. originally, the people lived in lanting [floating homes], so during the dry season the lanting were stranded on the ground and tilted. according to mr e.d., the tilted position of the lanting is called beting. beting means that there is a niche at the junction of the kapuas river and the landak river, because at that time the houses of the residents stood on stilts, and during the dry season they tilted. the area that causes the lanting houses to tilt is called beting. at that time, to pass or walk through the area, [people] used a footbridge made of a few pieces of wooden boards. (interview with e.d, june 13, 2022) in addition, administratively, the beting area is in fact not known, but it is called dalam bugis village. the term beting is only the informal name given by the community. pontianak people in general are more familiar with the name beting, rather than the dalam bugis village. in the beting area itself there is also a kind of demarcation between masjid village (kampung pulau) and beting. this boundary, in fact, is more imaginary and carries stigmatization, that is, it wants to emphasize each other’s position and identity. kampung masjid is in the vicinity of the kadariah mosque, and the residents do not [ 65 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 want this place to be identifed as a place for drug trafficking. the boundary marked by a ditch. “officially it doesn’t exist, the mosque village and beting village are just the names given by the people. in fact, beting and the mosque village are included in the dalam bugis village area. so there is no definite boundary between masjid village and and beting village. but as far as i know, the ditch to the right of the sultan syarif abdurrahman mosque marks the boundary between the beting village and the mosque village.” (interview with sc, august 2022) based on the 2020 dalam bugis village profile, the population was around 19,244 people. this data must have changed, but the village office itself has not updated the data. the education level of the community was mostly high school graduates/equivalent, around 3,745 people. while college graduates (with a bachelor’s degree/equivalent) were only approximately 383 people. (dalam bugis village profile, 2020:18). based on ethnicity, no written information was found. however, based on the information obtained from the residents of beting, most of the population are ethnic malays. there are also some from the syarif / syarifah (arab) lineage and now other than that, especially migrants who married local residents. but overall, the characteristics of the community are quite homogeneous in terms of ethnicity and religion. the majority of the residents of dalam bugis kelurahan are muslim (18,436 people), including in the beting area, the majority of the population is muslim. the specific population data for beting village has not yet been obtained. based on information obtained from the dalam bugis village, there is no special population data for rw [ward] and rt [neighborhood association]. this shows that population data is still “scarce” in the bugis dalam village. the religious life of the people can be seen from various religious activities, such as worship activities at the kadariah palace mosque, religious activities both carried out at the mosque and those held at qur’anic assemblies, such as the al hijrah assembly led by ustads mawardi and the lbtq council under the care of ustads al haidar, who is originally from beting village. the children’s religious activities were seen at the qur’anic learning center at the kadariah palace mosque, and also at the islamic teachers’ houses where children learn to read the qur’an. [ 66 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 table 1 dalam bugis village residents based on religion religion male perempuan jumlah muslim 9.269 9.167 18.436 buddhist 205 219 424 catholic 97 99 196 christian 94 66 160 konfucian 11 17 28 hindu 0 0 0 source : dalam bugis village profile, 2020 as for the occupation, most residents are casual daily workers (1,784 people), and around 1,718 people work as private employees. meanwhile, there are more than 6,000 residents who are not [yet] working (6,598 people). these figures show that there is a large potential “social burden” facing the community. in addition, the conditions for developing the dalam bugis area, especially the beting area are quite challenging. in this relatively large area, it turns out that there are no public high schools. there is only 1 public junior high school (smpn 4) and several public elementary schools. for the beting area, there is only one public elementary school, namely sdn 25. this condition has not changed much for several decades, forcing children to leave the area to continue their studies. most of them continued their high school at tanjung raya 2, or at other schools in pontianak city. the beting community feels the same way, most of their children have to go to school far outside the village, especially to get junior and senior high school education. therefore, there was an attempt by the beting community itself to establish a school in the beting area. according to one of the religious leaders there, mawardi, this plan has yet to be achieved. even though an approach with the pontianak city government has been made, with the intention of using the green area. the hope is that with a school in existence in the area, it will improve the somewhat negative image of beting. related to the negative stigma of beting being a drug trafficking area is common knowledge among the pontianak people, and even west kalimantan. like kampung bahari in tanjung periok, jakarta, beting is considered a black market, where drugs and [ 67 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 crime circulate. the people who are native to beting are actually uncomfortable with this stigma. they think that this stigma comes from outsiders who don’t understand what this area really is. then, if it is true that beting later became a place for drug trafficking, it was due to the arrival of outsiders into the area, and that there are certain people who want drug trafficking to continue. this problem is what many residents complain about, when this research was being conducted. for them, the negative stigma is a “burden”, especially when dealing with outsiders. like getting access to work in various companies for beting residents (especially men) is quite difficult, not to mention trying to get loans from the bank. the beting community is still waiting for the government’s attention, especially in helping to erode the negative stigma, in order to build trust in the beting community. the community does not expect much from the government to build various infrastructure in the area, because the rsidents here are quite independent. from the government’s perspective, they have tried to “open” the beting area, with various programs such as building facilities such as water fronts, water tourism, women’s welfare activities, integrated health centers, family planning, and formation of the beting mining group. however, for the community this is not sufficient, because what they need is indiscrimination. the beting community feels that all this time without government assistance they can survive, so they still can stand on their own feet, even though they are only boat taxi drivers, parking attendants or small traders. this attitude actually depicts insinuation or subtle innuendo to the government which is considered to be ignorant of their circumstances. meanwhile, the people of beting also want to be remembered and known for positive things. in the past, the historical role of beting for the kadariah palace, and the role of preachers that had lived and thrived in the beting area (kradesajid masjid). jmd as a native of beting recalls his childhood when there were a lot of religious activities in the area. rd and rs told me that in the past beting had an artist (named wak nambon) who was quite famous in east pontianak. now this art is continued by his son (a violinist). there also used to be a well-known doctor (dr. bakhtiar) who originated from beting. he practiced at the tanjung pura healthy pharmacy. he was also known as the doctor who was in charge of health examination during a police entrance test. this means that the beting people want to be remembered for the positive sides, not just the dark ones. until now, the hope is that the normal and positive social side of their lives should be understood by outsiders. they also have hope, they also want a better life. in fact, ustads mawardi, a young islamic teacher who is now dedicating himself to his hometown, believes that [ 68 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 one day islam will rise from beting. his prophetic prediction is not without reason, but based on current conditions where awareness of the importance of education has emerged among the beting community members. 1. building empathy for beting residents. based on the results of the data collected from the field, a construction of the reality of the beting community is illustrated as follows. a society that is always looked down upon by the majority of outsiders. the people are always blamed for being the trouble makers in pontianak and west kalimantan in general. after this research was conducted, we should see the reality by keeping things in proportion and with empathy. the beting society basically illustrates a society that is trapped in a labyrinth of dilemmas, where they are aware of the reality around them that must be negated, but on the other hand they are powerless, and then forced, finally have to “make peace” with reality, try to define reality and give a more positive meaning to it. to understand the reality in beting village, its relation to how they maintain the function of the family institution in overcoming the existing problems, including in fortifying against radicalism. this research was originally based on the hypothesis, “where there is social pathology (or anomaly), the potential for developing radicalism will be greater”. it turns out that through this research, we are presented with a complicated social reality, fighting with all the shortcomings and trying to find a better future. with their various social capitals, the beting people form their own defense mechanism in dealing with the infiltration of values and beliefs that are considered radical or contrary to what they perceive. to understand the beting community, we can use the deconstruction approach proposed by jacques derrida and the theory of power relations by pierre bourdieu. for derrida (2005: 79-80), our society tends to be hegemonic by a structuralist style of thinking, where there is a binary position in every reality, where there is one value that is more important (superior/ordinate) compared to the others (inferior/subordination), such as rich vs poor, educated vs uneducated, urban vs rural, essential vs symbolic, cause vs effect and so on. in this binary position, it is as if the cause is more important than the effect, so that being educated is more important, superior to being uneducated. for derrida, this view is not quite right, because all sides must have their own advantages and truth. therefore, he put forward an antithesis called deconstruction, namely destroying the hegemony of certain values or sides. derrida’s theory of deconstructionism is suitable for understanding [ 69 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 marginalized community, such as beting. the hegemony of negative stigma against beting is already very strong. there is even a researcher who used the title of “the crime nest”, completely overlooking the good dimension of the village. while on the other hand, the community is indeed powerless to defend themselves, because as stated by bourdieu (2020: 234-240), this is a result of ‘symbolic violence’ (dominant culture) which is basically unbalanced. according to bourdieu, symbolic violence occurs through the domination of the dominant class that seeks to impose its habitus on the class that is controlled, one of which is through language instruments, because language is not merely a means of communication, but also ideology. language conveys not only messages, but also intention. violence occurs in narratives, in body language as well as spoken and written language. symbolic violence commonly occurs due to those who have power (dominance) over narrative or discourse. labeling it as a ‘crime village’ or ‘drug village’ is a form of symbolic violence through language and stigma. of course this labeling is made by those who are dominant, both economically, politically and culturally. the beting community is actually trying hard to get rid of this stigma, but it still sticks with them. law enforcement actions in the area seem to confirm that beting is indeed what it is labeled. the community hopes that the government will step in to help clear up the situation, because they feel powerless to do so. the people really hope that the government will help them, because this stigma has had an impact on their everyday lives. they have difficulty getting a job, because companies refuse to employ them because of their residence in beting. for society, this is not fair; this is discrimination. why does this assumption grow, because they suspect that there are (dominant) powers who deliberately allow it. they know that illegal drugs do not simply enter the area without the intervention of certain “forces”. 2. society forced to “make peace” with reality however, even though there is anger, there is disappointment with reality and the stigma attached to the community. at the end of day, life must go on. in the end, society must behave, either being apathetic, pragmatic or remaining optimistic. the first thing society is forced to do is to try to “make peace” with reality. making peace is actually a dilemmatic choice, but on the other hand, this option is considered “safest” and the most “reasonable” way to deal with difficult conditions. these community actions can actually be categorized as instrumental-rational actions and value-rational actions, like mark weber’s theory of social action. [ 70 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 weber (2012: 115) categorizes four forms of social action based on the motive and purpose of the action, namely; (1) traditional actions, actions determined by habits that have taken root and have been practiced for generations; (2) affective actions, which are actions determined by the conditions and emotional orientations of the actor; (3) instrumental rationality, which is an action aimed at achieving goals that are rationally calculated and pursued by the actor concerned: (4) value rationality, namely rational action based on values, carried out for reasons and purposes related to values, especially personally-held values regardless of the success or failure of the action. the people’s choice to make peace with reality actually reflects instrumentalrational action because there are pragmatic considerations for a particular purpose. and it can also be categorized as a value-rational act, because there is a value base that underlies the choice. in the context of the beting community, the values that are held here are religious, social, educational values and values of hope for a better future. acts of instrumental rationality and values appear in the choice of people’s attitudes. the attitude of society is divided, between pessimistic, pragmatic and optimistic. those who are pessimistic and hopeless, then often become part of the crime. but those who then think pragmatically, how to take practical benefits from the existing reality legally, such as taking advantage of the crowds by selling food, becoming water taxi driver and parking attendants. those who are optimistic believe that there is still hope for a better future. they choose how to prepare a better, more educated young generation so that their standard of living will improve because only in this way can the existing evil be “fought”. figure 1 range of public attitudes of making “peace” with reality [ 71 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 3. vulnerability of family resilience regarding the role of the family in dealing with the problems that occur around them, based on the data collected in the field, there are fundamental problems in society related to the parenting role for their children. ideally, the family plays two crucial roles, namely being the first social environment that introduces love, religious morals and social culture; and second, being the main defense against various negative influences of social development (kp3a and bps, 2016: 5) these two minimal roles relatively do not function optimally in the beting community. the non-optimal functioning of the family institution is inseparable from the conditions of the community itself, especially the economic conditions. basically, parents are aware of the urgency of the family’s role in parenting, but there are circumstances that force this role to be not optimal. the big question is, what causes the relatively low standard of living of the people in beting? what factors contribute to poverty? is it due to the cultural or structural factors? because, it is common knowledge that the people in beting and dalam bugis village feel that they have been left behind in development. although the government has the pretexts to deny this reality. this research shows that the low economic level of the beting community is not due to the culture or attitude of the people. this phenomenon is disputed, because the majority of the community are hard workers, both as water taxi driver, speed boat owners, traders, coolies at chinese shops, small-scale food sellers and parking attendants. we suspect that the cause of the low economic level of the community is more due to the slow development in the dalam bugis village area in general, and beting in particular. data on labor in dalam bugis village in 2020 showed that there were more than 6,000 (3,437 men and 3,161 women) who were unemployed. there were more than 1,700 people (1,771 men and 13 women) working as casual daily laborers and around 1,600 (1,485 men and 233 women) as private employees (dalam bugis village profile, 2020). from the data above, even though there is no specific data for beting, it shows there are problems with employment, so that more than 6,000 people are unemployed. this number is almost unbelievable, and at the same time raises the question whether it will lead to social issues. our analysis shows that the low level of society can be explained through at least 2 major paradigms, namely neo-liberalism and social democracy. (syahyuti in sayifullah and tia ratu gandasari, 2016: 242) the neo-liberal paradigm holds that poverty is an individual problem, everyone’s business. in this view, poverty can only be overcome by these individuals themselves, [ 72 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 without dependence on the government. this paradigm develops in capitalist countries. this paradigm is considered to have failed to capture the complete phenomenon of poverty. meanwhile, the paradigm of social democracy holds that poverty is a structural problem, that is, it can be caused by injustice, social inequality in the midst of society. or to borrow dom helder camara’s term as structural violence, injustice that results in poverty. such poverty, according to camara, has the potential to create a cycle of violence. with regard to poverty being an impact of the non-optimal role of parenting in the family institution, it must be seen from the cycle of violence caused by uneven development in the dalam bugis village and beting area in particular. however, even though the community is aware that the parenting function for their children is not optimal, the community then “hands over” the function of coaching and protecting their children to islamic teachers at mosques, at home and islamic learning centers, teachers at schools and islamic boarding schools. this is the reality in beting; the role of islamic teachers and public school teachers is very important. such conditions are in fact quite concerning, because the family should have resilience, where it meets the standards of sufficiency and continuity in accessing resources, so that their basic needs are met. (frankenberger in kp3a and bps, 2016: 6) according to the concept of family resilience is a condition of sufficiency and continuity of the family in accessing income and resources to fulfill basic needs such as food, clean water, health services, education, housing , time of participation in society and social integration. according to kp3a (bps, 2016: 8) a family is considered to have resilience with at least three indicators, namely; physical resilience, by meeting basic needs, education and health (social security), social security with religious values, effective communication and high family commitment. finally, psychological resilience, such as coping with psychological problems, emotional control, self-concept and caring in the family. therefore, with the weak functioning of caring for the family institution in beting, it could be because the community does not have adequate family resilience as a result of limitations in accessing various resources to fulfill their needs. this condition is actually quite worrying, as it will become a vulnerable factor, so an appropriate and fast solution is needed. sociologically, this phenomenon is a kind of substitution process from one role to another, namely the role of parents to the role of islamic teachers and public school teachers. however, it does not mean people have no role at all. based on research by elizabeth harvey from the university of massachusetts in 1999 [ 73 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 and a team from the university of texas in 2005 as quoted by itabiliana and hadiwidjojo (muhammad rizky afif zakaria. (2018: 4) shows that, there is no significant impact on children whose parents work (especially mothers). at least this research provides an answer that, with working parents (especially mothers) actually does not always have a bad impact on children. however, it cannot be denied that there is an opposite view that when parents work outside the home, negative impacts on children are inevitable. in the perspective of structural functionalism, society and social institutions are systems whose all parts are interdependent with one another and all of which seek to achieve equilibrium (i.b. wirawan, 2012:42). in other words, when one institution (social structure) does not function as it should, society will have an impact on other structures. in fact, according to ritzer (in i.b. wirawan, 2012:42) changes in one part will bring changes to other parts of the institution. the family functions the smallest institution of society, in which there are functions played by father, mother and children. when one of these actors does not function properly, then in the view of structural functionalism it will have an impact on other actors. so, when parents are not optimal in their parenting role, it will certainly have an impact on the fulfillment of the parenting function for children and also on the balance in the family. this means that the family will potentially face problems, such as disharmony and lack of education and moral issues. 4. literacy and the role of family institutions in fortifying radicalism as discussed in the previous section, there is great concern about the weak resilience of the family institution. this condition can be the entry point for various problems, such as the involvement of children in criminal acts or opportunities for radical views to infiltrate. trying to test these assumptions in the field, is it true that the vulnerability of the functioning of the family institution will become the entry point for various issues of social pathology. based on the data obtained in the field, it shows that even though the community’s literacy is not very good about the issue of radicalism, the resilience of families who are also relatively vulnerable does not mean that the community is easily infiltrated by radicalism. so far this research has never been found a case of spreading radicalism in society. this information was conveyed by almost all informants and so was the data recorded in dalam bugis village. after the we examined the factors that caused radical ideas not to develop [ 74 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 in society, the data showed that, one of the characteristics of the beting community is the high level of solidarity and commitment to islamic values. the beting community and its surroundings are very sensitive to the issue of blasphemy against islam. if this happens, the community will act reactively, such as taking to the streets. it’s different in the case of crimes, such as in cases of fights, the public will not react, because for them it is their own business, and the community also thinks that it is a personal business. what factors prevented radicalism from entering, and moreover, developing in kampung beting? there are at least 3 factors that keep radicalism away from the the community, namely; the presence of a defense mechanism in society in the form of an open attitude and straightforwardness. in addition, there is also the factor of involving the community in being part of the network of security forces. next is the factor of community solidarity. lastly, the role of religious leaders in fostering the local community. the self-defense mechanism factor is that the beting people have the characteristics of an open culture, especially in terms of responding to something new and coming from outside. this attitude of openness is manifested by an attitude of building communication, making confirmation and being straightforward. when a group of people who are suspected of being christian missionaries enter their area, the community immediately budges, by calling on them, asking them and making confirmation. they would tell them that such activity is in the wrong place, because if one wants to spread religion, they should not do it to people who already have religion. this action turned out to be effective, and did not lead to acts of violence. the second factor is the involvement of the community to be part of the security network. even though this is an old style religious approach by making the community as agents of the security forces, like banpol in the past, it is not entirely bad. in addition, this practice is consolidated through a formal institution called the kodim coordinating body. it means that the detection process is carried out in a formal and open manner, so that it does not seem like a secret operation. this involvement turns out to be effective, as a form of public participation in early and rapid detection of various social problems in society. this involvement also makes the community more proactive in maintaining security and order in society. based on the experience at beting, the role of the coordinating body is felt to be beneficial. what’s more, those involved in the coordinating body are community leaders such as mr. edy who is known as a village elder, leader and also the head of the local neighborhood association. as a local figure, he also cleverly builds communication and information network cells [ 75 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 under his coordination. thus, all information is quickly accessible. the next factor is the high level of social solidarity among residents. solidarity according to doyle paul johnson (1994: 181) is a state of relationship between individuals or groups based on a state of morals and beliefs held together and strengthened by shared emotional experiences. according to johnson, this bond is stronger than a contractual bond that is built with rational considerations. in the context of the beting community, their solidarity is built from the same place of domicile, the same religion, the same social burden they receive and the emotional similarities related to facing negative stigma. the form of solidarity formed among the beting community is called mechanical solidarity. emile durkheim (in george ritzet, 2012: 145) divides solidarity into two forms, namely mechanical and organic solidarity. mechanical solidarity emphasizes collective consciousness, which relies on the totality of shared beliefs and sentiments that, on average, exist among the same members of society. shared awareness rests on the totality of beliefs and sentiments shared by members of the same community. meanwhile, organic solidarity arises because the division of labor increases. this solidarity is based on a high degree of interdependence. the solidarity that is built in the beting community is more in the form of mechanical solidarity, as a result of the shared domicile area, the same religion, the same social burden they receive and the emotional similarity related to facing negative stigma. the manifestation of this solidarity can be seen in gathering mutual support in every social-religious moment, such as death, marriage, religious activities, culture and including solidarity in protecting religion. this strong mechanical solidarity is also a strong capital in fortifying society against various radical religious views and movements. the final factor that also contributes to fortifying the beting community against infiltration of radical views is the role of the ustads [islamic teachers] who are active in fostering the community. it is recorded that there are several ustads who come from beting that are active in fostering the community, from children, youth to the elderly. their role is not only to teach people how to recite the qur’an, but they also play a role in increasing people’s awareness of various existing issues. when people encounter problems, they can directly ask the ustads, so the problem can be quickly solved. meanwhile, most of the ustads who teach religion adhere to the ashari school of thought (ahlus sunnah wa jama’ah) and the shafi’i school, which the community follows. another role of these ustads is to foster religious morals for children. they replace the role of coaching that [ 76 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 should be carried out by parents. together with the ustads, children learn to recite the qur’an and learn about religious sciences. it is hoped that they will be fortified against the bad influences of the surrounding environment. so indirectly, the role of these religious leaders can be a catalyst to keep society (the younger generation and parents) from various possibilities of infiltration by radical religious ideologies. conclusion strengthening the role of family has become a major, important and urgent issue lately, in order to anticipate the issues of religious radicalism and acts of violence. this work suggests that family literacy is an effort to fortify family members against the influence of religious radicalism. the existence of family institution in a structural context matters in promoting better family education. this is related to the idea that cognitive radicalism and violent radicalism occur due to various factors, including socio-political factors, especially for the marginalized people like the beting village commuunity members with their specific socio-economic, religious and cultural characteristics. the pattern of instilling religious values in families in beting village shows that families are aware of the importance of their surroundings. the family resilience is quite vulnerable with indicators of poor economic conditions (physical resilience), social resilience (the role of parents in instilling religious values and building communication with their children) and psychological resilience (the ability of families to solve problems). in addition, the views of beting residents on socio-religious issues in their environment show that they hope to get empathy from others. the kampung beting community basically rejects and opposes the negative stigma towards their village. however, people realize that they are not capable to fight the existing conditions, so that the most appropriate rational choice is to “make peace” with reality. finally, the high solidarity among the community members is a result of the shared culture and religion, and there is a common awareness of the negative stigma attached to their area. the role of religious leaders in fostering the local community has been importantly mattered. the role of these local religious leaders is very dominant, both in religious and in social lives. bibliography abdillah, z. (2014). dakwah di sarang kriminalitas: studi kasus di kampung beting kota pontianak kalimantan barat. artikel ini dipresentasikan pada konferensi internasional tahunan tentang islam ke 14 di balik papan, 21-24 november 2014. [ 77 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 abdullah, a. (2018). radikalisasi gerakan jamaah ansharut tauhid dan pengaruh isis di indonesia. dalam jurnal sosiologi reflektif, volume 12. no. 2, april 2018. afif, m. r. (2018). pengalihan peran sementara pengasuhan anak dari orang tua ke nenek dan kakek. diakses dari https://repository.unair. ac.id/79818/3/jurnal_fis.s.75%2018%20zak%20p.pdf. 9 september 2022. al-fayyadi, m. (2005). derrida. (cet.1). yogyakarta, lkis. bourdieu, p. (2020). bahasa dan kekuasaan simbolik (terj. cet. 1). yogyakarta, ircisod.. chairunnisa, n. (ed). pelaku bom di surabaya satu keluarga, begini pembagian tugasnya. tempo.co. minggu 13 mei 2018. ervi, siti, z., zidni. (2018). kemitraan keluarga dalam menangkal radikalisme, dalam jurnal studi al quran vo. 14, no. 1, tahun 2018. (doi:doi.org/10.21009/jsq.014.1.03). universitas indonesia. hafez, m., mohammed. (2016). the ties that bind: how terrorist exploit family bonds. diterbitkan koran the jakarta post, berjudul (februari, 2016) hendry ar, e., (2017). api damai islam: konstruksi penidikan damai dalam pandangan al quran, pontianak, iain pontianak press. icsr. (2010). prisons and terrorismradicalisation and de-radicalisation in 15 countries. london, icsrking’s college. johnson, d. p. (1994). teori sosial klasik dan modern. jakarta, gramedia pustaka. kp3a and bps. (2016). katalog pembangunan ketahanan keluarga 2016. ran collection. (2019). preventing radicalisation to terorism and violent ekstremism, family support. uni europe riany, y.e, et.al. (n.y). does parenting play a role in the development or prevention of radical beliefs? indonesian case study. parenting and family support centre, the university of queensland, australia, the state islamic university of walisongo, indonesia and funded by indonesian ministry of religious affairs (mora) ritzer, g. (2007). teori sosiologi modern, jakarta, kencana.. schmid, a. p. (2013). radicalisation, de-radicalisation, counter-radicalisation: a conceptual discussion and literature review. the haguethe [ 78 ] al albab: volume 12 number 1 june 2023 doi: https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v12i1.2419 netherlands, icct – the haguekoningin julianaplein. sikken, e. et.al. (2017). parental influence on radicalization and de-radicalization according to the lived experinced of former extrimist and their family. journal for deradicalization, fall 2017. nr. 12. issn: 2363-9849. singleton, r. et.al. (1988). approaches to social research. oxford university press. new. syafi’, a.s. (2017). radikalisme agama (analis kritis dan upaya pencegahannya melalui basis keluarga sakinah). sumbula : volume 2, nomor 1, januari-juni 2017, 352-376 turner, b. s. (2012). teori sosial dari klasik sampai postmodern. yogyakarta, pustaka pelajar. wirawan, i. b. (2012). teori-teori sosial dalam tiga paradigma (fakta sosial, defenisi sosial dan prilaku sosial). jakarta, kencana prenada media group. editor-in-chief zaenuddin hudi prasojo international editors afifi al-akiti (faculty of theology and religion, oxford university, united kingdom) yasien mohamed (university of the western cape, south africa, south africa) irwan abdullah (gajah mada university, yogyakarta, indonesia) zainal abidin bagir (universitas gadjah mada, yogyakarta, indonesia) hans-christian günther (department of classics albert ludwigs university of freiburg, germany, germany) kamaludeen bin mohamed nasir (nanyang technological university, singapore) mohd roslan mohd nor (university of malaya, malaysia) giuseppina strummiello (university of bari aldo moro, italy) abdul razak abdulroya panaemalae (walailak university, thailand) florian pohl (oxford college of emory university, united states, germany) mujiburrahman (iain antasari banjarmasin, indonesia) minako sakai (director of social sciencesresearch group, australia) busro busro (uin sunan gunung djati bandung, indonesia) tassim abu bakar (universiti brunei darussalam, brunei darussalam) assistant editors faizal amin, iain pontianak, indonesia saifuddin herlambang, iain pontianak, indonesia syamsul kurniawan, iain pontianak, indonesia section editor setia purwadi, iain pontianak, indonesia language advisor jennifer h lundt, colgate university scholar, new york, united states al-albab volume 11 number 2 december 2022 al-albab issn 0216-6143 (print) and issn: 2502-8340 (online) is an interdisciplinary journal published twice a year in print and online (e-journal) by the pontianak state institute of islamic studies, pontianak. our academic publication concern includes the studies of world religions of islam, buddhism, christianity, hinduism, judaism, chinese religions and other religions. interdisciplinary studies may include the studies of religion in the fields of anthropology, sociology, philosophy, psychology, education, cultural studies and other social sciences. since the journal is published twice a year, special issue would be made available for special condition. the regular issues include june and december editions each year. the journal publishes research-based articles in the area of religious studies. all prospective contributors from various background are welcome to contribute to the journal publication. contributions in english should be typed single-space and contain minimum of 4.000 and maximum of 8.000 words. the citation should follow apa style with footnotes. editorial office: al-albab, gedung saifuddin zuhri pascasarjana iain pontianak, jalan letjend suprapto no. 19, pontianak selatan pontianak 78122, kalimantan barat, indonesia. phone: (62-561) 734170 fax: (62-561) 734170 ; handphone/wa: +6281256738348 e-mail: redaksi.bjrs@gmail.com website: http://jurnaliainpontianak.or.id/index.php/alalbab al albab volume 10 number 2 (december 2021) contents 1. lgbt and religious negotiations: a case study of youth interfaith forum on sexuality (yifos) roni, fatimah husein, dewi candraningrum .............................................. 161 2. pinah laman: the construction of religious and ethnic identity within the mentuka dayak of west kalimantan felisitas yuswanto, sekar ayu aryani, ahmad muttaqin .......................... 177 3. face veil and lawo-lambu: negotiating religious practices among muslims and catholics in ende city yosep aurelius woi bule, adison adrianus sihombing ............................. 199 4. preserving diversity: lessons from batang tarang village of west kalimantan hermansyah, faisal abdullah, mochamad hamdan .................................. 221 5. cultural resistance and sharia-based ecology in the fishing community in aceh zubir, abdul manaf, abdul mugni, noviandy ............................................. 245 6. ethnicity, religion and the changing community structure within fakfak society in papua ade yamin, musa rumbaru, nining lestari, mufliha wijayati ............... 267 7. religious solidarity for coping with economic crisis during the covid-19 pandemic luqman, ilhamdi .................................................................................................. 287 8. portrait of moderate islam within muslim university students in indonesia ahmad jais, sumin ............................................................................................... 301 [ 221 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 preserving diversity: lessons from batang tarang village of west kalimantan hermansyah iain pontianak email: hermansyahii@yahoo.com faisal abdullah iain pontianak email: faisal_navilah@yahoo.co.id mochamad hamdan iain pontianak email: mochamdan95@gmail.com abstract the recurring communal, racial conflicts in west kalimantan have left unpleasant memories among the local community. unfortunately, some people believe that similar events will keep happening. this article was based on field research that relied on interviews and observations involving several crucial things. this research argues that communal conflicts in west kalimantan can be averted by empowering internal forces to maintain balance in a plural society. this article found that conflict-prone societies such as those in batang tarang have the capacity to build harmony through togetherness, inter-ethnic marriages, the moderate practice of islam, fair practice of adat [customary law], and strengthening awareness of shared origins. keywords: preserving diversity; harmony; ethnicity; religion; batang tarang introduction recurring conflicts in a plural society in west kalimantan have brought about pessimism among some experts. arkanudin (2006: 185), for instance, claims that it is difficult to avoid the tendency for conflict to arise in a society of different ethnic groups that could inevitably lead to recurring inter-ethnic conflicts in west kalimantan. arafat (1998), alqadrie (1999), and petebang et al. (2000) found that there were at least 10 to 12 violent clashes between 1933 and 1999. although these three sources indicate different frequencies of conflict, all of them at least refer to the idea that disputes often occur and continue to recur. ten to twelve wars had occurred in the previous 50 to 60 years (an average of one conflict every four to five years) (bahari, 2005). due [ 222 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 to the repetition of similar incidents, alqadrie (2010) refers to it as a 30-year cycle of violence that has the potential to happen again. based on these data, human rights watch has classified west kalimantan as a conflict-prone area. inter-ethnic relations are considered positive where different ethnic groups - malays, dayaks, madurese, chinese, javanese, etc. -interact without conflict in various realms of life. however, in reality, because of the difference between what it means to be indigenous and what it means to be a migrant, the social reality of everyday life is filled with low-level hostility. control of economic resources and natural resources that are not profitable for native people, who claim that they are indigenous people and are still under pressure from the presence and role of migrants, also contribute to the construction of ethnic identity that can be contested (haba, 2012: 42). this unique situation, as haba describes, occurred several years before the major ethnic riot in 1999. haba’s findings above are supported by the fact that fights between individuals could easily lead to communalism. for example, at least until the late 1990s, people in batang tarang lived in a tense atmosphere. even though the conflict did not surface, people lived in suspicion. the two main ethnic groups, namely malays and dayaks, felt unsafe even though they lived in the same environment. the malays, for example, felt that they were living under the siege of the dayaks, who could attack them at any time or impose customary law arbitrarily. the dayaks feel suspicious of the chinese and other migrant groups who were considered more intelligent and used their intelligence to deceive the dayaks. however, the dayaks and malays also have wisdom that can maintain the foundations of peace in society. hermansyah (2018b) found that the malays of west kalimantan have inherited collective memories, including oral traditions, beliefs, and diverse ways of life, such as the agricultural system from their ancestors. thanks partly to this piece of collective memory, they can now recognize their common ancestry with contemporary dayaks. this collective memory is an important aspect that awakens them to be able to live together with their brothers and sisters, who were shunned by divisive colonial politics. with a more positive perspective, a violent conflict hypothesized to recur in a 30-year cycle, as described above, can be prevented, among others, by strengthening local mechanisms. however, we must also realize that the public position that specific cultural practice is divided into small groups that support their respective sub-cultures to ensure the accommodation of individual and group interests (abdullah, 2009, p. 7). community harmony in a small sub-district capital in west kalimantan [ 223 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 with a population of less than 3,000 can teach how traditional values can become a local mechanism for preserving the dynamics of plural community relations. the name of this village is batang tarang, the capital of the balai sub-district, sanggau, west kalimantan. for example, adat [customary law] is a trusted source of law in the community and is supported by groups from different religious and ethnic backgrounds. in fact, in other places, there are customary “thugs” who make some people lose confidence in the capacity of this traditional heritage to solve problems. thus, due to the prevalence of this practice, the head of the customary justice division of the central council of the national dayak customary panel of judges (dpp mhadn), tobias ranggie sh, said that currently, it is challenging to eradicate customary law business practices or the “thuggery” of dayak customary law (suara pemred, 20 december 2021). awareness of the importance of maintaining peace within the batang tarang community has strengthened partly due to the terrible experience of ethnic riots at the end of the 20th century in several areas in west kalimantan. there have been reinforcements initiated by local leaders, as well as cultural movements, to maintain harmony. for example, several ethnic associations have emerged, accommodated by forums bridging this diversity. the situation is different in enggano, where people can have harmony. however, migrants are “forced” to eliminate their original identities and be united with a new identity called kaamay (sari, 2020, p. 84). in batang tarang, inter-ethnic and religious marriages are common despite being considered a big problem in many places. other factors contribute to maintaining harmony, such as the moderate practice of islam by the majority group and life in an environment without segregation. in light of the explanation, the article aims to describe the values and life practices of the batang tarang community, which function to maintain the harmony of a plural society in the region. social relations in batang tarang this article is based on a study carried out in batang tarang. batang tarang is the name of a village located in hilir village, where there are four hamlets: hilir hamlet, hulu hamlet, sembatu hamlet, and melaban hamlet. batang tarang is located in sanggau regency, west kalimantan. it is located on an axis road that connects several regencies in the eastern region of west kalimantan with pontianak, the provincial capital. the transportation route that crosses batang tarang is also connected to the roads of all the main routes in the province to the east, west, and north, as well as the two districts in the south. the road is also connected to the axis that connects west kalimantan with sarawak, [ 224 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 east malaysia. the distance from batang tarang to sanggau is 78 km. it takes approximately 2 hours to pontianak across 121 km. from batang tarang to the indonesia-malaysia border in entikong is 124 km. in the past, when the river was the only route to the surrounding villages and the city center, batang tarang was a transit point. people from villages located upstream of the river came to batang tarang to sell forest, agricultural, and plantation products, which intermediary merchants then sold to tayan. in batang tarang, people from the villages bought groceries from tayan. this situation made batang tarang a business center that attracted not only local people but also migrants. it is no wonder the people of batang tarang are relatively more diverse than those in other villages around it. even though there is still a rural atmosphere, very few people work in the agricultural sector. the agricultural and plantation businesses in this place are mainly rubber and palm oil, in addition to rice farming. a famous gardening product is palm sugar, known as ‘tayan sugar.’ besides that, the batang tarang durian is renowned in west kalimantan, especially pontianak. most of the residents work in the service and trade sectors. as the center of economic life that supports the surrounding villages, there are relatively many financial institutions in batang tarang. there are two sub-branch offices of government-owned banks. there are at least five cooperatives in the form of credit unions. the plural population of batang tarang, among others, can be seen from the religious followers, which amount to 2,428. of that number, 59.76% or 585 people are muslims, 585 catholics or 24.09%, followed by 224 christians (9.23%). the remaining 155 are buddhists (6.3%), hindus, and confucianism less than 1%. compared to two neighboring villages, such as semoncol and cowet, in the same sub-district, there are only muslims, catholics, and christians1. unfortunately, there needs to be official data regarding the existence of ethnically based residents in the area. based on the oral account, the batang tarang population consists of malays, malian dayaks, and chinese, in addition to several other ethnic groups such as javanese, minang, batak, and flores. in recognition of the existence of this diverse population, ethnic group associations have been founded in batang tarang, such as the malay cultural council (mabm), the dayak customary council (dad), the chinese cultural council (mabt), the east nusa tenggara people’s association (flobamora: flores, sumba, timor, and alor), and the association of the javanese. 1 see sidompu, the official website that details the government of sanggau regency. [ 225 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 in 2016 the public in indonesia was shocked by basuki tjahaja purnama (ahok)’s statement that indonesians should not be deceived by those who use surah al-ma’idah (5:51) about the prohibition of electing non-muslims as leaders. this statement sparked a fierce debate among indonesia’s muslim population, leading to ahok’s two-year prison sentence for blasphemy. however, long before that, using the same method, several members of the campaign team for one of the candidates for the elections of sanggau regentdeputy regent for the 2009-2014 period had caused public unrest in batang tarang: “before the year 2000, there were problems with relations between communities. some people often made trouble in the market, and there was no effort to prevent it. there was suspicion between people of different ethnicity and religion. there was ‘segregation’ between the upstream and downstream villagers, etc. in the past, there was suspicion between different ethnic groups. people here still had their own blocks, especially during a regional head election. there was once a member of the campaign team distributing leaflets containing verses from surah al-maidah about the prohibition on electing non-muslim leaders during the election of the sanggau regent. at that time, one of the candidates running for regent was a muslim named setiman.2 finally, it was found that those who created and distributed the leaflets were non-muslims. the aim was to provoke the dayaks not to vote for a muslim regent candidate. in the end, three perpetrators were arrested and jailed for eight months after going through twenty times of court hearings” (samlana, interview, 17 june 2022). the unrest occurred because of identity politics, pitting one against the other, coupled with memories of the significant social riots with ethnic backgrounds in west kalimantan, which has given rise to feelings of suspicion among residents. previously, individual fights could spread to war between villages, as described by the chairman of the dayak customary council as follows: “…once we were attacked from outside, which was known as the jam (name of person) case. jam was a malay... so it was a fight between ordinary individuals, but because the situation was not conducive, the issue became big because the handling was slow. there were no devices like we have today, and communication was not working, so they used violence as revenge. those who attacked were from the sosok area, and those who were attacked were the malays from batang tarang, and those who attacked were the dayaks from sosok (salipus sali, interview, 30 july 2022). 2 elected as regent of sanggau for the 2009-2014 term. [ 226 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 several important events that disrupted the harmony of the people of batang tarang have awakened the community to return to live in peace in diversity without suspicion. the conditions have changed a lot, as they live in an environment without segregation. customary law of the dayak people can be applied, accepted, and used as a reference outside the community. good relations have also led to many intermarriages. some of these factors are creating a harmony of life in batang tarang. in the following section, we will describe aspects of community life in batang tarang that have the potential and have been proven to be able to preserve diversity. togetherness for harmony preservation as stated in the previous section, batang tarang is inhabited by a majority muslim population of 1,451 (59.76%) and malay ethnicity but is surrounded by non-muslim dayaks. although no statistical data classifies the population based on ethnic groups, most of the areas surrounding batang tarang are villages where the dayaks inhabit the majority. a statement made by the chairman of the balai sub-district dayak customary council confirmed the fact as follows: “so we (dayaks), because here we are a large ethnic group and it has been agreed that i lead the inter-ethnic forum. i will be the chairman with the consideration that it has recently been established, and we still need to work on many other things. because when there is an interethnic problem, it is easier to handle it for the time being” (salipus sali, interview, 30 july 2022) the relationship situation between residents in batang tarang can affect those in other villages in the vicinity. should a conflict lead to ethnic and religious issues, it will, without a doubt, spread to the surrounding areas. realizing this, the residents of batang tarang do their best to maintain a conducive relationship between residents through solidarity: “... even though dayak villages surround the majority of malays in batang tarang, if there is a conflict related to ethnicity or religion, it will be hazardous. while the dayaks used to feel inferior to the malays because many did not go to school, now they are smarter and are going to school. the dayak people in batang tarang also know themselves well. for example, they do not take it for granted in applying customary law. we also live here as neighbors with people of other ethnicities and religions. people here do not choose their neighbors; sometimes people in other places do not want neighbors of different religions or [ 227 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 ethnicities. in addition, for example, the dayak people keep dogs; for us here, it is normal. our father sold land near our house to bang baek, a dayak. now he is building a house there, near our house. it’s the same in other villages; malays or other people may buy land in the dayak areas. likewise, at the ilek market, those who have shophouses are chinese, malay, dayak, javanese, and batak. [there are] various ethnic groups there. in addition, business relations between the dayak, malay, and chinese in batang tarang are mutually beneficial. the dayak people bring agricultural and plantation products from the village. malays and chinese are the buyers. the malays and chinese buy durian, palm sugar, and vegetables from the village. the malays and chinese make dodol [pumpkin cake], lemang [sticky rice cake], and lempok [durian cake]; the ingredients are purchased from the dayaks. those who help cook dodol or roast lemang are the dayak people; they are really good at it (suhardiman, interview, 5 august 2022). in addition to being surrounded by dayak villages, batang tarang also contributes to an atmosphere of friendliness and togetherness. residents’ houses built without segregation have also strengthened community harmony. the malays, who have lived here for a long time, provide a place for chinese, dayak, and other communities to build or house without questioning different backgrounds, as stated by the following informant: “people here are peaceful and united; it is hard to distinguish a dayak from a malay. their homes are not far from each other; they blend in. for example, near my house, there are dayaks and malays. in the market, too. the shophouses in the market are not only owned by the chinese; there are malays and dayak owners as well. we invite one another if there are wedding receptions and other events” (khi sen, interview, 18 june 2022). in line with that, amuy, a hawker, stated: “relations between people here are good. when a member of someone’s family dies, they usually attend the funeral. it is normal for the chinese to give a big donation to the malays at funerals. the chinese also usually donate when someone is sick. people here like to open the house door to hear neighbors on the left and right. we know of the problems of our chinese, malay, and dayak neighbors. my neighbor used to ask me to help clean the fish. they bring me fish to fry. chinese, dayak, malay do the same” (amuy, interview 18 june 2022) the sense of togetherness that grows in a social environment without [ 228 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 segregation has strengthened harmony in batang tarang. the harmonious and friendly atmosphere created between plural citizens is very different from the relationship between residents in makassar and ethnic chinese, as reported by darwis (2013). the report stated that because each ethnic group lived in groups, the interaction between the chinese and makassarese was less intense in their environment. as a result, the makassar people have stereotypes and prejudices that the ethnic chinese are selfish and only consider profit and loss when dealing with neighbors. residents of chinese descent close themselves with a closed-house model; they still uphold and maintain traditions. disharmonies arise when two ethnic groups do not realize the importance of communicating with each other and blending in everyday life. in batang tarang, this sense of togetherness and kinship is manifested in the form of mutual assistance and visits between residents: “togetherness in batang tarang is strengthened by various activities such as mutual visits and assistance when a funeral, wedding, or other events occur. in addition, people here visit each other on religious holidays such as eid al-fitr. they come to the homes of malays, chinese, and dayaks. it is the same with the lunar new year when dayaks and malays visit chinese homes. for christmas, the chinese and malays visit the dayaks. we feel that we are one big family here despite different ethnicities and religions” (marsudin, interview, 17 june 2022). segregation and lack of interaction between plural citizens have given rise to a lack of harmony among community groups. recurring conflicts in ambon, among others, are influenced by settlement segregation between residents of different religions, as reported by ansori et al. (2014). as an example of this segregation, the gunung nona area in ambon is inhabited by a majority of christians, and a muslim majority inhabits the leihitu peninsula. other areas, such as passo, are synonymous with the christian region, while batu merah is synonymous with the muslim region. inter-ethnic marriage and harmony marriages between people of different religions and ethnicities sometimes go smoothly. they often face opposition from the family. hermansyah’s research (2018a) shows that there is rejection by chinese families of their family members who marry and then follow their partner’s religion—especially malays who are muslim. this phenomenon is different in batang tarang. in a small sub-district town with a population of 2,428, marriages between people from different ethnic and religious backgrounds are considered “common” by the local community: [ 229 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 “there are many couples who are of different ethnic groups. for example, a chinese marries a dayak or a malay. there are also dayaks who marry malays. for us dayaks, chinese and malays are the same” (marsudin, interview 17 june 2022). based on interviews with several informants, there were at least 22 married couples of different ethnicities, as shown in the following table: table 1 interethnic marriage couple in batang barang no. husband’s name ethnic group wife’s name ethnic group 1 hardiman dayak mung chinese 2 lorensius panggel dayak lusiana chinese 3 atung chinese nurfah malay 4 abdul gafur javanese vivi chinese 5 abdul gani malay aman chinese 6 julkurniansyah malay selin dayak 7 bujang yahya javanese nursiah longgil dayak 8 brian javanese nurul malay 9 nazirin malay juliati dayak 10 lexy flores yanti chinese 11 adi chinese ica dayak 12 sutata javanese julita dayak 13 aci chinese nikemoni dayak 14 waluji malay meriam dayak 15 ramlan malay ana dayak 16 tan dayak titin malay 17 deki malay farida dayak 18 aut chinese reni malay 19 surya malay amuy chinese 20 dedi malay silvia chinese 21 boni chinese tiara malay 22 martinus ala dayak sumaria tobing batak source: collected from interviews with several informants some of these inter-ethnic marriages in batang tarang resulted in religious conversions. sometimes religious conversion is one of the triggers of conflict in society (lukito, 2008). however, it did not happen in batang tarang. marriages between people of different backgrounds have strengthened the [ 230 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 process of integration in batang tarang. customary boundaries, especially the dayak customary law, which regards this marriage as a problem, can also be resolved through custom. if someone of a different ethnic background than the dayak—especially non-dayak men—intends to marry a dayak woman, they must pay a customary fine. with the payment of the fine, the man can marry a dayak woman and be entirely accepted in the dayak community, as reported by the following informant: “here, we live side by side without any problem. like now, i’m hanging out and having coffee with the hamlet head, a malay. if there is a problem, the leaders will solve it first. since ancient times, the malays have visited tembawang (fruit gardens), bringing salt, sugar, fermented fish, and salted fish in exchange for durian, rice, chicken, and other fruits. we help each other during the funeral. we help each other with the meals when there’s a wedding. muslims used to help cook with different utensils at a dayak person’s home. there are many couples of different ethnic groups here. the dayaks have no problem if a member [of the dayak ethnic group] marries a malay as long as they pay for the customary rituals and it’s considered done” (abuer, interview, 17 june 2022). a chinese informant also confirmed the fact that interethnic marriages are acceptable. “marrying someone of a different ethnicity is not a problem. it’s the same thing. people here usually intermarry between chinese and dayak or malay. god has determined destiny. religion does not teach hostility; what we get will all return (die)” (amuy, interview 18 june 2022). this phenomenon is similar to what happened in enggano, bengkulu, where the indigenous people have relatively no problem when marrying migrants called the kaamay ethnic group and follow the religion of the kaamay people (sari, 2020). because it is considered normal, inter-ethnic marriages in batang tarang have strengthened community integration. it is based on mutual respect, which helps people adapt to their environment and psychology, both of which influence cultural awareness to promote personal growth and a reduced sense of ethnocentrism so that they can learn about other cultures well through their partners. in addition, they can see other civilizations with a more open attitude, such as research findings on marriages between members of the javanese and chinese in solo (kurniawan, 2019). interaction through marriage is a blend of cultural values, behavior, and customs. in addition, [ 231 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 intercultural communication in marriage influences married couples who tend to have a high tolerance level. since there have been more and more interethnic marriages, inter-ethnic relations have also grown more robust as a result of the extended family ties involved, as reported by the following informant: “maybe more and more of our people (malays) take (marry) village people (dayaks). so more and more people here are related to people of different ethnic groups. many chinese also marry malays or dayaks” (abdussamad, interview, 19 june 2022). moderate islamic practices as a religion embraced by most of the population, islam strengthens social harmony in batang tarang. the religious (islamic) ideology adhered to here is generally the same as most of its adherents in indonesia which is moderate and accommodating to local culture. islamic religious figures, especially preachers such as khatibs who deliver religious messages regularly on fridays, prefer the peaceful islamic model. islam can coexist with people of various religions and beliefs. this fact is recorded, among others, in the following field notes: “after visiting the sub-district office to report the purpose of the research team’s arrival at batang tarang, we decided to perform friday prayer at the aljihad mosque, the oldest muslim house of worship in batang tarang. members of the research team and i went to the mosque around 11.30. before entering the mosque, we did our ablution first while looking around the mosque. across the small road opposite the qibla of the mosque, there is a low-roofed building. in the building without walls and floors, there are three tombs, one of which is the tomb of prince saleh. according to his descendants, prince saleh was a community leader in batang tarang who was appointed by king tayan, gusti tamjid, to become the representative of the tayan kingdom in batang tarang. after seeing the tomb, we took ablution and entered the mosque. more and more people were coming. not long after, the call to prayer as a marker of the start of the friday prayer time was recited by the muadhin at 12.41 west indonesia time. after the call to prayer was recited, most of the congregation performed the sunnah prayer of two rakats. after a while, the khatib [person who delivers the sermon] climbed onto the pulpit. the khatib, also the imam on that day, whose name we later found out was sukmajaya, was a former village head, giving a sermon on guarding the tongue. in his sermon, the khatib delivered a message about the importance of guarding one’s tongue against anyone because humans are basically the same, coming from the same ancestor. guarding one’s tongue is not limited to fellow muslims. after about 12 minutes, the sermon ended with prayer. after friday prayer, [ 232 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 it was continued with wiridan and prayer recital. after the prayer, the congregation dispersed, and some shook hands and continued with the sunnah prayer. we returned to the lodging to immediately record the results of our observations” (field notes hr1706221). this model of islamic understanding refers to the fact that islam teaches its followers to safeguard the rights and safety of the people around them and their surroundings. a person who adheres to religious rituals must also protect the honor, dignity, and property of others (bensaid, b and machouche, s. 2019: 59). for this purpose, the prophet muhammad was reported to have said: “a muslim is the one who avoids harming muslims with his tongue and hands. and a muhajir (emigrant) is the one who gives up (abandons) all that allah has forbidden.” (hr, muslim). in line with this, the qur’an teaches to spread peace which is symbolized by saying peaceful words, including those who are ignorant: “the true servants of the most compassionate are those who walk on the earth humbly, and when the foolish address them improperly, they only respond with peace.” (qs. al-furqan: 63). even so, in batang tarang, there are also followers of islam who believe that being muslim must be the same and compatible with their group. it is considered heretical if the religion is not like the islamic model they practice. only a few support this group. the supporters of such religious understanding and practice are what bruinessen (2013: 17) refers to as “fundamentalists” because they concentrate on the qur’an and hadith, the two primary sources of islamic law, and follow literal and rigid interpretations of both. they undoubtedly agree with some of the majority viewpoints, including conservatives. like rejecting hermeneutical interpretations and rights-based ideas, perhaps these fundamentalists also conflict with conservatives about traditional values that do not have strong pillars in the holy scripture, such as tahlilan, selamatan, including practices related to formal worship, such as wiridan and reciting prayer together after obligatory prayers. at first, the presence of the followers of this group caused problems in the community, as reported by an informant: “there is also a strong interaction with this influence, but there is no mutual understanding. for example, yesterday, there was a group of people wearing robes, and they were rejected not only by the muslim group but also by non-muslim groups, and there was disagreement among them here. but after we explored it further and discussed it with other groups and community groups, things like this must be ‘filtered’ to create peace in our place. something like that usually gives someone [ 233 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 an opportunity, and it has to be under surveillance by the police so that it doesn’t become a daily [concern] in conversation” (salipus sali, interview, 30 july 2022). however, this style of understanding of islam does not “sell” in batang tarang, as the following informant stated: “there is also one muslim who practices a religion that points out other people’s faults but has no followers. because most people here don’t fit such a religious model, he finally built a small mosque in his house. previously, he was active in community activities. since joining that sect, he has no longer been active in religious activities. but if someone dies, he’s still involved in the funeral, for example, digging a grave” (samlana, interview, 17 june 2022). in the end, the group that consisted only a few people no longer participated in the activities of the muslims in batang tarang, which they considered to be heretical, as reported by the following informant: “many years ago, someone passed away studying religion at the jamiatul muslimin recital group in tayan. he was a knowledgeable religious figure. after studying with the group, he forbade people here to call to prayer twice on friday, even though people here had practiced the call to prayer twice. he forbade dhikr together after congregational prayers. since then, he had hardly ever associated with people, even though previously he was very active in society. in the past, relations with non-muslims were also good. after joining the recital group, it was not good; his female family members wore the face veil. he severely changed religious habits because, according to him, [people] deviated from the true teachings of islam. he resigned as a civil servant to focus on preaching. during his life, there were 3-4 people who followed this ideology because he was a knowledgeable person. however, this sect was not growing, as the people of batang tarang were not compatible with this model of a religious sect, because they do not respect differences and non-muslims” (suhardiman, interview, 5 august 2022). however, in funeral activities, these people provided help, especially as gravediggers, as seen in the following observations: “the brightness on sunday morning kept us excited to collect data. whether coincidentally or not, there was a funeral procession for a muslim resident in batang tarang on that day. we also paid a visit to the funeral home at 7.30 to a resident’s house not far from our lodging. we followed a series of funeral activities that day. there was something unique in that those who came to the funeral were not only muslims but people of other religions and ethnicities who also took part in the [ 234 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 takziyah, except praying for the deceased. it was also seen at the funeral that several people digging the grave had a distinctive look, growing a beard and wearing cropped pants. later we were told that one of them was a follower of the wahhabi salafi ideology and used to be active in almost all islamic activities. however, he is no longer active recently; even if he prays, he does it in the small surau next to his house and the congregation with his family members. after the whole procession, we returned to the lodging to rest a while” (field notes hm190622). only when this research was conducted did residents give room for the radical and anti-diversity religious beliefs and practices in the public sphere. exclusive religious understanding is believed to undermine community relations that have been built in harmony. adat and customary law traditional customs and wisdom have recently gained momentum to be revived to preserve harmony and peace. its proponents assert that indigenous approaches to peacemaking that are relational and participatory have a higher probability of reaching peaceful solutions than peace initiatives pursued through “liberal peace” (mac ginty, 2008). a study conducted by rumahuru and gaspersz (2021) on the post-conflict maluku community provides evidence of the social reality in the tual area that the cultural approach is still valuable for efforts to stop inter-group conflicts and promote community peace. meanwhile, samiyono (2017) states that local wisdom has a significant role in building social harmony in society, although it still needs further elaboration, especially when it has a national impact. this is because local wisdom is generally still verbal and not fully documented. in batang tarang, adat [customary law] has played an essential role in resolving disputes and problems, including those that have the potential to escalate into ethnic and religious conflicts. for example, when this research was carried out, traditional leaders were resolving the case of a dayak woman remarrying while she was still married to a malay man. sensitive matters like this can lead to inter-ethnic clashes if not handled properly and thoroughly. the following is the statement by the chairman of the balai sub-district dayak customary council: “well, we have just finished dealing with the divorce between a malay and a dayak because the claimant is malay and muslim. the only two things i asked the temenggung [tribal chief ] were, first, when the marriage was performed or not, and whether it was done according to adat or not; if it was, then it was legal according to adat if we deal with [ 235 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 this in accordance with adat. the second was that today it was legal and convincing whether or not she has remarried and left her marriage; now it cannot be denied anymore; even though he is a malay, he still has the right to sue, and this is where we give justice. so, we do not defend that these are malays and dayak people, and we justify the dayak people, and i do not justify that even though there is a tendency in it, i think there is still tolerance. if, for example, there is still tolerance, that’s fine because it must follow customary rules, and then both parties must be able to accept it, and it is done. i was asked how fair this customary law is. moreover, i answered that both parties could accept according to customary rules, that is it. that is justice, and how else do you want to seek justice” (salipus sali, interview, 30 july 2022). although the majority population in batang tarang are malays, the customs and culture of other community groups have a place to live. in addition to the malay cultural customary council (mabm), which facilitates the majority of the population, there are the dayak customary council (dad) and the chinese traditional and cultural council. several ethnic groups can also be found here. these traditional cultural institutions enliven and develop their respective customs and culture. it has become an unwritten consensus that should an incident violate customs involving different ethnic groups; it will be resolved by applying the respective ethnic groups by prioritizing deliberation and amicability. if in this way, an agreement is not reached, the parties involved can choose to settle it through customary law or state law. only the dayak people have customary laws and instruments in batang tarang. even though the resolution of the problem is left to the respective ethnic groups involved, the implementation of dayak customary law, which is authoritative and is considered capable of fulfilling a sense of justice, has won the hearts of the local community, including nondayak people. so it is common for problems involving non-dayaks to have a settlement with dayak customary law. as an example, the following informant reported: “there were fights involving two parties; for example, chinese and malay had problems and complained to us (the dayak customary council), asking to be resolved, and we tried to mediate them. we also let them communicate with other community leaders, and they hand it over to us, and we resolve it amicably and peacefully. still, it must be handled in accordance with customary law. so, they agreed to [resolve the matter using] the dayak customary law” (salipus sali, interview, 30 july 2022). [ 236 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 the resolution of problems through customary law accepted by these parties has contributed to maintaining harmony in society. a malay informant reported that he felt safe owning property in the form of land in the dayak area because he received protection from the dayak customary law. here is his statement: “because according to the dayak customary law, as far as i know, whatever happens on their land, in their area, if something happens or an accident occurs, and it bleeds, and that is obligatory to get rid of bad luck, and that is why there is a term for which is sangka parang, so they make offerings and keep a jar at the scene of the incident because there was blood earlier. moreover, don’t let it happen again in the future, and as a prevention…because it has always been like that, and we also do not consider it shirk [polytheism]. still, we consider it their custom, which doesn’t harm and disturb and actually saves [us]. for example, yesterday, i bought a piece of land in the kampung dalam area, where the majority are dayak people. so when you have bought the land and the way they refer to it, there is that if you have bought this land with person a and person a has handed it over to you. but your land borders the land of b, c, d, etc. so they have to know too. so if something happens, local customary law will help if there is theft and, for example, the land is taken over, and we will help with that matter” (dedi bastian, interview, 30 july 2022). regarding any land that is newly owned and located in dayak customary areas and adjacent to land owned by dayak people, the buyer must pay adat for the ceremony. if the buyer complies, then after the customary ritual is held, the land he bought becomes part of the customary system, which receives protection from the local community’s traditional leaders. this means that if something happens, for example, theft or someone moves the border markers, the traditional leaders are also responsible for resolving the problem. thus, the existence of adat has provided a sense of security among the people. in the context of adat, it guarantees the safety of humans and the property they own. in addition, adat also serves as a means of settlement in the event of a dispute to prevent more significant conflict. this finding is in line with several other studies, such as those conducted in enggano, bengkulu. with their local wisdom based on customary rules, the enggano people settled differences and turned them into peace. ethnic and religious differences that have been seen as dividing the nation have never occurred in the case of the enggano people (sari, 2020, pp. 84-85). unlike in enggano, the people of batang tarang are given the freedom to assert their ethnic identity and are given room to practice their culture through their respective ethnic associations. newcomers to [ 237 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 enggano, regardless of their origins, are forced to merge their ethnic identities into the kaamay (sari, 2020 p. 84). strengthening awareness of common origins the politics of divide et impera [divide and rule] practiced by the dutch colonialists were implemented as segregation of the ethnic population based on religious affiliation. the previously unknown labels dayak and malay were used to describe the indigenous people of west kalimantan before the arrival of europeans. traditional tribal names associated with a person’s place of origin are a general form of local identification such as language, name of a river, or village. within certain parameters, this identification is still used as a marker of a person’s origin. the dutch came and provided the local people in borneo with a new identity structure in the form of two main categories: dayak and malay. meanwhile, the leading indicator of the construction of ethnic identity is religion. residents who followed traditional beliefs—and later christianity— were called dayaks. at the same time, those who had converted to islam adopted malay as their new ethnicity (hermansyah, 2018b). even though people in batang tarang, especially malays and dayaks as the majority ethnic groups, are classified as members of different ethnic groups due to religious differences, most are aware of the same historical origins. there is an increase in awareness, especially when more and more local people are educated and socialize more broadly. a dayak informant reported the following: “because this religion is something of our choice, but ethnicity is not, but it’s destiny. even though today we see a dayak marrying a muslim or malay, their ethnicity is still dayak, even though their religion is muslim or islam. well, this makes us harmonious, but in the past, it was different because of dutch brainwashing; originally, a dayak married a malay and converted to islam, and they said the dayak became malay. so, it must be fixed, and we are slowly fixing it. moreover, it doesn’t matter if we want to convert to any religion, but the ethnicity remains the same. moreover, we start slowly so as not to question it. so if he already loves his culture, even though he is a dayak who has converted to islam, he will not get rid of his identity because he already loves his culture. furthermore, i once participated in the dayak national congress in east kalimantan, the dayak youth movement. that was the first national congress, and the organizers wore a turban, etc., which was not a problem because they were muslims but also dayaks. we also [ 238 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 saw that in east kalimantan, and this is what we want to instill so that people don’t clash later, we were all brothers, especially in balai, which we are the descendants from mangkit, from beruak, from birang, from muyak and it will be a great loss if we let certain party pit us against each other because we are brothers. so, let’s start slowly to open up people’s insight, so we don’t clash. so if it’s like this, there will be no problem; no matter what religion we follow, we are still one ethnic group” (salipus sali, interview, 30 july 2022). a malay informant said, “in fact, the dayak people and we are from the same village. our ancestors were village people too. so we are of the same origin” (rukiyah, interview 19 june 2022). because they realize that they have blood relations with each other, ethnic differences due to religious affiliation are not a barrier to living in harmony. for them, the bonds of brotherhood originating from the same ancestor cannot be removed, even though there were past colonial efforts to eliminate them. more and more educated people in the local population recognize this common origin. understanding family relations because they originate from the same ancestor has increased their awareness to coexist sincerely with their ‘distant’ relatives. the fact that the people of batang tarang are knowledgeable about the same origins is in line with a study by nasrullah (2014) on the bakumpai people in south kalimantan and hermansyah (2018b), who researched the malay people in west kalimantan. bakumpai and malay people realize that their ancestors were local people of the same ethnicity as those called dayak today. conclusion in light of the aerlier description, it can be concluded that several experts are concerned that the existing forces in society can avoid recurring conflicts due to differences. several internal forces in the batang tarang community have been proven to successfully preserve harmony between people who used to live in a tense atmosphere. this article argues that togetherness in various events –good and bad–, inter-ethnic marriages, moderate islamic practice, fair implementation of adat [customary law], and strengthening awareness regarding the fact that the people in batang tarang originate from the same ancestors are among the factors of the community’s strengths to build harmony: (a) despite being the majority, malay-muslims in batang tarang are aware that they should maintain good relations with other residents, especially the dayaks because if a problem involving ethnic and religious issues occurs and spreads, there is no doubt that it will trigger major conflicts with neighboring villages where the majority are non-muslim dayaks. this cultural atmosphere has given rise to community solidarity to face the good and evil of fellow [ 239 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 community members. in addition, the pattern of settlements that blend in without segregation strengthens the unity of the local population; (b) inter-ethnic marriages, which are increasing and have no opposition from locals, have also contributed to the preservation of harmony in batang tarang; (c) the practice of moderate islam also significantly contributes to maintaining an atmosphere of harmony, because an extreme religious model that can disrupt the community’s religious life does not get the sympathy of the local people; (d) in batang tarang, adat [customary law] plays a crucial role in resolving disputes and conflicts, including those that have the potential to escalate into ethnic and religioius conflicts. here the dayaks have no problem applying their customs, even though most of the population is malay. the opportunity to implement adat in a fair manner without discrimination, and to promote deliberation and tolerance when it comes to people outside their community, has made adat and its instruments a trusted reference for solving problems for all groups; and (e) recently, the people of batang tarang have become increasingly aware that they, in particular the malays and dayaks, mainly originate from the same ancestors. religion, which was previously considered a significant factor in changing the identity of local people, is increasingly understood as an individual choice and cannot change one’s origins. therefore, differences are formed because of people’s choices, and it should not create a gap between people, let alone trigger conflict. further studies are needed to understand the findings in this research, especially on fostering inter-ethnic and religious harmony in the interior of west kalimantan, because this article merely presents a basic portrait of it. bibliography abdullah, i. 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(t.t) “merawat perdamaian di daerah paska konflik dengan pemanfaatan tekhnologi dan infomasi (studi kasus konflik di desa popilo dan popilo utara, halmahera utara). diakses dari https:?// semlitbangdiklat.kemenag.go.id. [ 242 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 nasrullah. (2014). “identitas orang bakumpai: dayak dan muslim”, jurnal ilmu-ilmu sosial dan humaniora vol. 19. (2). pamungkas, c. (2018). “pengelolaan perbatasan dan hubungan antaretnis di bengkayang,” jurnal hubungan internasional, vol. 6 (2). patebang, e., dan sutrisno, e..( 2000). konflik etnis di sambas. jakarta: institut studi arus informasi. purwana, b.h.s. (2003). konflik antarkomunitas etnis di sambas 1999: suatu tinjauan sosial budaya. pontianak: romeo grafika. ritzer, g., dan goodman, d. j. (2005). teori sosiologi modern. terj. alimandan. jakarta: prenada media. rudiansyah. (2015). “dimensi sosio-politik konflik ambon”, sosiologi reflektif, vol. 10 (1). rumahuru, y.z., gaspersz, a.c.w. (2021). community-based diversity management: analysis of community activities building post-conflict social harmony in tual, maluku province, indonesia humaniora. vol. 33 (1). samiyono, d. (2017). membangun harmoni sosial: kajian sosiologi agama tentang kearifan lokal sebagai modal dasar harmoni sosial. jurnal sosiologi walisongo, vol. 1 (2). sari, i. p.. (2020). “agama, etnisitas dan perdamaian di pulau enggano provinsi bengkulu,” hanifiya: jurnal studi agama-agama, vol. 3 (2). scott, j. (2012). teori sosial: masalah-masalah pokok dalam sosiologi. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. soelaeman, m. (2006). ilmu sosial dasar, teori dan konsep ilmu sosial, bandung: pt refika aditama. strauss, a., & corbin, j. (1990). “grounded theory research: procedures, canons, and evaluative criteria,” qualitative sociology, vol. 13, (1). superman. (2017). peristiwa mangkok merah di kalimantan barat tahun 1967. historia, vol. 5 (1). taufiqurrahman dan wijaya, hb. (2013). kemitraan sektor swasta dalam layanan pemadam kebakaran di kota pontianak. jurnal pembangunan wilayah dan kota, vol. 9 (3). wilson, c. (2008). ethno-religious violence in indonesia from soil to god. london and new york: routledge. [ 243 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 sumber internet: https://pontianak.tribunnews.com/2017/11/17/kalbar-rawan-konflik-pilkada-ini-indikator-kapolri. akses 10 desember 2019 https://www.suarapemredkalbar.com/read/nasional/20122021/premanisme-hukum-adat-dayak-sulit-diberantas-karena-hantu-teriak-hantu. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/may/09/jakarta-governor-ahokfound-guilty-of-blasphemy-jailed-for-two-years kemendagri. (2019). https://www.kemendagri.go.id/files/2019-05/kode&data%20wilayah/61.kalbar.fix.pdf. interviews marsudin, 17 june 2022 abuer, 17 june 2022 samlana, 17 june 2022 amuy, 18 june 2022 khi sen, 18 june 2022 salipus sali, 30 july 2022 dedi bastian, 30 july 2022 suhardiman, 5 august 2022 [ 244 ] al albab: volume 11 number 2 december 2022 https://doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v11i2.2420 [ 131 ] al-albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 book review tasawuf amaliyah. jombang: februari, 2018. by moch. djamaluddin ahmad reviewed by ahmad masfuful fuad uin sunan kalijaga yogyakarta practicing ihsan with tasawuf amaliyah as islam is spread out by the prophet of muhammad (peace be upon him: pbuh) for the seeks of becoming the blessing for the universe (raḥmatan lil ‘ālamīn), islam offers three main pillars namely iman, islam, and ihsan. the first pillar of iman consisting of its principles (rukun) is the manifestation of the belief of a believer which is known as theology (akidah). the second pillar of islam together with its five principles is the manifestation of the practice of islamic teaching (syariat). and the third pillar of ikhsan is the essence of the practicing of the values of allah the almighty god and the values of the worshipers as later known as hakikat. in order to be able to better practice the three pillars of islam in daily life, every muslim is obligated to have the required knowledge prior to understanding them including the knowledge of tauhid (iman/akidah), islamic law or fikih (islam/syariat), and tasawuf (ihsan/hakikat). the three required kinds of knowledge are supposed to be mastered together so that they may prevent muslims from miss practices of islamic teaching as meant by allah the almighty and muhammad his messenger. imam malik mentions in his important work that: “those who learn the fikih without leanring tasawuf may become a fasik. those who study tasawuf without studying fikih may become a kafir of zindiq. and those who learn fikih together with tasawuf are those who walk toward hakikat.” what is meant by imam malik is also supported by another great and well-known imam as well, imam syafi’i. he mentions that every [ 132 ] al-albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 muslim should practice islam in a comprehensive way or kaffah, not only having understanding of islam using fikih (syariat) but also studying tasawuf (hakikat) to support their efforts of understanding the teaching. the book written by moch. djamaluddin ahmad is aimed at becoming a guidance for muslims in their practice of islam. the book provides a good guidance to practice ikhsan through tasawuf which is not only offering theories and concepts but also showing the details of how to practice or known as amaliyah. therefore, the title of the book of tasawuf amaliyah is very appropriate as supported by the aims of the book and the intention of the author. the book consists of 9 chapters. the author provides comprehensive explanations on how to understand the basic tasawuf (chapter i), steps of practicing tasawuf toward closing to allah the almighty (chapter ii), building appropriate friendship and the right hospitality of students to their theachers (chapter iii), the genealogy of the prayer or berzikir (chapter iv), the variety of appropriate hospitality (chapter v), requirements of becoming the teacher of the leader in sufism of mursyid (chapter vi), wali (chapter vii), nafsu (chapter viii), and sufi leaders from time to time (chapter ix). bu quoting sayyid abu bakar muhammad syatha ad-dimyati, the author of the book explain that the knowledge of tasawuf is the knowledge to understand the variety of nafsu and its symptoms, both the positive and negative parts of the nafsu (page 1). practicing tasawuf means making efforts to keep human hearts from being contaminated by negative values and habid so that they can transform the good norms into daily practices both physically non physically. ihsan, as also being mentioned in the hadist by abu hurairah, is being defined as “worshiping to allah as he can see him, and if he cannot see himso he should understand and be aware that allah sees him.” practicing ikhsan is impossible without having the knowledge of tasawuf. it is because the knowledge of tasawuf is needed since when someone does the amaliyah he should pray toward allah the almighty. this is also found in the qur’an q.s. aż-żāriyāt (51): 56). one of the important elements in the knowledge of tasawuf is the politeness and hospitality, especially to allah, parents, teachers, and to human beings. sayyid ali al-khawwas mentions that those who misbehave they are like behaving to betray toward the knowledge of [ 133 ] al-albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 hakikat and the secrets of allah the almighty (page 191). al-khawwas mentions the important of the politeness and hospitality. what alkhawwas means is that all the values are being taught by the prophet muhammad to mankind as he said that “i am the messenger of allah and being sent to you to guide human being to have good behavior.” allah the almighty gives human beings both mind and nafsu. the mind is intended to guide human being to able to control and manage their nafsu. the nafsu is not meant to be removed from human beings since it is impossible to do so. human beings are expected to control it. the question is how to do so? the book provides the tips in doing so as being done through practicing riyāḍah (practice) and mujāhadah (fight). in order to be able to do so, human beings are required to understand the level and kinds of nafsu within them. the nafsu is not always being connoted to negative judgment since sometimes it is also positive. the book elaborates carefully about the levels of nafsu consisting of 7 (seven) kinds including ammārah, lawwāmah, mulhimah, muṭmainnah, rāḍiyah, marḍiyyah, and kāmilah (page 255). it is important to understand the variety and level of nafsu carefullyso that every muslim know exactly who is friend and opponent within themselves. the prophet muhammad said that the fight against the infidel or kafir is a small war (aṣgar), but the fight against the nafsu is the one being called as the big war (akbar). in the end of the book the author explain about the important to know the history of the sufi leaders. he provides the profiles and sufi leadersfrom time to time starting from the second hijri to the 14th hijri. the explanation about the sufi leaders is meant to provide knowledge and information for those seeking the knowledge and information about tasawuf so that they can take a lesson (‘ibrah) and good (uswah ḥasanah) from selected people who had been able to improve their quality of life through having great practices of iman, islam, and ihsan. they are the examples that can guide them in doing tasawuf and becoming their role model for sālik (the wlak toward allah the almighty) in doing the practice required by the teaching of islam as allah the almighty has guided human beings. as for the scientific responsibilities by the author, the book is also equipped by footnote) and bibliography for references (marāji’) from appropriate books of tasawuf of mu’tabarah (standardized). the book is also written in a very careful intention with appropriate diction, words, sentences and paragraph. the author intends to help readers [ 134 ] al-albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 to understand easily about the tasawuf, especially to those who are new in the world of tasawuf. (*) profil reviewer nama : ahmad masfuful fuad afiliasi : mahasiswa program doktor (s3) pascasarjana uin sunan kalijaga no. telepon : 089633815504 email : aeymanusia@yahoo.co.id [ 151 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 book review sharing the role of peace pontianak: iain pontianak press, 2016 by eka hendry ar. reviewed by andry fitriyanto pontianak state institute of islamic studies  e tragedy of habil’s death in the hands of qabil shows that from the very beginning of human life on earth, it has been � lled by con� ict. it is a necessity in our lives. just like crime and good, peace and con� ict are also two things that continue to � ll human life.  en, can we materialize true peace where there is no con� ict in it?  is book, sharing role of peace begins with a very philosophical study. it is like inviting the reader to re� ect again on the meaning of peace and con� ict. both are a paradox. in contrast to each other, but they need each other. con� ict is caused by the realization of a peace which requires the non-existence of con� ict. if there is a con� ict, then peace will be gone. but on the other hand, they also need each other. peace requires con� ict as a driver of change for the better. con� ict requires peace as the ultimate goal. from theis paradox, the author sends the implicit meaning of con� ict.  ere are constructive and destructive con� icts. constructive con� ict is the opposite of contestation towards a better change. while the destructive con� ict is any con� ict that brings bad impact like con� ict with violence.  ere are at least two basic premises which should serve as the basis of thought to reach the ideals of peace. first, in true peace there is a con� ict management process to minimize its destructive impact. second, true peace means not only the absence of violence in it, but also the non-existence of all causes and residual violent con� ict in the future. so, con� ict is something we cannot avoid in an eff ort to realize the ideals of peace. it is how we deal with and manage the con� ict so that it brings a positive impact that is useful for change to a better direction. con� ict which should be eliminated is destructive violent con� ict. eff orts to [ 152 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 realize reconciliation must also touch all potential causes and residual con� icts such as injustice and social imbalance and negative stereotypes inherent in the community. conversely, the management of constructive con� ict should be a priority in encouraging the change of society to the better.  e main spirit of this book is to change the common paradigm we normally encounter. first, the work to achieve peace is not only done in the event of violent con� ict, so the work is not totally � nished when violent con� ict stops.  e “� re brigade” approach is deemed not to resolve the root of con� ict and is not eff ective in realizing long-term peace. so, “prevention is better than cure” should be the principle we must adopt in bringing about peace. second, the responsibility for the realization of peace is not only the responsibility of the government and the security apparatus, but all elements of society must also play an active role in safeguarding environmental conditions and suppressing potential con� icts. realizing the ideals of true peace is a job that requires a long process and must involve various parties.  e awareness of many parties to this task of peace that ultimately gave birth to what the author referred to as the siege of kindness.  is will bring the community closer to the ideals of peace.  ere are at least seven components that can be mobilized either as agents or the media to realize true peace. starting from education, mass media, women, religious institutions, government, young generation, and even the empowerment of local wisdom. so, the approach taken to realize peace becomes more comprehensive. because the core of this approach is collectivity and collective movement of all components of society that move systematically and simultaneously.  is is the essence conveyed by the author in his book. to change or awaken awareness of an issue, then education is the keyword. similarly, with the awareness of the importance of reaching the ideals of true peace, education is the most eff ective way. although it takes a long process to instill these seeds of peace, yet in the future we will certainly reap the harvest of tolerance and inclusiveness of the younger generation as peace agents.  is book is neatly reviews how education (especially religious education) can be instrumental in shaping a religious attitude of love for peace. under the title of the mainstreaming of peace education in islamic religious education (pp. 65-83), the author off ers concrete steps on how to transfer awareness of true peace in the teaching and learning process at school.  is is so important given the many con� icts that occur in the pretext of religious sentiments. in addition to religion, the theme that is crucial in the realization of peace is democracy. both variables must be recognized to reveal a double face. although [ 153 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 both are used in the context of seeking the bene� t of human beings, on the other hand it can not separate itself from the short overture that follows. in fact, violent con� icts o en occur in societies that have embraced democratic systems, and many con� icts are suspected of using religious motives. questions arise here: is violent con� ict something inherent in democracy and religion or do we misunderstand both? it is this misunderstanding that leads to the implementation of actions that make room for violent con� ict.  ere are at least � ve mistakes in the interpreting the meaning of democracy according to the author, namely the simpli� cation of the nature of democracy, democracy is considered a goal, democracy is considered merely an instrument, a democracy that lacks human rights and the rule of law, and democracy without ideological identity (p. 11-15). so there needs to be a kind of reinterpretation and reactualization of democratic values in our society.  is aims to restore the meaning and application of democracy in accordance with its basic values. on the other hand, we can � nd other motives such as economic and political motives in violent con� icts in the name of religion. religion is o en only made camou� age for the sake of other interests. even on the occasion of a crusade which is a violent con� ict in the name of the greatest religion of all time can be interpreted an indication of the content of political, cultural, economic interest that places the religious motive on its surface (pp. 19-44). however, religion is still the way of good for humanity. although it also has a unifying potential and media resistance to conditions that are considered unpro� table. so it takes the wisdom and intelligence of religious people to manage all the potential that belongs to a more constructive direction.  e interesting part of this book is about media relations and con� ict (pp. 8597).  e media in question here is not only print and electronic mass media, but includes social media and other messenger media. media actually serves as a window of information and enlightenment for society, a vehicle of criticism and social control, and entertainment. however, we also o en see the media play a provocativen function in violent con� icts. one should admit that economic, political, and ideological interests also cannot be separated from the managers of information. lately, we have been surprised by the arrest of groups organizing themselves to spread false news, hate speech, and vile slander.  is group uses social media as a medium of information to form public opinion. such things may trigger violent con� ict in our society. given the importance of the role and function of the media in the work of [ 154 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 peace, it requires a kind of awareness to build a common good.  is awareness will bring ideological alignments to the peace processes. of the ten points that should be developed by the media as agents of peace, at least three things must be underlined. first, one of the fundamental tasks of the media is to give space to con� icting parties to voice their aspirations. second, the media should try to explicitly convey some of the theory or intellectual references and paradigms to understand the con� ict.  ird, the media should strive to take a clearer picture of the bene� ts of peace.  is puts the media as a conveyor of both parties’ con� icting aspirations to the government and the public. it is important to establish dialog and con� ict resolution solutions. with this idea of peace journalism, it is expected to bring enlightenment to the community and support con� ict reconciliation. in general this book illustrates that each of us has an equally important role in realizing the ideals of peace. it stresses on the importance of building such an awareness to unite perceptions and movements in overcoming any potential destructive con� ict that can arise at any time. [ 73 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 sharia-based regional regulations and inter-religious relations in bulukumba south sulawesi ashadi l. diab kendari state institute of islamic studies ldiab_adhy@yahoo.com abstract the background for the emergence of the idea of applying sharia based regional regulations in bulukumba is influenced by three factors: history, politics and socio-religious reality of the community. the response to the application of islamic law also varies. at least in broad outline there are four kinds of responses, i.e. accepting, accepting with certain conditions, refusing then accepting and refusing. the application of islamic law in bulukumba has caused changes both in the physical appearance and socio-religious interaction of the people. changes in physical appearance can be seen from the increasing number of women wearing hijab and a number of writings of religious nuances in various corners of the city. changes in the areas of social interaction can be seen from the decrease of the crime rate. in the interaction between religious communities, the sharia-based regulations are a medium for the islamization of society. the existence of such legislation has also left no space for non-muslims to build or add a new place of worship. keywords: sharia, islamic law, regulation, bulukumba. introduction efforts to enforce islamic law in indonesia, both in a legal (constitutional) way which is through politics and illegal such as rebellion, are part of a long history of struggle of the muslims of indonesia to implement islamic law. however, social and political reality indicates that the idea has never received the support of the majority of the muslims. many observers consider it strange, given indonesia is a country with the world’s largest islamic followerss. for them, how is it possible in the predominantly muslim country that the idea of implementing islamic law does not ever receive majority support? when this country was about to proclaim its independence in 1945, the discourse of sharia law emerged. the idea proposed by the independence fighters among islamic students faced a very strong opposition from of islamic [ 74 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 nationalist fighters. considering the integrity of the nation, the islamic student fighters finally accepted the type of a country which is not a religious state.1 this event is the biggest sacrifice of muslims in indonesia’s history. in the indonesian context, the idea of islamic law encountered mixed attitude in the community. the group that supported it always accused the others as lacking faith, ignoring islamic law and being influenced by western views. those who were against the idea always argued that the other group was outdated, old-fashioned, and had no ideas about the world of islam. each group always positioned itself in the opposite direction that it seemed impossible to build a dialogue to develop a shared vision or understanding of each other’s opinions2. however, despite the fact that the supporters and opponents of the application of islamic law had a different view, they remained in the corridors of mutual respect for each other. along with changes from centralized to decentralized governance, where each region is given greater authority to regulate its respective areas, the demand for enforcing islamic law formally is on the rise as in the case of bulukumba in south sulawesi. bulukumba, one of the regencies in the province of south sulawesi, is known as a region with devout muslims, and the idea of enforcing islamic law was initiated by the preparatory committee for enforcement of islamic law (kppsi).3 after the proclamation of independence, there was a debate about the basic guidelines of the country between religious groups who wanted islam as the state ideology and nationalist groups that did not want the country to be based on religion. with great wisdom and based on the spirit of sacrifice, the muslim groups finally agreed not to make islam the state ideology and consented to the elimination of seven words, “the obligation to enforce islamic teachings for its followers” from the jakarta charter on july 22, 1945. the result of this compromise was not readily accepted by all the indonesian people. some groups resisted, such as the movement of di/tii led by colonel kahar muzakkar, but in the end, all forms of resistance were put down by the government.4 the momentum to re-enforce islamic law occurred again when 1pupils are muslim group that wants islam as the foundation of the republic of indonesia, and the nationalists are groups that want to separate between the state with religion (secular), this definition can also be seen in suhelmi ahmad, the islamic state debate: soekarno versus natsir. 2 endang saefuddin anshari, 1983, piagam jakarta 22 june 1945, (bandung: pustaka), p. 60. 3 kppsi stands for komite persiapan penegakan syariat islam (preparatory committee for enforcement of islamic law), but now has changed to kpsi (komite pengakan syariat islam -committee for enforcement of islamic law). 4 ibid [ 75 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 the new order regime collapsed and was replaced by the reform government. democracy is widely open under a decentralized system of government where each region has a greater opportunity to reorganize their respective administration. eventually, bulukumba became the first district in south sulawesi to apply islamic law which is characterized by the issuance of four regulations on the literacy of the qur’an, muslim clothing, alms, and ban on alcoholic beverages. imposition of islamic law in bulukumba, south sulawesi receives a lot of support from diverse elements of society, including non-muslims, but there are some muslims / scholars who disagree with the idea. the support from non-muslim groups regarding the application of islamic law on the one hand and the rejection of islamic law by some muslims clearly raise a big question. under such socio-religious conditions, bulukumba is a region that is unique to be studied. by reviewing the people’s response to the application of islamic law in bulukumba, it will be known whether the idea is just the desire of religious and political elites or the people of bulukumba. of course, other factors that must also be taken into account with regard to the implementation of such policy is the impact of the application of islamic law on socio-religious conditions of society, whether or not it is getting better or worse, especially regarding the relationship between people of different religions. this paper is based on the assumption that the dissent against the imposition of islamic law is due to differences in how to understand and observe islamic law. differences in the social, cultural and intellectual aspects have a very significant influence in determining the form of one’s understanding of the sharia. therefore, even though every muslim admits the truth of the principles of the sharia, their understanding on the technical and operational level is different. the emergence of various schools of fiqh and theology, for example, shows that islamic law is interpreted differently and therefore, there can be no single view of the sharia is once for all. sociologically, there are five centers of life outside the family: the educational environment, workplace, mosques, recitals institutions, religious organizations.5 whether or not a person has a strong affiliation with the five centers or any one of them, will determine the pattern of thought and nature of that person. similarly, changes to the system of each center of life above will also influence the change of thought. 5 abdul munir mulkhan, 1992, runtuhnya mitos politik santri, (yogyakarta: sipres), p.3. [ 76 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 to the reconstructionists, such as azyumardi azra, the model of sharia known today, must first be reviewed before being enforced as not every law is of the divine product which is sacred or transcendental in nature. according to the group, the majority of the sharia known today is the product of historical and social conditions and hence profane and temporal. sharia profanity provides spaces for dialog with the present conditions. profanity within the scope of a community indicates that there are a wide variety of interests and values. the values that live in a society are constantly changing according to the changing interests through functional debate that generates a variety of new equilibrium forms. community is a stable system of groups working together in which there is consensus. community is a system that consists of parts that are interconnected and in need of each other that give birth to balanced relations.6 the flow of functionalism sees the community as a social relation of all the institutions in it. each part of an interdependent community, in the sense that the relationship between the communities is very close so changes in one part will affect the other. disagreement will give birth to a new negotiation pattern that forms the balance of relationship within the community. likewise, the presence of regulations based on islamic law in bulukumba, does not appear by itself but through a process as proposed in berger’s theory of social construction, externalization, objectivization and internalization. through this process we will be able to understand the phenomenon of the existence of sharia-based ragulations in bulukumba. according to arskal salim quoting price (1999), the implementation of islamic law by the state can be divided into five levels: first, issues of family law, such as marriage, divorce and inheritance; second, economic and financial matters, such as islamic banking and charity; third, religious practices (rituals), such as the obligation for a muslim woman to wear a head cover; or an official ban on things that conflict with the teachings of islam, such as alcohol and gambling; fourth, application of islamic criminal law, especially related to the types of sanctions for violators; fifth, the use of islamic law as the basis of the state and government systems. according to him, the higher the demand for implementing islamic law, the closer the establishment of an islamic state. this article is very helpful to see how the regulations based on islamic law work in the system of government in bulukumba and at at what level such regulations work. islamic history shows that broadly there are two opposite poles of schools 6 robert k. merton, 1957, social theory and social structure, (chicago, the free press of glencoe); see also talcot parsons, 1951, the social system, (chicago, free press) [ 77 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 of thought about how to apply islamic law in the social domain. both poles are: first, al-islamu huwa addhin wa ad-daulah (islam is religion and state). this group has the view that islam should be formally applied. the effect of this view is the birth of concepts that have the label of islam such as islamic economics, islamic bank, etc. second, al-islamu huwa addhin, wa daulah alwasilah (islam is religion, and power is merely intermediate). religion and power are different. this group relatively rejects all forms that have islamic labels. to this group, the most important thing is not the label of islam but the application of islamic values. islamic dialectics and patuntung faith in bulukumba bulukumba community in particular, has a religious belief that is very close to the sciences of sufism and tariqat i.e. the patuntung faith. the patuntung faith is said to be a syncretic belief, because in addition to having some requirements of a abrahamic religions such as belief in almighty god as creator of the universe, the prophets, the scriptures and the day of judgment, people still believe in animism and dynamism. the patuntung faith believes in three gods, which are called karaeng ampatama as the creator of nature and live in the sky, karaeng kannuang kammaya as sustainer of nature who live in tompo tika (the peak of mount bawakaraeng), and karaeng patanna lino as an auxiliary to karaeng kannuang kammaya whose task is to look after humans on earth. karaeng patanna lino is also called pattakok. in addition, the patuntung believe in puang loheta (god of many) found in every family, home and kingdom.7 a prophet in the patuntung faith is amma towa who is the first leader in the belief, whose intelligence to write scriptures. the scripture is called patuntung (guidance) which is a guideline for every believer in practicing the rules of spirituality. in addition to the rules of spiritual teachings, this book also contains spells that can be used for treatment, various codes of dress, baths, and marriage. the patuntung also has a concept of nature consisting of three forms of cosmology, i.e. the upper world called botinglangi, middle world called lino which is inhabited by humans, and lower world called paratiwi which is regarded as being under water. each world has inhabitants. they affect each other and the influence could also affect humans.8 in bulukumba, there is also a very traditional area known as kajang. the kajang 7 syamsul al-ma’arif al-amien, 2003, religious freedom in indonesia: the constitution, islamization and the ammatoa of sulawesi, thesis, center for religious and cross cultural studies, yogyakarta. 8 ibid [ 78 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 community has belief based on tradition, i.e. pasanga ri kajang. pasanga ri kajang is the religious teachings of ancient community of kajang in the form of oral tradition of revelation or divine message passed down orally through amma toa that contains morality of religious teachings which are still firmly held by the kajang community. the oral tradition, called pasanga ri kajang, to the people of kajang is a knowledge system that contains a variety of cultural values, which serve as the main reference in the living a life in this world, both in relation to theological matters, relationship with fellow human beings, and relationship with the natural surroundings which datuk ri tiro took into consideration in spreading the islamic religion in bulukumba. datuk ri tiro’s success in spreading islam in bulukumba was because he always honored tradition of the people and not to impose rigid application of sharia. datuk ri tiro’s expertise in the field of sufism is served as the basis for spreading islam in bulukumba. sufism which he used in spreading islam makes it easier to communicate and teach islam in this region. this is because the people of bulukumba had already been very familiar with the teachings associated with sufism and tariqat.9 because of the condition of public confidence bulukumba very close to the teachings of sufism and congregations, often based on a presumption that the spread of islam in bulukumba no difficulty, but this assumption is not entirely correct.10 according to the story that developed in the middle of the community, especially the kajang, that when datuk ri tiro enters the territory of the kajang to broadcast the islamic religion, he made a deal with the leader of the kajang known as amma towa. in towa amma it is mentioned that datuk ri tiro was allowed to spread the islamic religion in this place, but previously had to challenge the magic power of the amma towa. whoever loses must join the faith of the winner. this means that if amma towa lost, he had to convert to islam including members of the community and vice versa. the contest of magic turned out to be a draw, nobody won and nobody lost. since it was a draw, one had no compulsion to follow the other. the above is proved by the existence of the kajang people that have symbolically converted to islam, but the implementation and the meaning of islam is very different from what is generally understood since the feel of sharia is very 9 samiang katu, 2000, pasang ri kajang: kajian tentang akomodasi islam dengan budaya lokal di sulawesi selatan, (pusat pengkajian islam dan masyarakat (ppim) iain alauddin makassar), p.57. 10 ibid. [ 79 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 strong. the kajang people give sufism and morality far more attention than sharia. therefore, although the kajang community has embraced islam, they still observe the tradition which cling to the teachings of pasanga ri kajang containing moral messages highly respected by the kajang people. in its development, the kajang community is divided into two groups i.e. the exterior kajang (assimilated) and the interior kajang (indigenous). the exterior kajang community refers to those who have undergone modernization and not too rigid in carrying out their customary traditions, particularly the values contained in the message of pasanga ri kajang, whereas the interior kajang community still upholds the traditions and remains relatively untouched the modern world. as a rejection of the modern symbols, they do not want to use electricity as lighting, sandals as footwear, means of communication, etc. islamic law in social and political struggle the sharia terminology is generally used in two senses, i.e. in a broad sense and in a narrow sense. in a broad sense, the law is intended as the whole islamic religious norms covering aspects of doctrinal and practical aspects. meanwhile, in a narrow sense, the sharia refers to the practical aspects of islamic teachings, the part that consists of the norms that regulate human behavior such as worship, marriage, purchase and sales, litigation in the court, etc. if the term of islamic law is used to translate the term sharia, it means the law in its narrow sense.11 in the context of indonesia, especially bulukumba, where the majority of the population are muslims, islamic law is the law that is commonly practiced and has been deeply rooted in the culture of indonesian society. therefore, islamic law in indonesia is the living law or in geertz’s perspective, the values of islam in indonesia serve as a pattern of behavior. this phenomenon occurs not merely because islam is a religion practiced by the majority of indonesia’s population, but also because of the dimensions of the application of islamic law that has become part of the tradition that is sometimes considered sacred.  although the term islamic law is not the best translation of the word sharia, in the context of positive law in indonesia, the islamic legal term is used mainly to differentiate it from customary law and western law. this distinction shows that the law comas from the religion of islam. thus, its use at the operational level as the translation of the term for sharia is not entirely wrong. an understanding of islamic law should depart from the basic assumption that the real islamic law is not a detailed legal system that comes from 11 syamsul anwar, islamic jurisprudence. op. cit., p. 134. [ 80 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 heaven and is not part of human history. as with other legal systems, islamic law is nothing but the result of human interaction with social and political conditions. such an understanding is the basis for the necessity of sociological and historical approach in an attempt to photograph the opportunities and challenges for its application in society. in the history of islamic law, there is strong evidence of how social context is very influential in determining the laws that arise. among the jurists, for example, the dynamics of thinking between shafi’i with his qaul qadim and qaul jadid, malik with his maslahah mursalah, abu hanifah with his rational thinking, and ibn hambal with his traditional thinking (salaf ) show how their dialogic interaction with social context and with the place where they live in can affect and shape their understanding of the sharia.12 similarly, the customary practices in the society are also generally adopted by islam as a means of preparing rules and regulations of islamic law, as long as the customary practices are not contrary to islamic teachings contained in the qur’an and the sunnah of the prophet. 13 in addition to sociological factors above, the political configuration of the country is also instrumental in changing the law. dominant groups that are close to the political authorities are capable of gaining power to enforce certain laws and make other policies. therefore, the saying that states “whoever rules will apply their school of thought” is not merely a slogan. as evidence, when ibn al-muqaffa’ (d. 139h / 756 ad) proposed legislation of islamic law to the caliph abu ja’far al-mansur (754-775 ad) who then ordered malik ibn anas to prepare and compile the law. the command or request was made twice, i.e. in the year 148 h / 765 m and 163 h / 777 ad. at first malik ibn anas refused, but during the caliphate of harun al-rashid, he granted it. so, the book al-muwatta’ was written which was then made the official guidelines by the government in resolving legal issues. the maliki school of thought was made official by the government because it was the dominant school at the time and was desired by the authorities. when islamic law interacts and wishes to develop in the wider region, it will definitely be in contact with various local norms that vary widely based on the structure and culture embraced by a society. as a result, locally characterized legal products such as hijazi fiqh, misri fiqh, hindi fiqh emerged, and in indonesian there was an idea of formulating the indonesian fiqh. 12 muhammad ali sais, 1957, tarikh al-fiqh al-islami (mesir: mathba’ah al-nahda), p. 104; see also husain hamid hasan, tt, al-madkhal li dirasat al-fiqh al-islami (mesir: mathba ah al-nahdah), p. 33. 13 abd al-rahman al-shabuni, 1982, al-mudkhal ila al-fiqh wa tarikh al-tasyri al-islami (cairo: dar al-muslim), h. 138. [ 81 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 in 1991, the need for the formulation of the indonesian fiqh came into being with the issuance of the presidential instruction no. 1 of 1991 concerning the dissemination of the compilation of islamic law in indonesia (khi), of which the formulation is identified as the indonesian fiqh or islamic jurisprudence with a distinctively indonesian flavor.14 seen through the political view of the indonesian law, the emergence of the khi can be regarded as the crowning achievement of muslims at that time in the application of islamic law (in this case a family law) as a positive law. however, one thing worth noting is that the khi legislation is not only the success of the indonesian ulema council that represents muslims, ministry of religious affairs representing the government, and the supreme court representing holders of judicial power, but it is also due to the approval of the authorities, i.e. the politics of law and the political will of the state. the state in fact plays a crucial role in effecting the khi legislation because it holds a monopoly in the law enforcement in community life.15 beyond political motives, sociological and even economic background for the khi policy, it can safely be said that the justification of state power serves as one of the keys to the application of islamic law. on the other hand, outside of the political system, social configuration issues are also a determinant for the application of islamic law. therefore, the application of islamic law in indonesia always takes a pluralistic society into consideration. with such grounds, the implementation and enforcement of islamic law in the socio-political arena always encounters polemic indonesia. ‘reduction’ of islamic law is done in order to maintain commitment to the plurality of religions, so that islamic law imposed only concerns the field of law which does not threaten people of other faiths. that is why islamic law is gaining legitimacy and justification in the indonesian legal system only in the legal field of muamalat (civil matters), excluding criminal law (jinayat). it even is only limited to the areas of inheritance, marriage and charity, needless to say. by looking at the history of the law, in fact, the law is a political product of the nation. it means that the law is always related to politics. hence, the wisdom of the law that emerged is the embodiment of the country’s political wisdom. the important thing to note about this phenomenon is that the law is dependent 14 cik hasan bisri , “pengembangan wilayah penelitian dan pranata sosial,” in mimbar hukum, jurnal ilmu agama islam, bandung: iain sunan djati, no. i year xxiii, september-december 1992, p. 92. 15 because of the dominance of the government in the process of formulating the compilation of islamic law, for some observers, the khi is considered a state project. see marzuki wahid and rumadi op cit. [ 82 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 on political factors. whether or not islamic law can be applied is determined by the extent to which the political will of the country represented in official institutions that deal with the problem. thus, holding the legal discourse cannot be separated from the social and political context of the country in which the law is created. in this regard, the character of a legal product is constantly influenced or determined by the political configuration that gives birth to it, meaning that certain political configuration of a dominant group always bears the character of certain legal products in accordance with its political vision. in addition, islamic law is also influenced by social development. social changes that occur in a community, will directly or indirectly affect social institutions in various fields such as government, economics, education, religion, etc. birth process of islamic law-based regional regulations in the context of bulukumba, enactment of some legislation based on islamic law should be responded wisely by putting on the assumption that every state policy (read: government) does not just emerge, but it is presented and made within the framework and the willingness of policy makers, in this case local government. the struggle of several islamic organizations to formalize and legalize islamic sharia into the body of the state met with interest of the local government. in this context the theory of who uses who surfaces. on the one hand, local government wishes to attract public sympathy, but on the other hand it is used by proponents of formalization of islamic law. the phenomenon of diversity in indonesia which is a public concern is very interesting to observe. since the autonomy and decentralization was implemented through regulation act no. 22 of 1999 the strengthening of local dynamics continues to occur. in many regions, institutional restructuring (bureaucracy and parliament) and development initiatives thrive. this was also followed by the increased participation of civil society in various arenas. one of the crucial issues that arises in conjunction with local politics is strengthening of identity politics (local identity politics). in the context of islamic politics, autonomy and decentralization is the entrance to islamization in all areas including through the enactment of legislation based on islamic law. islamization agenda for islamic political parties is being kept alive. it is the main reason the issue of islamic law is never abandoned islamic political parties.16 therefore, as stated by several historians (benda, ricklefs, and azra), modern indonesian history is a history that witnesses the 16 http://islamlib.com/id/index.php?page=article&id=516, arskal salim, daya hidup isu syariat dalam politik. accessed on 19 may 2015 [ 83 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 ongoing deeper and sustainable islamization.17 regions that have implemented regional regulations based on islamic law are west sumatera, south kalimantan, east nusa tenggara, south sulawesi, eat java and west java. 18 as for south sulawesi, public attention is on bulukumba. bulukumba is the first regency to issue sharia-based regulations in south sulawesi. therefore, bulukumba serves as a pilot project for implementing a law based on islamic law by the government. experiments of sharia in bulukumba are penetrating into lower level of the government: the village. a total of 12 villages have been used as a demonstration areas for the application of islamic law since the beginning of 2005.19 the regency is also popular as a pioneer application of islamic law in south sulawesi, and the south sulawesi muslim congress iii, in march 2005, was held in this area. the implementation of islamic law in the villages as pilot project is growing very rapidly, even beyond the district and provincial legislation. villages within the pilot project even implemented the hudud criminal law. padang village, in gantarang subdistrict, for example, set the “rules of the village” which contain the rules on the offense of adultery (100 lashes), qadzaf or accusing someone of adultery (80 lashes or handed over to the police), liquor (40 lashes), and qishash (reply in kind) for physical abuse.20 implications of the application of sharia based regional regulations on the relationship between religions the application of islamic law in bulukumba imposed through sharia-based regulations gave birth to some implications in the socio-political-religious society of bulukumba. the implications are as follows: a. increased religious conversion the implementation of sharia-based regulations affects non-muslims whose total number is only about 0.12% amid muslim community which reaches 99.88%. the imposition of sharia-based regulations has either directly or indirectly generated psychological pressure against non-muslims. after the enforcement of such regulations, several religious conversions occurred, whereas before the regulations new converts were relatively non-existent. as reported by h.sofyan, the imam of jami al-hidayah mosque: 17 ibid 18 taufik adnan amal and samsul rizal panggabean, 2004, politik syariat islam dari indonesia hingga nigeria, (jakarta: pustaka alvabet), p. 82. 19 asrori s. karni and bernadetta febriana, and anthony, “gelora syariah mengepung kota” (headline story, gatra 25th edition, 1 may 2006) 20 ibid [ 84 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 “after sharia-based regulations were imposed, many people of chinese descent converted to islam whereas previously they rarely did. so it’s good to have sharia regulations, they became afraid. king motor [owner] has converted to islam along with his family. during a muslim congress, women who wanted to leave the house unveiled were immediately detained and told to wear the hijab because they were afraid of being detained.” the increased number of new converts after the imposition of legislation based on islamic law has raised suspicion, lest they embrace islam not out of consciousness, rather out of fear of the imposition of sharia-based regulations. ideally, in fact, the new law applies only to muslims, but concerns about the application of islamic law based regulations can serve as instrument to change one’s religion. b. no freedom of religion for other religious followers to build house of worship a house of worship is very important for religious followers. the existence of houses of worship not only serves as a worship place for a certain religion but also as evidence of its existence. according to the rules of construction of houses of worship, the construction can be done if there is consent from the surrounding community. it means that if there is no consent from the local community then certainly there will be no construction of non-muslim places of worship. in fact, the number of non-muslims in bulukumba is more or less 0.12% but even so their need for a place of worship is a very important thing. however, the sharia regulations have somehow generated disrespect for the existence of other religions which is characterized by difficulty for other religious followers to have a place of worship which then becomes a bad precedent for interfaith relations, as reported by h. sofyan: “the relations between muslims and non-muslims are fine as long as they do not build (a new church). in the city of bulukumba, there is only one church. there was an attempt of christians to build a church, but it was directly protested by the community. bulukumba people do not want a church to be constructed. closing remarks the background for the emergence of the idea of applying sharia based regional regulations in bulukumba is influenced by three factors: history, politics and [ 85 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 socio-religious reality of the community. the history of the local community which is plural becomes an important element in the process of the birth of such regulations. political factors include the shift in the government system from centralization to decentralization (autonomous regions) in which the local government has authority to regulate its own area. socio-religious reality of the community is also a major element in the idea of imposing shariabased regulations. degradation of people’s morality and a growing lack of public knowledge of the islamic religion (reading-writing of the qur’an) also becomes one of the important aspects. however, the response to the application of islamic law also varies. at least in broad outline there are four kinds of responses, i.e. accepting, accepting with certain conditions, refusing then accepting and refusing. the application of islamic law in bulukumba has caused changes both in the physical appearance and socio-religious interaction of the people. changes in physical appearance can be seen from the increasing number of women wearing hijab and a lot of writings of religious nuances in various corners of the city. changes in the areas of social interaction can be seen from the decrease of the crime rate. in the interaction between religious communities, the sharia-based regulations are a medium for the islamization of society. it is evidenced by the fact that after the implementation of sharia legislation, there were families converting to islam. their convert to islam after the imposition of the legislation raises suspicion that they become muslims simply for fear of the regulations. the existence of such legislation has also left no space for non-muslims to build or add a new place of worship. references endang saefuddin anshari, 1983, piagam jakarta 22 juni 1945, (bandung: pustaka), h. 60. syamsul al-ma’arif al-amien, 2003, religious freedom in indonesia: the constitution, islamization and the ammatoa of sulawesi, thesis, center for religiou and cross cultural studies, yogyakarta. samiang katu, 2000, pasang ri kajang: kajian tentang akomodasi islam dengan budaya lokal di sulawesi selatan, (pusat pengkajian islam dan masyarakat (ppim) iain alauddin makassar), h.57. muhammad ali sais, 1957, tarikh al-fiqh al-islami (mesir: mathba’ah al-nahda), h. 104; lihat juga husain hamid hasan, tt, al-madkhal li dirasat al-fiqh al-islami (mesir: mathba ah al-nahdah), h. 33. abd al-rahman al-shabuni, 1982, al-mudkhal ila al-fiqh wa tarikh al-tasyri [ 86 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 al-islami (kairo: dar al-muslim), h. 138. cik hasan bisri , “pengembangan wilayah penelitian dan pranata sosial,” dalam mimbar hukum, jurnal ilmu agama islam, bandung: iain sunan djati, no. i tahun xxiii, september-desember 1992, h. 92. taufik adnan amal dan samsul rizal panggabean, 2004, politik syariat islam dari indonesia hingga nigeria, (jakarta: pustaka alvabet), h. 82. asrori s. karni dan bernadetta febriana, dan anthony, “gelora syariah mengepung kota,” (laporan utama, gatra edisi 25, 1 mei 2006) abdul munir mulkhan, 1992, runtuhnya mitos politik santri, (yogyakarta: sipres), h.3. robert k. merton, 1957, social theory and social structure, (chicago, the free press of glencoe); lihat juga talcot parsons, 1951, the social system, (chicago, free press) http://islamlib.com/id/index.php?page=article&id=516, arskal salim, daya hidup isu syariat dalam politik. di akses tanggal 19 mei 20015 [ 187 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 dynamics of local islam: fatwa of muhammad basiuni imran, the grand imam of sambas, on the friday prayer attended by fewer than forty people hamka siregar pontianak institute of islamic studies abstract this article is an analitical work based on local islam dynamic of sambas society in the era of sambas sultanate. the work attempts to promote intellectual heritages such as the book of cahaya suluh, which could at least give us an idea that in a process of setting certain rules or istinbat, there is a need for flexibility. as can be observed from the whole argument built in this book, the process is completely flexible, not merely following one school of thought. as indicated in this paper, especially in the discussion of his thought, muhammad basiuni imran used various references for his propositions. although he was an advocate of the school of syafi’i, he was still open to the other schools of thought. as a matter of fact, in the case of friday prayer, his position was different from the school of thought he supported. he took that position because he considered the socio cultural conditions of sambas at the time. intellectual spirit shown by the grand imam of sambas should continue to be emulated and expanded. it is a way to avoid the ‘blind’ taqlid against a certain school of thought, as such attitude can narrow human intelligence and reasoning which will eventually lead to collision with local reality that sometimes contains values that do not contradict with religion. in addition, the approach to the interpretation of law should look at its socio-cultural and historical background as this will keep the law strong and sustainable. in this way, islam will be easily accepted without having to impose foreign culture on local people. keywords: dynamic, islam, sambas, grand imam, muhammad basuni imran introduction islam is, in fact, not a native religion of indonesia. long before the arrival of islam, other religions, such as hinduism and buddhism, were already embraced by most of the inhabitants of the archipelago. traces of the two religions can still be seen in many parts of the country. by the will of god, within quite a long time, things changed. islam then took the position of the two religions. the spread of islam significantly occurred in the 12th century and the process of islamization appears to have accelerated between the 12th and 16th century (muhsin, 2007: 6). during this long period, the islamic [ 188 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 religion had been “naturalized” with the natural taste of the archipelago so that it experienced a variety of adaptations. as it arrived at different natural conditions, different social construct, and different psychological, islam should be ready for adjustment. this “guest” religion had to cleverly communicate itself into the local community that had its own belief system. therefore, it is not uncommon when religion is presented to the public sphere, it must be packed in such a way in order to respond to and accommodate local values and interests, without having to remove the substance or the essence of the teachings of the religion itself. the first wave of the transmission of islam to indonesia according to historians was done through sufis who came for religious proselytization and commercial interests. this sufic pattern made the entrance to spread islam in the society (mu’jizah; 2005: vii). with this sufic approach, it seems that the sufis have a place in the hearts of local residents. the sufic religious nuances are still strong in indonesia’s muslim community, particularly among those who maintain traditional religious values such as the tariqa groups (tariqah naqasabandiyah, satariyah, khulwatiayah etc.). although not very open, these groups still exist and have a lot of followers. the momentum accelerated the spread and absorption of the religious messages considerably. more importantly, with this pattern, the dissemination and absorption of this new religion in society did not experience a clash of values. it can be said, as reviewed by azhar arsyad – rector of the uin makassar---islamization process archipelago run in cool and peaceful (in komarudin hidayat; 2006: 73). a person could become a muslim without losing his/her distinct identity. it can be seen how islam is negotiating with local culture of javanese, sundanese, malay, batak and land parmalim, etc. although culturally retaining their traditions, but they have enriched the values of islam with their distinct local exquisiteness. further development shows that the definition of the islamic tasamuh (tolerance) that gives space to and considers the local values is changing. in recent years, there have been movements to bring purification of islam to its authentic form in the midst of the community. they intend to revive islam to its original version of its birthplace (mecca). they view the current islamic teachings have been mixed with traditional values, and these local values have corrupted the purity of islam. therefore, certain groups immediately want to clean it up so that the sanctity of religion will not be contaminated with heresy, superstition and idolatry. authentic islam, so they expect, should replace the islam that has been mixed with local traditions. the process of purification and authentication that can be referred to as “radical salafi” project has triggered [ 189 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 tensions between religion and local traditions. in the end, the obsessive purification will hurt the harmony between islam with the local culture. since then, the tension could no longer be properly mediated. in fact, religion and culture are inseparable; there is no distance between them. even though religion is not a human product, when it is understood by humans, then it will experience the process of humanity known as “contextualization”. this is a process of understanding the contextualization of religion empirically or religion that appears in its formal form in the community (abudinata; 2002: 49). religious experience is processed by the believer through reasoning from the source of religion, i.e. revelation. when reading the book of fiqh, for example, one should see it as derivation of the qur’an and the hadith. therefore, the fiqh practiced by certain groups in a community is the result of reasoning known as ijtihad. thus, religion can be said to be the product of god as well as humans. religion that appears in its form is related to the culture that developed in the community where the religion flourished. therefore, through a correct understanding of culture, one will be able to apply their religious teachings without conflict. erich fromm in nourouzzaman shiddiqi (1996: 258) argued that there is no culture which is not rooted in religion. interconnection between religion and culture thus creates civilization as illustrated in following diagram: 95 418 109 103 515 animisme budha islam konghucu kristen distribution of religions of the indigenous people in penyengat village (village monograph, 2012) green vision of religions green consumption green engagement religion culture civilization the relationship between religion and culture, especially in indonesia, can be seen in research conducted by geertz (1956) in a small town in central java, mojokuto. he found out that islam has become an ideal culture in indonesian society, especially in rural areas. the discovery of geertz’s observations was supported by van der kroef (1959), a dutch historian. geertz and kroef ’s observation was reinforced by s soebardi and woodcraft-lee (1982) who argued that any attempt to understand the character of the present indonesian community and its cultural heritage cannot be separated from the study of the role of islam, both as a religion and as a social and political force. therefore, the relationship between religion and culture has become indonesia’s cultural character. (nourouzzaman shiddiqi; 1996: 258) [ 190 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 thus the truth of islam is expressed in a variety of colors and forms, in line with the inevitability of different languages, cultures and customs and adherents. to that end, all religious expression within a cultural frame should be seen as a religious expression and can hardly be separated by cultural aspects. religion and culture go hand in hand because religion teaches the truth and culture accommodates positive things that do not reject anything that is not contrary to the local wisdom. local wisdom will provide space with the reality of various faces of islam. when islam encounters variants of local culture, then it progresses to a process of enriching each other. thus, the emergence of various variants of islam in indonesia, such as javanese islam, madurese islam, malay islam, sasak islam, and so on, each of which features the distinct characters from each other. the attachment between religious values with local culture can be seen in the intellectual works of the scholars who used local languages, such as javanese, bugis, sundanese, madurese and malay. nihayatuz zein, for example, is a book written in javanese by sheik nawawi al-bantani a scholar from banten. cahaya suluh by muhammad basiuni imran– the subject of discussion in this paper—was written in arabic-malay. they, the scholars of the past, in general wrote religious books which served as reference for their students and other muslims when they left for other areas or died (erwin et al., 100: 2003). azra azumardi (1995: 243) stated that in the 18th century until the early 19th century there were several leading scholars of malay indonesian from different regions and ethnic groups, such as those from sumatra, java, kalimantan and sulawesi. the most important among them was syihab al-din bin abd. allah muhammad, kemas fakhr al-din, abd al-shamad al-palimbani, kemas muhammad bin ahmad and muhammad muhyi al-din bin syihab al-din. furthermore, muhammad arsyadal-banjari from south kalimantan, abdul wahhab al-bugisi from sulawesi, abd al-rahman al-mashri al-batawi of batavia (jakarta), and daud bin abdullah al-fatani (southern thailand). although the information concerning most of the scholars is limited, the works and their careers indicated that they were intensively involved in a social and intellectual struggle. theese scholars had a network. when combined, they were the most important scholars in the archipelago in the 18th century. the intellectual works of the scholars were generally concerned with the islamic law or the fiqh. although these books in part used local languages and adopted local values, hasby ash-shidiqy (in nourouzzaman, 1996: 236;) argued that these books undeniably had “outside” influence. that is, these works had strong hijazi, misri and iraqi influence as they used the values from the places mentioned. according to him, there are parts of the fiqh based [ 191 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 upon the middle eastern values, then customized with a legal sense of the society of indonesia. surely, some parts of such jurisprudence are not fully in accordance with the indonesian values but remain “imposed” on the basis of taqlid. the book, cahaya suluh, by muhammad basiuni imran (grand imam of sambas) will be reviewed, to see how the process of istinbat law on the legal status of friday prayer attended by fewer than forty (40) people. at the time, there was a controversy as to the validity of friday prayer attended by forty people. basiuni’s book was a response to questions dealing with the case. generally, the sambas muslim community follow the opinion of imam syafi’i who argued that when there are fewer than forty worshippers, people do not need to perform a friday prayer. this means that when a place has an insufficient number of worshipers, people must look elsewhere to establish a friday prayer. overview of sambas before discussing the position of muhammad basiuni imran as the imam of sambas sultanate, first let us take a glimpse of the history and social conditions of sambas. with regard to the origin of sambas, there are two versions. first, j.u. lontaan in the history, customary law and customs of west kalimantan said that the name, sambas, derives from the event of the attack by the british troops into the northern coast of west kalimantan in 1812. then spontaneously the three ethnic groups that inhabited the area, --the malay, dayak and chinese-united to defend the north coastal areas. the attack was crushed by the chinese, and the battlefield was called sambas (sam = three and bas = nation). second, the opinion expressed by lutfi akbar in an internal bulletin of muare ulakkan, second edition no. 5 january 1994. in this paper, he said that the name derives from the quran, i.e. asy-syam (meaning sun) and basmallah (meaning with the name of allah). this corresponds to raden sulaiman as the founder of sambas who embraced islam. both words are associated with the relevant symbol on top of the palace of the sultanate of sambas in the form of the sun with the words al watzikhoebillah (fear of god) underneath it (www. pontianakonline.com). sambas was founded around the 1620s by king tengah, the father of raden sulaiman. king tengah was a son of the descendant of sultan of brunei, a younger brother of the monarch of sukadana kingdom, sultan muhammad shafiudin. on the 10th dzulhijjah 1040 ah, circa 1630 ad raden sulaiman [ 192 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 was crowned as the first sultan of sambas with the title of sultan muhammad shafiuddin (1903: 48). since then, the sultanate of sambas has formally been established. this sultanate lasted formally over three centuries, and was governed by fifteen (15) sultans, from raden sulaiman to the reign of sultan ibrahim who was killed by the japanese in 1943. now, based on existing data, sambas district has an area of 5,554 .70 km2 or 639,570 ha. (4,36% of the land area of the province of west kalimantan). the district is located on the northernmost part of the west coast of the province of west kalimantan. the length of its coastal line is128,5 km, and its border line is approximately 97 km. geographically, sambas is situated between 1 ‘ 23 “north latitude and 103 ‘ 40” east longitude. the district is bordered by both several regions within indonesia and that of a neighboring country. the north side of the district is bordered by east malaysia (sarawak), the south by singkawang, the east by bengkayang, and the west by the natuna sea. sambas administrative regions include 19 sub-districts and 183 villages (in 2008). as of 2007, the population of sambas district was 538,944 inhabitants consisting of male population of 273,695 and female population 265,294. meanwhile, the average population density was 76 inhabitants/km2. most people in sambas, especially the malays, are muslims. other religions are also embraced such as christianity, buddhism and confucianism. generally, the dayaks are either catholics or protestants, though basically their religion is kaharingan (a kind of animism, the belief in ancestral spirits who possess magical powers). religious grouping has resulted in the malay being identified as muslims while the dayak as christians. muhammad basiuni imran and his works muhammad basiuni imran was born in sambas on 25 zulhijjah or about 1883 ad. he was the eldest of four children. his mother died when he was a child and later he was raised by his stepmother, badriyah. by lineage, the third imam of the sambas sultanate was a descendant of king gipang, ruler of the hindu kingdom located in sabung, paloh (ismail, 1993: 11). in fact, as mentioned in these sources, all previous imams of sambas sultanate were descended from king gipang. since the age of 7, muhammad basiuni imran had undergone formal education. ten years later, when he was a teenager (17 years of age), he went to mecca to perform pilgrimage and simultaneously to continue his study in the holy city. he studied there for five years, from 1902 to 1907. in this holy city, he was trained by scholars, such as syeikh ali al-malik, umar sumbawa, [ 193 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 usman serawak, muhammad khatib minangkabau, etc. after two years of returning home, namely in 1909 muhammad basiuni imran left again for cairo, egypt, this time with his younger brother muhammad fauzi and two friends, ahmad and sood to continue study in cairo. during his time in egypt, muhammad basiuni imran studied one year at the madrasah dar al-da’wah wa al-ershad and three years at al-azhar university. his studies actually were not finished yet, but in sya’ban, 1331ah/1913 ad, muhammad basiuni imran had to return to sambas since his father was very sick. a month later, in ramadan 1331ah, his father died. and, some time later in the same year, muhammad basiuni imran was appointed by sultan muhammad ali syafiuddin as the the 4th imam of the sultanate succeeding his father. he was relatively young at the time, i.e. 31 years old. he was arguably small enough in stature. muhammad basiuni imran’s height was only 159 cm, and his weight 48 kg. however, though small in stature, he was highly regarded and respected by the society, especially in sambas. expertise in the field of islamic law made his position very important. in addition to the sambas sultanate imam, he also had a long socio-political career. he served a variety of terms in office. from 1919-1935, he served as the director of madrasah al-sulthaniah sambas, adviseur commisssie bestuur of sambas from 1946-1951. then, from 1966-1975, he became the sharia court chairman of west kalimantan, a member of the indonesian constituent assembly. after the 1955 general elections, he became a representative of masyumi of west kalimantan and a member of the rumbber commissie in pontianak. his age was long enough, that is 93 years old. he died in pontianak, on july 25, 1976 and was buried in his birthplace (sambas, 1993: 41). upon his return to sambas, he was determined to reform the islamic teachings. it was inspired by his teacher, rashid ridha an innovator in the islamic world. his teacher is very concerned about the fact that the muslims were increasingly left behind. in line with the spirit of this innovation, basiuni imran wanted to clean up religious practices which were against the islamic teachings in the midst of the community. according to him, many religious practices had be straightened out immediately before such practices became increasingly entrenched and difficult to distinguish from the teachings which are sourced from the quran and hadith. his action was quite successful. he managed to make sambas a center of religious science so as to become the veranda of mecca. in addition, imran also encouraged reform in the islamic education so that it would not get left by the western education. he argued that islamic schools had to adopt western educational systems in addition to the existing islamic educational system. [ 194 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 muhammad basiuni imran produced several works, both in the form of translation and his own books. generally, these works were written in the malay language using jawi (arabic-malay) characters. all his works are relatively short. he was like a sprinter who focused on what the local community needed, i.e. to answer the actual problems that developed at that time. his works were written in the style of a fairly simple language in order to be easily understood by the people of sambas. among his documented works are as follows: 1. translation of darus attarikh syariat which is a translation of a summary of the book durus tarikh at-tasyri by muhammad ibrahim al-haitamy. this translation was completed on the 17th of ramadan 1330 ah/1912 ad by muhammad basiuni imran while he was still in egypt, a year before he returned home. the manuscript, consisting of approximately 56 pages, contains history of human beings, history of the prophets, history of the development of dakwah and islamic law. his translation is very systematic with summary and evaluation in each chapter. 2. the book of cahaya suluh. initially, this book outlines of propositions and opinions regarding the validity of friday prayer. the book was written in order to mediate the debate about the minimum number of people attending a friday prayer in a mosque. after a careful study on religious references and opinions of ulamas, basiuni imran stated in this 19 page book, that it is valid for friday prayer attended by fewer than forty people. he also quoted earlier opinion of imam syafi’i that 4 people would make friday prayer valid. 3. the book of tazkir sabil an-najah ‘fi tarik al-shalat, a book which discusses the issue of prayer (a sort of fiqh of prayer). the book, consisting of 36 pages, was written in sambas and printed in singapore in 1931. the main discussion in this book centers on the sin for those who leave the five-time mandatory prayers except for old age as stipulated by religion. one of his stern fatwas is that a husband or wife who leaves the mandatory prayers is regarded as “infidel” and their marriage is no longer valid. so they do not repent and not renew vow as husband and wife, both will be regarded as committing adultery. 4. the book of al-janaiz. in accordance with its title, this paper discusses the issues that broadly deal with death and management the corpse. the book consists of 50 pages, and was written during japanese occupation, i.e. in 1943. [ 195 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 5. the book of bidayah al-tawhid fi ilm al-tawhid. the 60-page book contains issues relating to beliefs/aqida. printed in singapore in 1344 ah. 6. the nur al-siraf fi al-isra wa al-mi’r. this 26-page book contains the story of isra ‘ and mi’raaj (the ascension) of prophet muhammad which is purely based on the qur’an and hadith. it was printed in singapore in 1938. this book is intended to straighten out the history of the isra ‘ and mi’raaj, which corresponds to a valid propositions. his references for this book are the books of hadith such as sahih imam buhkari and its explanation by al-allaamah al-qastalani, the book of tafsir by muhammad ibn jarir, interpretation of the book of sahih muslim by imam al-nawawi, the book of zad al-ma’ad by imam ibn al-qayyim, and nur al-yaqin by muhammad al-khudhari al-mishri. 7. the book of khasanah al sirah al muhammadiah. the nature of islamic proselytization, printed insingapore in 1351 ah/1932 ad. this book is a translation from the arabic version by muhammad rashid ridha. this 101-page book contains the history of the life, da’wah and struggle of prophet muhammad (pbuh). the opinion of some schools of thought on the issue there is a difference of opinion in the law with regard to the minimum number of friday prayer worshipers. imam abu hanifah, for example, argued that the ruling for friday prayer could be done by a minimum of three people, even though they are on a journey or sick. the number of people, as many as 40, does not include in the terms of valid friday prayer. however, the more the number, the better the prayer is. his opinion is based on the generality of hadith of prophet that says: “the prayer of a man followed with another man is better than praying alone. the prayer of a man followed by two men is better than a prayer followed by a man. the greater number, the more it is favored by allah azza wa jalla “. (narrated by abu dawud, no. 554 and nasa’i no. 843, verified by al-bani).however, if there are only 3 people who gather at a mosque, it is legitimate for them to perform friday prayer at the venue. it is based on the prophet’s hadith that reads: “narrated by abu said al khudri: “the messenger of allah, peace be upon him, said: “if they consist of three people, then let one of them to be the imam. the one who is most entitled to be the imam is he who has the most pleasant reading of the quran “. (muslim, no. 1077). the opinion of imam abu hanifah is viewed as the most valid opinion of a wide range of opinions. friday prayer does not have to be performed by 40 people as required by one of the scholars of islamic law, namely syafi’i. this opinion was selected by ibn taymiyah in the book of al-ikhtiyarat al [ 196 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 ilmiyyah: 119-120, and also of the opinion of imam ahmad ibn hanbal (see sharh ushulul al-ihkam ahkam, abdurrahman bin al-qasim 1: 442-444), and likewise the opinion of sheikh abdul aziz bin bazz (shalatul mukmin, syeikh saad al-qahtani 2: 802). in contrast to imam abu hanifah, imam malik argued that the minimum worshipers for friday prayer should be 12. this opinion is based on the hadith narrated from jabir that once the prophet was preaching on a friday, the sermon was underway and suddenly some traders from sham arrived. the arrival of these traders had caused the friday worshipers to turn away from the prophet and only 12 people were left. this even was the cause of the revelation for quranic verses) surah al-jumu’ah verse 11 that reads “but when they saw a transaction or a diversion, they rushed to it and left you standing (preach)”. judging from this, imam malik believed that friday prayer can be exercised with 12 people. meanwhile, imam syafi’i, as expressed above, argued that friday prayers can only be done with a total of 40 people or more. in addition to the number, this school also made additional terms for the imam. one who acts as the imam of the prayer should be local, having reached puberty, sensible, independent and male. although a traveler s allowed, the number performing friday prayer should be forty people or more. the evidence used is the hadith narrated by al-baihaqi from ibn mas’ud as saying the prophet performed friday prayer in medina and the number of people was forty. (fiqhul islami wa adillatuhu. volume ii: 1295-1297). in addition to the above opinion, hasbi ash-shiddiqy – one of the indonesian fuqahas, who served as dean of the faculty of sharia of uin yogyakarta--has a slightly different opinion. hasbi ash-shidiqy argued (1997: 398) that friday prayers do not require any number of worshipers. the difference between obligatory prayers and friday prayer is simply the sermon. therefore, according to him, it is compulsory upon every person to establish friday prayer even though there are only a few people. as for the dhuhr prayer after friday prayer because there are fewer than 40 people, is not justified. this opinion is based on the opinion of al-asybily in his ahkam as saying that “there is no valid hadith which determines the number of friday prayer worshippers.” it is also, based on the opinion expressed by imam as-suyuthy in nurul lam’ah (ash-shidiqy; 1997: 390). if observed further, the opinion of this hasbi ashshiddiqy is closer or similar to hanafi’s opinion which also does not make restrictions against the number of worshipers on fridays. regarding the prayer of dhuhr as a complement to the shortage of the number of worshipers to pray friday, as briefly described above, it is still debatable. [ 197 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 muhammad shakir (2006: 231)-former rector of uin jakarta---said that friday prayer is the replacement for dhuhr prayer. therefore, there is no obligation or recommendation to those who have performed friday prayer to establish dhuhr prayer, although the number of its worshippers did not reach 40. according to him, two sermons in friday prayer is the replacement of the two rak’ahs of dhuhr prayer. in fact, for those who miss friday prayer are not required to pray dhuhr. but, if a person only completed one rak’ah, then he must improve his prayer into four rak’ahs, although his intention when standing was to establish friday prayer. basiuni imran’s opinion on friday prayer fewer than 40 people the book of cahaya suluh is a book which elaborates on propositions and opinions regarding the question of muhammad basiuni imran on conditions valid for friday prayer. this book was written in order to mediate the debate about the minimum number of worshipers praying on a fridaywhen there are fewer than forty people. the controversy arises because there is a difference of opinion among the scholars concerning the determination of the number of friday worshipers. hanafi is in contrast to maliki, while syafi’i also determines a different number of worshippers. muhammad basiuni imran began to express his opinion when people asked him about the law for friday prayer attended by fewer than forty people and about the obligation for dhuhr prayer (basiuni imran; the book cahaya suluh, 1339: 1). to avoid conflict, a legal fatwa from imam of sambas was required. with a fatwa on this issue, the sambas community was expected to know the legal position. the core problem is the existence different opinion from that of syafi’i regarding friday prayer. meanwhile, as generally understood, indonesia’s muslims adhere to acknowledge imam shafi’i’s who argued that friday prayer can be implemented when it meets certain conditions, one of which is the number of worshipers should be forty people. in cahaya suluh, it is mentioned that the valid terms for friday prayer (basiuni imran; 1339: 3) are as follows: 1. the place of residence (country or village) that is recognized by people who pray on fridays. 2. the number in the friday prayer should consist of 40 male worshipers who are muslims, have reached puberty, are independent and remain in the country or village where friday prayer is established with provisions that they are not traveling elsewhere at the time except when they have to (for trade or [ 198 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 other purposes). 3. it should be done at dhuhr time. in other parts, basiuni imran made important note that friday prayer is valid although attended by fewer than 40 worshipers. this view is based on imam al-syafi’i qodim qawl. in the hadith of shahih muslim (al-jumu’ah bab fi qaulihi ta’âla chapter iii: 351) it is suggested that the prophet performed friday prayer with 12 people. in this hadith, it does not require 40 people to establish friday prayer, just 12 people. so, when a village does not have 40 people and they cannot go to a prayer attended by 40 people, then they must establish friday prayer in their place (village) (basiuni imran; 1339: 2) muhammad basiuni imran’s view is a little bit controversial if linked to his position as an advocate of imam syafi’i. but, it seems, for the consideration of socio-culture of sambas society, he then preferred the school of imam syafi’i. this is because the qawl qadim was viewed to be in line with the conditions of society at this time. qawl qadim is the view of imam al-syafi’i which is regarded as rational, while qawl jadid is the opinion based on the hadith (textual). to explain this issue, the view of muhammad basiuni imran is quite comprehensive since he not only used but aqli propositions but naqli proposition as well. based on his naqli opinion on the hadith which was narrated by muslim as saying that the prophet once performed friday prayer with 12 people. as mentioned in the syarh muslim from jabir bin abdullah that the prophet was reading a sermon on friday, and when the sermon was being conducted, all of a sudden trade groups from the sham arrived there. the friday worshippers rushed to see the traders and only 12 men were attending the prayer. the event was recorded in the qur’an surah jumu’ah verse 11. as argued by imam nawawi this verse is the evidence presented by imam malik about friday prayer being valid with only 12 worshipers. with regard to this evidence, muhammad basiuni imran had the opinion that the minimum number of people for friday prayer can be fewer than 40. thus, according to him the qawl jadid for the minimum number of 40 people in friday prayer is not strong. meanwhile, his aqli opinion was based on the consideration of socio-culture state of the sambas society at the time. the villages in the region of sambas had population of not less than one hundred people, but sometimes those who came to the mosque for friday prayer was fewer than 40 people. if one only considers the opinion of imam syafi’i (qawl jadid) which requires that the exercise of friday prayer with at least 40 worshipers, it would bring [ 199 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 serious implications. the strict enforcement of this requirement would cause or trigger problems in various villages and hamlets because people in many villages and hamlets would not establish friday prayer. therefore, it is highly rational when muhammad basiuni imaran as the grand imam of sambas issued a fatwa friday prayer is valid even though there are fewer than 40 people in attendance. with the issuance of this fatwa, the controversy regarding the minimum number of worshipers to pray on fridays could be resolved. from the purposive viewpoint, the fatwa was very smart because it took local conditions into consideration. the next question which must be answered is the legal position of the dhuhr prayer. as commonly practiced, friday prayer is attended by fewer than 40 worshipers, it then must be complemented with dhuhr prayer. to address this issue, muhammad basiuni imran mentioned that there is no provision of law requiring the implementation of dhuhr prayer. according to him, the opinion that requires implementation of the mu’adah dhuhr prayer is the view of imam syafi’i. in fact, its legal status is actually sunnah. that is, there is no argument for performing mu’adah prayer after friday prayer, although the latter is performed by only several people. (imran basiuni; 1339: 12). if analyzed, his answer to the issue is interesting and controversial. from the viewpoint as the advocate of syafi’i, his opinion is contrary to his school of thought. that is, even though he was an adherent of the school of syafi’i, he did not fully “comply” to it. however, although he had a different opinion in this case, as the grand imam of sambas he took a wise stand. even though he never perfeorm dhuhr mu’adah prayer, he never banned this practice. (imran basiuni; 1339: 14). the reference he used was the prophet’s hadith narrated by bukhari and muslim, which reads: “pray and be cautious with the prayer of the messenger who performs two rak’ahs of friday prayer and two rak’ahs of sunnah prayer after friday prayer.” this hadith confirms that the prophet performed two rak’ahs of friday prayer and two rak’ahs of sunnah prayer. the prophet never performed dhuhr prayer after friday prayer. indeed there is a hadith which suggests four rak’ahs of prayer after friday prayer, reads: “idza shalli ahadukumu al-jum’at, fa al-yushalli ba’daha arba’an” (when one has completed friday prayer, he should perform four rak’ahs of prayer). however, he (basiuni imran) said that this hadith is not related to mu’adah dhuhr prayer, rather it is just an affirmation of the importance of the sunnah prayer after friday prayer. (imran basiuni; 1339: 15). thus, it can be concluded that the pattern of thought of muhammad basiuni imran is flexible and moderate enough. in addition to referring to the text, he also considered the social and cultural conditions in istinbat (the [ 200 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 process of deriving certain rules or meanings from a text). conclusion the reading of the intellectual heritage such as the book of cahaya suluh, will at least give us an idea that in a process of setting certain rules or istinbat, the re need for flexibility. as can be observed from the whole argument built in this book, the process is completely flexible, not merely following one school of thought. as indicated in this paper, especially in the discussion of his thought, muhammad basiuni imran used various references for his propositions. although he was an advocate of the school of syafi’i, he was still open to the other schools of thought. as a matter of fact, in the case of friday prayer, his position was different from the school of thought he supported. he took that position because he considered the socio cultural conditions of sambas at the time. intellectual spirit shown by the grand imam of sambas should continue to be emulated and expanded. it is a way to avoid the ‘blind’ taqlid against a certain school of thought, as such attitude can narrow human intelligence and reasoning which will eventually lead to collision with local reality that sometimes contains values that do not contradict with religion. the ulamas should serve as ‘soothers’ and be able to accept other people’s opinions so as to avoid tension in the lower levels of society which in the end will only hurt the muslims themselves. the approach to the interpretation of law should look at its socio-cultural and historical background as this will keep the law strong and sustainable. in this way, islam will be easily accepted without having to impose foreign culture on local people. a religion spread wisely will not be incompatible with local culture, but in fact both will be able to mutually enrich and co-exist. bibliography abudinata (2002): ”metodologi studi islam”, rajawali press, jakarta. azyumardi azra (1995): ”jaringan ulama timur tengah dan kepulauan nusantara abad xvii dan xviii”, mizan, bandung basiuni imran (1339); ”kitab cahaya suluh”, singapura. erwin mahrus dkk (2003); ”shykh khatib sambas, sufi dan ulama besar dikenal dunia (1803-1875), untan press, pontianak ibn rusyd (tt): ”bidâyat al-mujtahid”, beirut; dâr al-fikr [ 201 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 imam muslim dalam shahîhnya kitab al-jumu’ah bab fi qaulihi ta’âla jilid iii ismail (1993); ”mengenal muhammad basiuni imran, maharaja kerajaan sambas”, untan, pontianak komaruddin hidayat & ahmad gaus af (2006); ”menjadi indonesia, 13 abad eksistensi islam di bumi nusantara”, mizan, jakarta m. quraish shihab (2006); ”tafsir al-mishbah”, volume 14, lentera hati, jakarta muhsin z (2007); artikel ”teori masuknya islam ke nusantara”, universitas padjajaran, 2007, jatinangor mu’jizah (2005); ”martabat tujuh, edisi teks dan pemaknaan tanda serta simbol”, jambatan-yayasan naskah nusantara dan the ford foundation , jakarata nourouzzaman shiddiq (1996); ”jeram-jeram peradaban muslim”, pustaka pelajar, yogyakarta pabali musa (2003); ”sejarah kesultanan sambas kalbar”, stain pontianak press dan the ford foundation, pontianak wahbah zuhaily (1996); ”al-fiqh al-islami wa adillatuh”, jilid ii, beirut; dâr al-fikr [ 202 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 [ 169 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 religion, marginality and power relations: religious conversion and religiosity of the indigenous people in penyengat muhammad ansor state islamic college of zawiyah cot kala langsa laila sari masyhur state islamic university of sultan syarif kasim, pekanbaru abstract using a theory of power relation of michel foucault, the following research analyzes the behavior of religious conversion in the community of the indigenous people of anak rawa in penyengat village, siak district, hereinafter referred to as the native people. the research will show that in the middle of the domination of the state and theologians, the community of indigenous people actualizes power to maintain its identity in the midst of the invasion of new values and culture. to support the argument, the researchers traced the religiosity of the indigenous people focusing on several events of everyday life such as traditions of marriage, death, and celebration of religious holidays. in addition to adapting to the country’s religious traditions they have adopted, this community also modifies the ritual traditions of each religion so that these traditions become a means of preserving their communal identity as a native tribe. the research ultimately shows the interplay between the state and theologians as the dominant group, on the one hand, and the indigenous community as a subjugated group, on the other, in the use of power. keywords: indigenous people, religion, power relation introduction the indigenous people is one of the indigenous communities in riau, in addition to sakai (bengkalis), talang mamak (indragiri hulu), bonai (indragiri hilir), petalangan (pelalawan) and akit (bengkalis and meranti islets). responding to the urge from the state and theologians the majority of the indigenous communities, such as sakai, petalangan and bonai converted into islam. however, the talang mamak people and the ingenous people showed different response. the talang mamak split in two groups, the followers of the old and the new measures. the old measures are those who embrace the indigenous religious beliefs, while the new measures is a term for those who convert to christianity or islam. unlike the talang mamak people, the ingenous people convert into christians, buddhists, confucians, and a small [ 170 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 number of them to islam. in other words, among the indigenous communities in riau, the indigenous people have converted into various religions. the indigenous community has become the contestation of buddhist, confucian and muslim theologians in the spread of their respective religions. as a result, some thirty years after the state religions were introduced, nominally, the majority of them converted to certain religions. before that they all still adhered to their old religious beliefs. except for the success of the strategies the theologians, the indigenous people’s response over the presence of religions was probably the strategy of self-defense. the following research, in addition to analyzing the power relation that affected the behavior of conversion of the indigenous people, also identifies the impact of conversion on social changes. the research set out from the argument that religious conversion behavior the indigenous people of anak rawa is an expression of the power relation between the state and the theologians in one hand, and the community of the indigenous people on the other, in the realization of their respective agendas. the researchers will show that the community of the indigenous people is active in responding to the domination of the state and the theologians over them. using a socio-anthropological approach, the field data was formally collected in 2013. however, the researchers utilized data obtained from interactions with the community in 2009 and 2011. in 2009, the researchers were the program coordinators of fpic (free prior inform consent) at the kampar peninsula with penyengat being one of work areas. in 2011, the researchers became members of the research facilitated by fkpmr (communication forum of riau community leaders) to examine the socio-cultural life of the indigenous people. the two projects did not discuss the question of the religious life. but the researchers took the opportunity to collect ethnographic data related to their religious life. the data collection techniques used were observation, interviews, group discussion, and fgd (focus group discussion). the researchers conducted observations on the indigenous people by living with them and interviewing the elite society or ordinary citizens to collect information. the researchers discussed with christian, buddhist, muslim and confucian religious figures involved in the spread of religion to the indigenous people in penyengat. the archives and records obtained during field research in penyengat between 2009 and 2011 were used to frame this paper. the subject of power relation of and indigenous people is not a new theme in the social study even though research on the indigenous people in penyengat [ 171 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 is still regarded as a pilot project. the sakai, talang mamak and petalangan often became subject of research. study conducted by by parsudi suparlan (1995) and nathan porath (2002) on the tribe of sakai. yonhee kang (2005) looked into the mantra of petalangan people. the study that deals with the indigenous people, among others, was conducted by timothy p. bernard (2006) the double power center: the community and the nature of siak and eastern sumatra, 1674-1827. however, the study bernard conducted did not focus on the indigenous people because the main focus was the classical kingdom of siak. advanced studies that focused on the power relation between the state and the indigenous communities can be found in the works of tania murray li (2012). li examined the impact of the state regulation on the indigenous communities in the mountains of sulawesi, with the use of the theory of power relation and control proposed by michel foucault. christopher robert duncan (1998) examined the relationship between ethnicity, christianity and religious conversion in the indigenous community of on halmahera island. similarly, study conducted by liana chua (2012) on religious conversion among the indigenous communities in malaysia (sabah and sarawak) to christianity. liana chua managed to reveal the reasons the native people chose to convert to christianity rather than islam which becomes the national identity of malaysia. syamsul maarif (2012) in his dissertation on the religious dimension of the ammatoa of sulawesi elaborated the community’s conversion to islam. maarif revealed that religious conversion strategies of the ammatoa community are a response to the insistence of the state to religious conversions. nevertheless, islam practiced by this community has its own uniqueness as compared to islam in general. maarif said in his study that the ammatoan religion in an independent religion mixed with islam. ethnographic portrait of the indigenous of anak rawa 1. the indigenous people and their history prior to the arrival of the malays at the territory of the indigenous people of anak rawa, the region was very isolated and closed. the malays have acquainted with the indigenous people since the time of the kingdom of siak. at that time the sultan of siak needed support of the indigenous people to establish authority in the area of the east coast of sumatra. according to nathan porath (2002), the kingdom of siak gathered the indigenous people to establish sovereignty in the region. the indigenous people were known to [ 172 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 have special skills such as mastering the knowledge about forest resources and having inner power that could be relied upon to expand its power. their privileged position in the circle of the kingdom of siak was revealed in studies by timothy p. bendard and leonard y andaya. bendard (2006) and andaya (2008) discussed the critical role of the indigenous people in international trade activities in the kingdom of siak. according to andaya (2008: 203), at the beginning of the 19th century, the relationship between the malays and the indigenous people was formed by mutually beneficial through economic relations. small groups consisting of the indigenous people collected forest products for international market demand, while the malays provided facilities for trade between countries. andaya (2008: 217) reported that the alliance between the malays and the indigenous people was formalized through a mutually beneficial agreement that both groups headed their respective communities. the malays, in this context being the elites of the kingdom of siak, purchased natural products collected by the indigenous people. the indigenous people provided their resources in the form of economic and political power to the kingdom of siak. they were also involved as part of the army of the kingdom in the face of invasion from outside powers. in addition they also played a role in providing spiritual and magical power to the community of the kingdom. however, this relationship experienced a shift when the kingdom of siak was taken over by the dutch. the indigenous people‘s skills and knowledge of the nature, especially forests, were also used by the dutch and the japanese. during the dutch occupation, the demand for timber for construction and military involved the indigenous people in such jobs. however, the literature findings showed that the role of the indigenous people as collectors of natural products and the malays as traders of such products clearly experienced a shift when the economy in the territory of the kingdom of siak was taken over by the dutch. according to andaya (2008: 202), the special relationship later changed along with the economic transformation of land from forest products into the agriculture-based economy of plantations in the mid 19th century. pressures of modernity, the concept of nation-state and transmission of the malays with an increasingly global economy undermined the position of the indigenous people. the existence of the indigenous people experienced a further shift in post independence indonesia. a political construction formed by the state identified them as an alienated, isolated indigenous community. the term was later changed to the remote indigenous community. although there was a change in the term, their position remained politically marginalized [ 173 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 and placed outside the orbit of civilization. it was completely different from the conditions at the time of the kingdom of siak, where they had a special position and were respected because of their origin and way of life. at the time of independence, their way of life is thus considered backwards. 2. penyengat and demographic conditions penyengat is a village in the district of sungai apit, district of siak sri indrapura. penyengat village consists of three hamlets, penyengat, tanjung pal that served as the administrative center of the hamlet, and tanjung mungkal which is located far enough from the two hamlets. tanjung mungkal can only be reached through sea routes with a trip of around 90 minutes from tanjung pal using a motor boat (pompong). penyengat village on the north is bordered by the selat panjang sea, on the south by dayun village, on the west by sungai rawa village, and on the east by teluk lanus village. the distance to the sub-district of sungai apit is approximately 63 kilometers, to the provincial capital of riau about 196 kilometers. the area of penyengat village is 52,000 ha. the majority of the village is a concession area of big companies, oil palm plantations and industrial plant forests. only a third of the territory of the is the area of the village. the location of the settlement is located along coastal areas. the number of households of penyengat is recorded as many as 301, consisting of 265 (88.04%) male households and 36 (11.96%) female. the number of population is 1,240, consisting of 625 males (50.40%) and 615 females (49.60 %). based on the level of education most people in penyengat (35.56%) never attended school. the number of people with elementary school education is the second place reaching 19.11 percent. the population that has not yet attended school is 16.94%, and the percentage of people with a threeyear college education and with a bachelor’s degree is 0.40 and 0.32 percent respectively of the total population. the source of livelihood of the population is quite diverse. based on the data obtained, about a quarter of a percent of the total population of the village is unemployed. a person having a job according to the village census clerk is a person who has economic activities for their families, regardless of the activities. in fact the indigenous people in the village do not have a steady income. they usually collect timber in the forest. it means that unemployment in the village is much higher than expressed by this data when the profession of housewives and other is classified as ‘not working’. [ 174 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 indigenous people’s religion and state religions in the past, at least until the program of settlement relocation in the 1980s, almost all of the indigenous people embraced religious beliefs. they were originally not the adherents of one of the government’s official religions. the religious core of the indigenous people’s is composed of two natures, namely the real nature and the supernatural. according to mr. kehong, people can never live off of the supernatural. they believe the presence of supernatural creatures and supernatural powers can affect people’s lives. the practice of belief is abstinence and rituals to repel bad luck. all places, such as forests, trees, land, border areas, and etc., have a caretaker. man must submit to and respect the caretakers. the ritual of worship is not a plea for mercy, but the release of the vow because, for example, ‘god or gods’ have answered their prayer. mr. kehong said, “worship is not for the forgiving of sins. worship is to fulfill a vow. when we see fabric of many colors tied to a tree --yellow, black, white- it’s actually not to ask for the forgiveness of sins. because our great grand parents did it for medical treatment, that’s where they made a vow to heal diseases; they asked for the help to cure diseases. they knew that god exists. but they asked for permission first by giving the offerings; it is just an intermediary, beneath the god’s power there were other powers, like the gods. the gods are definitely there, but where the position of the gods, they don’t know. the gods help resolve difficulties. the hardship is from god, they asked for prayers on a deity or occupant of a specific place, when my intention is granted, then i’ll do that. for example, when we want to clear the land, we give offerings, ask for help, and after three days, the land can be worked.” for the last three decades, significant changes related to the religion and beliefs of the indigenous people have begun to change. according to duncan (1998: 134), residential relocation programs that accompanied the “civilization” project among others are in the form of religious instruction. they welcomed the official religions that came into their lives. mr. kehong said, “religion is a matter of faith each of us chooses. all religions are all for the good path. islam, christianity, buddhism and other religions have a good purpose. although different, the goal is the same to god.” mr. kehong likens religious people someone choosing to walk or ride a pompong to accomplish a specific goal. the way is different, while the goal is the same. views like this make a difference in religion has never been a problem, both in everyday social interaction and marital matters. the indigenous people gave freedom to their children to embrace any religion of any kind. they consider conflict that goes on between them is not influenced by religion, but it is strictly [ 175 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 personal. “religion,” according to mr. kehong, “since the beginning, has never told anyone to be evil. the indigenous people who have no religion never ask others to do evil, let alone god.” during the last thirty years, the indigenous people converted to state religions. in this relatively small village, there are five faiths: animism, buddhism, islam, confucianism and christianity. the majority of the population of penyengat are christians, reaching 41.53 percent, followed by buddhists 33.71 percent, muslim 8.79 percent, and animism 7.66 percent. each religion has a place of worship. there are one mosque, one temple and two churches. see the following diagram. 95 418 109 103 515 animisme budha islam konghucu kristen distribution of religions of the indigenous people in penyengat village (village monograph, 2012) green vision of religions green consumption green engagement religion culture civilization islam and christianity were introduced in this village in the 1980s when the government implemented settlement relocation programs for isolated peoples. people who were interviewed, reported that the hkbp (harajoan kristen batak protestant) church was built in the village in the 1980s. buddhism was brought by the local chinese people. in various places in bengkalis, siak and meranti islets, most indigenous people were born from the inter-marriage between them and the chinese. however, given confucianism was not recognized until the reform era, in their civil registration it was written as buddhism. at the time of the population census “requiring a” local religion to be grouped into one of the five state-recognized religions, the indigenous people preferred to be recorded as followers of buddhism, despite their adherents of indigenous beliefs. the presence of the new religions was easily acceptable with varying levels of acceptance. religious belief remains the core of their religious identity. the acceptance of the official state religions for some people was due to the fact that there were rules that required them to embrace the six state-recognized religions. when they are faced with difficulties to apply for the civil registry administration — such as id card or certificate of marriage —they keep their [ 176 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 indigenous religion and have a certain state religion written on their official documents thus allowing them to get married in accordance with one of the recognized state religions. the insignificance of religion can be seen from reality that in an indigenous people’s household where one can easily find that the members have different religions, although it will never be found in the official documents or reported to the state. this phenomenon can be understood as one of the ways of resistance over state repression. ‘on the paper’ they have to follow the government regulations by choosing one of the official religions, but in reality they remain in their original identity, being adherents of the indigenous religious belief. some indigenous people we met with said they chose christianity or buddhism in order to take care of the administration of official documents. conversion and the power of the state in religious for the indigenous people, religious conversion is a form of negotiation toward social change taking place around them. the presence of religions in the post settlement relocation programs decades ago has turned them on the limited options: remain in local beliefs with the consequences of an increasingly limited social access; or convert into one of the state religions so that social transformation and access of the rights of citizenship is easier. conditions that confront them on the option of converting into one religion can be explained as follows. when they want to get an id card (ktp), they are required to choose a state religion. this is due to the fact that their id card application will not be processed the local government without mentioning an official religion. before applying for the id card, a person must first apply for the family card. the latter also requires the mention of a state religion. surprisingly, although the constitution recognizes indigenous religious beliefs, the indigenous people are not allowed to write down their belief on a column on their family card. a person who does not have an id card has limited access to some of the rights of citizenship. alit, while still a student, could not apply for a scholarship offered by the government of riau since he did not have a birth certificate. birth certificates could not be issued because his parents ‘ marriage was not registered at the local civil registry office. in 2011, several students from an elementary school in penyengat won an arts contest held at the sub-district level, but were denied to join the contest at the district level, due to the requirements of the family card. unfortunately, their parents did not have the [ 177 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 required document as their wedding was traditionally conducted, and was not recorded at the civil registry office. in this village, people got their id and family cards in 2010. the direct impact of civil registration is the emergence of religious conversion behavior. but in some cases, the conversion merely took place administratively. alit said until now, the people in his village have yet to grasp the true meaning of religion. alit himself confessed to not fully trust religion as a guide to life. according to him religion does not guarantee a person’s behavior for the better. the corruptors in indonesia, according to the alit are religious people. but, religious beliefs are not able to prevent them from corruption. when asked why chose conversion to christianity, he said it was because the government asked about his religion. thus, religious conversion is a strategy for the indigenous people to get more rights as a citizen. negotiating identity in post religious conversion 1. negotiations in the tradition of marriage according to the indigenous people’s tradition, a person has the freedom to choose a spouse. they do not practice arranged marriage by parents. they also do not prohibit marriage across tribal or religious groups. matter of an arranged marriage, mr. kehong reported: “many indigenous people are married to the javanese, batak, chinese, sumbawa and flores. they never have dispute over inter-marriage. their destiny is determined by god. their customs are not disturbed either. for example, an indigenous person who has no religion is married to a javanese muslim, for most of us, it will be difficult to face the challenge due to difference in religion. but for the indigenous people it doesn’t matter even if they should join the religion of the javanese muslim. what comes first is the responsibility and obligation of the marriage. the issue of religion is up to the individual, whether they want to embrace islam or remain in their indigenous belief. in the tribal parents’ view, whatever religion their children embrace, they are still family. they cannot be separated like the sea and the beach. the religions may be different, but our social relations will remain the same. marriage in the indigenous people’s community is done before a batin witnessed by two people. it can take place at the bride’s home or at the batin’s. at present, the indigenous people’s marriage is evidenced by a letter of statement signed by the batin and verified by the village chief, an elderly leader, and two witnesses. this mechanism is actually not known in civil marital recording system in indonesia. in indonesia, marriage certificates are issued through [ 178 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 the office of religious affairs. among christians, buddhists, or muslims, the marriage contract could be done before a religious leader but must be carried out in accordance with the procedures of the office of religious affairs. mr. abon, a staff at the local administration, reported that indigenous people usually get married by custom, and remarry in accordance with a state religion in order to obtain a marriage certificate from the government. this is a problem because this mechanism requires that they convert into one of the recognized state religions. he further said: if we want to record our marriage, first we prepare it in the village. in the christian religion, we need a letter of marriage blessing from the church. then submit it to the government civil registry office, then they will issue a marriage certificate. if you’re a buddhist, you take a letter of marriage blessing from the temple .... we’ll be asked, what our religion is. when we answer it’s animism. then they explain that there are five recognized religions. we are told to pick one ... we get married according to our customs of animism. after that we remarry to get a letter of blessing from the temple. people do not know about animism... animism does not issue a letter of blessing. it’s not valid according to the state. we must have a letter of blessing from a church, temple or islam. a married person in animism, .. to be able to get a letter of blessing, they should repeat the marriage in (a state recognized) religion ... many people asked for marriage licenses from the church. the church said they had no right to issue marriage certificates, with the exception that the marriage is blessed by the church. the above interview shows that its marriage is problematic due to “the absence of recognition of the state. their customary marriage is not recognized. in order to obtain the recognition of marriage, they have to get it from the religious affairs office, and it applies to muslims, christians or buddhists. it is often the case that a person converting to a certain religion for reasons of wanting to get a letter of marriage blessing, although afterwards they do not observe the religion. 2. negotiations in the tradition of death according to the tradition of the indigenous people, when a person dies, his bode lies in state for three nights before burial. each night the family and relatives and community members will be staying up and fill the time by playing cards or doing other fun activities. it is not unusual for them, both men and women, to play cards by placing a bet when family members or community members pass away. [ 179 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 while data collection was in progress in august 2013, two family people died at different times, the wife of mr. kehong (village head), and pak din (a respected shaman in the village). mr. kehong’s wife converted into a devout buddhist, while pak din is an animist, although in his id card it is written as buddhism. for three nights, mrs. kehong’s dead body lay in state. festive atmosphere could be seen where community members stayed up late as an expression of respect for the dead. for three nights, people in his home did various activities that merely for entertainment or gambling. on one night, the researchers were staying up, joining the people playing a local game. but they (researchers) could no longer continue after 3 a.m. the researchers chose to sleep next to the corpse of mr. kehong’s wife, while in the same group of people are playing cards, betting 10 thousand to 50 thousand until dawn. ponton, a community leader, said that the event is an expression of last respect to the corpse before funeral. he said a month earlier, when his mother died, his mother’s corpse lay in state for seven nights. people gave a tribute in the same way. it is interesting to note that ponton is a devout muslim, although on his id card, he is a buddhist. people who attended the event came from different religious backgrounds. the diverse religious conversions among the indigenous people do not break the bonds of their collectivity and is clearly expressed in the funeral tradition. in penyengat, the cemetery complex is for various different religious followers in one location. when burying the body of mr. kehong’s wife, the researchers saw that the burial area for muslims, christians, buddhists and animists was located in one complex. abok agustin, the penyengat village secretary said that the reason to locate the funeral in one location despite different religions indicates their religious harmony. 3. negotiations in the celebration of religious holidays two or three days before muslims celebrate the idil fitr, the indigenous people organized the seven-night likur. this is the ‘holy’ day for them. the sevennights of likur is believed to be the day on which the spirits of their ancestors come back to their home. therefore, to welcome the important moment, they hold a celebration party by eating or drinking all night long, or giving food offerings in front of their respective houses or under the trees on the streets. on the afternoon of the 26th day of islamic fasting month, the indigenous people prepare dishes, fish, chicken, pork and whatever type of food they can provide. some families make spicy sour dishes, fried pork or beef rendang, vegetable, or any other foods according to their economic [ 180 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 capabilities. in the evening, at around 8 p.m., they begin to visit each other. the host would invite guests to eat dinner. parents buy new clothes for their children. the youth usually use the occasion for throwing a typical party of the indigenous people. in the middle of the night, some of them drink liquor. there is no distinction between men and women in the celebration. the seven-night likur is not only in celebrated in the village of penyengat. the indigenous people in rupat (bengkalis), rangsang island (meranti islets) and tanjung selokop (pelalawan) also celebrate it. it is interesting to trace the historical roots of the seven-night likur, especially when associated with the fact that they celebrate it on the 27th night of ramadan (islamic fasting month). unfortunately, the indigenous people in penyengat are not willing to give explanation about the origins of the feast of likur. the fact that adherents of animism have a day of celebrations was shown by sociologists and anthropologists. emile durkheim, clifford geertz, brian morris, as well as other sociologists or anthropologists analyzed the indigenous people’s belief system based on their system of rituals. in this case, their indigenous religion is also expressed in the ritual of their holy day. the likur feast is not only celebrated by those who embrace a local religion. people who have already converted into one of the official state religions also celebrate the ceremony of the seven-day likur. of the 47 families who celebrated the likur in 2013 (about half a month before the researchers arrived), adherents of christianity, buddhism and confucianism were preparing for the feast. the researchers did not find a muslim family on the night of the celebration of the seven-day likur. nevertheless, the tradition of visiting each other on the holy day is not limited to only certain religions, but also done by the muslims. the tradition of celebrating each other’s big day is done by adherents of different religions. during idil fitr holiday in the village, the researchers could obviously feel the festive atmosphere in some muslim households. the researchers joined a group of teachers who visited each other during the idil fitr holiday. one of them was alit, a christian. when a muslim village secretary invited the villagers to lunch at his house for lebaran (muslim feast), the researchers found out that people who came were not only muslims. how religious holidays are celebrated a family which consists of many different religions is interesting to explore. alit is unmarried and still living with his father (closer to confucianism) and his mother who is a buddhist. hendry, one of his older brothers had embraced islam due to marriage. her sister converted to christianity, also because of marriage. in alit’s family, there is a buddhist family member (mother), a christian, a muslim, and a confucian, [ 181 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 but they are all united by the identity as the indigenous people who all are convinced of the importance of preserving the traditions of their ancestors. during a chinese holiday, alit always prepares in his home to welcome the feast. when christmas comes, he chooses to join his brother at home to celebrate it. when the researchers visited hendry’s house, they found alit, his mother and his sister there joining hendry celebrating the idil fitr. alit said that he was proud of his multi-religion family, and of the fact that they can celebrate the feast of all religions and get along well. pak hok, alit’s father, said that he did not question his children’s conversion to any religion, as far as there is one of them who still embraces the ancestors’ belief (confucianism). according to pak hok, other religions are not paying attention to the ancestors, but if there is family member who still embraces confucianism or buddhism, later when he dies, he will find a way to pay a visit to his family. pak hok, although his religion is closer to confucianism, enjoyed listening to taped sermons by zainuddin mz. those who marginalize (are marginalized): a theoretical contribution previous discussion shows the negotiation of identity of the indigenous people regarding their religious conversion and behavior during religious holidays, as expressed in the tradition of weddings, funerals, and celebrations of religious holidays. in the following section the researchers will focus on analyzing how these religious practices contribute to explain the pattern of relationship between the power to marginalize and those marginalized. according to james c. scott (1990), the relationship between the marginalized and those who have power to marginalize always form a resistential relationship. in contrast to gramsci (1996) who put the marginal party as targets of hegemony, foucault argued that marginalized parties are not in the passive position at all. according to foucault (1977: 213), power is scattered everywhere. the difference is whether or not it is actualized. in addition, the difference in the desire to actualize the power also influences the difference of effects of power on an individual (1977: 215). power relations according to foucault (1994: 344-345) occur due to the differentiation of social systems, the different goals in the community, the attainment of objectives, the instruments and forms of social institutions. related to the difference of social systems, the phenomenon is thus clearly seen on the mindset between countries and theologians as the dominant power on the one hand, and tribal communities on the other. the state has the power to define what is civilized and what is not. the instruments of civilization [ 182 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 are formulated by the state and its apparatuses (intellectuals, humanists, theologians and the like) to determine that persons outside the criteria are not civilized. this is for foucault (2002) similar to how healthy people (doctors) make a specific instrument to define about being insane and insanity. crazy people, according to doctors are those who do not qualify as healthy people. meanwhile the crazy people themselves are unable to actualize power; doctors have absolute power. in madness and civilization, foucault asked what if the logic is reversed: a crazy man who defines what is healthy and what is not. the phenomenon of the indigenous people of the anak rawa is constructed as a community lacking civilization, essentially with regard to the difference between their conceptualization and that of the state. one of the indicators of being civilized defined by the state is practicing a state religion. because the state has access to actualize power over the definition formulated, tribal communities are forced to follow the state’s conception of being civilized. the field data indicated that without any religion, the tribal community has its own standards of morality and being civilized. similarly, there is a big difference between their definition and that of theologians. theologians believe that happiness in life is following a certain religion whole-heartedly and thus denying the conception of happiness without the state religion. marginal communities have always had the power. the dynamics of religious conversion of the indigenous people showed their strategy in actualizing power. their seemingly acceptance of the conception of the theologian and the state on the need to be civilized obtained through religion. meanwhile, simultaneously they express resistance over the conception. they question why they should embrace one of the state religions. however, they have their own definition of religiosity. religious celebrations have served as an exclusive space for the religion in question, for example, anyone without restricted religious differences can join any religious celebration. this phenomenon is, in the view of james c. scott (1990), a technique of subordinate group to express their resistance against the dominance they experience. according to foucault (1994: 344), the difference in the means of achieving goals also leads to power relations. for the indigenous people, the expression of gratitude to the unseen (god, gods, ancestral spirits, etc) is an expression of thanks for wishes granted, not a plea for forgiveness for the act of sin. sin in the view of the indigenous people will not be eliminated by asking for forgiveness from god, gods or ancestors because it involves evil deeds we commit against fellow human beings. if a person steals, for example, he cannot ask for forgiveness from god, but from people who suffer the crime. therefore, the sinner should apologize to the people that he had stolen from [ 183 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 as an expression of remorse over the crimes committed. similarly, differences in social institutions also have an effect on power relationship between the pattern of marginal communities and those who marginalize them. in this case, the institution of state is recognized to have almost absolute power in shaping social behavior of the indigenous people. the state, through the bureaucracy, has the ability to exclude someone who does not follow the criteria formulated by the state. without an id card, for example, a person is not recognized as a citizen. they will be denied of their rights of citizenship. for tribal communities who have no social institution as powerful as the state, then the available option is to conform to the will of the state. yet, they have their own strategy in actualizing power through social institutions at their disposal. they realize that social cohesiveness must not be removed due to religious differences. consciously, they struggle to keep space to mingle, taking off each political faith and blending themselves into communal identity as the indigenous people. the events of marriage, death, celebration of religious holidays serve as their social institutions that keep social space being blocked by religious differences. such phenomenon shows that amidst the dominance of superior groups, they have a strategy to bring the power of defense within the framework of communal identity. although it could result in weakening their criteria about the definition of the indigenous people, the efforts are made in order to preserve their identity in the midst of the pressure of the dominant power against them. conclusion based on the above discussion, the researchers drew several conclusions. first, the conversion of religion among the indigenous people correlates with how the state and theologians actualize power. the state formulates criteria for being civilized and defines that the indigenous people are outside the orbit. this is also related to the view of theologians who look at happiness and civilization can only be reached through religion. in such situations, the indigenous people are led to the necessity of religious conversion. second, religious conversion has an impact on the pattern of significant social changes. the researchers analyze the behavior of everyday life related to weddings, funerals, and celebrations of religious holidays. conversion of religion requires them to leave behind the inherited ancestral traditions and to adapt to new religious doctrinal conceptions. but they offer a creative formulation which allows them to include the ancestral traditions being [ 184 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 practiced in the new religion. the researchers recommend that the government and theologians stop using excessive power in shaping the social behavior of the indigenous people. power approach used in shaping the social behaviour of the indigenous people will often result in resistance. the government and theologiand need to formulate steps to the recognition the existence of their cultural identity. instead of imposing a particular religion, the government should facilitate the indigenous people to be themselves. bibliography andaya, leonard y., 2008. leaves of the same tree: trade and ethnicity in the straits of melaka. honohulu: hawai university press. bernard, timothy p, 2006. pusat kekuasaan ganda: masyarakat dan alam siak & sumatera timur, 1674-1827. seri monograf pusat penelitian kebudayaan dan kemasyarakatan unri, pekanbaru, vol 2 no 2 september. budiman, hikmat (ed.), 2005. hak minoritas: dilema multikulturalisme di indonesia. jakarta: tifa dan interseksi foundation. chou, cynthia, 2005. indonesian sea nomads money, magic, and fear of the orang suku laut. london and new york: routledge. chua, liana, 2005. the christianity of culture: conversion, ethnic citizenship, and the matter of religion in malaysian bornoe. new york: palgrave macmillan, 2012. data kependudukan desa penyengat tahun 2012. dokumen desa, tidak dipublikasikan. duncan, christopher robert, 1998. 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[ 185 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 foucault, michel, and gilles deleuze, 1977. “intellectuals and power”, dalam language, counter-memory, practice: selected essays and interviews. d.f. bouchard (ed.), new york: cornell university press. gomes, alberto g., 2007. modernity and malaysia: settling the menraq forest nomads. new york: routledge. gramsci, antonio, 1996. selection from the prison notebooks, new delhi: orient longman. kang, yoonhee, 2005. untaian kata leluhur: marjinalitas, emosi dan kuasa kata-kata magi di kalangan orang petalangan riau. seri monograf pusat penelitian kebudayaan dan kemasyarakatan unri, pekanbaru, vol 1 no 1. li, tania murray, 2012. the will to improve: perencanaan kekuasaan dan pembangunan di indonesia, terj. hary santoso dan pujo semedi, yogyakarta: marjin kiri. maarif, syamsul, 2012. dimension of religious practice the ammatoans of sulawesi, indonesia. a dissertation of arizona state university. milner, anthony, 2008. the malays. west sussex: willey-blackwell. monograf desa penyengat tahun 2010, dokumen desa, tidak dipublikasikan. porat, nathan, 2002. a river, a road, an indigenous people and an entangled lanscape in riau, indonesia. dalam bijdragen tot de taal, land en volkenkunde, on the road the social impact of new road in southeas asia, leiden, 158 no 4. hal. 769-797 rab, tabrani, 2002. nasib suku asli di riau. pekanbaru: riau cultural institute. suparlan, parsudi, 1995. orang sakai: di riau: masyarakat terasing dalam masyarakat di indonesia. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. interviewees: abet (33), penyengat village chief. abok (40), penyengat village secretary. apui (35), penyengat resident. aseng (40), penyengat resident. buter (46), penyengat resident din (60), penyengat community leader. dum (58), penyengat batin chief and community leader. ebon (49), buddhist leader dan penyengat resident. hamid (40), penyengat elementary school teacher. henry (34), former penyengat youth leader. kehong (45), penyengat community leader. kiat (60), penyengat customary leader. [ 186 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 2 number 2 december 2013 navid (40), staff at the local administration of penyengat. res (49), penyengat community leader. wiharsono (33), head of tani wirid yasin group of penyengat. yanto (34), penyengat resident. [ 103 ] al albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 religious-based higher education institution and human resource development: a case study of universitas pesantren tinggi darul ulum jombang (unibdu) samsul ma’arif universitas islam negeri sunan ampel surabaya email: samsul_jombang@yahoo.com abstract the role of higher education is very crucial in developing human resource because it is a future investment which has great effect on the improvement of real sector. higher education is proven to be an effective agent of social change. in human resource management, the role of higher education is embodied in community service program which is more known as “tri dharma perguruan tinggi” including acquisition, transmission and application. human resource management is basic administrative description or educational management based on a series of interrelated processes in guiding the behavior of individuals as the member of an organization in order to achieve its goals. the process can be identified as follows: planning, compensation, recruitment, selection, induction, appraisal, development, maintenance, performance, security, integration, and information. keyword: higher education, education, human development introduction islamic higher education constitutes one of human civilization forms. civilized society tends to develop varied institutions to excavate, develop, transform and apply science for public prosperity, and in this context, higher education has the most important role. besides, it is an institution which develops social development knowledge as a part of science and technology. previously, higher education is only a community of experts and students which focuses on teaching moral and humanity, but later it is named as modern university by kerr according to organism model of abraham flexner’s research (keer, 1982; 2). by the presence of this modern university, science replaces the role of philosophy; research replaces teaching; and specialization replaces generalization, flexner. higher education is an institution which [ 104 ] al albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 serves science, finds solution, and appreciates critically to achievement and high training (keer, 1982; 4). further, islamic higher education is an institution consisting of various communities and activities: community of diploma, undergraduate, and postgraduate degree, community of humanities and social science, community of professional academician, and community of non-academic and administrative staff. in indonesia, the nature of higher education is mentioned in the constitution number 20, year of 2003 regarding the national education system article 1, verse 19: higher education is further level of senior high school which is held to prepare students in order to be a member of society who has academic ability, and is professional to apply, develop, and create science, technology, and art. it is an institution which has three main missions; they are education and teaching, research, and social service. these missions, according to perkins, are based on three aspects of knowledge: acquisition, transmission, and aplication. knowledge is obtained through research process, and is taught to future generations in order to survive. it is then transformed and applied so that it will be useful. meanwhile, social service programs are a right place to apply the knowledge in order to develop the society. the three missions are popular as tridharma perguruan tinggi. islamic higher education is an organization that assists children or group of people to have good personality, think, decide, and act according to islamic teaching and law (zuhairini, 1995). it is also defined as an educational institution in which its learning programs are based on islamic perspective and values (buhori, 1989). it means that islamic educational institution is all activities of an organization or institution to internalize islamic values to islamic students. one of islamic education institutions is pondok pesantren led by kyai. it teaches, develops, and spreads islamic knowledge (zuhairini, 1995). it has been existing for long time and is very influential especially among villagers in indonesia. it is also a home stay for santri, and is usually near to kyai’s house or mosque. the word pesantren is derived from word ‘santri’ which is added with prefix peand suffix –an then turns into pe-santri-an, and eventually becomes pesantren or a place for santri. meanwhile, the word santri is derived from tamil word means the expert of hindu holy book. nowadays, the term ‘santri’ is student who stays at boarding house (pondok), except those who live near pesantren. further, santri is considered as a religious group, and is the opposite of abangan (geertz, 1981;172). [ 105 ] al albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 wahid states that pesantren is a separate place from its surroundings (wahid, 2001). it consists of residence for the caretaker (known as kyai in java, ajengan in sunda, nun or bendara/ra in madura), mosque, and dormitory. the fundamental elements of pondok pesantren are kyai, santri, pondok, and mosque, while modern pondok pesantren also provides formal education/ school. types of pesantren include traditional and modern pesantren. according to sudjoko there are four types of pesantren namely type i: mosque and kyai’s house; type ii: mosque, kyai’s house, and pondok; type iii: mosque, kyai’s house, pondok, and school; and type iv: mosque, kyai’s house, pondok, school, university, hall, sport center, and so on. type iii and iv are more likely able to deal with global competition (sudjoko, 1974:47).. generally, based on its educational form pesantren comprises salafiyah and khalafiyah. salafiyah only exposes religious teaching, while the latter is considered as modern pesantren which not only teaches religious knowledge but practical skill as well. pesantren along with its elements is an educational, da’wa, and social institution coloring the life of villages. it grows and develops with society for centuries (hasan, 1989: 49). its presence is in accordance with the dynamic development of society, and is a solution to social problems. meanwhile, the existence of higher education cannot be separated with the presence of pondok pesantren since it is an embryo of islamic higher education in indonesia, particularly java. the role of higher education in community development one of the three higher education’s missions is to educate students in order to be able to improve their reasoning, knowledge, science, dedication, and responsibility which are developed through research, and is aimed for social benefit. meanwhile, community service program is the implantation of science and technology in developing community, and is a proof of higher education’ concern as a reflection of social dynamics. rifai affirms that higher education, in the context of community development, is center of creativity according to sense of purpose, sense of mission, and sense of commitment, and gives contribution to social intellectual modernization (rifa`i, 1996). further, it does not compromise with conservative ideas, intellectual conformity center or soulless building. community development should be followed with the reform of social culture and economics along with quantitative and qualitative aspects. the process of community modernization includes social and psychological changes are more suitable with new political, [ 106 ] al albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 economic, and social structure condition. therefore, islamic higher education must play active role, and be able to create change designer and pusher as entrepreneur and innovator. the role of higher education in long-term development planning the role of higher education in long-term development planning is as a center of science and social development, and organizer and developer of higher education, science, technology and art. campus as scientific community aims to create well-educated people and conducts beneficial research for community life standard improvement. hence, higher education is expected to be a qualified and professional center of community development in order to deal with the needs of complex high development. almost all campuses constitute center for potential professionals in developing the surrounding people through research, collection, and data analysis. for that, higher education can be an active center of community information and development. higher education is a center of culture which is in accordance with the main guidance of culture of un (1986): 1) strong national cultural values awareness is marked with the development of technology and global economic order; and 2) firm national identity awareness is marked with the legacy of upright values, historical consciousness, and creative power. higher education has instrumental role to achieve the goal for it is a guiding place for intellectual community to learn science, technology, and art. therefore, the community should have both social professional and intellectual competence. social professional competence consists of concept, behavior, and science and technology applicator, while the intellectual competence includes awareness of social and environmental problem and truthful concept and common interest of society. developing human resource indonesia has huge problems in developing human resource in which this country must face globalization and also economic crisis that leads to political and social crisis and even disintegration of the nation. national reform movement has changed the policy of national development into democracy, admitted human equity, and implemented decentralization. the change has caused micro and macro problems of education. micro problem is quality of [ 107 ] al albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 education while macro problem is related to decentralization and management of education. the main character of indonesian people is that they are democratic, and uphold values of humanity, equity and justice, tolerance, and law enforcement (fadjar, 2001;24). hence, individual and community need developing because independent society requires motivation, strong capability and active participation. in this case, education is believed a most influential factor to empower the individual and community. the factors comprise 1) holistic human development including adaptive survival skill; 2) community education development that grows historical perspective: the awareness of needed values to create indonesian independent society; and 3) mass education development through the use of mass media: printed or electronic media. during the transformation process, education must be able to give optimum contribution in creating independent community. therefore, complete philosophy is required to balance between education and community dynamic change. in this case, education includes three processes of learning, economics, and socio culture. meanwhile, global environment is marked with open market system based on rapid change and advanced information technology application. besides, the need of qualified human resource is increasing in line with fast transformation of environment. further, national crisis consists of four aspects: economic, politic, law, and socio-cultural reform. therefore, the new paradigm and development goal in national education system is required. previous paradigm is centralistic, top down, partial, economic development, politic stability, and assembling technology oriented, government dominant role, and low non-school institution role, while new paradigm is autonomous, bottom-up, holistic development oriented, varied cultural tolerance, upholding moral value, enforcing humanity and religion, creative, productive, and juristic (jalal & dedi s, 2001). the principles contained in the new paradigm is a) equality between education sector with other sector, b) social reconstruction oriented, c) national development, d) social infrastructure empowerment, e) qualified independent culture, f ) good condition for tolerance, consensus, and diversity, g) integrated horizontal and vertical planning, h) learner centered, i) multi-cultural education, and j) education according to global perspective (castetter, 1991; 316). [ 108 ] al albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 the effect of human capital investment on income salary or income of a person is decreasing according to his age in every sector. in the future, human will be more productive and skillful, and will be paid based on his capacity. meanwhile, those who are unskillful will only become marginal spectators. education and human resource training education and training is a medium to improve working productivity which leads to better profit. the good productivity is caused by education and training, and skillful workers will be paid higher than who are unskillful. the unskillful workers will be trained by job training bureau. the training is believed to give rate and return of investment in certain period. education provided by the school is a more comprehensive human of investment. it is very time consuming, and requires high tuition in the form of opportunity cost. in this case, higher education is more able to prepare welleducated individuals to deal with working market with higher salary than those of secondary school graduate. so that, it must have better basic capital such as age and cost. human capital and family human empowerment through education cannot be separated from family economic support. better economic level tends to enable one to have better education level. further, economic level is influenced by various factors: job, parent, number of children, and education quality. hence, family has crucial role in human empowerment. qualified human resource as education investment rate of return is an approach often used in education investment research. some aspects as the result of education are income, productivity, and economic change. becker even groups the intelligence according to graduate level in three percentage groups: 18, 16, and 20% (becker, 1983). the intelligence of elementary school graduate is different from those of junior high school, while senior high school graduate is 30 % than the graduate of junior high school. this result is reflected from prosperous level according to education investment level and qualified human resource. education investment leads to the improvement of qualified human resource supply, and it requires qualified academic staff. [ 109 ] al albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 academic staff is a determinant component in empowering human resource according to national education system1. his professional capability and performance will contribute not only to quality of graduate (output) but also the performance of the graduate (outcomes). many studies and research show the central position of academic staff in every educational institution. castetter stated that staff development is closely related to institusional change, so that education development qualitatively related to the quality of academic staff (castetter, 1981; 316). meanwhile, the managerial function of education is to design, implement, and evaluate teaching and learning result holistically. it is associated with the planning made by academic staff since it is a milestone to get good result, and constitutes one of determinant factors of the success of learning. besides, planning is one of fundamental managerial functions. therefore, good education management changes bad situation into good condition, and on the contrary, bad education management turns good condition into bad situation (uwes, sanusi, 1999). academic staff management is also known as personal management, personal administration, and human resource administration. it is a part of human resource development and a core of administration and management of education. next, the role of human resource in the process of education is very important because the productivity of education depends so much on its contribution thought its function and activity. human resource is basically a description of education management or administration in an interrelated sequence of functions. morphet et al. identify the functions in following processes: human resourches planning, compensation, recruitment, selection, induction, appraisal, development, maintaining and improving performance, security, union relation, and information. meanwhile, randall mentions the functions as follows: planning, staffing, appraising, compencation, and training (randall, 1987; 29). methods this was a descriptive qualitative research, and aimed to depict the role of higher education in developing human resource based on facts found in the research field (lexy j moeleong, 2001), a multi cases study at universitas pesantren darul ulum jombang. moreover, this research exposed the reality of the role of higher education in developing human resource, and was conducted at universitas pesantren tinggi darul ulum jombang. 1 (pp. no. 38, 1992) [ 110 ] al albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 meanwhile, its research subject was the foundation of pesantren tinggi darul ulum (yapetidar) and darul ulum, rector, vice rector, dean, vice dean, departments of the university, general chief of the foundation, caretaker assembly, chief of bureau and unit, head master, vice head master, teacher, and staff. next, the data of the research was collected through interview, observation, and document review. then the data were analyzed using interactive model data analysis: data collection, data reduction, data display, verification or conclusion drawing. to assure the trustworthiness, the researcher conducted triangulation and focus group discussion (fgd). the profile unipdu is the abbreviation of universitas pesantren tinggi darul ulum. it is one of accredited private universities; its level of accreditation is b. it was established in jombang, west java in 2001 by a charismatic islamic scholar, k.h. muh. as’ad umar who is also known as an islamic nationalist. even it was built inside the pesantren, it is not only good at religious knowledge but also scientific studies. it has reached many achievements in the field of education, research, and community service. the student of faculty of science and mathematics of unipdu once became a finalist in pekan ilmiah mahasiswa nasional (pimnas). the organization structure of the university is rector, prof. dr. h. ahmad zahro, m.a., vice rector i, ahmad zakaria, s.k.m., m.kes., vice rector ii, dr. dr. zulfikar as’ad, m.m.r., and vice rector iii, m. imsin al mustofa, s.e., m.p. at present, unipdu possesses a hospital “rs unipdu medika” inaugurated by vice president of indonesia, drs. h. muhammad jusuf kalla in september 2007. it proves that unipdu concerns people health. even, former rector of unipdu, prof. dr. h. ahmad zahro, m.a., stated that the campus will have faculty of medicine. besides, pondok pesantren darul ulum consists of islamic and public elementary, secondary, and tertiary level of education. discussion this research focuses on a) “how does unipdu face the future?” and b) “what is the role of unipdu in developing human resource?” unipdu is a center of human resource development. this is shown by its program of community service in which it helps schools around the campus to manage their curriculum, students’ activity, learning facility, and achieves. as the result, the schools under the authority of the foundation of pesantren [ 111 ] al albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 darul ulum become role model of other schools. this is in line with rifa’i’s statement: the role of higher education in developing human resource is a center of creativity to face the future according to the sense of purpose, sense of mission, and sense of commitment (rifa`i, 1986). therefore, unipdu forms several centers of study: center of qur’anic study, center of language, center of computer technology and internet, and center of asean study. furthermore, it also actively participates in international forums such as association youth interfaith camp, and is one of 20 asian leading universities. the role of unipdu in developing human resource through caturdarma perguruan tinggi: 1) education and instruction, 2) research, 3) community service, and 4) islamic study. the university involves the nuance of pesantren in instructional activity. it has 2 diploma/d3, 11 undergraduate/s1, and 1 postgraduate/s2 programs which are accredited by badan akreditasi nasional perguruan tinggi (ban-pt) or national accreditation board for higher education: 1) faculty of islamic studies, department of islamic education, undergraduate/s1 program (accreditation ‘b’); department of islamic elementary teacher training, undergraduate/s1 program (accreditation ‘b’); and department of ahwal asy-syakhsiyah undergraduate/s1 program (accreditation ‘b’); 2) faculty of technique, department of information system, undergraduate/s1 program (accreditation ‘c’); 3) faculty of administration science, department of commerce administration, undergraduate/s1 program (accreditation ‘c’); faculty of language and letters, department of english letters, undergraduate/s1 program (accreditation ‘c’), department of japanese language, diploma/d3 program (accreditation ‘b’), and department of english education undergraduate/s1 program (accreditation ‘c’), and 4) faculty of medicine, department of nursery undergraduate/s1 program (accreditation ‘b’), department of midwifery diploma/d3 program (accreditation ‘b’), and department of nursery diploma/d3 program (accreditation ‘b’); 5) faculty of natural science and mathematics, department of mathematic education, undergraduate/s1 program (accreditation ‘c’); department of mathematics, undergraduate/s1 program (accreditation ‘c’); and 6) graduate program of islamic education (accreditation ‘b’). next, unipdu has 6 lecturers having master degree, and some lecturers with ph.d. degree. this in line with castetter’s statement: staff development is closely related to institusional change so that the development of education qualitatively related with the quality of the academicians (castetter, 1981; 316). academic and non-academic activities of the university is according to standard operating procedure (sop) such as lecturing activity, community [ 112 ] al albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 service, research, scientific paper writing (guideline of script and thesis), and financial management. those activities are under the supervisory of quality insurance unit. meanwhile, in promoting human resource the campus holds following workshops: workshop of performance, lesson plan design, and field trip. besides, it also cooperates with other institutions and individuals based on the sense of brotherhood and tolerance. in order to maintain the health of its all members, the university conducts several programs: a) gymnastics, b) health guidance, c) maintenance of environment cleanliness, and d) lunch gathering. for the financial transparency, it uses networking application. further, it gives reward for good performing staffs, and provides training to teachers of public and islamic elementary and secondary schools. it also provides 25% scholarship for teacher who has working at the institution for 5 years and 50% for those who has working for 10 years. this is in accordance with kepmendiknas no. 13 year of 2007 which states that the academic degree standard of headmaster is master degree/s2 (permendiknas, 2007). moreover, unipdu develops students competence through workshops based on the concept of tafaqquh fiddien. it means that the graduates of the university will have professional competence and behave according to islamic teachings so that they can manage to get suitable job and position. besides, such a competition is required by companies as the user of the graduates. further, as a pesantren based university, unipdu provides higher education as comprehensive human investment. even it requires students to pay tuition as opportunity cost, yet when working, its graduates will be paid higher than those of elementary or secondary school. the research focus of the university is on science and technology development, and is conducted according to the principles of cooperation, way of thinking, active and creative work, and sustainable contribution. the campus provides research funds, 5 million rupiahs for beginner, and 40 million rupiahs for intermediate researcher and 100 million rupiahs for advance researcher. meanwhile, community service program conducted by the university is based on islamic studies therefore it can be accepted well by the people such as the program of youngster counseling, imam training, quranic learning center management, al-qur’an recitation training, and so forth. the community service program is intended to create agent of change to achieve short, middle, and long term goals. therefore, it is implemented based on the principle of community development or social design aimed at enabling people to be independent. it includes religious guidance or da’wa and entrepreneurship. the fourth dharma is having qur’anic recitation at 12.00 a.m. after zhuhr [ 113 ] al albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 prayer and delivering islamic speech. the function and role of caturdarma perguruan tinggi of the campus are interrelated. if one of them is missing it will be less qualified. thus, all members of the university must actively participate in improving academic quality of the campus. the function and role of higher education is to guarantee the students’ quality in order to satisfy the stake holder. to assure the quality of lecturing performance, the university involves students to audit and assess lecturers’ performance when teaching. this assessment is used to identify teaching weaknesses and then find its solution. usually the assessment is objective for students experience instructional process so that they can give their real opinion about the process; whether or not it is satisfied. conclusion unipdu (universitas pesantren tinggi darul ulum) as a higher education constitutes a center of creativity which is expected to prepare students to face the future by contributing in intellectual and social development based on following senses: sense of purpose, sense of mission, and sense of commitment. the role of unipdu in developing human resource is by creating independent and innovative change designers and pushers who have good behavior according to akhlaqul karimah. hence, the campus implements the fourth darma: pesantren based islamic studies. bibliography becker, s. garry. 1983. human resources development: a theoretical and empirical analysis with special references to education. bukhori,1989. pendidikan islam di indonesia; problem masa kini dan prspektif masa depan, dalam islam indonesia menatap masa depan. jakarta: p3m. castetter, william b. 1981. the personnel function in educational administration. new york: mac. millanpublishing co. fadjar, a. malik. 2001. paradigma pendidikan islam menuju masyarakat madani”. mimbar kampus, jurnal pendidikan dan agama. bogor” stai laa roiba, geertz, c. 1981. .abangan, santri, priyayi dalam masyarakat jawa. jakarta: rujukan jaya. hasan, n. 1988. karakter dan fungsi pesantren. dalam dinamika pesantren. jakarta: p3m. [ 114 ] al albab volume 7 number 1 june 2018 jalal, fasli & dedi supriadi. 2001. reformasi pendidikan dalam konteks otonomi daerah. yogyakarta: depdiknas, bappenas, adicita karya nusa. keer, c. 1982. the use of the university 93 rd ed). cambridge: massachusetts: harvard university press. peraturan menteri pendidikan nasional no. 13 tahun 2007 tentang standar kepala sekolah. moleong, lexy j., 2001 metodologi penelitian kualitatif, bandung; pt remaja rosdakarya, pusposutardjo, suprodjo. kebijakan pengembangan pendidikan tinggi di era kehidupan mendunia. jakarta: depdiknas. raharjo, md, 1983. pergulatan duniapesantren, membangun dari bawah, jakarta: p3m. schuler, randall. 1987. personnel and human resourches management. st. paul usa: west publishing companny. uwes, sanusi. 1999. manajemen pengembangan mutu dosen. jakarta: logos. wahid, 2001, bunga rampai pesantren, jakarta,darma bakti. zuhairini, 1995. sejarah pendidikan islam di indonesia, proyek pembinaan prasarana dan sarana perguruan tinggi agama islam/ iain [ 55 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 1 june 2014 islam and local culture in indonesia hermansyah pontianak state institute of islamic studies, pontianak abstract muslims believe that their religion is universal, suitable to all places and time. consequently, in practice, islam can be adapted to various situations and conditions. therefore, the diversity in islam is inevitable. diversity is especially related to aspects of interpretation and religious branches, not things that are principle. this article is about the relationship between islam and local culture. as recognized by many experts, islam in indonesia was spread by peaceful means. local elements were used in the process of islamization. as a result, islam could be accepted by most of society of indonesia. islam expressed here shows a distinctive face. islam can live hand in hand with local culture, especially the culture that is not incompatible with islam. keywords: islam, islamization, local culture, diversity. introduction islam was first revealed in mecca almost 15 centuries ago in its form in addition to showing some similarities also some differences. the similarities are especially concerned with the basic fixed and unchanged doctrine. meanwhile diversity is more about the area of interpretation and the actualization of this religion in the world. the diversity of interpretations and it actualization appear because the religion has a critical interaction with human reality, including culture. the diversity is noticeable once we compare the actualization of islam in different parts of the world. in the face of local culture, muslim scholars and educators at least generally take two attitudes. first, adjusting the pattern of da’wah and education with the current socio-cultural processes. for them, the changes of society should be done gradually according to a socio-cultural conditions of the individual people and communities. it is based on the view a person’s islamic kaffah is easy, fun and convenient for everyone else to do during their lifetime. (see abdul munir mulkhan, 2002: 1). this kind of patterns usually view syncretic modernist, and traditionalist label, and the like as the stages of diversity of a person or community. this diversity is a socio-cultural process which will change along with social, economic, and cultural changes in a person or [ 56 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 1 june 2014 community. meanwhile the second pattern emphasizes more on prohibition and threats based on belief, morals, and worship (fiqh) in order to change the behavior of a person’s and community’s religious behavior. the religious behavior of someone who has not been in accordance with the basic principles of islam is called un-islamic or sometimes other labels are given. patterns such as these tend to be more political through the development of law and legislation. the success of the spread and development of islam in indonesia has most like been due to the use of the first such pattern, and it will be outlined below. of course the second pattern also contributes to a certain segment of society especially among the middle class especially in the period of consolidation of islam. if we divide the islamic practice in two models, i.e. sharia and sufism, then the first model is more easily accepted by merchants, employees and higher social classes. the second model is more readily accepted by farmers, workers and communities experiencing socio-cultural transition, or industrial society that is experiencing a massive rationalization. the first model of islamic practice is developed through da’wah and rationalization of education, while the second through a spiritualization or sufism. the process of islamization in indonesia mostly used the second model. the success of the adherents of sufic islam in indonesia’s islamization, is among others due to this pattern of islam --in some respect-‘ fits ‘ with the background of local people who have been influenced the hindu-buddhist asceticism and syncretism of local belief. this article elaborates on the relationship of islam and local culture in indonesia. this paper is primarily based on the beliefs and practices of islam in that region that illustrate relationships and interplay between islam and the local heritage culture. the interactions between islam and local culture islam is believed by its followers as a religion that is suitable for any place and time. this belief among others is based on the view that islam is a religion that fits with nature of humanity. further implication of this view is that all the efforts and results of human creativity which correspond to the nature of humanity is islamic in itself. on the other hand, muslims believe that islam is universal. islam’s universality concerns the basic teachings and products that apply in all places and time. islamic universality especially concerns the teaching of basic values and is believed to be originated from the revelation of god that does not change and cannot be changed. because it only concerns the teaching of basic values and [ 57 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 1 june 2014 then not all answers the humanitarian issues have been provided technically by islam. it is inevitably derived from the teachings of islam when the dynamics of historical society involve the creativity of human understanding and culture where the religion comes to strengthen it. thus the reciprocal relationship between islam and local culture is natural. this is in fact reinforced by the nature islamic religion that is present not for a specific group but for all mankind. thus islam that was reveled in saudi arabia is not only articulated in the context of arab society. its universality can accommodate the diversity of human cultures scattered in all corners of the world. therefore, local cultures could not and should not be omitted altogether just because the community embraces islam. this is perhaps the meaning of the phrase al-islam salih fi kulli makan wa fi kulli zaman. however, not all elements of the local culture by itself are in accordance with the teachings of islam. of course there are incompatibilities. elements that are contrary to the principles of islam are what must be changed, adapted and altered or even abolished. in other words, the coming of islam must always result in an overhaul of social transformation or heading into a better direction. nevertheless, at the same time, the coming of islam does not necessarily break a society from their past. islam also can preserve what is good and right of the past and can be maintained in the test of the universality of the qur’an. this is a long process that occurs in the spread of islam across the world. when islam was present and embraced by the persian community, then we saw the results: philosophy, science of kalam, and sufism. similarly, in other areas, islam’s encounter with the local context has produced distinctive islamic style. in short, by realizing the universal dimension of islam as well as the existence of human freedom to solve the problems, then the actualization of islam in west kalimantan might be different from that fellow muslims in java or the middle east and other places. this sort of awareness is what makes the spreaders of islam in indonesia in general made use of local resources in the framework of the process of islamization. according to the history, the king of patani in southern thailand converted to islam because he was cured by a sheik from pasai. in west kalimantan, there are a lot of local mantra texts that have islamic content as also found in the malay peninsula (skeat, 1967). the acceleration of the transformation — in line with the fall of majapahit—the javanese feudalistic culture turned into an islamic egalitarian society driven by the spreaders of islam using local elements. another example is the use of wayang (javanese puppets) by sunan kalijaga, a ceremony for ‘islamized’ people who recently died, and various other cultural events. this sort of phenomenon also happens everywhere. many other traditions can be referred [ 58 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 1 june 2014 to as examples. researcher abdurrahman abror (2003) for example, found that the malay pantun in pontianak, is not only a spoken art passed down orally from one generation to the next, but also used to transform universal great values including specifically the values of islam. islam can be reconciled with the local culture. this peaceful islamic character is recognized by many researchers of islam in the archipelago. in contrast to the emergence of a dominant religion as catholicism in the philippines and latin america since the 15th century after military conquest and abolishment of culture (azyumardi 1999: 37). to a certain degree, it must be recognized also that the spread of islam to europe in the past involved military forces. as a result, islam could not survive for a long time. this pattern of the spread of islam only sowed some hatred that can be felt to this day called islamophobia among most western societies. before islam came to indonesia, the local beliefs were mostly oriented toward the supernatural forces that exist in the river, trees, hills and other places or characterized by hindu-buddhist influence. however after islam arrived, the orientation shifted to islamic belief system, though admittedly it is not fully complete yet given a number of practices are still common among the society. in view of this relationship, there are at least two types of assessment put forward by scientists. first, they see that islam in indonesia, in a wider context, in the indonesian archipelago, is syncretic nature. in this view, islam is considered to have mixed with local culture. islam in indonesia is at the peripheral position, second class and not authentic. this view is represented among others by winstedt and geertz. winstedt, for example, argued that the presence of this religion is nothing more than changing the name or label with islamic nuances to the local belief system of the animists and hindu-buddhist in nature. meanwhile the substance of the belief has not changed. the second scientist argued that islam in indonesia is unique. for them the authenticity of islam in this region is not necessarily congruent with islam in arabia. the encounter between islam and local culture has produced a distinctive islamic form without losing the essence and the spirit and this is inevitable. islam here is also authentic and is on the mainstream. the scientists who supported this view, among others, are al-attas, azyumardi azra, and woodward. according to al-attas (1969: 4-7) that the malay archipelago displacement of the belief system of the hindu-buddhist tradition is comparable to the transition of the western world view which was heavily influenced the greek mythology, to the world of reasoning and enlightenment. [ 59 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 1 june 2014 in fact, cultural changes occur continuously. as part of culture, tradition also goes through changes from time to time; or at least culture adapts to its surrounding. such changes may apply from within those traditions or may also result from acceptance of influence of the tradition from outside. usually changes from within the tradition take place rather slowly compared to the influence of tradition from outside. in the context of the islamic community in the archipelago, the change can be exemplified with the cosmology of some people who previously believed in the myth, then it was replaced with a new cosmological traditions of the empirical material and style. of course this is not always the case or, in other words, is not applicable to the whole islamic community of indonesia because there are still many islamic communities who also maintain the islamic traditions. when looking at the relationship between islam and local culture in indonesia there are three patterns as can be seen in the following graph: the graphic pattern of the relationship between tradition and islam                                     bakumpai dayak tradition islamic  tradition islam islamization tradition  source: hermansyah (2010) the first pattern, the eternal tradition the arrival of islam has brought many changes to the communities of indonesia who chose to embrace the religion, including in terms of culture. as times change, especially with islam getting stronger, some traditions are lost. although most of the heritage of belief was still practiced in the same way it was to this day. this could be seen in a form of the tradition of animism and hindu-buddhism. some communities still live their life in the way local people of the archipelago in the past did. some examples can be presented here. in many islamic communities in indonesia, we can still find ceremonies of giving sacrifice in order to obtain [ 60 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 1 june 2014 salvation. this belief is related to the belief that nature is controlled by certain supernatural creatures. supernatural beings are believed to affect people’s lives. one of the forms of this belief is common among the coastal communities where several forms of ceremonial ‘feeding’ of the supernatural powers considered to have control over the area are still widely performed. in some areas, people living near the sea or river often perform ceremonies of dumping food into the river or sea called buang-buang (throwing away). similar ceremonies are performed by hanging offerings at the intersection or under a specific tree. the ceremony is in some places called hanging the ancak. the two types of traditional ceremony are relatively in the original. this kind of practice also can be easily found in non-muslim communities. today, there are still many muslims who practice traditional medicine which involves calling for invisible spirits to enter the body of a shaman as a medium to inform patients about diseases and as ways of treatment. this method is called in shamanism. the pattern of islamic society is mainly found in villages that are a bit far from the center of the development of islamic da’wah and education and community groups who recently embraced islam. this condition is reasonable since the transformation of a society usually requires a relatively long time even takes several generations to complete. the second pattern, the blend between islam and tradition or in the process of islamization in addition to the presence of inherited traditions of belief and practice still in existence without undergoing a lot of changes in the islamic people of indonesia, there has also been a mix between tradition and islam teachings. the blend between the two elements —tradition and islam-namely the old and the new, is in the state of continuum and not a separate entity (dichotomy). in other words, in the belief and practice of islamic societies in this area, it still contains old tradition that goes hand in hand with new elements. the continuity of the culture is made possible due to among others the resemblance of the old culture with islamic faith. for example belief about immortality of the spirit in the teaching of islam is similar to the belief about life and the spirit among the people of the archipelago. for example, in one of the dayak sub-ethnic groups in west kalimantan particularly dayak taman, as reported by yc. tambun (1998: 81-90), they believe that after death, a human’n sumangat (spirit) will live another life in several worlds and ends at the banua so’soak and banua ti’asu — where the sumangat will eternal. banua so’soak is for sumangat who did good deeds during their life and is an eternal place, while banua ti’asu for evil. dayak ngaju, the largest group of dayak in [ 61 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 1 june 2014 central kalimantan, even hold a special ceremony called tiwah to deliver the spirit of someone who has died to enter a new world (schiller, 1997). similarly the concept of ghost among people in the archipelago has similarities with the concept of jin and the satan in islamic belief. there are many other examples that could be cited. selamatan ceremony is practiced by many islamic people in indonesia. the roots of this kind of ceremony can be traced prior to the arrival of islam. however, the muslim community has added some nuances, modified and altered the ceremony so as to become an islamic tradition. another example, a lot of spells and the like which are practiced by local muslims are visibly to be derived from local sources but at the same time have been enriched by islam (see hermansyah, 2006, 2010). conversely there are also islamic belief and rituals that have been mixed with local traditions. many of the teachings of islam are gaining local color in their expression. the indonesian muslims hold a lot of ceremonies such as childnaming, circumcision, wedding, and funeral which are the application of islamic teachings, and in practice they get an extra local color. there are a lot of variations in the implementation of the ceremonies. the efforts of the scholars and former educators to incorporate the elements of islam into local traditions or vice versa were not actually meant to reinforce existing traditions. it was the first step to introduce islam to those who had not known anything about the religion. this is a tiered effort. as a result of this process of islamization, islam was accepted by the entire community of the indonesian archipelago. this is not surprising because as described azyumardi azra (1999) that islam could be propagated up to remote places in the country thanks to the teachers and the sufi travellers who moved from one place to another to spread it. the presence of the sufis is acceptable because, to a certain extent, the sufis are more tolerant and even take advantage of local traditions as a means to islamize the society. research conducted by hermansyah (2006, 2010) found that the practices among the sufis were similar those of the communities in the indonesian archipelago especially with regard to magic, which in the local language is called ilmu (malay) or ngelmu (java). for example, among the followers of sadziliah in egypt believe that certain chants have magic power, like hizb al-bahr which was used as a spell of protection during a trip (schimmel 1976: 178). similarly, the role of islamic religious figures ‘kiyai’ in java is important in terms of the belief in magic as in the determination of the wedding day (vredenbregt 1990: 62); so is the case with the santri (students of islamic boarding school) who use verses from the quran for the purposes of [ 62 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 1 june 2014 treatment as reported by geertz (1989: 118-119) similarly, the spreaders of islam in indonesia, especially the sufis, were also believed to have the ability to heal in a way unseen so it caught the attention of the local community who then sympathized with and embraced islam. for them, the sufi figure could fulfill their pragmatic interests. therefore, islam embraced by most of the people in the archipelago in the early stages of islamic period in this region, is actually still alive in the mental world inherited by local culture and gave birth to the syncretic style of islam. in this light, lapidus (1991: 487-488) stated that while many muslims adhered to the high tradition defined by ulema and sufi teachings, many, if not most lived in a mental world defined by the heritage of local cultures. for most southeast asian villagers, islam was an element of a more complex social and religious identity and not the exclusive symbol of personal and collective life. in contrast to the traders or the trade world which generally is centered on the coastal areas that are open and cosmopolitan, the sufi travelers/teachers penetrated the interior areas which have agrarian culture and typical cosmopolitan views. sufi masters have inclusive views or weltanschaung, and distinctive agrarian culture that tend to be syncretic. islam no longer appears in strict exclusivism as a religion of revelation; but it is quite accommodating to local values and belief systems that have been established. this is also recognized by researchers from outside who found that the encounter between islam and traditional beliefs was the secret to the success of islam in the indonesian archipelago (see lapidus 1991: 468, bellah 2000). the third pattern, “pure islam” as pointed out above that some of the old traditions and beliefs still existed without any influence from islamic teachings. there are also traditions that are interwoven with elements of islam. in the implementation, islamic elements indicated ‘victory’ over the traditions. the teachings of islam — especially its formal aspects — increasingly showed dominance over local traditions, especially those that are contrary to islam. many aspects of local belief and practice have been abandoned and replaced entirely by the teachings of islam. however, all forms of practices of local beliefs that have no conflict with the principles of islam are retained and even reinforced. thus the “purity” of islam in indonesia remains in typical space and time. as an example of such a pattern is the teaching about cleanliness. in west kalimantan, for example, the implementation of thaharah (body cleaning) which is called a “balimau” bath or a “srotu” bath on the upper kapuas river [ 63 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 1 june 2014 is a typical local thaharah practice. practices like this in no way contain elements of trust locally, just use a distinctive way. another example of local belief concerning ghosts is slowly replaced by islamic belief about the jinn and devils. beliefs about semangat (spirit) was replaced with faith about the spirit and the soul (nafs). there is also the spirit of local culture and practices that are maintained as it in line with islam such as family, community, and tolerance originally passed on by the ancestors are retained by the muslims here. muslims in indonesia choose the sarong --commonly also worn buddhist people in other parts of southeast asia as clothing and the white skullcap made in china to cover the head when going to mosque-are not necessarily less faithful compared to their fellow muslims who wear robes and turban when going to the masjid al-haram in mecca. similar clothing that is worn also by some christian communities in africa to go to church, because it is their everyday clothes. earlier scholars continued good traditions that already existed in the community completely departing from an understanding of islamic teachings. isn’t this religion the successor of the traditions of abrahamic religions? islam is not entirely new. muslims are told to believe in the past abrahamic religious teachings and set things straight and leave the teachings that are in contrary to the basic principles of islam (for example: qs. al-baqarah [2]: 41, 89, 91, 97, 101; ali imran [3]: 3; al-an’aam [6]: 92). based on this belief, the establishment of islamic law should follow the principles of al-muhafazhah ‘ala al-qadim al-shalih wa al-akhdz bi al-jadid al-ashlah (holding on to the old and good one, and to the better new one) and al-‘adah al-muhakkamah (customs that could be a basis of the law), which are derived from good habits that grow and flourish within the community, as long as they are in line with the basic principles of the qur’an and sunnah. “purifying” islam — in the context of locality — in indonesia and various other parts of the world is experiencing rapid development in line with the increase in da’wah and education. scholars have contributed to the improvement of the quality of the islamic community. even lately there are also movements of “purification” of islam which are less likely to appreciate the locality. for supporters of this form of islamic movement, pure islam means that it must be congruent with islam in its native land. conclusion belief and practice as part of the culture that existed in the islamic society [ 64 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 1 june 2014 of indonesia now are not something that grew and flourished in an empty space. all of this existed as a continuity of treasure of humanity. derivation and redirection of a tradition towards the formation of a new, more complex culture is reasonable and necessary. there is no culture and civilization in the world that is built without relationship and interaction with other cultures and civilizations. the diverse islamic actualizations are historical facts in a socio-cultural process, where islam develops. the spread and development of islamic da’wah and education through the efforts by utilizing local culture should not draw the line between ‘pure islam’ and ‘syncretic islam’ but it should accelerate change through empowerments or socio-economic advocacy and education. ways of spreading and developing patterns of islamic teachings which tend to demean other people’s faiths, could be counter productive. the pattern of the spread and development of islam that emphasizes bans and threats based on faith, morals, and worship (fiqh) in order to change the religious behavior is relevant with community with better level of education, of course with an emphasis on the mauizah al-hasanah method. the indonesia muslims are being tested to resolve various problems facing this nation. the religion and the people being tested on which religion pattern can significantly bring indonesia to become better nation. this “history test” will prove whether (the pattern of ) islam chosen and practiced by the majority of the people of this nation will bring indonesia toward success or otherwise. bibliography abdul munir mulkhan. 2002. “dakwah kultural dalam tradisi keberagamaan di indonesia,” paper presented at sidang tanwir muhammadiyah di denpasar bali 24-27 januari. abdurrahman abror. 2003. pantun etnik melayu pontianak. disertasi pada universiti malaya. attas, syed m. naquib al-. 1969. preliminary statement on general theory of islamization of malay-indonesia archipelago. kuala lumpur: dewan bahasa dan pustaka. azyumardi azra. 1999. renaisans islam di asia tenggara,sejarah wacana & kekuasaan. bandung: remaja rosdakarya. bellah, robert n. 2000. beyond belief: menemukan kembali agama, esei-esei tentang agama di dunia modern. terj. rudy harisyah alam. jakarta: paramadina. [ 65 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 1 june 2014 geertz, c. 1989. abangan, santri, priyai dalam masyarakat jawa. jakarta: pustaka jaya. geertz, c. 1989. abangan, santri, priyai dalam masyarakat jawa. jakarta: pustaka jaya. hermansyah. 2006. alam orang melayu: kajian ilmu di embau, kalimantan barat indonesia. disertasi doktor pada institut alam dan tamadun melayu, universiti kebangsaan malaysia. hermansyah. 2010. ilmu gaib di kalimantan barat. jakarta: gramedia, efeo, stain, kitlv. hermansyah. 2013. islam dan toleransi beragama dalam masyarakat muslim kanayatn dayak kalimantan barat. dalam. islamica. vol. 7. no. 2. maret. hal 340-359. lapidus, ira m. 1991. a history of islamic societies. cambridge: cambridge university press. malinowski, b. 1961. the dynamics of culture change. new york: yale university press. nurcholish madjid. 1992. islam doktrin dan peradaban: sebuah telaah kritis tentang masalah keimanan, kemanusiaan dan kemodernan, jakarta: paramadina. schiller, anne. 1997. small sacrifices: religious change and cultural identity among the ngaju of indonesia. new york, oxford: oxford university press. skeat, w.w. 1967. malay magic: being an introduction to the folklore and popular religion of the malay peninsula. new york: dover publication. [first published 1900] vredenbregt, jacob. 1990. bawean dan islam. jakarta: inis. winstedt, r.o 1985. the malay magician being shaman, saiva and sufi. kuala lumpur: oxford university press. woodward, mark r. 1989. islam in java: normative piety and mysticism in sultanate of yogyakarta. tucson: university of arizona press. yc. thambun anyang. 1998. kebudayaan dan perubahan daya taman kalimantan dalam arus modernisasi. jakarta: grasindo dan kitlv. yusriadi. 2002. “fenomena masuk islam di kalimantan barat: menyusuri etimologi lubuk melayu.” khatulistiwa. 2. hal. 1-12. [ 66 ] al albab borneo journal of religious studies (bjrs) volume 3 number 1 june 2014 [ 139 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 is susila budhi dharma subud a religion? watini center for religious and cross-cultural studies, gadjah mada university email: watini@mail.ugm.ac.id abstract  e government of indonesia has recognized six offi cal religions based on certain categories by law. susila budhi dharma known as subud is not included as one of them.  e debate on the inclusion of subud as a religion has existed since its existance.  is work attemps to explore the experience of subud in dealing with the acknowledment both by people and the schoolars in religious studies and the discource on it. richard king believes that subud is a religion since there is mysticim in it (submission to god) with latihan kejiwaan. he may say that it is constructed like what laso is prascticed in christianity. subud is not a religious teaching claimed by subud’s members but subud is as a religion since the latihan kejiwaan is from god and appropriate with god’s will. in the discussion of marxian, durkheimian and freudian, subud is considered as a religion since it tends to promote dependance and can disturb economy. while in the views of both weberian and eliadean, subud is considered as a religion because it is related to sacred intities and is traditonalism.  e works suggests that deeper information would be bene� cial for the people within religious studies to accommodate subud as a religion based on theories in the � eld. talal asad’s theory can develop subud terminology that it is as a religion since it is categorized as an organization that have structures of leaders and people. indeed, subud has proven to separate from the states for its growing and developtment in european countries and the usa. keywords: subud, religious studies, java, religion. introduction aliran kepercayaan is a federation of about 353 javenese mystical sects and has been recognized by the indonesian government as a formal institution since 1987. as quoted by patty, samuel writes that it was put under the charge of the ministry of education and culture instead of the ministry of religious aff air (mora) as the one dealing with religion in indonesia. and the muslims do not agree to the idea of subud to be accepted as a religion and included in the mora. he also mentions that political instability and socio-economic [ 140 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 deprivation have played a major role in the growth of the movement. subud is not recognized as religion because it is an aliran kepercayaan or a mistical belief sect. but subud is a new religious movement (patty, 1986, iv-v). although subud is not recognized as a religion, it vontinues to grow until today. patty also describes that aliran kepercayaan is a term to refer to groups of people who draw upon javanese culture traditions, trying to de� ne their own belief system outside of indonesian’s offi cial religions like islam, christianity, hinduism and budhism (patty, 1986:1). a er the independence day, indonesia takes the vive principles known as pancasila as a foundation of the country that includes; believing in one god, humanism, nasionalism of indonesia, democracy and social justice. believing in one god means that the government would give freedom for all religions to express their doctrine and the government would also � nally support all religions which had been accepted as “offi cial religions” in the country: islam, catholicism, protestanism, hinduism, buddhism and later on confucianism. because of that, the ministry of religious aff air proposes an offi cial de� nition of religion. groups that need acknowledgement as a religion should have particular requirements such as having a prophet, a holy scripture and international recognition (patty, 1986:1). in colonial era, islam became the object of bureucratization and administration so kantoor voor inlandsche zaken was made.  e � rst director is snouck hurgronje. native indonesian call that institution as “  e offi ce of religion (kantor agama) and then later became department of religion (sihombing et al 2008: 73-74). today it is known as kementrian agama or the ministry of religious aff air (mora). kantor agama’s establishment was intended to manage the administration of people and their religious aff airs. yet, in that time, kepercayaan or kebatinan has existed. for this special group of kebatinan, the government established what was called pengawas aliran kepercayaan masyarakat (pakem).  e members of the pakem was legalized pasca independence day but the essence of the idea had existed since the colonial era.  e initiator was snouck hurgronje (sihombing etc, 2008, 73). pakem is mentioned in pokok-pokok pola pelaksanaan tugas pakem (the duties of pakem) and that aliran keagamaan is a sect of a religion, religious movement, group of religious community. pakem was also recognized by kejaksaan agung republik indonesia mentioning that “aliran keagamaan teaching is based on a constitution as a holy book.  e holy book of aliran kepercayaan includes spirituality (kerohanian) that grows and is embodied in a society as a result of ciptarasa, karsa, and hasil karya manusia (result of human’s creation) (jakarta:kejaksanaan agung ri, 3 in [ 141 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 nurdjana 2009:20). nurdjana states that aliran kepercayaan is coming from all branches (madzhab, sect, ordo, ism et cetera) of faiths in a society either coming from a religion or non-religion.  e group would have activities related to mistic, javenesse, forecasting, paranormal and metaphysic (2009, 21).  is paper employs nurdjana’s term to explain aliran kepercayaan in yogayakarta that is called subud (susila budhi dharma). subud and wilfred cantwell smith according to smith (religion is something (noun) that is rei� ed from religious (adjective) which comes from large thing to very limited thing. many scholars believe that the term of religion comes from “religio” such as st.  omas aquinas. he states that scholars do so by omitting not only the vitality but the most signi� cant of all factors in that vitality, namely its relation with transcendence (smith, 124).  e diff erences between religion and religions is that religion is a belief in god but religions is what a diff erential all religion is. “religio” until now becomes so limited that makes it very limited and materialized and standardized. zainal abidin bagir (2016) agrees with smith that word “religion” refers to christian faith then is rei� ed and applied in religions which is found in the west. it is a shaping new entity from that reality through the uses of one category.  erefore it shapes the ontology of religion. for instance, hinduism is a tradition from india which is very kind and it is called by england imperialism by ‘hinduism.’ yet, it is not the case for islam by calling it “mohamedanism.” jerome agrees that religion refers to “believe”, experience and related to god. rei� cation is standardized with criterias of rei� cation and � nds the essence of the truth of a religion. criteria of rei� cation is sacred “sui generis” that is “divine” and have a sacred and profane (spirit). for example, hinduism is rei� ed by the scholars that it is not invented by hindus.  e implication of rei� cation in indonesia is the existence of six religions which are the cumulative religions.  is view is in� uenced by snouck hurgronje who separated religion from adat.  e bene� t of rei� cation is to make the de� nition becoming easier (bagir 2016: 26).  e impact of rei� cation initiated by smith is that many kepercayaan or kebatinan can be categorized as religion. rei� cation have requirements in religion. kepercayaan can be categorized as religion if coming with prophets, holy books, believe in one god and so forth. based on smith’s theory, subud is not a religion because subud is not aff ordable to reify as a religion.  e [ 142 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 fourth congres of bkki (the groups of kebatinan), in malang east java, in july 1960 � nds that there was no essential diff erence between “religion” and kebatinan because religion emphasizes the ritual while kebatinan stresses in inner-experience and the perfection of man. if using the terms from the state of indonesia, subud is not a religion because in 1960, the ministry of religion proposed a de� nition of religion with the purpose of denying kebatinan as a religion (patty, 1986: 4). to the ministry, subud is not a religion because subud doesn’t meet some requirements to be called as a religion. a group should have a prophet, worship the almighty oneness of god and has a holy scripture and a system of laws for its follower to be recognized as a religion.  erefore, in 1960 there was an establisment of an organization called pakem that is an acronym for mystical supervision (pengawas aliran kepercayaan masyarakat) to protect the existing religions from the in� uence of negative aspects of the mystical sects (patty, 1986: 4). in 1978, aliran kepercayaan including subud was accepted offi cially by the government throuh the proples’ representativese assembly (majelis permusyawaratan rakyat or mpr) as a formal institution but not as a religion.  e government acceptance to aliran kepercayaan as a formal institution is a very important point. it means that the government supports the group along with the other religious groups in the country although part of muslims in the department of religion opposed subud as a formal institution with strong opposition of the islamic group and the dominance of the muslims in the department of religion (patty, 1986: 11). in 1961, there was the �  h congress of bkki.  ey built the federation of congress kebatinan indonesia (the gabungan musyawarah kebatinan indonesia or gmki) that is concerned in education, information and politics. in that period, the bkki was in� ltated by communists (patty, 1986:71-72). based on patty’s writing (1986:115) we can conclude that subud has diff erent concept from other groups of aliran kebatinan because as its founder claims that it is only a method to help people achieve the truth of god in all religions and its role is to bring harmony to diff erent religions. subud has members that come from diff erent religious backgrounds who live together with harmonious relationship.  e implication to subud member is that member’s of subud is investigated by neighborhood that subud is heretical action especially in branch of subud in yogyakarta. in checoslovakia, subud is investigated by police (sullivan 1991: 36 ).  us, organization of subud is monitored by state. subud as religious practice subud is the � rst and the only indonesian spiritual brotherhood that has gained [ 143 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 extensive in� uence and a great number of followers in indonesia as well as abroad.  e founder of subud is bapak subuh sumohadiwidjojo. he was born in semarang. subud had been acknowledged by the state on 19 october 1964 in jakarta. muhammad subuh remains in semarang then move to yogyakarta and the last move to jakarta until he died (batubara, 1999). “latihan” or practice is a commonplace word in indonesia meaning any form of exercise such as physical exercise or learning lessons at school. “kejiwaan” means spirituality. subuh sumohadiwidjojo explains that the � nal goal of latihan is menunggalkan.  e term menunggalkan is a transitive verb derived from the noun tunggal that means single or singular (kafrawi 1970: 147). latihan kejiwaan is a method or way to submit to god. it is a manifestion which we obey to the merciful of god (ari� anto, 2012: 2).  e occasion when new member join subud and do the latihan for the � rst time is referred to as your “opening”, and is generally understood by subud members to be a direct contact with the power of god which initiates and guides this form of worship. men and women do the latihan separately. to practise the latihan, members stand relaxed theirself, or with a group, and follow whatever arises spontaneously from within theirself.  e experience is diff erent for each person and diff erent for a particular person at diff erent times. some people report an inner vibration, or a feeling like electricity running through their bodies. some feel an impulse to move, utter sounds, to laugh, cry, sing, dance or pray. at other times the latihan can be a very quiet inward experience.  e latihan usually continues for about thirty minutes and is usually done twice a week with the group. a er experience has been gained, some people do an additional latihan by themselves once a week.  e eff ects of doing the latihan also vary greatly. for some, it brings about a peaceful, gradual development. for others, it initiates a process of dramatic change in their lives. sometimes, diffi culties must be faced as the process of puri� cation begun by the latihan takes its course. people usually have a feeling of relaxation and well-being immediately a er doing the latihan. in the longer run, they may come to trust the guidance received through the latihan as it permeates every aspect of their lives including personal relationships, family life and work. people also need helps for doing the latihan. helpers give explanations about the basis and aims of the latihan kejiwaan of subud for those who are interested in joining.  ey open people who have completed the waiting period and attend their latihan until they are really able to feel and receive the latihan.  ey come to the latihan place whenever there is an opening of people who have completed the waiting period. symbol of subud is also unique. within the circle are also depicted seven [ 144 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 inner circles, which illustrate the existence of forces, or spirits (roh), which also return to their origins. and it is these circles within the symbol, seven in all, which depict the existence of certain forces, which are, beginning from the material force (roh kebendaan); the vegetable force (roh tumbuh-tumnuhan); the animal spirit (roh hewani); the ordinary human force (roh orang); the spirit of the perfect human being (roh rohani); the spirit of higher than that which is called roh rahmani; and the spirit higher than all the rest, the roh rabani spirit. in a talk on december 14 1957 in england, bapak susilo gave an explanation about the meaning of the subud symbol. he said that the meaning of subud is “originating from its source and returning to the same source”. and this is represented in the subud symbol as something round, a circle, meaning “limitless and forever returning to its origin”. and in this symbol something else is represented as well: that we do not stop on the way, but rather we go on without limit.  is means we do not hold anything back, but everything is for god, from god.  e doctrin about merciful god in seri pembinaan penghayatan kepercyaan kepada tuhan yang maha esa number 26 p&k department states includes god is the one, the great, the creator. according to events that is done in latihan kejiwaan, only god that have to be submitted and only god that can lead and repair and treat body and soul of human. all nature is creates by god, the one. all creature in the world and place a er the world is wished of god. (p&k department, jakarta: 46 in nurdjana 2009: 92). implementation of subud is a leading by god but the goal of subud is to submit to god through latihan kejiwaan. subud as latihan kejiwaan is taught and led by god (alif, 1988:2-3). subud and the discussion of religion and social theories according to tylor, subud is a religion because there is monotheism that includes the development of animism-polytheismmonotheism. taylor states that the origins of religion is animism (tylor, 29-30). frazer theory recognizes subud as a religion, it is because subud has experience suas as magic (illogical) because the experience of bapak muhammad subuh is similar to prophet muhammad that he went to somewhere in the night and he received something like light. frazer states that the origin of religion is magic. frazer says that the principle of magic is based on two things; something that like produces like, or that an eff ect resembles it causes; that things which have once been in contact to act on each other (frazer, 40). in this case, the magic is supposed as blac magic or klenik as a part of javanese mysticism. in the third badan [ 145 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 kongres kebatinan indonesia (bkki), the congress thereupon reiterated that kebatinan was not a black magic or klenik but supernatural power and white magic (patty, 1986:3).  ere are diff erent argument from durkheim and mircea eliade, and even oppositing each other. durkheim states that something which is sacred is contructed by people not by individual. anything individual is profane. mircea eliade claims that daily activities of human is profane.  ere are diff erent perspective from other scholars. eliade states that epyphany is real of the religion and axis mundi (eliade, 273) is center of the world (connect others). he also mention that “sui generis” is something tremendous fascinating and it could be many places. weber provides the typology of religion into two categorizes; modern and traditionalism (weber, 260-263). he also concerns in terms of charisma. charisma is very revolutionary that can change suddenly. weber describes that charisma is categorized as a defender. its concerns perspective phenomenon in diff erent time. weber focuses on the essence of religion, not on “what the religion is”. mircea eliade and weber defend religion as a “sui generis phenomenon” (maarif 2016: 5). weber sees religion as the “cause.” in contemporar time, eliade improves her theory in modern world that is not only discuss in the historian of religion but also politic and social historian such as psycholigist and philospher. according to both weber and eliade, subud is a religion because it is related to sacred and it is traditonalism. subud has latihan kejiwaan, and latihan kejiwaan has relations with god. people who do latihan kejiwaan receive movements that come from god and are appoprite with god’s will.  e other schoolars; frued, durkheim and marx; are some of those holding theories on religion.  ey seem to believe that the category of religion is constructed. religion is a constructed reality (not exactly from society) (marx, 143-144).  ey see religion as an “eff ect” (maarif, 2016). marx argues that religion is if anything the chief off ender and religion employs its skills to de� ect the anger (marx, 144). freud describes that trauma is one of symptom that consequences from the phenomena of religion (freud, 94). marx, durkheim and freud de� ne religion in diff erent ways because they see that religion has no bene� t to people, and even religion tends to create dependency (durkheim, 15). durkheim argues that religion is like an aggreement of certain groups of people.  ey decide a value and name it as a religion that contain rites and beliefs.  e other component of religion is magic. religion is a system which balances between belief and practice (durkheim, 29-30).  us, based on this theory subud is not religion. as discussed earlier, subud then is considered as [ 146 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 kebatinan, not black magic or klenik but supernatural power and white magic (patty, 1986:3). formations of secular -christianity, islam, modernity is written by talal asad which is published in stanford university in 2003. talal asad quotes his writing in jose casanova’s book which is explained development of modernity since weber era.  ere are three elements: 1). increasing structural diff erentiation of social spaces resulting in the separating religion from politic, economy, science and et cetera. 2) privatization of religion within its own sphere. 3). declining social signi� cance of religious belief commitment and institution. casanova states that element 1 and 3 air viable.  e legitimate entry of religion results in modern “hybrids”: the principle of structural diff erentiation, according to which religion, economy, education, and science are located in autonomous social spaces. element 1 and 3 as secularization thesis is falls. asad argues that nation is said to be under god. nature and culture is two essence things which is used by nation. if nature and culture (socity) is separated, so it is called modernity as bruno latour said (blok and jensen 2011:52). asad also writes about islam that islamism and arab nationalism concern in modernizing state. both asad and latour use anthropology method. another interesting arguent comes from talal asad. asad notes that secularism aff ects the study on religion. religion has produced in� uences on politics and likewise.  e role of secularism is the construction of religion where religion is studied in academia.  e notion of secularism is that there is relatoinship between religion and nationalism. asad believes that secularism and religion is not necessary to collide like what has happened in indonesia. he criticizes taylor that secularism is close with nation state (asad 2003: 2). secularism is separation bertween religion and state but in public (morality) and in religious law there is a phenomena as normally called as hybrid. religion could appear in many domain including politics and education.  e needs is to bring the study of religion to that context.  is asad theory can develop subud terminology to become apart of the practice of a religion.  e last scholar i would like to discuss here is richard king. he writes that orientalism occurs because of the sitiation of politic, economy, cultural power of english and english language in the world. in the early time of orientalism, many people in india stand against english. indians say that their country is theirs.  ey did not accept orientalists. king quotes in many place from chakrabaty, it is interesting because religious studies contributes to the construction of its object of its analysis (orintalism) (king,1999, 82). king quotes edward said that orientalist is everyone who teaches, writes and [ 147 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 research the orient.  e impact of orientalism is that english has become a powerful international language (king 1999: 217). king states that there is mysticism in india. mysticism is one of religious studies that has de� ned the way of religion. king wants to see how orientalism is placed in india. how mysticism de� ned is same as the way how religion de� nes. mysticism is also about experience.  e construction of mysticism in the east is made by the west somehow.  e way that christianity is de� ned is used to represent the religion in the east. king looks everything universally see it in essence. religius studdies tend to see phenomena as universal phenomena. orientalism is about interaction between east and west. it is real problematic things if de� nition of religion is universally applicable.  e essence eff ect is same thing with smith that religion is true of right. because of orientalism so subud grows and develops in europe and the usa. subud it is not a religion although according to king subud has a mystical aspect embedded on it (submit to god) with latihan kejiwaan so that some may say that it is constructed like misticism in christianity (el-ha� dy 1982: 63-64). subud in religious studies bourdieu, as quited by wijsen, claims that he does not see the distinction between theology and science of religion in the prespective of insider or outsider. if the essential notion of religion from a postmodern perspective doesn’t use a certain boundary, both of them become blurred. it is not about the distinction about engaged or disengaged but the diff erences is about the research perspective or view of science, empirical or hermeneutic, or explanatory versus interpretative science. wijsen (2013) sees that what makes a theologian a theologian is the practice of methodological conversion as distinct from methodological agnosticism. according to wijsen, theology has important position in religious studies.  eology is emic but religous studies is ethic and theology is insider but religous studies is outsider. wijsen supposes that the study of religion should employ methodological agnosticism or conversion but the most applicable methodology is methodological agnosticism.  e total methodological agnosticism is done by snouck hurgronje.  eoloogy and religious studies are to complete each other. both of religious studies and theology cannot be separated becausee religious studies put theology and theology is part of religious studies.  ere is no point bertween theology and religious studies but both of them is about methodological of theology, religious studies and comparative religion (wijsen, 2013). according to frans wijsen, there are two alternatives that african and european epistemologies can be reconcited or where this proves imposible [ 148 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 they can exist in mutual acceptance of their diff erences.  is paper will discusses: 1.  e distinction between theology and and religious studies, 2.  e distinction between insider and outsider perspectives in the study of religion, 3.  e distinction between seminary and university of theology, 4.  e distinction between simplex and duplex ordo system, 5.  e distinction between empirical and hermeneutic studies of religion. 6.  e distinction between methodological agnosticism and methodological conversion. for example, st. anselm states that theology is faith seeking understanding.  ere are diff erent perspective from academic study of religion which religion as social (tylor, durkheim), economic (marx), psychological (freud).  ose all are very suitable theory to analyzed subud, so researcher have deeper information. so subud can be accommodated with that theory. one of the importances of religious studies is that it provides concepts to explain action of human beings such as mystic in east tradition. in this case of subud, barbara categorizes subud as moe of mystical movement and a typical product of the javanese cultural environment (barbara 1999:95).  e leader of the javanese mysticism group (kebatinan) which organized the javenese mystic federation or bkki was asked to become a member of golongan karya (golkar) in suharto era.  us, the aliran tried to unify all the javanese mystical groups in a broad single organization striving for legal recognition that culminated in the national symposium on kebatinan mysticism, science of the soul and science of the spirit in indonesia (symposium nasional kepercayaan-kebatinan, kejiwaan dan kerohanian indonesia) in yogyakarta in 1970. a er that, the kebatinan mystical group was accepted as an offi cially recognized institusion as a member of golkar, the gobvernment dominated political organization in december 1970.  en, the name aliran kebatinan was changed to become aliran kepercayaan (patty 1986:10). in religious studies, we can see that subud is a religion based on the theories from some scholars that concern in relgious studies and try to de� ne what religion is. in fourth congress also, they discussed and tstated that there were no essential diff erence between kebatinan and religion, namely that religion focuses on worshiping god in a formal ritual while kebatinan focuses on the “inner-experience” of the individual and the perfection of man (patty 1986, 71). religous studies is important in this case because it is related to religion and can be explained as a reaction to the dogmatism and ritualism of the established monotheistic religions (patty 1986: 73). aactually, all of the aliran kepercayaan groups are worshiping god as people of other religions do. in term of religious studies, it is iportant to see that subud as javanese mystical sects pursuing inner-tranquility (ketentraman batin) and peacefulnss [ 149 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 through meditation (patty 1986: 158). one the helpers of subud said that she joins subud to control the inner power to solve his problems in daily life and to get hakikat which is spiritual needs. conclusion  e discussion of subud and its relevant to the de� nition of religion is intersting and becoming important to the studies of religion, perticularly with regards to the teaching of misticism within religion. subud as a unique phenomenon has taken us to the debate of wheter it is religion. some argues that subud is not a religion and some other do not so.  e government of indonesia uses the category of rei� cation to see religion so that subud is excluded from the terminology of a religion. in contrast, some scholars argue that subud is religion since it carries out the teaching of mysticim with latihan kejiwaan. according to marx, durkheim and freud, subud is a religion because it can create dependancy. according to both theory of weber and eliade, subud is religion since it is related to sacred things. it is the important poin in this conclusion that the discussion of the de� nition of certain practices of believe is being studied in the � elds of religious studies.  e case of subud has shown to readers that the relation of nation and religion is still urgent to the discussion of the pratice of religion and or what it is called as kepercayaan kepada tuhan yang maha esa in indonesian case.  e sociological and anthropological aspects of religion are among other signi� cant in� uences in the context of the studies of religious practices such subud. bibliography alif, m. r. (1988). khatr ilham, bimbingan getaran hidup dari kekuasaan tuhan yang maha esa jakarta: yayasan penerbit “kartika bahagia” ari� anto, b. d. (2012). human passions, sebuah karya film tari. unpublished  esis. pascasarjana program. yogyakarta: institut seni indonesia. asad, t. (2003). formations of the secular: christianity, islam, modernity (cultural memory in the present). california: stanford university press. bagir, z. a. (2016). studi agama di indonesia: re� eksi pengalaman. yogyakarta: center for religious and cross-cultural studies. batubara, c. (1999). islam and mystical movement in post independence. canada: mcgill university. durkheim, e. (2009).  e elemantary of the religious by life edward. b. tylor in pals, d. l. introducing religion: readings from the classic  eorists. [ 150 ] al-albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 new york oxford: oxford university press. el-ha� dy, a. (1982). aliran-aliran kepercayaan dan kebatinan di indonesia. jakarta: ghalia indonesia. eliade, m. (2009). religion as response to  e sacred in pals, d. l. introducing religion: readings from the classic  eorists. new york oxford: oxford university press. frazer, j. (2009). magic and the rise of religioin of religion in pals, d. l. introducing religion: readings from the classic  eorists. new york oxford: oxford university press. freud, s. (2009). religion as neurosis in pals, d. l. introducing religion: readings from the classic  eorists. new york oxford: oxford university press frazer, j & weber, m. (2009). religion and culture interwoven in pals, d. l. introducing religion: readings from the classic  eorists. new york oxford: oxford university press. jensen, a. b. & elgaard, t. (2011). bruno latour:hybrid thoughta in a hybrid world new york: routledge. kafrawi, (1970).  e path of subud. unpublished  esis. canada: mcgill university. king, r. (1999). orientalism and religion. new york: routledge. maa’rif, s. (2016). syllabus of academic study of religion, yogyakarta: universitas gadjah mada. marx, k. (2009). religion as agent of economic oppression in pals, d. l. introducing religion: readings from the classic  eorists. new york oxford: oxford university press. mulder, n. (1978). mysticism & everyday life in contemporary java. singapore: singapore university press. nurdjana, igm. (2009). hukum dan aliran menyimpang di indonesia yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. patty, s. a. (1986). aliran kepercayaan a sosio religius movement in indonesia. unpublished dissertation. washington state university. sihombing, u. p. et al. (2008). menggugat bakor pakem jakarta:  e indonesian legal resource center (ilrc), 73-74. smith, w. c. (1962).  e meaning and end of religion. united states: first fortress press. tylor. e. b. (2009). animism and the origin of religion in pals, d. l. introducing religion: readings from the classic  eorists. new york oxford: oxford university press. wijsen, f. (2013). editorial: discourse analysis in religious studies. in journal religion. vol(43). issue(1). 1-3. [ 3 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 religion and multiculturalism at pesantren sunan pandanaran and muallimin yogyakarta niswatin faoziah, hasan mahfudh & rima ronika college of islamic studies sunan pandanaran yogyakarta niswatinfaoziah@yahoo.co.id abstract this paper discusses the role of pesantren (islamic boarding school) education in developing multicultural values at sunan pandanaran and muallimin pesantren yogyakarta. through field studies, the findings of this research are: first, the multicultural values are reflected and have become good principles at sunan pandanaran or muallimin pesantren yogyakarta despite the difference in characteristics. second, pesantren education --both at sunan pandanaran and muallimin pesantren yogyakarta-have an important contribution to the development of multicultural values each with different traits and characteristics. third, some teachers with little understanding of multiculturalism have become a major obstacle in pesantren education especially with regard to the multicultural values. moreover, in the context of multicultural education curriculum development, the dilemma of self-identity also becomes another problem. keywords: pesantren; multicultural education; sunan pandanaran; muallimin yogyakarta introduction several years ago, we witnessed tragedies of ethnic / religious violence that occurred in ambon, sambas, sampit, poso, which are not impossible to happen again in the future. in addition, there have been frequent attacks on minority ethnic / religious groups, such the expulsion of shias in madura, church burnings, and the indiscriminate attacks against members of ldii in parung bogor. these are examples of the gloomy face of the country. the violence and the conflict have in fact caused not only loss of a lot of lives and material, but also disharmony between different communities. needless to say that plurality in society is like a two bladed sword. on the one hand, it is a wealth of the country that should be maintained, but on the other hand, it could be a trigger factor of horizontal conflicts.1 1 m, jandra, “islam in the context of culture and tradition plural”, in the book, zakiyudin baidhawi, ed., religion and plurality of local culture, (surakarta: muhammadiyah [ 4 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 plurality or human plurality is in fact the will of allah. the qur’an says that humans were created nations and tribes so that they know and appreciate each other.2 normative islam (qur’an and sunnah) always teaches its believers to behave well, respect each other and visit each other, deliberate, socialize and forbids them to be evil, arrogant, envious, anarchistic, etc. therefore, an attempt to make islam a social integrity becomes a necessity. so it is necessary to study the elements that can unite cultures, and most importantly, raise awareness of cultural unity.3 if the norms of islam are practiced well, they will certainly give birth to a good community and nation. however, the norms could be contrary in practice. there is often a gap between ideals and reality, between normative islam and historical islam mainly related to culture, tradition, views of scholars, and confidence in the non-muslims in indonesia.4 as a result, we need a conscious effort and continuous transfer of knowledge, attitude and behavior in an effort to show the face of islam that is more accommodating, and not merely purificatory to different cultures, traditions and views of different religions. in this regard, as an educational institution, basically pesantren has a strategic role in developing the islamic vision of multicultural education.5 this is because in general pesantren grows and develops from the diversity of traditions and local culture. so, growing cultural diversity in pesantren is easily noticeable. this is reflected in the behavior patterns of students of different traditions, humility shown by the kiai, and different cultures, teaching methods, materials, and books that contain various views of scholars that accommodate local traditions. understanding multiculturalism itself is almost equal to pluralism which is the value system or policy that respects diversity, in a society based on willingness to accept and respect different circumstances of other ethnic, gender or religious groups.6 university press, 2002), p. 72. 2 alquran, surat al hujarat/49:13: o mankind, indeed we have created you from male and female and made you peoples and tribes that you may know one another. indeed, the most noble of you in the sight of allah is the most righteous of you. indeed, allah is knowing and acquainted. 3 roland robertson, religion in sociological analysis and interpretation, trans. fidyani ahmad saifuddin, (jakarta: rajawali press, 1988), p. 220.. 4 hasan basri, “ multikulturalisme dari pesantren”, in ijtihad pesantren tentang toleransi and good governance, (tangerang, banten, icip, 2009). 5 multicultural education, according to bikhu parekh (2000), serves as “education that liberates various ethnocentric bias and prejudice and explores as well as learns from various perspectives and other cultures. in short, with the introduction of multicultural education, each learner can have a sense of civic culture. bikhu parekh, rethinking multiculturalism: cultural diversity and political theory, (cambridge: harvard university press, 2000), p. 225. 6 m. syafi’i anwar:menggali kearifan pesantren untuk multikultalisme , in wasathhaniyah, no.1, februari 2006 m, p.2. [ 5 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 pesantren upholds respect regardless of ethnicity and race. the curriculum of pesantren both modern and traditional, teaches students to increase national awareness of the environment and society where people live side by side with various community groups and can spread blessing to the environment.7 this is apparently one of the factors that contributes to pesantren being friendly to the environment, in synergy with local cultures, responsive to the new changes that occur in the community, so that pesantren rarely takes violent action against certain groups because they are different. thus, pesantren education that manages the values of multiculturalism needs to be developed in community life.8 therefore, the existence of pesantren serves as one of the institutions that has a significant role in maintaining local culture, values and harmonious social order.9 it is then interesting to examine the extent to which the role of religious education in pesantren in developing multicultural values for students who will take part in a pluralistic society with a muslim majority. this research was carried out at pesantren sunan pandanaran pesantren muallimin, yogyakarta. both pesantrens are seen to have contributed to the world of islamic education and the birth of cadres and muslim intellectuals. the selection of the two pesantrens as the object of the study was based on the fact that both schools lay a strong ground for multicultural values in islamic education in the country. pesantren in this era of globalization still shows its vitality as a social, cultural and religious force that helps to shape modern indonesian culture, and this research is intended to find out more clearly the role of religious education in both traditional and modern pesantren.10 7 a. sholahuddin, pesantren dan budaya damai, http://www.gp-anshor.org/?p+13308, accessed on 1 october 2015. 8 in indonesia, some managers of education from elementary to higher education have been introducing multicultural values in their educational curriculum. multicultural education is seen as a strategic breakthrough for increasing awareness, knowledge and understanding of the people to be tolerant of differences. however, the implementation and management have yet to be well organized. on the other hand there are many parties who do not understand the idea of multiculturalism in their education. for some managers, even the integration of multicultural education in their curriculum seems to be a mere marketing strategy to attract a number of students. in other words, the multicultural educational label is only a discourse but not put into practice in the teaching and learning process and school curriculum. ridwan al makassary and soeparto, ed, multicultural education success story in indonesia, (jakarta: centre for the study of religion and culture (csrc), 2010), p. xiv. 9 nunu ahmad an-nahidil, “pesantren dan dinamika pesan damai” in edukasi journal penelitian agama dan keagamaan vol.4 no. 3, (jakarta putlitbang pendidikan agama dan keagamaan, badan litbang dan diklat departemen agama ri, 2006), p. 18. 10 a traditional boarding school or salaf pesantren is oriented to the preservation of tradition with a traditional education system. 2) modern boarding schools are schools that undergo significant transformation in the education system and institutional elements. this type of pesantren is managed by well organized management, and instruction system im[ 6 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 pesantren sunan pandanaran is nahdliyin-based pesantren which currently has about 2,500 students who come from various regions in indonesia. in addition to educating the students with the science of religion, pesantren also examines common knowledge by providing formal education from kindergarten to higher education. although the materials taught include religion and general sciences, pesantren sunan pandanaran still retains the ideology salaf pesantren in its instruction. meanwhile, pesantren muallimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta hereafter referred to as muallimin is a modern educational institution under the central management of muhammadiyah organization. this pesantren is no regular school, but it is dubbed the muhammadiyah cadre school which aims to prepare scholars, teachers, and leaders of muhammadiyah. in line with the pesantren sunan pandanaran, muallimin also provides religious and general subjects. in addition, the school is constantly innovating to develop teaching materials by connecting and integrating islamic studies with the national curriculum, and the muhammadiyah materials which are related to the “yellow books” or a technique known as the cross curriculum. if the diversity of students of different backgrounds is not managed by observing multicultural values, there is no doubt that the potential to cause conflict is inevitable. in this light, this research focuses on the role of religious education in pesantren in developing multicultural values, conducted through a case study at pesantren sunan pandanaran and muallimin yogyakarta. the analysis of this paper includes the dimensions of knowledge about multicultural values in pesantren, and a practical dimension of the role of pesantren education in developing multicultural values. portrait of multicultural values at pesantren sunan pandanaran and pesantren muallimin 1. pesantren sunan pandanaran a. history pondok pesantren sunan pandanaran was founded by kh mufid mas›ud on december 20, 1975. it began as a boarding school teaching religion in a mosque and a plain home that stood on an endowed land. the name pesantren sunan pandanaran is a way to appreciate the merits of his ancestor, sunan pandanaran (sunan tembayat) in spreading the teachings of islam in central plemented in equal portions between religious education and general education. see hasan basri, “pesantren karakterisik dan unsurunsur kelembagaan”, in abu nata (eds), sejarah dan perkembangan lembagalembaga pendidikan islam di indonesia, (jakarta: grasindo, 2001), p. 124. [ 7 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 java. in addition to his being the 12th descendants of sunan bayat, kh. mufid mas›ud, the founder and caretaker of this pesantren, was originally a counselor of female pondok al-munawwir, krapyak. then in october 1975, the scholar who was in tembayat, klaten, central java moved to the village of candi krapyak, sleman to live on the land of 2000 m2 endowed by h. masduqi abdullah, which is located approximately 200 meters west highway yogyakaliurang km.12 candiwinangun hamlet, sardonoharjo village, ngaglik subdistrict, sleman regency yogyakarta. at first, the pesantren was intended as a means of propaganda and the education system applied here was recitation of yellow books with wetonan, bandongan and sorogan system as a common practice in salaf pesantrens, focusing on one area of memorizing the qur›an. along with its development, later on pesantren sunan pandan aran managed some religious educational institutions. the educational institutions among others were: takhassus tahfidz al-qur’an, radlat al-athfal (kindergarten), islamic elementary school, islamic junior high school, islamic senior high school, and college of islamic studies of sunan pandanaran, but still retaining reviews of yellow book or books such as ihya ulumiddin, shahih al-bukhari and shahih muslim, tafsir al-jalalain, ta’lim al-mutaallim, etc. in addition to positioning itself as a religious educational institution, pesantren sunan pandanaran has the vision and responsibility to build character and moral of the community to be more islamic. in an effort to establish this vision, pesantren sunan pandanaran employs an inclusive approach to the culture of the surrounding communities. in addition to routine activities of reviewing the yellow books conducted by the counselor or teachers with the students, various activities involving the public are also organized by pesantren. these activities include mujahadah, routine recitation of al-jauharah, jamuspa and various economic activities which involve active community participation such as providing foods and drinks for sale at the pesantren, laundry services, supplying water for daily needs, etc. beside religious and economic activities, pesantren sunan pandanaran also uses art and culture to accommodate various elements of the community of different age and walks of life. for example, the bedouin dance that grew up in the community is revived and even included in extracurricular programs in the madrasah. such approach serves as the basis of various forums that build relations and communication with the community around the pesantren. moreover, along with the times, there have been changes in the pesantren itself especially in terms of education and teaching system that originated from salaf, and viewed from the dynamics now, it can no longer be called the salaf [ 8 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 pesantren at all. however, while still maintaining the salaf education system, as times went by, the pesantren also applied modern educational system. therefore, for now it is more appropriate to call pesantren sunan pandanaran a mixed or integrated pesantren (between khalaf and the salaf ). this mixed system can be seen, for example, in the salaf teaching model with a system of sorogan and bandongan, as well as the tf eaching oyellow books (classical islamic books). meanwhile, the khalaf or modern system can be seen in the way the pesantren applies the classical tiered system, and madrasa education (modern pesantren). modern education system can also be seen in the adoption of the curriculum prepared by the ministry of religious affairs and combine it with the diniyah pesantren11 curriculum. b. portrait multicultural values in pesantren in fact, it is not difficult to find a building with students having a multicultural awareness. the pesantren diversity in society concerning the language, culture, ethnicity, etc, is an undisputable fact. thus, the heterogeneity should be an effective tool for a multi-ethnic environment to reject all forms of racism. the values of equality and fairness are in the praxis can be found in students’ daily life where everyone has equal rights and responsibilities. as stated by one of the counselors of pesantren sunan pandanaran: daily life at the pesantren is a reflection of a multicultural attitude as it is expected that the students will be ready with a multicultural life out there. students who study at pesantren come from different regions, and live here with no segregation. living together in diversity is what creates the look of a new entity in pesantren.12 with a wide range of differences, they are required to cooperate with each other and suppress any ego that may arise in their interaction, and these differences should become a motivation to move forward and produce new creation and innovation. as reported by wardahani, sri linggani, bahtiar and lutfi: “the way they learn different dialects from different regions is what forms a new culture of the pesantren. in addition, the tradition of dining together at first when entering pesantren was awkward for some, but soon they get used to it. it is the creativity of studnts at pesantren “.13 11 interview with jazilus sakhok, on 26 october 2015. 12 interview with jazilus sakhok, on 26 october 2015. 13 interview with para students of madrasah aliyah sunan pandanaran, on 03 november 2015. [ 9 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 cooperation displayed in the pesantren then demands the same attitude toward the individual. this attitude is regarded as anti-discriminatory and tends to be democratic. these democratic values are practiced in and outside school activities. for example, during the election of osis administrators, called htt, students are given equal opportunity to become the administrators through a series of elections, after which candidates will be elected by all students at the madrasa. this process provides a lesson about the values of democracy that provide equal opportunities and treatment of each of the students, so that the results reflect the aspirations of all students. here are excerpts of an interview with the classroom teacher of the madrasah in charge of student affairs, teguh arifiyanto: in the election osis called htt, it carried out democratically. this is an attitude of respect and appreciation of the differences. in addition to the holding a democratic system in each election, despite the differences between mission and vision of the candidates, it does not cause problems and no conflict arises, they always appreciate the differences. this is very important.14 another important multicultural value shown in pesantren sunan pandanaran is tolerance. pesantren sunan pandanaran seeks to develop values of tolerance and respect through various things including: first, the vision of pesantren leaders about multiculturalism and pesantren propaganda approach. second, madrasa activities such as forum of bahsul masail, festival/parade of local culture (merti dusun, independence day). third, recital of the yellow books in pesantren. fourth, openness of the pesantren to anyone and any group that wants to get to know the pesantren and islam in general. moreover, pesantren sunan pandanaran is familiar with the programs of cooperation with various external parties related to several issues. cooperation is essential in building relations with parties outside the pesantren. in an interview jazilus sakhok said: basically, the counselor does not want any opposition to anyone who comes with good will to this pesantren. this pesantren is open and we should not close ourselves. we think about how much it hurts those who come to here expecting to cooperate and are rejected. however, we also have to be selective because as we also consider the interests of the students. as long it is beneficial to us and does not interfere with the educational process, we will accept it.15 cooperation built by pesantren sunan pandanaran with outsiders is very diverse. this joint programs are carried out by considering aspects of virtues. with regard to tolerance, there was a cooperation related to the issues of 14 interview with teguh arifiyanto, on 27 october 2015. 15 interview with jazilus sakhok, on 5 december 2015. [ 10 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 multiculturalism in pesantren, i.e. cooperation with the csrc (center for the study of religion and culture) of syarif hidayatullah state islamic university jakarta under the “pesantren for peace” program.16 the emphasis of cooperation on the program of “pesantren for peace” is an attempt to align human rights which are strongly emphasized in the western world with a unique culture and religious principles of islam in indonesia. in other words, the core of this cooperation includes supporting the principles of democracy, human rights, religious tolerance, the principles of a constitutional state, as well as gender equality in the midst of the indonesian islamic community.17 matrix 1. multicultural values in pesantren sunan pandanaran no multicultural value description 1 living with others diversity is reflected in the daily life of students. it is expressed in two ways; first, the culture that developed in pesantren which is in fact diverse. students coming from various regions bring various cultural pattern, thus requiring them to accept each other and learn to respect differences. second, the yellow books are used as reference for reviewing the field of science in pesantren. 2 equality and justice each student has equal rights and responsibilities without distinction of regional, ethnic and social origins, e.g. bathroom and bedrooms facilities are the same for all students. 3 brotherhood and helping each other the emergence of a sense of brotherhood and mutual help is guided by several reasons, first the similarities of fate/state that they are away from their family and common purpose of studying religion and other general subjects at the pesantren, as well as the emergence of communal identities as the pesantren community. these values are also built through a method of learning by doing. 16 related to this cooperation, pesantren sunan pandanaran becomes one of the local partners of csrc in the yogyakarta area. in his statement hemay idris said: we are working with five schools in the java area related to the pesantren for peace program. the distribution is complete in each area in 5 provinces. boarding schools in east java: al-hikmah in surabaya; west java: pesantren babus salam in bandung regency; central java: edi mancoro salatiga, and in yogyakarta : pesantren sunan pandanaran. selection of boarding schools is determined by two factors: first, the relationship and the willingness of the pesantrens. we observed some schools that do not have the negative stigma associated with western terms such as human rights, etc. telephone interview with idris hemay on 26 december 2015 17 interview with jazilus sakhok on 27 december 2015. [ 11 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 4 democracy the practice of democratic values at the pesantren sunan pandanaran can be seen in the aspect of education and teaching such as teacher recruitment, teaching methods, and activities in the madrasah. 5 tolerance and mutual respect establishing the values of tolerance and respect through various things including: first, the vision of pesantren leaders on multiculturalism and propaganda approach; second, madrasa activities such as forum of bahsul masail, festival / parade of local culture (merti dusun, independence day); and third, recital of yellow booka, and fourth, openness of pesantren to anyone and any group that wants to get to know the pesantren and islam in general. 6 cooperation pesantren sunan pandanaran is familiar with programs of cooperation with various external parties related to several issues, such as pesantren for peace. the important point of this cooperation includes supporting the principles of democracy, human rights, religious tolerance, principles of a constitutional state, as well as gender equality in the midst of the indonesian islamic community. 2. pesantren muallimin yogyakarta a. history pesantren muallimin muhammadiyah is a school of union cadres that prepares future muhammadiyah leaders. muallimin is a pesantren based school. this school was founded by k.h. ahmad dahlan in 1920 under the name “qism alarqam” or often called the “hogere school” which means higher secondary school. at the time, the place for instruction was the dining room which was also ahmad dahlan’s family kitchen. in 1923 the name was changed to “kweekshool islam”, and then changed to “kweekschool muhammadiyah”. it was a mixed gender school. in 1927, separation of female and male students was made by establishing “kweekschool wife”. finally in 1930, the muhammadiyah congress in yogyakarta decided that both teacher training schools were renamed “madrasah mu’allimin mu’allimat”. then, in 1928, the congress in medan gave a mandate to the muhammadiyah central executive to formally manage madrasah mu’allimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta as education center for cadres of leaders, religious teachers and preachers of muhammadiyah. 18 historically, muallimin went through several changes in its educational 18 austin wahyuningsih, managemen pendidikan karakter (lombok: elhikam press, 2015), p. 90. [ 12 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 system. at first, the maskan (dormitory) was separated the madrasah system, but since 1980, muallimin began to adopt a system of “long life education”. in this system, the dormitory and madrasah form an inseparable institution. this step was based on the theory that the purpose of education, according to the muallimin idealism, can only be achieved by combining the madrasah system and the dormitory. another crucial change was also made in 1987 especially related to a new curriculum system. the goal is to make teaching process more effective and efficient. this policy was continued by designing the concept of integrating the curriculum of islamic and muhammadiyah materials known as a crossing curriculum system, which basically integrated the curriculum materials of islamic high school prepared by the ministry of religious affairs with muallimin material that refer to the yellow books. this process continues to grow until today, of course, to achieve ideal results, evaluation and continuous revision have been made to islamic and muhammadiyah materials. as a muhammadiyah educational institution, mu’allimin has a vision to prepare cadres, scholars, leaders and educators to carry out the missions of muhammadiyah movement. in the characteristic aspects of education, muallimin as a school of muhammadiyah cadres has also changed. during the dutch and japanese colonial periods, mandatory education was 5 years, but starting in the academic year of 1957/1958, mandatory education at muallimin was 6 years --comparable to pgaa / pgan-and the time span has survived until today. in the colonial period and two decades after independence, muallimin became a model of militant muhammadiyah cadres. the term “the arrows muhammadiyah” was a pride for the alumni who dedicated themselves to be sent to various parts of indonesia. there, they carried out self-actualization as a cadre of muhammadiyah, and as a result, the establishment of new branches of muhammadiyah or the birth of new madrasah that were modeled after mu’alimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta.19 b. portrait of multicultural values in pesantren in a sense of being a wealth of ethnicity and culture, multiculturalism is a tangible reality at pesantren muallimin yogyakarta. there are at least two aspects that can be seen as an objective reality in a multicultural life there. first, the human resources aspect. in this aspect, the students studying in the pesantren come from a wide variety of customs, traditions, culture, and languages. it is inseparable from the fact that these students come from 19 student development guide book, madrasah mu’allimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta, 2012, p. 3-9. [ 13 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 various regions in indonesia which is a country with different cultures and diverse population groups. the fact is confirmed by asep sholahuddin as the counselor and director of the madrasah as follows: “the pesantren had existed long before indonesia’s independence. the main purpose was to prepare cadres, scholars, educators and leaders. the ideals are continued to be advocated and socialized until today. the pesantren can be called a miniature of indonesia. until now, students who study at the pesantren come from various ethnic groups in the country. they come not only from java, but also from sulawesi, kalimantan, sumatra, as well as some other areas. this is a gift for us as the managers, and a challenge that we must face. “20 the diversity of cultural backgrounds is in fact not only common among the students but also among the teachers (in the context of pesantren known as ustadz). in addition to coming from various regions, the teachers can be divided into two categories; those who graduated from muallimin yogyakarta and non-alumni. the difference of background reflects the multiculturalism and the wealth of muallimin pesantren. the second aspect is the diversity of students’ organizations (organtri). a wide range of students’ organizations that deal with art, sports, journalism can be found here, and they create tendencies and diverse culture at the level of students. it is this diversity which then forms characters that vary among students. as reported by one of the students: “students’ organizations in this pesantren are quite diverse. organtri plays a role in shaping the character and leadership of the students. sometimes there is a sort of competition with each other even some occasional friction. students with in a particular organization flock together, while others gather in their respective groups. but this friction does not lead to a prolonged conflict. it’s only a matter of competition indeed.”21 in response to the multicultural reality, the key principles that must be held by the academic community of pesantren muallimin are fraternity and egalitarianism. the attitudes are practiced as a single family, and egalitarianism is not only common among the students or teachers, but also between students and teachers. ruslan fariadi reported: “when outsiders look at pesantren muallimin in a glance, they might assume that students here lack the ethics (impolite). this is because the relationship between students and teachers is egalitarian. some people who are new to the 20 interview with asep sholahuddin on 12 october 2015. 21 interview with ramzi dkk on 19 october 2015. [ 14 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 neighborhood will immediately be surprised to see it. it is because basically we want the students to be critical and not dogmatic. “22 such multicultural atmosphere in the pesantren as described above is actually a quite encouraging phenomenon. the absence of discrimination in this pesantren, both structural and non-structural, indicates that this place is reliable in understanding and addressing the existing diversity. however, as implied from the statement of asep sholahuddin earlier, the real challenge is the management and strategy in utilizing the diversity of cultural backgrounds. in addition to preserving and living with diversity, of course the pesantren has noble ideals to prepare cadres.23 therefore, the application of multicultural values is necessary, but on the other hand, muhammadiyah values are also important to instill. in order to prepare future cadres, cultural diversity is a real challenge in the process of education and instruction in pesantren. the principles of diversity embedded in the consciousness of the students of pesantren muallimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta did not “suddenly” appear. it is an attitude that is continuously encouraged. first-hand experience by the students is very helpful in the process of increasing this awareness. in addition to culture-related issues, tolerant attitude based on the principles of diversity also concerns the attitude toward other religions. misbahul munir stated in an interview: “our attitude and that of our students is tolerant of other religions. “our neighbors are people of other faiths. our students often see “budhen”. every morning in front of this madrasah, they can see people doing rituals. behind the school, there is also a catholic church, the students are reasonable and tolerant in their view and reaction to it. we have always taught that the prophet was not arrogant to non-muslims.”24 another objective condition very positive in the face of the multicultural reality is good relations promoted by the pesantren. the program to improve relations with the community is the responsibility of the assistant director for public relations. there are two elements targeted in the program, the guardians of students and the surrounding community members. the counselors are aware of the importance of good relations with the public. moreover, the dynamics of 22 interview with ruslan fariadi on 30 october 2015. 23 simple definition of a cadre is a group of people organized in a continuous basis and will become the backbone for a larger group. imron nasri (ed), pluralisme dan liberalisme; pergolakan pemikiran anak muda muhammmadiyah (yogyakarta: citra karsa mandiri, 2005), p. 96. in this sense, it is understood that as a cadre school, pesantren muallimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta wants to prepare cadres of scholars, leaders, and educators who will become the backbone and driving force of the entire persyarikatan muhammadiyah. 24 interview with misbahul munir on 12 october 2015. [ 15 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 the community are very influential to the relations. in fact, today the relations between the pesantren and the community tend to be getting better. in an interview it was stated that: so far, all praises be to allah, relations between the pesantren and the community are good. it is in fact getting better and better. in the past, we had some misunderstanding with the community around us, but all praises be to allah, not anymore now. we usually allocate funds for community-related activities. it is the duty of the public relations to instill multicultural values, one of which is through the program of “harmonization of public relations”. we actively participate in the neighborhood association in the form of social fund or personnel. we are also working with the community to monitor the students.25 this good relationship promoted by the pesantren with its surrounding community is also carried out by students’ guardians. the pesantren always sends a representative for funeral of the students’ family members. in fact, according to teguh, the pesantren never hesitates to send a representative even to places outside java.26 this relationship is an awareness built by pesantren muallimin. moreover, social awareness as a continued effort in developing relations with the community is achieved with useful programs. these programs are usually planned every year with a needs analysis. the head of public relations of pesantren muallimin stated: “community programs that can be felt immediately and have wider benefits, we usually distribute sacrificial meat and other charity activities. this year, we held it in gunung kidul by distributing basic food and water supply. this is part of our effort to help our brothers and sisters in need of water. on the other hand, this is also a way of educating students to perform managerial tasks related to social service as well as growing and developing a sense of social awareness.27 25 interview with teguh on 30 october 2015. 26 interview with teguh on 30 october 2015. 27 interview with teguh on 30 october 2015. [ 16 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 matrix 2. the values of multicultural pesantren muallimin no multicultural values in pesantren description 1 diversity both students and teachers come from various ethnic, cultural, racial, and language backgrounds. in addition to a reality of life, diversity is recognized and understood positively in pesantren 2 democracy pesantren does not treat the differences in a discriminatory manner, be it structurally and non-structurally. all teachers and students have equal opportunities in presenting their opinions and ideas. 3 egalitarianism good relationship maintained between the teacher and students are based on their status. students at the pesantren receive equal treatment. 4 tolerance appreciate and accept religious differences around the pesantren. students and teachers are not allowed commit any acts that disturb the worship of the buddhists and christians who live around the pesantren 5 social awareness the pesantren establishes good relations with the communities around it, guardians of students and society at large. the good relations are based on a sense of social awareness. programs that can be felt directly by the people such as social service and distribution of clean water become a priority. the role of education at pesantren sunan pandanaran and pesantren muallimin in developing multicultural values based on the observations and interviews conducted, the researcher found that the pesantren education has a significant role in the development of multicultural values both at sunan pandanaran and muallimin yogyakarta. in general, there are several similar factors that contribute to the values in the context of the role of secondary education of pesantren. however, differences. [ 17 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 at sunan pandanaran, there are four major factors that play an important role in the development of multicultural values. first, the recitation the yellow books. related to the books used, pesantren sunan pandanaran applies the tradition yellow book reviews as an educational resource. the term yellow book itself is no stranger among pesantrens, especially the traditional ones. martin van bruinessen in his research mentioned that the yellow book is a characteristic in a traditional pesantren that is not present in a modern. in a multicultural context, it is understood that the method of recitation of yellow books taught using the javanese language as the language of instruction is a way to appreciate local culture, and is a form of local wisdom. on the other hand, it would be very difficult for learners or students who come from outside java which seems to give the impression of discrimination in education. in response to the issue it was stated that: but this does not mean discrimination to the non javanese students, as in teaching or in the selection process there is flexibility. gradually it will be taught to non javanese students. after all, the javanese language is the language of instruction. suppose a student does not understand pegon, we will teach him slowly until he understands. we are not going to push him, but slowly teaching him. we place them in classes according to their ability. it happens to be 95% of the students of madrasah come from java, so that only 5% who need special assistance in the face of difficulty of learning the books written in the javanese language. the book ta’lim al-muta’alim is taught to strengthen the character of the students. so how to behave as a teacher, and as a student. there is continuity. just listening as parents teach their students . ultimately, it will affect the students ’s behavior.28 second, the notion of pesantren being inclusive and tolerant that develops in pesantren in addition to the principle of dialog , also includes rejecting prejudice. in pesantren, students are taught to respect differences. tasamuh or tolerance relies on the attitude of being good, gentle, and forgiving each other. in a general sense, tasamuh is the attitude human relationship, i.e. there is mutual respect between them within the limits outlined in the islamic teachings. that is one of the main characteristics of the traditions developing in the pesantren. this tasamuh attitude goes hand in hand with everyday life. this notion of inclusiveness is also observed by teachers of madrasah aliyah sunan pandanaran, as expressed by zulfa29, one of the teachers at the madrasah: long before the un declaration of human rights, islam had taught the 28 interview with ainun hakemah on 27 october 2015 29 interview with zulfa, on 30 october 2015 [ 18 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 freedom of religion through the ‹charter of medina› in 622 ad. in the charter of medina, prophet muhammad (pbuh) laid the cornerstones for the diversity of life among people of different religions, as well as acknowledge the existence of non-muslims and to respect their worship. third, pesantren’ multicultural curriculum. this multicultural education curriculum is not directly written in the structure of the curriculum but its values are applied. indication of the application of such hidden curriculum can be seen in the way pesantren develops a spirit of brotherhood, cooperation (ta›awun), tolerance (tasamuh) and appreciation. so, education in fact teaches students not only to have knowledge (learning to know) or prepare a generation that has skills and specific characters (learning to be), but also should teach about how to behave, and interact with others by appreciating the differences between them as something that enriches (learning to work and live with). in other words, education is the process of humanization. education is not just a process of helping students to become good citizens, but at the same time also to become humans integrated with intellectuality, morality, capacity and sensitivity, as well as to be comfortable with differences. ainun hakiemah further confirmed that the existence of multicultural education as a hidden curriculum at pesantren sunan pandanaran, its implementation, and the importance of examples and exemplary attitude of the teachers toward multicultural value will emulated by the students. it was stated in the following interview: structurally, multicultural education curriculum is difficult, so it is indeed [easier] with hidden curriculum. nguwongke uwong is also there. when teachers feel convenient in their office room, it means they already have nguwongke uwong, humanism. the administration staff for example were once our students. but now they are equal to us, they are not allowed to scold someone in front of students. once there was [a staff ] doing it, it’s not ethical, then we recalled this person. it was awful because it [reflects] the values or our attitude toward something.30 fourth, the teacher›s role in developing multicultural values. at least, there are two main roles that teachers play in developing multicultural values, i.e. insight and understanding of multiculturalism and instructional methods. according to the headmaster of islamic senior high school, ainun hakiemah, variations of teaching methods is often applied at the school such as discussion, group work and collaborative learning. many subjects are delivered through the methods of discussion, group work, so as to accept the opinion of others. it is common for students to 30 interview with ainun hakiemah on 27 october 2015. [ 19 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 have a conversation with and send messages to the teachers. there is also an extracurricular activity called ba’tsul masail attended by first and second year students, a lot of discussions about various issues, each receiving the opinion of the other, no violence, and this certainly teachers tolerant attitude among the students. 31 with regard to the above variations in learning, teachers at the madrasah aliyah sunan pandanaran applied a learner-centered approach. this approach enables students to play an active role, while the teacher serves as a facilitator. one of the variations of the learner-centered approach is the “collaborative learning”. collaborative learning is a learning process where each member of the group contributes ideas, information, news, attitudes, opinions, skills to improve all members’ understanding. matrix 3. educational role of pesantren sunan pandanaran in developing multicultural values no factor description 1 tradition of yellow book recital diversity materials contained in the yellow book enable students to have a view and deal with differences in the community. 2 inclusive religious view this view is characterized by dialog and cooperation and humanitarianism. as a realization of such religious concept, pesantren sunan pandanaran accommodates diversity among students and teachers to coexist there, open to all who want to visit, get to know the pesantren and islam as well as to play an active role in supporting programs of cooperation with other parties to build peace or known as “pesantren for peace” program 31 interview with ainun hakiemah, on 27 october 2015. [ 20 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 3 curriculum with moderate and multicultural perspective moderate curriculum is characterized by the dominance collection of books by scholars of peace such as imam shafi'i, imam ghozali, etc., as references in book reviews. in addition, the culture of discussion, debate and intellectual competition has become the practice of pesantren education. this teaches students about the values appreciating the opinions of others. 4 role of the teacher in a learning process there are two roles of teachers: first, the insight and understanding of teachers on multiculturalism. thus, teachers at sunan pandanaran pesantren embrace diversity and realize that multiculturalism is derived from the teachings of islam as for education at pesantren muallimin there are three main factors that play an active role in the development of multicultural values: first, an inclusive, critical culture and dialog.32 being open to understand, learn, express opinions is encouraged by the teachers and the counselors. the involvement of the counselors and the teachers in building an inclusive culture is manifested either in the classroom or outside. this is a critical teaching method in addition to the way students explore by themselves. ruslan stated: “since the beginning we tell our students “it should not be taboo to disagree even with their own teachers. however, opinions should be delivered in an ethical way. there are several strategies related to enrichment and absorption of materials. first, top down, we explain directly. second, arisan system, they choose the theme of the discussion and then give a present it. this is where the values of multiculturalism seem right, since muallimin is a miniature of indonesia. those with different characters blend together.”33 second, the factor of books used in education at the pesantren. at pesantren muallimin muhammadiyah, there are two categories of books used: textbooks and instructional books. both categories of books were created and carefully 32 inclusive culture requires an attitude of tolerance towards others. the main principle in this culture is that even though we are different, we actually have things in common and this similarity must continue to be our principle. thus, an open attitude is not only a choice but also a necessity. zakiyuddin baidhawy, “pendidikan agama berwawasan multikultural”, jurnal tashwirul afkar, xvi edition (jakarta: lakpesdam nu, 2004), p. 141. 33 interview with ruslan fariadi on 30 october 2015. [ 21 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 formulated by a team of experts in the leadership rank. these books support and determine the direction or orientation of pesantren education. therefore, pesantren muallimin muhammadiyah does simply use a textbook formulated by the ministry of religious affairs. ruslan explained: “related to the insight of differences or multiculturalism, i can assure that if you just look at the structure of the curriculum and the syllabus, it will not provide a full picture because the development is seen in the instructional materials. books are solely used as a reference for our later modifications. we accustom the students to different opinions.”34 various books are a decisive factor in the cultivation of the values of multiculturalism in this pesantren. however, we need to sort out some books that can be counter-productive. realizing this, misbah explained: “we do not turn a blind eye to various books. there are some that may potentially create fundamental attitude and there are some that seem to be liberal. therefore, we use the moderate ones, neither right nor left. books are selected and created by a team to fit the vision and mission of the pesantren. in the ma›had, the tafsir book that we use is the one by yunahar ilyas (neither right nor left). for hadith, we use hadis mi’ah, bulughul marom and riyadhus sholihin. the main theme in these books is related to muamalat and morality. selection of the books is in accordance with the vision and mission of the pesantren cadres. the goal is that it will not become public scrutiny if there are practices not in accordance with the appropriate methodology of the cadre35 school meanwhile the third factor, the priority programs of the pesantren. in addition to teaching and learning activities carried out on a daily basis at the madarasah or pesantren, there are several programs deemed significant and are a form of actualization of efforts to increase insight into multicultural values. there are at least two featured programs organized by the pesantren to support the vision of multicultural education. a. tamhidy program tamhidy is a program devoted to the first year students. its lasts for approximately 20 days. the main objective is to provide a fundamental understanding of life in the dormitory or ma›had. students have been reminded that despite the fact they come from different backgrounds, regions, families, even traditions, in the life of pesantren they are equal in a big family 34 interview with ruslan fariadi on 30 october 2015. 35 interview with misbahul munir on 12 october 2015. [ 22 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 of pesantren muallimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta.36 in practice, there are four important processes related to the orientation tamhidy program: (1) conducting the process of “zero mind”. the target of this activity is that each student in the madrasah should have an “intention” / a starting point to move from there to complete the main task for six years at the madrasah mu›allimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta. (2) conducting the process of “internalization”. students have full awareness that they are living amid those who are different, so it is absolutely necessary to have attitude of “tasamuh”, develop the “muslim brotherhood” and the need for collaboration in their daily life. (3) conducting the process of “integration”. students can practice the values / theories obtained through various methods in daily life (qur›an recital, arabic / english, practical worship, daily prayer). (4) conducting the process of “habituation” with the aim of making the student›s behavior which is the results of integration (morality) a habit in their life, outside the maskan and wherever they are. 37 b. mubaligh hijrah program this is a featured program at this pesantren. the program is always mentioned and explained by any informant encountered. the mention of mubaligh hijra refers to the concept of the program where students conduct community service. to be more precise, the concept of the program is illustrated by asep sholahuddin as follows: “in practice, every ramadan students of class iv and v have mubaligh hijrah program held for 20 days. the program is organized in cooperation with the muhammadiyah central executive team. students conduct community service assisted by tutors. during this time, the program is running well in and outside yogyakarta. they independently manage and organize various things related events or activities carries out.38 regarding multiculturalism, at least there are two advantages of this program: 36 according to the information obtained, tamhidy program is not the same as students’ orientation activities. this program is more intensive and the students gather every day in accordance with the specified classes. while the orientation of students put more effort to socialize the activities of islamic school in general, the accentuation program of tamhidi stresses on ta'aruf and habituation of living in a dormitory. this is a very important program for supporting the students to be able to concentrate on further education in madrasah and ma'had. hopefully, they are no longer bothered by problems related to life in the dormitory. differences are expected to be addressed accordingly. extracted from interviews with asep sholahuddin and misbahul munir on 12/10/2015. 37 draft document of tamhidy concept class i and iv madrasah muallimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta t.a. 2012/2013. p. 4. 38 interview with asep sholahuddin on 12 october 2015. [ 23 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 first, students have the opportunity to learn from the community about the diverse reality of life. by interacting directly with different walks of life, the students are expected to broaden their horizon, especially related problems faced by the community. second, students have the opportunity to socialize while providing views related to religious issues. by following the principles of the muhammadiyah methodology, diversity in the understanding of religion is very open because it is not confined to certain school of thought. matrix 4. the role of education in improving multicultural values at the pesantren muallimin pesantren education in improving multicultural values no factor description 1 inclusive, critical culture and dialog students are taught to get accustomed to different opinions students are given the opportunity to gain knowledge independently careful and critical attitude is taught to understand different opinions students do not hesitate to ask a variety of questions. in fact, they are taught to get used to asking questions and hold dialog on issues of daily problems, for example. [ 24 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 2 books textbooks used in madrasah is a modified version of ministry of religious affairs. the goal is to have more different perspectives and not stuck on the mainstream perception. teaching materials used in pesantren have been carefully selected. only moderate books are used. 3 pesantren featured programs tamhidy program; habituation program for new students. this program is intended not only to introduce the activities at the pesantren, but also an effort to provide an understanding of the differences and how to deal with them. mubaligh hijrah program; the pesantren gives an opportunity for the students to learn firsthand experience from society. obstacles in the development of multicultural values competence of the teachers or educators in delivering the materials and educating students has an important position in the educational context of multiculturalism. these teachers are required to have a quite broad knowledge in order to provide a good understanding associated with diversity and differences despite today›s educational model having been oriented toward learners. however, the role of teachers is significant in the education of multicultural values. should they have insufficient ability and insight on multiculturalism, these teachers will only become an obstacle in successful development of these values. at the pesantren sunan pandanaran, even though the investigation showed that the teachers generally had quite inclusive and moderate religious views, in practice, some teachers are less democratic. it was reported by some students in the following interview: “once there was a teacher who had discriminatory attitude, paying more [ 25 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 attention to smart students. questions asked by students who are less intelligent were ignored, so it›s not fair i think.” “the qur’an teacher, too, often said we were wrong when there was a question, in contrast to what had been described. i often translated by myself, then asked questions. actually, the teacher knows what is being explained but he teaches in accordance with the meaning written in the book.” “sometimes teachers also often forget. they forget that they are teaching students who are also santri. there are teachers from outside of the pesantren who often gives a lot of homework, thus putting a lot of pressure on the students. they don’t know what it feels to be at the pesantren. teachers like to forget the conditions of the students. we have to arrange time between the activities of the school and pesantren. in addition, they create new rules. we should be prompt. we deserve equal treatment, not just those deemed more diligent.” 39 these facts show the real urgency of the teacher›s role as someone who act in a democratic manner, displaying good behavior or attitude that is not discriminatory, having broad knowledge and high sensitivity of the events related to religion, is strictly emphasized in the pesantren sunan pandanaran. similarly, this is also the case at the pesantren muallimin. it was found that although most teachers delivered materials and religious subjects from different perspectives, some of them simply do it from one perspective only, for example from the muhammadiyah manhaj perspective. one of the students stated: “we are accustomed to the differences of opinion delivered by the teachers. however, there are also some religious teachers who directly give a certain opinion without other perspective about the law or the issues. they usually teach one opinion and deliver it without comparing with other opinions.”40 issues related to competence was also admitted by the teachers. life experience and varied educational backgrounds are said to be the dominant factor. lathif rifa›i explained: “personally, i have an advantage because once i lived among the nahdhiyyin with very different traditions. four years of living in the pesantren krapyak. but some teachers have different experience. therefore, it is possible that the values of diversity are not delivered properly to the students. to me, experience 39 interview with students at m.a. sunan pandanran wardahani, sri linggani, bahtiar and m lutfi, on 03 november 2015. 40 interview with ramzi dkk on 19 october 2015. [ 26 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 is an important for a teacher’s competence”41 another obstacle found in pesantren education in terms of developing the values of multiculturalism is the dilemma of identity. multicultural education on the other hand is feared to obscure cultural identity of the students. therefore, although different views are taught, students must eventually be led to a single model of understanding, thinking patterns and certain religious practices. ruslan fariadi stated: “other traditions are still taught, but students remain convinced of the teachings of the qur›an and sunnah. questions and discussions related to other traditions are heard and then taught and understood with appropriate guidance. in this case, knowledge and cognitive abilities are important to them, so knowledge of the disagreements related to prayer, for example, is always discussed. in practice, however, we only use the methodology of the tarjih muhammadiyah.”42 fear of identity obscurity and lack of clear positions related to multiculturalism were implicitly explained by pesantren counselors. asep sholahuddin said: “we teach different views, but we must have a standpoint. [we] appreciate the differences due to different methods and we have a particular method as well.”43 there is a very clear impression if a multicultural perspective assumes unclear stance on the identity, subsequently it will deny the community identity. in the context of the dilemma, the establishment of community identity and culture by strengthening the methodology of muhammadiyah becomes important. such dilemma of identity is more obvious in the pesantren education in muallimin compared to the pesantren sunan pandanaran. in the context of the vision and mission, it is quite understandable since muallimin is regarded as as pesantren of cadres. basically, the actual values of multicultural identity do not want vagueness as feared. openness and recognition of diversity further necessitates the power of identity and of the existing cultural community. therefore, cadre education reinforced by establishing cultural identity is not against the multiculturalismbased pesantren education. instead, both are consequences that go hand in hand. that is, the education of cadres run as intended and at the same time the education and cultivation of the values of diversity persist. however, it is important to think about is the strategy on the balance between the two. too much focus on educating diversity and ignoring educating the cadres is a big mistake because in addition to the fact that it is against the vision and 41 interview with lathif rifa’i on 31 october 2015. 42 interview with ruslan fariadi on 30 october 2015. 43 interview with asep sholahuddin on 12 october 2015. [ 27 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 mission of the establishment of pesantren, it is also an event that is not desired by the principle of multiculturalism itself. instead, educating the students with a perspective and methodology of muhammadiyah only by ignoring the education of diversity in a multicultural society will produce a cadre who does not understand the reality. conclusion in light of the discussion, it can be concluded that: first, multicultural values seem to be reflected and has become a good principle at pesantren muallimin and sunan pandanaran yogyakarta, despite the different characteristics. at the pesantren sunan pandanaran, the values of multiculturalism include: living with others, equality and justice brotherhood and solidarity, democracy, tolerance and cooperation. meanwhile at muallimin, there are similar values practices, such as: diversity, democracy, egalitarianism, tolerance, and social responsibility. those values are firmly rooted in the pesantren and have become a principle in the pesantren’s life. the second conclusion is education at both sunan pandanaran and muallimin yogyakarta has an important contribution to the development of multicultural values, each with different traits and characteristics. while the role of pesantren education at sunan pandanaran in developing the values of multiculturalism lies in the cultural aspects, such as inclusive views, yellow books, and the teachers’ role, in contrast, pesantren muallimin yogyakarta build those values through programs such as tamhidy and muballigh hijrah. the difficulties faced by the two pesantren include uneven competence and knowledge of the teachers in promoting multicultural values in education. intolerance to differences can still be seen even though the extent is not alarming. in addition, there appears to be a dilemma between maintaining self-identity, teaching or reinforcing a particular tradition, and providing different views. therefore, efforts to hold dialog and outreach related to multiculturalism comprehensively to accommodate the strongly established traditions in pesantren. references al-makassary, ridwan dan suparto ed. cerita sukses pendidikan multikultur di indonesia. jakarta: centre for the study of religion and culture (csrc), 2010. an-nahidil, nunu ahmad. “pesantren dan dinamika pesan damai” dalam [ 28 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 edukasi journal penelitian agama dan keagamaan jakarta putlitbang pendidikan agama dan keagamaan, badan litbang dan diklat departemen agama ri, 2006. vol.4 nom. 3. anwar, m. syafi’i. “menggali kearifan pesantren untuk multikultalisme”. dalam jurnal wasathhaniyah. no.1, februari 2006. baidhawy, zakiyuddin. “pendidikan agama berwawasan multikultural”, jurnal tashwirul afkar. jakarta: lakpesdam nu, 2004. edisi xvi. basri, hasan. “ multikulturalisme dari pesantren”, dalam buku ijtihad pesantren tentang toleransi dan good governance. tangerang, banten,icip, 2009. basri, hasan. “pesantren karakterisik dan unsurunsur kelembagaan”, dalam abu nata (eds). sejarah dan perkembangan lembagalembaga pendidikan islam di indonesia. dokumen draft konsep tamhidy kelas i dan iv madrasah muallimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta t.a. 2012/2013. jandra, m. “islam dalam konteks budaya dan tradisi plural”. dalam buku zakiyudin baidhawi, ed., agama dan pluralitas budaya lokal. surakarta:muhammadiyah university press, 2002. nasri, imron (ed). pluralisme dan liberalisme; pergolakan pemikiran anak muda muhammmadiyah. yogyakarta: citra karsa mandiri, 2005. parekh, bikhu. rethinking multiculturalism: cultural diversity and political theory. cambridge: harvard university press, 2000. robertson, roland. agama dalam analisa dan interpretasi sosiologis, terj. ahmad fidyani saifudin. jakarta:rajawali press. 1988. sholahuddin, a. pesantren dan budaya damai. http://www.gp-anshor. org/?p+13308, diakses tanggal 1 oktober 2015. silberman, m. active learning 101 strategies to teach any subject. mancussets: allyn and bacoon, 1996. team penyusun. buku pedoman pembinan siswa madrasah mu’allimin muhammadiyah yogyakarta. wahyuningsih, austin. managemen pendidikan karakter. lombok: elhikam press, 2015. list of informants pesantren sunan pandanaran: jazilus sakhok [ 29 ] al albab volume 5 number 1 june 2016 ainun hakiemah siti zulfah ahmad faizun idris hemay ade supriadi teguh arifiyanto nuktohul huda pondok muallimin yogyakarta: asep sholahuddin ruslan fariadi misbahul munir lathif rifa’i [ 265 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 harmony in religious and cultural diversity, case study of sungai penuh city society masnur alam institut agama islam negeri kerinci masnur.alam@yahoo.com abstract this article was motivated by recent development in indonesian society whose religious and cultural diversity has raised a lot of racial issues that lead to tension and suspicion among communities in the sungai penuh, kerinci regency, jambi province on sumatra island. the impact could potentially trigger conflict, damage, inconvenience and could further threaten national unity and national integration. this article gives an overview that religion (islam) has a very positive philosophy that in fact humans are created in religious and cultural diversity. diversity is the law of god, something that is commonplace, rule of time, a must, and divine grace to be grateful for, a form generosity from god to humans as the strength, the reason to do good. the government together with the community has been able to build harmony in diversity, creating peace, moderation, compassion, love of peace, tolerance, avoiding conflict, so as to build the country as planned. in socializing the attitude of harmony, the government can do it through formal and non-formal ways, eventually people can implement it in their daily lives. thus, the government and the public can establish harmony in diversity, creating peace, security, order, justice, tranquility, comfort as well as brotherhood and compassion. the government together with the community can come together, foster mutual cooperation to achieve the goals the country’s development. this paper also recommends to religious communities with diverse cultures to always build harmony as one of the solutions in creating peace and free from conflict, as well as serving as capital to build the country, nation, state and religion. keywords: harmony, religion, culture, sungai penuh. introduction indonesia when seen from the number of people is a very diverse country with a population of over 250 million, inhabited by 700 ethnic groups speaking some 500 languages, home to thousands of cultural traditions, 6 “officlal” religions and hundreds of forms of mysticism and local beliefs. with such diversity, or heterogeneity of society, it will be very easy for radical groups to grow into [ 266 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 violence and extremity. thus it would be prone to conflict, such as enmity, strife, animosity and disharmony, discrimination against different groups, particularly against minorities. conflicts in indonesia can be seen from two factors, namely internal and external. internal factors include the fact that this country is facing the emergence of separatism and conflict or unrest tinted with racial intolerance, fundamentalism, extreme groups who believe that they have the absolute truth and that their values should be applied. for example, the emergence of mass organization called gerakan fajar nusantara (gafatar) which was suspected of affiliation with the organization of the islamic state of indonesia (nii) which is indicated as heretical, has a progressive movement, with advanced thought. it is very disturbing as a lot of missing people have been found as a follower of the gafatar. likewise, the emergence of the east indonesia mujahidin (mit) led santoso, a militant group that was not in accordance with the teachings of religion and humanity. in addition, the external factors are also affecting the situation in this country, namely the various movements to take root in the middle east or elsewhere that wish to establish a caliphate, a single universal islamic political entity, either through “peace” or “radical” ways or employing terrorist attacks which are increasing open. further, the emergence of militant islamic state of iraq and syria (isis) whose henchmen have spread to many countries in the world including indonesia. the isis claimed to be the group responsible for the ‘concert’ (terror) in the capital of indonesia in jakarta on january 14, 2016. on july 5, 2016, muslims who were expecting eid were shocked by terror attacks on the police headquarters in surakarta, central java and indonesian citizens held hostage by the abu sayyaf of the philippines. global issues that catch the international attention are terrorist attacks, radical movements with religion as the culprit. yet every religion and culture does not have the term radicalism and terrorism. so with such treatment, the atmosphere of indonesia which is known so far as a very safe and conducive place, once there was a terror bomb, it turned into a chaotic, uncontrolled area. this atmosphere if not anticipated, will continue to occur endlessly, and always haunt us all the time. casram (2016) argues that indonesians are in the possition of supporting the efforts of building better tolerance in a pluralistic society. in addition, it is also common knowledge that there are people who are exclusive, extreme, intolerant of differences. exclusive attitude refers to the belief in the absolute truth of religion, denying the truth of other religions, eventually growing the seeds of extremity, seeing things as black and white, assuming they are right and others are wrong. one can do something outrageous, taking actions that lead to violence against other groups. furthermore, extreme [ 267 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 attitude can lead to the inability to be tolerant, which arises because we cannot or do not want to accept and respect differences. religious and cultural intolerance can lead to strained relations between people or communities, faiths and different cultures. thus the atmosphere will not be harmonious, because they do not appreciate and respect diversity. with these conditions, we will not be able to build the country well, because we’ve been busy with the split, even if this condition continues massively, this republic will not be secure anymore. this situation should be avoided, because it gives rise to tension, friction and even massive conflict. all humans wish for harmonious and peaceful life and no one wants conflict and violence. once conflict and violence get in the way of building harmony, peace becomes fragile and not easily reestablished. moreover, mutual trust and respect of the beliefs of others will fade. so, it is necessary to endeavor to establish peace. such situation, if not anticipated, could threaten national integration. zaenuddin hudi prasojo (2016) gives an example of the situation in west kalimantan in which three influencial ethnic groups live tother; the tidayu as from tionghua (the chinese indonesian, dayak and malay). he further explains that there has been a potential of politicing the ethno-religious identity in the region including the three groups but they have come up with appropriate anticipation. the phenomena described above reflect an idea that radicalism in indonesia has spread to every line, religion, culture, mass organization, both in rural and urban areas. the attitude of radicalism, mutual mistrust, prejudice, exclusiveness and extremism should be stopped or minimized in order not to spread, to maintain the unity. we must be able to create a pluralistic indonesia as divine grace to be grateful, as well as the strength, the nation’s capital for development that must be managed to face the emerging challenges in the era of globalization. one of the efforts that must be done is to build harmony in religious and cultural diversity so that we can build the country with a variety of achievements and develop a sense of moderation, tolerance and peace, especially for cities or areas that have a high level of diversity in terms of culture and religion. sungai penuh as a heterogeneous city as is found in the research data that sungai penuh city of jambi province has a heterogeneous community with various characteristics and diversity of religions and cultures, tribes, traditions, customs, and languages. such conditions can only last if the community maintains harmony and appreciate the diversity of religions and cultures so that the creation of peace and mutual respect, respect for the diversity, [ 268 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 and free from conflicts and disturbances can be sustainable. in the spirit of mutual and beneficial cooperation, regardless of differences of religions, culture, ethnicity and languages, they can develop the country, make achievement in the era of globalization. this is a typical local wisdom that deserves to be imitated, emulated and guided. this paper is written from the results of research using a qualitative approach. the collection of primary data was done through interviews with key informants to determine the roles, namely representatives of regional work units (skpd), chairman of the indonesian ulema council (mui), chairman of the forum for religious harmony (fkub), chairman of the national assimilation forum, chairman of indigenous people. interviews were conducted to determine how the government socialized the attitude of harmony in society. the observations were made to reveal the reality, grasp and understand the phenomenon and the real condition of the actual, observed the research object, the communication process of government and members of the community in terms of socialization of the attitudes in building harmony in religious and cultural diversity, as well as the results of development which have been achieved by the government of sungai penuh city. study of documents was made on the literature relevant to the education of harmony, religion and culture and on warta kota magazine of sungai penuh city. from the results of research conducted by the author, it can be revealed that the sungai penuh is a city that has a very high diversity. cultural diversity occupies the highest rank, followed by ethnic diversity and diversity of belief or religion. local religion practiced by people who assimilated with islam, christianity, hinduism and buddhism which shapes sungai penuh to be a place with with a high diversity of beliefs. hence, the public also has high dynamics, both in relation to everyday life and in the context of the people and the nation. the role of governments and civil society organizations becomes an important part of community life in the dynamics of sungai penuh city. philosophy of harmony in diversity according to the english indonesian dictionary, the word ‘harmony’1 is translated as: keselarasan, keserasian, kecocokan, kesesuaian, kerukunan. h.a.w. wijaya 2 stated that harmony actually has become a priority for national 1 john m.echols dan hassan shadily, kamus inggris indonesia, (jakarta. gramedia, 1984), p, .290 2 h.a.w. widjaja, pedoman pelaksanaan pendidikan pancasila pada perguruan [ 269 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 development objectives, namely the development in the field of religion and belief in god almighty which is reflected in an atmosphere of harmonious life, as well as the strength of national unity in harmony with appreciation and practice of pancasila. the creation of a harmonious life is characterized by the dominance of the spirit of friendship, and conflict is characterized by the dominance of feelings of hostility and enmity. so to manage harmony in life of the nation can be done through familiarizing friendship, and appreciate the surrounding communities, national society and the global community. committed to building a harmonious life is to recognize the diversity of religion and culture and appreciate and respect each other’s differences gracefully. thus only through creating peace, national integration, national unity can the realization of a prosperous, safe, and peaceful country be achieved. in order for people to live in harmony with others, they should not limit their love for themselves and be selfish. they also should balance such affection to others, work together or provide assistance to each other, like sharing with each other, compassion, love others as they loves themselves, especially those who need help. thus they should be able to balance between their love for themselves with their love to others. according to m. jusuf kalla,3 the vice president of indonesia, basically, the realization of brotherly love, unity, happiness, and cooperation is the purpose of our life together as a religious community. the harmonious atmosphere is supposed to be created in a life of diversity of religions and cultures, ethnic groups, because man is created in diversity. god has made humans in various nations (q.s. alan’am [6]: 42), or some peoples (q.s. al-an-fal [8]: 53). god also created various tribes and nations “o mankind, indeed we have created you from male and female and made you peoples and tribes that you may know one another.” (surah al-hujurat [49] : 13). this verse explains that we are created god not in uniformity, but in diversity and differences. diversity is the law that cannot be denied. as written by m. nur kholis setiawan4, diversity is not something negative, but a positive situation that contributes optimally. dede rosyada et al.5 also argued that if there are efforts and policies of cultural uniformity by the state, it is a violation of the human rights, as it leads to the elimination of multiculturalism of the tinggi,(jakarta: raja grafindo persada, 2002), 2nd edition p. 284 3 m. jusuf kall, kompas, monday, 23 may 2016, p. 1 4 m. nur kholis setiawan, pribumisasi al-quran: tafsir berwawasan keindonesiaan,(yokyakarta: kaukaba,2012), p. 34 5 dede rosyada dkk. demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia & masyarakat madani, (jakarta icce uin syarif hidayatullah, 2003), p. 206 [ 270 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 identity of the citizens and the wealth of a nation. mulciculturalism is a synonym of pluralism and diversity. pluralism of religions and cultures is a necessity for the salvation of mankind. pluralist attitude, as put forward by muhammad ali,6 is the attitude of believing the truth, trying to understand, appreciate, and accept the possibility of the truth of the others, and furthermore, being ready to cooperate actively in the midst of differences. at present and in the future, we cannot avoid pruralism, both religious and cultural. in religious pluralism, komarudin hidayat7 said the recognition is to provide place for other religions as a truth recognized by its respective followers. similarly, nurcholish madjid 8 stated that recognition of other religions is a form of implicit muslim faith, even though he still believes that their religion is the best and right, yet at the same time, they have the tolerance and friendship with people of other faiths. so under these conditions, tolerance should be encouraged in order to create peace in the society and the nation. with the creation of peace, it will create harmony in the diversity of religions and cultures. nur syam said9 that plurality is defined as a colorful, heterogeneous life, and acknowledging other people who are different, but can live in a single locus and habitus with social and cultural dynamics, not something that is contrary to the sunnah of allah which is indeed necessary to establish the pluralism. the words of god says “ and if it were not for allah checking [some] people by means of others, the earth would have been corrupted, but allah is full of bounty to the worlds” (q.s. al-baqarah [2]: 251). in understanding this verse, budhi munawar rahman10 said an affirmation that god created supervision mechanisms and balance between humans to maintain the integrity of the earth, and is a manifestation of god’s abundant mercy to mankind. pluralism must be interpreted as a logical consequence of the divine justice. religion should participate to reconcile conflicting realities to achieve harmony. according to burhanuddin daya,11 religion on the one hand is a force for 6 muhammad ali, teologi pluralis-multikultural: menghargai kemajemukan menjalin kebersamaan,( jakarta:penerbit buku kompas, 2003), p.xii 7 komarudin hidayat & muhammad wahyudin nafis, agama masa depan, persfektif filsafat perinial, (jakarta paramadina, 1995), p. 71 8 nurcholis madjid, foreword: grose & hubbard, p. xix. 9 nur syam, mazhab-mazhab antropologi, (yokyakarta: lkis, 2011),p. 203 10 budhi munawar rahman, islam dan pluralis kesetaraan kaum beriman, (jakarta: paramadina, 2001), p.31 11 burhanuddin daya & herman l. beck (redaktur), ilmu perbandingan agama di indonesia dan belanda, (jakarta: inis, 1992), p. 168 [ 271 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 movements of humanity, justice and peace, but on the other hand can lead to religious discord and even violence. in this regard, nurchalis madjid12 revealed that the development of religious life and diversity now generally tends to look at the differences rather than the similarities, it is true and very commendable, as long as it does not cause social destruction. in the face of these conditions, farooq kathwari13 president director of ethan allen furniture said, in the face of diversity “let’s share diversity and tolerance, and look at freedom of religion and culture as important. thus the condition could be more neutral and safer. human differences of languages and skin color must be accepted as a positive reality (q.s. ar-rum [30]: 22). differences should not be “reprimanded” in life, and should be used as a base of strength and good deeds. islam considers that all or part of the human race are the same as the word of the prophet. “all men are the same as the teeth of the comb, an arab is no better that on a ajam (non-arab) except for his piety”. human community and cultural diversity are no longer in the boundaries, but everything is widespread, broad and global. thus it can be understood that the religious and cultural diversity is the law of god, la of the times, something that is commonplace, but how we strive to be a people or nation capable of creating a sense of peace and prosperity in the midst of the social life, instead of resentment and hatred of one another, or hostility due to differences in religious beliefs. according komaruddin hidayat14 attitude of muslims should be able to tolerate differences and reward appropriately to everyone, not only confirms their own beliefs and denying other people’s creed. likewise johan efendi15 revealed that we should be able to get out of the storm of narrow religiousness, into the diversity of the a more mature future. in the same way, the chairman of the national movement of advanced indonesia (pim), din syamsuddin,16 in a speech said “ indonesia’s pluralism is a divine blessing which we should be grateful for. pluralism should be a force for the betterment of the nation and not a weakness that triggered the split”. the most important thing in such diversity is the creation of peace between them. islam is a religion that loves peace and people are inclined to peace. “and if they are incline to peace, then incline to it and put thy belief in allah” 12 nurchalis madjid, tradisi islam peran dan fungsinya dalam pembangunan di indonesia, (jakarta: paramadina, 1997), p. 70 13 farooq kathwari, republika, saturday, 2 may 2016, p. 12 14 komaruddin hidayat dan ahmad gaus af (editor), islam negara & civil sosiety, gerakan dan pemikiran islam kontemporer, ( jakarta: paramedina, 2005), p. 502 15 yusnar yusuf, (pengantar djohan efendi), prasangka ber-agama, (jakarta:penamadani, 2004), p.xxiv 16 din syamsuddin, kompas, monday, 23 may 2016, p 5, column 1 [ 272 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 (q.s. al anfal [8]: 62). according komari a. ahmadi, prophet muhammad17 never refused to live in peace, always accepted invitations to peace, although was always betrayed by the enemy. according to tata m. taufik 18, greeting “assalamualaikum” in addition to containing a prayer for peace for anyone to find, also means that it is able to bring the spirit of peace, “to see you with a spirit of peace” or “i have come to bring peace to you”. thus it can be understood that it is not simply word of greeting, but further it can give birth to peace in the midst of society. in terms of communication or interaction between muslims and non-muslims, we should be able to maintain the character of muslims to become sympathetic, should not be a provocateur that could result in a conflict, but should be the one to spread peace with other human beings. in accordance with the mission of spreading the islamic teachings of peace and well-being, the islamic concept of social interaction is more oriented towards achieving “peace” and “harmony” between human beings, regardless of religious background or race. peace can be understood as a harmonious state of physical, mental, spiritual, and social, at peace with god through obedience, and peace with our fellow human beings to avoid intrusion. islam requires its followers to seek peace in all areas of life. islam is very committed to freedom, justice, equality, and peace in the world. as good citizens, we should be compassionate to one another, and can show consideration and concern for others. according to abdullah nashih ulwan,19 compassion is a softness in the heart, smooth feelings in the conscience, and an excellent sense which leads to gentle treatment of others, feeling of caring, compassion toward them and the effort to eliminate grief and suffering of others. the affection is not limited to the brothers who are believers, but even abundant to all humanity. thus creating a harmony that is a reflection of mutual relations characterized by mutual acceptance, mutual respect, solidarity, and tolerance that is able to accept that the differences with what has become self-confidence. tolerance, cited from the dictionary of al-munawir20 is termed with 17 komari, a. ahmadi, perang dan damai dalam islam, (bandung: pustaka setia, 1995), p. 274 18 m. tata taufik, langkah-langkah menuju surga, gema mui edisi xvi, jum’at 26 rabiul tsani 1427 p/23 june 2006. 19 abdulllah nashih ulwan,(terj.saifullah kamaile), pedoman pendidikan anak dalam islam,( semarang, cv. asysyifa’, 1993), p. 400 20 ahmad warson munawir,kamus al-munawir, (yokyakarta: pp krafyak, 1994),p.702 [ 273 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 the word tasamuh meaning graceful gesture. a. zaki badawi 21 said tasamuh (tolerance) is the willingness to accept a wide range of views and diversity, tolerance, mutual respect and mutual respect. in big indonesian dictionary22 means tolerating. yayah khisbiyah 23 explained, tolerance is build better social relationships. thus, it will give birth to harmony in the nationhood and statehood, building harmony in diversity of religion and culture in building harmony, sungai penuh government is making use of the structural model of top-down to make policies in achieving harmony for its citizens. first, they disseminate the message to all levels of government and society using both formal and non-formal means of communication. as for the formal channels, it is done by the government itself through the flag raising ceremony at the regional work units (skpd) which is held on every monday morning. in addition to the main message, the ceremony participants are also presented with spiritual nourishment or religious education for seven minutes. among the materials of the message oare the harmony in diversity, no anarchy, maintaining security and order in their respective environments, creating conducive conditions, peace, maintaining harmony in the workplace. likewise it is also done through both educational institutions and islamic schools from early childhood level, to high school. at the flag ceremony, message associated with harmony and peace is given. likewise, every friday in activities of qur’an reading, recitation of surat yasin, the recitation of most beautiful god’s names, tahlil and prayer together, so as to ensure the country and the nation to remain safe, orderly, peaceful, so as to carry out the development programs, as well as staying away from temptation, disasters, and plagues. in addition, through formal, non-formal waya, the message is also disseminated through the friday sermon, lecture between maghrib and isha, after dawn prayer, during informal gatherings which have a network from city level up to rt / rw, among the mosque youths, and qur’an education centers, etc. based on the results of interviews with nusyirwan24 chairman of the indonesian ulema council of sungai penuh city, the city indeed reflects a 21 a. zaki badawi, mu’jam musthalahat al-‘ulum al ijtima’yat, (beirut: maktabah lubnan, 1982), p. 426 22 departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan, kamus besar bahasa indonesia,(jakarta: balai pustaka, 2005), p.1204 23 yayah khisbiyah, menepis prasangka, memupuk toleransi untuk multikultural: dukungan dari psikologi sosial,(surakarta:psb-ps ums. 2007),p. 4 24 nusyirwan, ketua mui kota sungaipenuh, interview, dated, 16 september 2016 [ 274 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 religious diversity, although the majority embrace islam, between religious communities there has never been a conflict; the minority never felt oppressed by the majority. mui always puts forward the attitude of tolerance between religious groups should not have suspicion of each other especially the majority and the minority. it should not be rigid on the opinions and beliefs of the others, viewing other as always wrong causing antipathy to the other people’s belief. by maintaining such conditions, the relations between religions are always harmonious and peaceful, even among religious groups always working so well with the government, and the government also expects such inter-religious harmony, always promoting moderation, which is located at the middle position of the two conditions, namely: and shortage and excess. moderate education is building the spirit moderation, or not the of extreme, radical, conservative, liberalist behavior. in this way, we can build a sense of togetherness, the feeling of closeness and love one another in unity with others. we also need to promote mutual respect for differences (to agree in disagreement), live side by side with one another, creating anti-hegemony and anti-domination. in preventing the attitude of radicalism and conflict, the government has formed forum for community early vigilance (fkdm) which is a strategic element both for horizontal and vertical relations, which serves to create a conducive atmosphere, especially related to security issues and to invite the community to be more persuasive when discovering potential for violence and conflict and not to cause anxiety in the community. religious groups should also be aware that religious and cultural diversity is inevitable, then they should be aware of religious and cultural diversity, as well as be able to apply inclusivity and diversity in the behavior of religious life, having a sense of moderation in defining the differences and behavioral diversity in society. religious followers should avoid violent behavior, coercion which will cause the loss of tolerance. indonesian society in general is composed of people of different ethnicity, race, creed, religion and political ideology. likewise, sungai penuh city specifically, should share the responsibility to maintain harmonious relations between diverse communities. diversity is a blessing for all, thereby creating harmony in diversity, will be a realization of peace in the life of the nation. the chairman of the forum for religious harmony (fkub) sungai penuh city, ahmad zuhdi25, in an interview said that there are various 25 ahmad zuhdi, head of fkub sungai penuh city, interview, in sungai penuh city, dated 19 september 2016 [ 275 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 religious groups here, muslims, protestants, catholics, hindus, buddhists and confucians. in this forum, all religions are represented as a member of the executive board. by agreement, all religious groups shall contribute to creating harmony and peace between them, one of which is through this forum that promotes moderation, tolerance, mutual trust, not interfering with each other and always put togetherness first. the forum has also established the council for religious deliberation which basically regulates cooperation between religious communities and seeks solution to inter-religious issues as well as supports the government in maintaining national integrity. in addition, regarding the diversity of culture, race or ethnicity, the sungai penuh city has established the nation’s assimilation forum (fpk). based on the interview with the chairman of fkp, masrur lubis26, in sungai penuh city there are several ethnic groups, namely kerinci, jambi, minang, muslim batak, christian batak, java, palembang, malay, and chinese. meanwhile, based on observation, many other ethnic groups have not been integrated into this forum such as aceh, riau, bengkulu, banjar, etc. this forum has agreed to remain united to establish regular communication and keeping the unity with respect for differences, to always prioritize togetherness, thereby bringing harmony and peace into society. even the sungai penuh city has become the safest city in the province of jambi. when asked what is indonesia? the answer would be it is a country whose people live on thousands of islands with various religious, ethnic, and language groups. they live with the spirit of building harmony and peace to achieve common prosperity, with the four pillars of nationality, namely “1945 constitution, pancasila, bhinneka tunggal ika, and the unitary state of the republic of indonesia”. the mayor of sungai penuh, as the first person in charge of security, order and peace in the region, after taking several policies and establishing forums that deal directly with religion and culture, also personally always called on the entire people of sungai penuh to avoid radical actions, brawl, mischief, and that they should be able to implement the attitude of harmony, and observe the tolerance values in everyday life. this appeal is delivered on sungai penuh city regional radio periodically. he also extended such call on each anniversary of islamic holidays, safari ramadhan, ied al-fitr, ied aladha and on other occasions, thereby creating security and order and 26 masrur lubis, head of fpk, sungai penuh city, interview, in sungai penuh city, dated 23 september 2016 [ 276 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 harmony. communities can accept a deviation from what is believed or practiced despite the differences. efforts to promote harmony in diversity is carried out through educational institutions as marwan27 a supervisor at the ministry of religious affairs of sungai penuh said that based on the regulation of the minister of education and culture number 69 / 2013 concerning the basic framework and curriculum structure of high school/madrasah aliyah, basic competence of religious and moral education, there is one subject that teaches students to appreciate and practice caring nature (mutual aid, cooperation, tolerance, peace) and to maintain harmony. then the supervisor also stressed that teachers of religious education in schools and madrasah can internalize these values to the maximum, so that all students can implement in the school environment, family and society. as reported by one of the teachers of religious education, aflizar,28 based on the regulation of the minister of education and culture no. 82 / 2015 the violence in the field of education should not happen, and the school should be a safe and comfortable zone for learners. there should be no violence committed by educators, if committed they shall be punished. however, we as teachers also need protection in teaching, because currently many teachers have been reported to police by parents because taking minor disciplinary actions against students, while the teacher has the right to educate children including disciplining students with sanctions. in addition, efforts have continued to build harmony in diversity because our students come from a variety of ethnic and tribal as well as religious backgrounds. we have been doing a school culture in the form of smiles, greetings, politeness and courteous manners, smiling are required when they run into each other, regardless of religion, ethnicity and descent. thus the higher their tolerance, fellow students will find friendship, the friendship between them will be more closely. based on the results of interviews with one of the community leaders, m. nawir,29 the community of sungai penuh city has always been very heterogeneous and multi-cultural from various regions in indonesia, but their arrival has received a positive response from the natives. they really appreciate and respect the presence of migrants from outside the area with a variety of tribes, ethnicities. even neighbors can be friends. some of them intermarried 27 marwan, supervisor at ministry of religious affairs sungai penuh city, interview, 7 october 2016 28 aflizar, religious education teacher, sman sungai penuh city, interview, 10 october 2016 29 m. nawir, community leader sungai penuh city, interview, dated, 4 november 2016 [ 277 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 and have children. they already feel that life must be harmonious to share diversity, and this is a necessity that must be nurtured, cared for, built to form a force in reaching goals. similarly, the results of interviews with the indigenous leader of sungai penuh city, m. sudin30 revealed that in carrying out marriage to indigenous people, they do not prohibit the use of each other’s culture; in fact they are free to use the traditional clothes, for example the marriage between kerinci with minang tribes, the traditional clothes kerinci and minang are used interchangeably so that both parties feel equally pleased. thus the sustainability of each culture can be well preserved. this is also in line with the results of the field observations conducted at an intermarriage party, which at certain time, the bride and groom changed traditional clothes. with this mixed marriage, the whole family looks happy with diversity harmony, peace, friendship, cooperation, and mutual respect between them. this fact is suppurted by the argument proposed by zaenuddin hudi prasojo (2015) that local culture is an important element in the efforts of building harmony in the multicultural society of indonesia. customary law as apart of local genious elements is in the positition to be empowered to support the efforts of building peace and harmony. if harmony is already established, it will create peace, justice will be realized, the country will be free of conflicts, disputes, and chaos. only in this way can the government together with the community be able to carry out development in all fields. likewise, at the national level several accomplishments have been made such as the satya lancana pembangunan (development award) from the president, the wahana tata nugraha (transportation award) from the ministry of transportation, received unqualified opinion in terms of financial management from the supreme audit agency, won a certificate and trophy of adipura for clean city 2015, caring and environmentally aware school from the ministry of education and culture and the ministry of environment and forestry. it is expected that the target of becoming an economically independent city in 2016 can be achieved. therefore, sungai penuh city, which is part of the indonesian nation, has participated in building the nation, strengthening the unitary state of the republic of indonesia based on pancasila and the 1945 constitution in order to achieve a just, safe, and prosperous country. 30 m. sudin customary leader of sungai penuh city, interview, dated 11 november 2016 [ 278 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 conclusion humans are created in religious and cultural diversity, not uniformity. diversity is the devine law, divine grace to be grateful for, the law of the times, something that is commonplace, a must, a nation integrity, which must be accepted as a positive reality and does not need to be deplored, and be used as a force that should be maintained for unity of the nation. diversity is a form of god’s abundant mercy to humans, and we should be able to share such diversity, in addition to religious diversity which is a blessing for all and cultural diversity is a grace of god the creator. sungai penuh city government has successfully built harmony in religious and cultural diversity, which is done through formal channels which are implemented in a hierarchical manner, and non-formal through religious organizations. in general, the government and society have achieved a seamless harmony in diversity to create peace, compassion, caring, civility, tranquility and security. the society has also responded positively and implement it in daily life. sungai penuh city thus has been able to carry out the development programs evenly and equitably. it can be proved with a lot of awards and certificates for its success in development, as well as the accomplishments that were achieved at the provincial and national levels, so that the target of sungai penuh to become an economically independent city in 2016 can be achieved. recognition of religious and cultural diversity in our society is beginning to fade as each religious and cultural group thinks that it is only group that is right, so suspicion between religious and cultural groups has begun to emerge which trigger the concepts of islamic and christian state. this is a threat to the national integration. every religion and culture should be able to re-evaluate the negative attitude toward religious and cultural diversity, which lead to a wider conflict if not managed. it, should be able to create harmony and peace in the society. therefore, the efforts in building harmony should continue to be developed, civilized, socialized, and conditioned in daily life of the community, so that the atmosphere would be safe and orderly, equitable development can be implemented, and people will have a better and happier life. [ 279 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 referensi abdullah, m.a. (2000). dinamika islam kultural pemetaan atas wacana keislaman kontemporer, bandung: mizan. ali, m. (2003). teologi pluralisme-multikultural: menghargai kemajemukan menjalis kebersamaan, jakarta: buku kompas. azra, a. (2003). pengantar dalam dede rosyada, pendidikan kewargaan (civic education): demokrasi, hak asasi manusia & masyarakat madani, jakarta: icce uin syarif hidayatullah. ----------, (2005). syariat islam dalam bingkai nation state, islam negara & civil society, gerakan dan pemikiran islam kontemporer, jakarta: paramadina. badawi, z. (1986). mu’jam musthalahat al-ulum al-ijtima’yat, beirut: maktubah lubnan. casram, c. (2016). membangun sikap toleransi beragama dalam masyarakat plural. wawasan: jurnal ilmiah agama dan sosial budaya, 1(2), 187198. doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jw.v1i2.588. daya, b. & beck, h.l. (eds.) (1992). ilmu perbandingan agama di indonesia dan belanda, jakarta: inis. hidayat, k. & a.f.a.g (eds.) (2005). islam negara & civil sosiati, gerakan dan pemikiran islam kontemporer, jakarta: paramadina. hidayat & nafis, m. w. (1995). agama masa depan, perspektif filsafat perinial, jakarta: paramadina. khisbiyah, y. ( 2007). menepis prasangka, memupuk toleransi untuk multikultural: dukungan dan psikologi sosial, surabaya: psb-ps ums. komari, a.a (1995). perang dan damai dalam islam, bandung: pustaka setia. majalah kota sungai penuh (2015). sehalun suhak selatuh bedil warta kota, sungai penuh: humas dan protokol setda. madjid, n. (1997). tradisi islam peran dan fungsinya dalam pembangunan di indonesia, jakarta: paramadina. mawardi, a.h.b. (2002). etika agama dan dunia memahami hakikat beragama dan berinteraksi di dunia, bandung: pustaka setia (translation into indonesian). muhit, h. (at.al). (2008). sarung & demokrasi dari nu untuk peradaban keindonesiaan, surabaya: khalista. [ 280 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 munawar, a.w. (1994). kamus al munawar, yokyakarta: pp krapyak. prasojo, z.h. (2015). indigenous community, customary law and multiculturalisme in indonesia. al-albab, 2(1). doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v2i1.26 ----------, (2016). social change and the contributions of the tionghoa, dayak and melayu (tidayu) in west kalimantan. in victor t. king, zawawi ibrahim &noor hasharina hassan (eds.). borneo studies in history, society and culture. singapore: springer. p: 427-442. rahman, b.m. (2001). islam dan pluralis kesetaraan kaum beriman, jakarta: paramadina. rosyada, d. (2003). demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia & masyarakat madani, jakarta: lkis. susanto, t. (2007). melampaui toleransi: merenung bersama walzer dalam ihsan alifauzi, dkk. demi toleransi demi pluralisme, jakarta: paramadina. setiawan, m.n. (2012). pribumisasi al-qur’an: tafsir berwawasan keindonesiaan, yokyakarta: kankaba. syam, n. (2011). mazhab-mazhab antropologi, yokyakarta: lkis. taufik, m.t. (2012). etika komunikasi islam, bandung: pustaka setia. ulwan, a.n. (1993). pedoman pendidikan anak dalam islam, semarang: asysyifa’ (translation into indonesian). widjaja, h.a.w. (2002). pedoman pelaksanaan pendidikan pancasila pada perguruan tinggi, jakarta: raja grafindo persada. yusuf, y. (2004). prasangka beragama, jakarta: penamadani. [ 195 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 religion and the spiritual crisis of modern human being in the perspective of huston smith`s perennial philosophy riki saputra muhammadiyah university of west sumatera (umsb) email: rikisaputra.rs87@gmail.com abstract this work is based on the assumption that modern human has undergone a multidimensional crisis. this crisis needs a timely response and an urgent solution, for if we neglect it, it will become worse and can destabilize the life of mankind globally. i refer to the work of huston smith on perennial philosophy to find its essence as an attempt to find solution for overcoming the modern men`s crisis. this is a library research using the philosophical hermeneutics method. the paper shows that, firstly, perennial philosophy has a characteristic of metaphysics, which try to find a fundamental basis for both immanent and transcendent of all things, psychology which depicts the common sameness in human and ethics as a goal in human life. secondly, what is meant by human spiritual crisis is a condition where human neglected even destroyed the godhead character within themselves. thirdly, the answer made by huston smith`s perennial philosophy concerning human spiritual crisis include that the spiritual crisis of modern human being are seen from the tunnel metaphore, in which the basement is scientism, the left wall is education, media as the roof, and the right wall the law. the spiritual crisis of modern human being as a failure of post-modernism has a similiraty with modernism way of seeing this world as the only true reality, although there is different in approach between the two. religious mysticism that was offered by huston smith has a perenialistic tone. the pluralistic attitude found among humankind has to be rooted in an esoteric level within each religion. smith`s perennial philosophy is very relevant to the condition of indonesia, which therefore has sackeled by a rigid theological dogmatism. religion should be an endeavor for human being to find a more exalted living. keywords: spiritual crisis, perennial philosophy, religious mysticism introduction the spiritual crisis of modern human beings here means, firstly, that they say people can no more live in hope of religion as life guidance as it prevent as well as resist progression; and secondly, that it is the believers of religion who [ 196 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 do crime on behalf of god or religious teaching. those anarchic action is not relevant to the substance of religions which educate people to create peaceful life. this is in accordance to the opinion of frihjof schuon that says spirituality made religion as its framework from which the absolut righteousness. this absolut righteousness contains non-temporary value on which cultural, social, and political value have their base (schuon, 2002: 36). seyyed hossein nasr insists that human being has to be aware of their function as the intermediary of heaven and earth as well as of their important position to occupy in metaphysic world as long as they are aware of the essence of trancience of their journey in this world. human being needs to life with the awareness of spiritual reality which exists beyond their worldly nature, namely spiritual dimension. human beings admits their humanity, admit that there is majesty as well as danger which relate to what they think and do (nasr, 1981: 161). it is the later perspective which is referred ‘human’ in context of perennial philosophy (saputra, 2012). huston smith can be classified as the key figure who developes perennial philosophy at this time. smith’s view comes from his inquietude on spiritual crisis of modern human beings either in east or west. this condition, smith says, was characterized by, one of them, the feeling of lost of either religious or the transcendent within the wider firmament. the essence of that lost is very ironic, yet is very logical. as the rise of scientific world view, human being begins to see himself as the holder of the highest value in the world from which everything is measured. the meaning of life become hazy and the essence of humanity has blurred. the world losts its humanity dimension, and human being losts his control of himself (smith, 2001: 1-2; utsman, 2006). smith destructs some cosmological and social weaknesses of modernism as well as post-modernism which attempt to correct modernism. according to smith, the achievement of modernism is limited to the scientific world view, while that of post-modernism is limited to revolution of justice. smith in this case uses tunnel as metaphor to describe the reality of modern world long with everything within. smith says that the ground floor of the reality tunnel is scientism which props up all other three sides. smith says that scientism is good, but there is nothing good in the view of scientism. this is because science too condidently regards itself as one and the only reliable method to seek truth while material entity—which it deals with—is regarded as the fundamental thing existed. the left wall of the tunnel is education. smith depicts the education of america in which scientism deceases, due to scientism in fields of social, psicological, humanity, philosphy, and religion. the roof of the tunnel is media which takes role in spreading the norrowing [ 197 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 traditional world view. in the right wall there is low, represented by state, which is considered as claiming prerogative right on religion. all crisis are unifying along with the other crisis crisis of environtment, domographic explosion, and the widening gap between the rich and poor people when human being is facing the new millenium (smith, 2001: 12-16). the vacuumspirituality of human being as long as smith’s view on it become an interesting topic for us to come deeper in a research. the figure who continually discusses humanity crisis and problem within the perennial perspective is expected to be able to investigate humanity of human beings as long as to prevent the desire of violence which is regarded based on religious teaching by religious believers particularly in indonesia. perennial philosophy of huston smith. perennial philosophy is very popular for intelectuals, particularly for those who are interested in religious studies and phiosophy. there are many thinkers who have contributed in this field, and huston smith is one of them. according to smith, there are two distinct paradigms of philosophy, namely modern philosophy and traditional philosophy. firstly, modern philosophy attempts to eliminate “the sacred” or “the one” from universe of philosophy, science, and art. in fact, these three fields are indeed empty of that holy spirit. modern philosophy face the problem of life of human being within scientific framework in positivism sense, in which the investigation for the truth is evidenced empirically. the answer from philosophical perspective towards philosophical problem is no more attracted; the answer is rather sought from science which is regarded superior above philosophy in the old sense. for example, the newly developing trends within philosophy, such as genetical epistemology of jean piaget bases his epistemology on science instead of the old sense of philosophy. this is one of some developing trends which bases its epistemology on empirical world. secondly, traditional philosophy, which is also recognized as perennial philosophy, always discusses the existence of the sacred or the one in whole of its manifestation, such as religion, philosophy, scince, and art (smith, 2006: 80). the background of smith idea on perennial philosophy is begun from his restlessness and inquietude on modern human being circumstances which hardly accept the pluralism within various traditions. modern human being is still affected by those plurality, so that the agreement is a very tough condition to deliberate. according to smith, green is not blue, however both contain light; a gold watch is not a gold ring, but both contain gold; man is not woman, but both are human; and every thing, such as combination of foot steps, is all a [ 198 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 single-individual thing, but they arrange series of the unified journey (smith, 1989: 51). to understand those pluralities, smith provides problem solving through perennial philosophy. according to smith, there are three main topic of perennial philosophy he follows the formula of aldous huxley. the first is metaphysic which attempts to find the immanent and transcendent base of every thing. according to smith, perennial philosophy is ontological because it investigate being, and being has hierarchical character. every hierarchical structure which exists in the world interconnects each other and culminates to transcendent or ultim reality. this ultim reality is the manifestation of the substance of the other beings which exist in the world. transcendent reality which is called godhead (christianity), tao (taoism), sunyata (budhism), brahman (hinduism), and al-haqq (islam), which is the very base of every existence in the world, is an absolut-spiritual thing which can hardly be described with empirical discourse, because it transcends logic as well as verbal language. human being can possibly have various understanding on this ultim reality. ultim reality is opened to understood as something immanent or transcendent or even both. human being who only depends on rationalism and positivism will see difficulties to reach substance. it is only through the pure mind or the poor in spirit the ultim reality could possibly experienced as well as understood by human being (smith, 1989: 3-72). the second is psicology which investigates the existence of something identical within human. perennial psicology does not take the personal ego as the main topic rather than the eternal self or transcendent self which nest within a particular or temporary individual. smith says, perennial psicology insisted that the self contain duality, namely ‘me-object’ which is limited and ‘i-subject’ which within his awareness of his limitation is able to prove that he, within himself, is free of limitation. the unlimitted concept of ‘i-subject’ will lead human being into the deepest center of self as well as to disembarass self from the confinement of senses. the deepest of self is not soul, but rather spirit. the spirit is covered by material and is sorrounded by soul. spirit, within the perennial philosophy, is named trancendent reality. therefore, transcendent reality exists not only outside of human beings but also within (smith, 1989: 74). the third is ethics which define the final purposes of human life. the work of lewis, the abolition of man, which is quoted by smith, insists that perennial ethics contain the same concept as tao. tao is a system of value which is the unification of numbers of moral impretive from various traditions within which three goodnesses have united, namely sincerity, humility, and [ 199 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 generosity. these three goodnesses is opposed by three patologies, namely arrogancy, greed, and idiocy. humility is a capacity which create the gap between self and his individual interests, eliminating ego in order to achieve the objective and accurate vision. sincerity is a power to recognize tools such as what budhism call as the condition within itself, that is the condition in which they exist actually, objectively, and accurately. generosity is seing other people as himself. this three goodnesses have great relation to the order of humanity (smith, 1989: 75-76). perennial philosophy is very close to tradition and traditional chain-link, as well as is included into spiritual realization. it is this metaphysic which create the nature of religio perennis for every religion, that is the eternal religion. metaphysic live within the heart of human being in which there is divine intellect, as christianity says “there is the kingdom of god within the heart of human being”. perennial philosophy fully pays its attention to religion within its very transcendent or metaphysic reality which is trans-historical; it see various perspectives within religion from esoteric side (substance), instead of being locked within exoteric side (form). the spiritual crisis of modern human being as the failure of modernism according to smith, modernism reduces the view on metaphysic into cosmology which is the discussion about physical or natural world. this kind of view apparently reduces the meaning of world in which human being live. for smith, the truly metaphysic is a discourse in which every being is discussed, or is an understanding on every thing including the possibility of the existence of the other world, which science do not deals with. for that matter, while modern world view sees physical nature as every thing, the metaphysic which is discussed therein is then the cosmology itself. this modernism metaphysic is called naturalism. the serious attention of scientific method on materialquantitative thing eliminate the existence of non-material thing. substantially, science has dissolved the transendence which is the principle element of religious metaphysic world view (smith, 1951: 94). on the view of smith, the general view of modernism is materialism or philosophical naturalism which only beliefs in material as the only accepted reality. therefore, the achievement of modernism is limited to scientific-wordly view or cosmological-naturalistic one. smith describes the reality of modern world with the metaphor of tunnel which identifies scientism as the ground floor from which all other three stand; education as the left wall, media as the roof, and law as the right wall. [ 200 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 1. scientism smith says that scientism is good, but there is nothing good in the view of scientism. science regards itself as the only one reliable method to seek the truth as well as it considers material as the most fundamental of being. on the other word, smith criticizes science not because of the emergence of scientific findings which actually give benefits to people. it is the science which is very naturalistic and developes apart from the value of divinity which he criticizes. as he says: science in the generic sense had been around as long as art and religion. but what was discovered then-in the sisteenth, seventeenth centurieswas the controlled experiment, which escalated science to a new order of power and exactitude. that power proved to be enough to create both a new world, this world that we now live in, and a new worldview. in the process it brought many, many benefits. but in terms of worldview, in inflicted a great blow on the human psyche by making it appear that life`s material side is its most important side. now this is a logical mistake. science didn`t really say this, but because its power derived from attending to the material aspects of nature, and because that power is great and effective and gave us many benefits, the outlook of modernity is unprecedentedly materialistic (smith, 1998: 3). the critics of smith towards science refers to the pattern of materialistic science which is developed by the thinkers in this modern century. this kind of pattern always says that material aspect is the only reality. smith’s attempt to criticize this pattern proposes the new perspective and awareness for science that the need for religion and spirituality should received serious attention. 2. education smith’s critics towards education in the west refers to the model of education in usa because almost of his life is spent in usa as the student, academician, and socio-religious acitivis, so that there is no part of education in usa which is absent from his investigation. according to smith, the basic principle of the establishment of various educational institution in usa for the preacher besides other dissiplines is to fill the emptiness of spirituality and morality of human being. this religious climate can only last untill the modern life heading to its top (smith, 2001: 70-80). even though the west in the middle age was in darkness, in which human expression has no freedom do to the confinement of church, does not mean that the emergence of modernism has to eliminate religion. smith disagree with this kind of attitude, because the fault at that time did not belog to church rather than some clerics who failed [ 201 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 to understand the substance of his religion. modern thinkers should be more objective to see religion. if they had done so, the lack of spirituality of human being in modern life would never have happened. education in usa begins to lose the dimension of spirituality because of scientism in social, psicology, humanity, philosophy, and religious discourse. according to smith, the draw of scientism is mostly identified in social sciences. smith’s explanation on marginalization of social sciences is his agreement with the experience of robert n. bellah, a social thinker whose long live career was in an era in which the draw was happening. bellah says: “the assumptions underlying mainstream social science,” bellah writes, can be briefly listed: positivism, reductionism, relativism and determinism. i am not saying that working social scientists could give a good philosophical defense of these assumptions, or even that they are fully conscious of holding them. i mean to refer only to, in the descriptive sense, their prejudices, their pre-judgments about the nature of reality. by positivism i mean no more than the assumption that the methods of natural science are the only approach to valid knowledge, and the corollary that social science differs from natural science only in maturity and that the two will become ever more alike. by reductionism i mean the tendency to explain the complex in terms of the simple and to find behind complex cultural forms biological, psychological or sociological drives, needs and interests. by relativism i mean the assumption that matters of morality and religion, being explicable by particular constellations of psychological and sociological conditions, cannot be judged true or false, valid or invalid, but simply vary with persons, cultures and societies. by determinism i do not mean any sophisticated philosophical view, but only the tendency to think that human actions are explained in terms of “variables” that will account for them (smith, 2001: 84-85). according to bellah (as quoted by smith, 2001), most of social thinkers never think that these assumptions are in contracition to religious assumption. these assumptions are indeed very clear within themselves so that they goes beyond contradiction. religion, because of its non-sicentific character, has no acceptable claim on reality, not even as the belief or privat action whose benefits are psicological for some people. however, these assumption are contradictory, even sharply, to whole tradition of religions and the belief of most human beings. 3. media according to smith, media also has the big role to spread the reduced vision [ 202 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 on metaphysic. this is pictured by, one of them, theater which media proposes through films. the script of the films are based on ideas of historians, entitled inherit the wind. this film talks about the relation of science and religion. the science activis is pictured as knight with armour fighting against the fool, fanatic, and fundamental religious people (smith, 2001: 103-104). art has absolute right to choose and emphasize certain part to make clear the plot. as the logical consequence, the film is successful to describe clearly the opposition between the good side (science) and the bad side (religion) to community. according to smith, the nowadays media without any doubt marginalizes religion into the valley of distrust. people of usa who still belief in god are considered meaningless. as lasch says: public life is thoroughly secularized. the separation of church and state, nowadays interpreted as prohibiting any public recognition of religion at all, is more deeply entrenched in america than anywhere else. religion has been relegated to the sidelines of public debate. among elites it is held in low esteem something useful for weddings and funerals but otherwise dispensable. a skeptical, iconoclastic state of mind is one of the distinguishing characteristics of the knowledge classes. their commitment to the culture of criticism is understood to rule out religious commitments. the elites’ attitude to religion ranges from indifference to active hostility. it rests on a caricature of religious fundamentalism as a reactionary movement bent on reversing all the progressive measures achieved over the last several decades (in smith, 2001: 116-117). smith also gives his commentary on advertisement from which media practitioners gather their earnings. the presence of advertisements are expected to provide valuable information for people. however, in fact, those advertisements unconsciously draw people far from values of spirituality. the agens of advertisements are obsessed with capitalism which means that their motivation is money through promoting worldly-consumtive products. media take no care on values of religion because they are regarded irrelevent with the developement of the company (smith, 2001: 118-119). 4. law the law presented by the state claims prerogative right on religion. smith quotes stephen carter on liberal american view who says that the goal of law in usa would be disturbed if the power of religion was placed along with political power. it means that carter sees the process of relegating religion from public live. as carter says: [ 203 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 in an earlier era, although there was never as healthy a respect for religious pluralism as there should have been, i do think there was a healthy respect for what counted as religion. people might have been somewhat limited in their visions of what counted as religion, but there was a respect for it, and i think this was true right across the political spectrum and up and down the social and economic ladder. that has changed. there is less respect for religion, less of an appreciation of it as an important force that can genuinely be the motive force in people’s lives without being somehow a symptom of something neurotic. that’s what’s been lost (in smith, 2001: 123). according to smith, religion and law have to run side by side; both are inseperable. the interpretation on law in certain time always changes. if this change is not based on religious values, the law will be lack of morality. this is exactly what is happening to law in usa. for example, the case of indian people who defended their right on their land as well as job and religion. this case took too long time, that was almost six years. the verdict apparently did not accomodate their right. smith says that the state had oppressed weak people, the minority of indian (smith, 2001: 124-125). the spiritual crisis of modern human being as the failure of post-modernism post-modernism in general criticizes reductionstic trend of modernism which see reality should be dominated, at least in term of domination of understanding. this kind of view is described by smith as “an epistemology that aims relentlessly at control rules out the possibility of transcendence in principle”. in the other words, the plot of thinking of modernism is the kind of epistemology structure which deny transcendece within its principles. reality, in the view of modernism, is relegated into the extent of human reasoning, and is instituted within modern science. the meaning which transcends of human self and life is hardly accepted as something real, because it is not understandable by human reasoning, in fact reasoning is the standard by which every thing is controlled by modernism. according to smith, this reductionistic trend of modernism is written clearly within the explanation models which are used by modern science. for example, the explanation has to be started from something inferior then further be moved into something superior, from ‘that is less’ into ‘that is more’. even more, when that superior have appeared on the surface, the goal of understanding as well as interpretation on its journey into the surface is always related to ‘that is inferior’ to it (smith, 1989: 200). the presence of post-modernism with its denial on reductionistic of [ 204 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 modernism has opened the space and opportunity for reality, either for that of inferior or superior. post-modernism proposes the chance for something whose existence used to be eliminated by modernism because it was regarded as something un-explanable by reasoning, such as morality, sense, and imagination. in the other word, post-modernism clearly objects the absolute trend of rationalism of modernism which make human reasoning—that is limited—as the determiner of the existence of reality within all of its aspects. according to smith, post-modernism is in accordance to cultural pluralism which accept the possibility of various perspective on reality. post modernism accepts the concept of unversalism and denies universal uniformity. postmodernism only denies absolute claim, but unfortunately substitutes it with the other absolute claim forth. the worrying problem here is that the claim of pluralism of post-modern is too absolute, that it does not give opportunity to the existence of something which is able to inter-relate the elements of that plurality. each element is regarded standing individually, as if it stands by and for itself. the statement of smith is interesting, that he says “if in ways we belong to the human race, there is the larger question of whether we likewise belong to the cosmos”. smith states that post-modernism does not find any argument to support this claim, that human is the part of cosmos as a whole. postmodernism, as represented by deconstructionists, emphasize that there is an ‘one to one’ correlation between diversity in one side and injustice or justice in the other side. it makes diversity is regarded as the source of oppression, on the other hand, multiplicity is regarded as creating liberation. however, it is important to note that the anarchy and disunity as the result of that liberation would not be something pleasure. so, how could the diversity be denied, in fact that human can never be able to appreciate the difference from ‘the other’, if he/she does not agree that ‘the other’ also has the same identitas as ‘the other.’ however different some one is from the other, they are still same in needing for something unique (smith, 1989: 236). smith clearly states that modern age and its mode of thinking which tends to be scientific-rationalistic have led people into the crisis in this world, particularly for which is related to metaphyisic and religion. it is from this fact the post-modernism emerges, as the reaction for barennes of sipirituality of modern age. post-modern is wise enough saying that science is only one of various models for interpreting universe. post-modernism places science equal to many other kinds of interpretation mode for universe. smith values this kind of attitude showed by post-modernism which criticizes the puzzling world view coming from modernism is appropriate, however post-modernism is forth trapped into unrational mode of thought saying that every metaphysic world view is true [ 205 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 in principle (smith, 1989: 233). this kind of post-modernism mode of thought introduces various kind of absolute denial towards any world view, and then becomes the point of referece for many people. this will affect to the increasing number of relativistic and nihilistic values. according to smith, the responses towards the word either from post-modernism or modernism are no different. both sees world as the only thing real, even both are different in term of approach. both does not accept the existence of hierarchy of reality and the other experience which transcend this wordly reality along with experience about it. within the perspective of traditional metaphysic, smith says that ‘there is no single clearer explanation on either modernism or post-modernism other than the emphasis that the world of both are only this world’ (smith, 1989: 280). smith states that post-modernism does not accept that there is any world view which could be the reference point and guidance for every human’s world view about universe. refering to secularistic thought of modernism and post-modernism, it is clear that rationalism is the only epistemological tool which is used to understand the world. this rationalism could take various shapes. for example, scientific-rationalism, dialogic-rationalism, holisticrationalism, or nihilistic-rationalism. all of these whole kind of rationalism are category of secular rationalism which want to see this reality. as it has been understood that the discourse of this rationalism has limitation to see the reality and experience of the world. secular rationalism does not have capability to understand the symptom of nature phenomena or kind of life which is related to the other reality that is higher and deeper, such as the reality of soul, spirit, and the thought of god. it is this character of post-modernism which is difficult to be accepted by traditional metaphysic paradigm which is written within religions. smith concludes that within post-modernism mode of thought there is no truth within reality, even more it hesitates whether the truth has meaning or not. the truth within the thought of post-modernism is problematic, therefore there have to be evaluation and change because the truth is no more regarded absolute. this failure of post-modernism is the cause for the raise of perennialism, in which smith is named as one of central figure. misticism of religion as the problem solving of spiritual crisis of modern human being. smith as the proponent of perennial uses mistical approach to understand the reality of religion and the plurality of universe as well as to investigate the root of religiousity from various kind of religion to understand the divinity, in [ 206 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 order to achieve the trancendental understanding on the one. this mistical approach of perennial is regarded as capable of explaining something authentic, related to the needed wisdom in order to apply the true model of life, which is apparently the essence of whole teachings of religion and spiritual tradition of human being. mistical method of smith is an experience of the presence of god within anything formulated by human being. smith, within his works such as books, journal, and interviews of media, also states misticism with the traditional terminology, that is metaphysic and sipirtuality. according to smith, each of traditional, modern, and post-modern age has different world view with specific weaknesses. traditional world view has better quality than the other two, that it is largely capable of explaining the knowledge on universe. this traditional knowledge is called spiritualmetaphysic or religious misticism; the different mode from naturalisticmetaphysic of modern science. science has successfully described the world, however not enough to the substance of human’s life within this universe. human being has the capability of keep the universal desire of yearning which is based on the divine. this is called the needs for metaphysics or religious misticism which is undissapearable within the life of human. this yearning transcends enterteinment, obsession, and addiction which is reflected by modernism as well as post-modernism. the yearning which is referred by smith, appear from the deepest part of human, the yearning which attempts to release the bond of self from spaces which confines limitation and morality. this is the wide perspective proposed by traditional worldview. traditional perspective substantially will never decease with the presence of modernism with its naturalistic-metaphyisic mode of thought. in fact, nowadays, the power of scientism is facing the decrease of spirituality whith they can not answer, yet they needs for revitalization of traditional perspective. when human being lose their vision of life, and they are looking for answer from scientific explanation which contains of quantitative numbers, they feel empty and apparently look for the traditional wisdom. in traditional perspective, the world does not stand by itself, but rather comes from the mighty spirit, god, the limitless. according to smith, there is fundamental difference between traditional and modernism perspective, that is, firstly, the former see spirit as fundamental, and material is derivative. in contrast to it, modernism see material as the ultimate reality and denies the other. as the second, human is the having-weaknesscreature and has desire for achieving things from he who has excess, that is god. it means that within human, there could be source of magnificence, that human is the creature or emanation of god. in contrast to modern science, it [ 207 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 says that there is nothing perfect other than human. in the third, traditional perspective has faith in hope that at the end of life there will be the eternal happiness. that is not the case for modernism which ends life with sufferings without any hope for trully hapiness after life. the fourth difference is that nature and every thing therein, for traditional perspective, are full of the deep as well as large meaning whose origins are from god. on the other hand, modernism states that meaning is limited to the sensual-exoteric side. in the fifth place, traditional perspective accept the spiritual happiness, while for scientific perspective happiness is only temporal achievement for it depends on material (smith, 2001: 34-37). according to smith, that deep and large knowledge is only achievable through inspiration and revelation. the epistemologies confuse to determine the source for this knowledge because knowing on this term is different from reasoning. human’s knowledge sometimes appears suddently and accidentally, and human has no capability to trace how that happens unconsciously. this kind of knowledge smith names ‘tacit knowing’. human being has the potential of intelligence from god which actively works. the tacit knowing is openly formed through that intelligence, and it helps people to act spontanously. for example, let say a television, human could se what appears on monitor because of light. however, human does not realize that; he rather focuses onto seeing the picture on monitor without seeing light behind the appearance of the picture (smith, 2001: 257). this epistemology of tacit knowing of smith can be called intuitive in terms of western epistemology. smith reminds us the importance of religions to seek the same vision in seeing its duty as well as role for the world and time. smith finds the answer within the esoteric dimension of religions. in this case, it is clear that smith is under the influence of esoterism of religions. esoteric have the more essential position than exoteric for religions which have faith on the eternity of spirit. the exoteric side, which is characterized by forms, shapes, or phisical, will be dissapeared, dead, and extinct with the limited nature it has. esoteric is believed as the eternal or the primary. esoteric is the holy knowledge which exists within all religions. they are all come from the same source. the believers who are able to understand it deeply will find the identical vision for each religion. historically, human used to recognized god which is represented through symbols. god is described as gods who are mysterious, abstract, and absolute. the problem begins when human tries to represent god and his message through language. addressing the name of god for believers is regarded as the devotion upon the mighty god. the name of god appears in various terms, such as yahweh (adonai), allah (father), allah, deity, latta, krishna, shifa, [ 208 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 brahman, sunyata, etc. in the point of view of smith, the believers should always understand what is meant substantially by religion to recognize esoterism of religions. human should listen to his own faith, because every legacy of faith is the limitless source. the authentic character of spirituality exists outside the ability of any body to pass through certain single religion. even though some body put himself deeply within the religioin to which he devotes, he will always face challenge to seek the deeper experience than what he already knew, is explained, or gained. besides, human should also listen to what other religions say. whatever the explanation he got from the believers of other religions, he should be respectful, though it does not resemble with his own religion. smith says ‘multiple views, yes; multiple reality, no’. the view on reality could be different, however the reality itself is one, identical, and comprehensive. the variety of aspect of reality always interconnect each other. smith proves it with the phrase ‘primordial inter-connectedness’, which means that there is a gift within every single human namely intuitive knowledge, as the abovementioned. the mechanism by which intuition works is different from reason, but it is this which base the mechanism of human’s reason. if human’s reason does the logical work based on comprehensive information which is described and defined, intuitive is hard to understand how it works. it works unconsciously but yet helps human to do things unreachable by reason (smith, 1989: 242). misticism of religion of smith is ontological or metaphysical whose focuse is being. one of its basic concept is metaphysic which recognizes divine reality which is substantial for worldly material, life, and reason. this primordia metaphysic indicates the fact that human is never be detached form the absolute dependence upon matrix of thought which produces and support human. the interest of human in this matrix is the holiest interest he could have (smith, 1989: 52). the essence of metaphysic of misticism of religion is the hierarchical character. this character seems at glance as something rigidly and authoritatively structured, however this may not blind human eyes upon the fact that every complex structure and process relatively posseses the stable character and appears in hierarchical organization. this happen to all structures, either inorganic, organic, social organizations, or the mode of behaviors (smith, 1989: 52-53). human will face difficulty to limit himself into one tradition, because it only creates the narrow understanding about universe. the attitude of understanding each other and working together could produces peace in universe. according to smith, sometimes human does not ready to face those problems. who is [ 209 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 now ready to accept that every nations in this world is equal?. who does not perforcely fight against his own tendency which unconsciously regards any thing different from him as inferior?. human being who is able to listen to other people in this world will work for peace, but not peace which is based on narrow religious power or that of politics, but rather on an understanding and involvement of each other within the life of other people whose source is esoteric side of religion. it is through esoteric understanding of religion human could pay respect each other. the respect will lead into path of the higher power, namely love which is the only power capable of undermining fear, distrustfulness, prejudice, and of providing tools to create unity for people. human being should apply the meaning of love which is commanded by their religion, because it is impossible to love other without understanding the concept of love. if people have desire of the highest faith, they have to understand the other when they are talking about their faith, and vice versa. human being have to posses the same degree of geniality while receiving as well as giving. the holy value and teaching of religion proposed numbers of tools on how human should behave and exploit the world, so that it does not only give benefit to human, but the ecosystems remains preserved. in fact, religions very much oppose the attitude of placing universe of object for research without paying attention to its sacredness. smith disagree with the concept of scientific naturalism which attempts to separate the reality of nature and sacred dimension, because modern human no longer consider that nature and environtment have the sacred dimension since its creation by god. the sacredness of nature has been indeed given by god since its creation, so that human being forth have to preserve it by respecting it as being with transcendene aspect (smith, 1976: 34). human being shall refer to religions and values from the sacred traditions when they are behaving as friend of this world. religious tradition has facilitated a media by which human beings establish ethics of ecology, so that the harmonic relation between human and the world is possible. the investigation towards the world should involve several clerics and scientists, because any problem in this world is the problem which human beings share. repositioning of the role and function of the world as the object with its sacred dimension demands a rediscovery towards the holy knowledge which help human being to realize the significance contribution of the world for the future of the life of all human being. [ 210 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 the relevance to the harmony of religious believers in indonesia. understanding the harmony of religious believers in indonesia through perennial perspective of smith is possible with two approaches. the first approach is education, particularly that is related to character building or religious education. religious education has to be managed comprehensively. in the basic and advance level, the student should receive religious education within which the basic concepts of religions along with the practical aspects based on each religion are taught. educational institution managing secular dissipline should hold religious education in accordance to the religious belief of the student. the student has to be taught about the existence of other faith other than their own, and as human being those who has different faith remains human to respect. if those basic values is growing, the harmony between religious believers will be ease to achieve (kuswanjono: 2006: 95). this approach is already applied in educational system in indonesia, however is not maximum enough, particularly for secular school. for example, religious lesson for elementary, junior high, as well as senior high school, has very limited amount, that is once a week. this fact reflects the failure of government to create the substantial understanding of religion for student. on the other hand, religious educational institution such as madrasah tsanawiyah, aliyah, pesantren, and the likes alredy have good amount or religious disciplines such as aqidah, akhlak, fiqh, ushul fiqh, etc. this is also happen for religious educational system other than islam in indonesia. a deep investigation on religious lessons taught within those religious educational institution, there could be an insight that the religion is expressed exclusively and concervatively, particularly which deals with the issu of rahmatan li al‘alamin and the relation of religions each other. for example, the discipline of aqidah (theology, kalam), the student only receives one perspective/mazhab, that is asy’ariyah among many other perspectives. this fact unconsciously lead the student into the exclusive mode of thought and the denial towards the different understanding. unfortunately, that is also the case sometime for the teacher, who acts as the provocator to get across his brother/sister within the same religion whose understanding is different even more his brother/sister with different religious belief rather than to promote peaceful life within the plurality of religious faith. in higher education level, religious education besides contains curriculum about their own faith (normative doctrines), the student also have to deal with the issue of critical studies towards religion in which historical criticism is applied. the student has to understand that plurality is the historical fact and [ 211 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 every religion is one peace of puzzles which systematically ordered as paths to the divine truth. this plurality awareness would lead into tollerance among religious believers (kuswanjono, 2006: 96). what happens to the elementary and junior-senior high school, as the above-mentioned, unfortunately also happens to higher education. religious subject only have two sks among whole courses of study. the other weakness can also be identified from the unability of teacher/lecturer to understand the substantial aspect of religious teachings, particularly about the inter-relation of religions. in fact, it is the teacher/lecturer who acts as the provocator to trigger conflict within religion. it is the opportunity for government to perform immediat act to add the other amount of sks (credit system for the curriculum used in indonesia) for religious subjects, particularly for either state or private school. those educational intitution have to substitude the curriculum of religious studies with what is rellevant to the spirit of each religion. on the other hand, the mechanism of recruitment for new teacher has to be more selective, beside there is also the need for routine evaluation from leader committee of such institution. for extraculicular agenda, the teacher has to initiate the interreligious pesantren. we see this as the critical agenda to build the togetherness of religions. our argument is supported by our experience of holding that kind of agenda hosted by forum kerukunan umat beragama (fkub) of padang which involved students as the participant. the second approach is the dialogue between religious believers. perennial proposes a method of dialogue which is capable of bridging the existence of truth claim as well as the claim for exclusive salvation which generally emerges within religion, namely phenomenology of religion. this is the method by which the existence of religious plurality with appreciation rather than domination or claim for apostasy. this method eleminates the exclusive view for other religion by respecting other. this method avoids to seeking fallacies of other rather than understanding the perspective of other to strenghten his own faith. this method guides the believers of religion to be humble and honest by which seeing other religion with the perspective, attitude, and faith of its believers is possible (kuswanjono, 2006: 96). if the clerics have the thought by which he hates and therefore contempts believers of other religions, the substantial dialogue will never happen. religion has no more power to propose guidance to fix civilization of human beings; it rather be the trigger for permanent conflict. perennial of smith finds a peace and mutual understanding within religious behavior, because it creates the awareness of tollerance and never opposes the exoteric differences of religions. the concept of perennial of smith is very [ 212 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 relevant to be the reference for indonesian religious believers who used to be trapped within the cage of rigid-exclusive theology. this approach is not trapped within the cage of formal, exoterical, or symbolical context which are basically is hard to unify; it rather investigate the substance or esoteric side of religions. at this point, religion can be a media and instrument for human being to achieve valuable life. on the other words, it is the religion for human instead of human for religion. the later will create exclussive and intollerance attitude. this kind of attitude change the religions which basically is humanitarian into dehumanitarian. the best is the former, that religion for human. this implicitly says ‘serve religion for the good of human’. human is every thing whose right is to be defended, not god borrowing the phrase of gus dur, “god does not need to be defended.” because the religion for human, every religion must contain doctrines on humanity. according to john hicks, the difference of religions come from the different interpretation of human being towards religion and god because the burden of local custom. the essence of religion is one, it is interpretation which differs. cak nur says that even though the religion of moses is jewish and that of jesus is christiaity, however the essence of those religion are islam, that teach th devote to god. cak nur differ ‘general islam’ to ‘specific islam’. general islam is the religions brought by the prophets before muhammad, who were sent down to human being any time any where, while specific islam is islam which is brought by muhammad and the consistence of general islam as the teaching for human being which is completed and perfected. for cak nur, pancasila is the common platform (kalimatun sawa’) from various plurality of religions of indonesia. religiousity which is needed to develop is al-hanifiyyat al-samhah, that is the act of seeking the wide truth, tollerance, without fanaticism which confines soul (madjid, 1995: xiv; hakiki, 2016). i argue that applying perennial of smith in indonesia is never free from weakness and strength. the first strength is the possibility to create the peaceful life among religious beliefs. perennial of smith is able to investigate each religious teaching deeply into the root that the basic teaching of all religions are mutual goodness, the hight tollerance even though from various concept. the second is that it rebuild the awareness of indonesian people which already has the philosphy of bhinneka tunggal ika or the concept of pluralism. perennial of smith view human being comprehensively, that is between which is theoritical and practical, between mind and attitude. the third is related to science and religions which characterized as preventive. the scientists of indonesia still hold onto religious metaphysics within their ijtihad. ahmad baiquni, as a first physician of indonesia, consider religion as the support and [ 213 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 guidance of human being in his adventure within this world. this is evidenced by his works which as muslim, he explain universe quoting several words of god to suppor scientifical preposition which is deduced through reason. that also happen to educational system of indonesia, in which many universities preparing the religious-scientist student such as the shift of institut agama islam negeri (iain) to universitas islam negeri (uin) from which secular faculty is pioneered, or christians university such as universitas kristen duta wacana (ukdw), etc. the fourth is that perennial of smith is capable enought to prevent traditional credence sect in indonesia. we argue that those credence sects are not religion, even more the legalized religion in indonesia. we agree with gusdur saying that the emergence of those sects reflects the failure of hierarchy and structure of big religions of indonesia in providing problem solving for fundamental social problems within community nowadays. on the other words, these sect emerge from those big religions from which the new spiritual sect arises without religion. perennial of smith denies spirituality without religion because principally religions contain spirituality. substantially, this kind of failure happens because the believers of religions does not able to rich the spirituality of religion he has faith in. this is what perennial could solve, to replace those credence sect into its prime religions which is legalized in indonesia. beside of those strength, perennial of smith also contains weaknesses. the first is that the material of smith’s perennial is very tough that it contain symbolic language which is only understandable for certain people. the second is that the core of perennial of smith relate to the sensitive part of religiousity particularly for those who has radical and fundamental mode of thought, becuase the substance of smith’s perennial is to harmonize religions and to promote tollerance on the differences of those religions. the third is that the spiritual experience of smith who practice all religious rituals such as attending worship in church, praying five times a day, vendata tradition of hinduism, and zen tradition of budhism routinly is hard to explain to indonesian religious believers. smith performs almost whole ritual of religions due to his desire to achieve practically the common vision of religion to rich god. we say that it is this common vision what smith want to show to religions believers in context of how to behave before the other religions, while those spirituality tends to be persolan; the spirituality of smith does not have to be absolutely followed. this is the distinction of huston smith’s perennial to that of frithjof schuon, seyyed hossein nasr, ect. perennial of smith is antroposentric with the concrete way, that is theoretically [ 214 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 deepen the concept of religious teaching as well as tradition. while practically, it suggests religious believers to perform their religious ritual along with other religious tradition in order to be the trully religious believers. perennial of schuon share smith’s mission on antroposentric, but different enough in term of approach. the difference is only on personal experience on religious ritual they do. schuon for the first time was as smith, that he performed ritual of all religions, however since 1965 schuon decided to choose one religious vision, that is islam and changed his name into isa nuruddin. perennial of nasr is theocentric because the first time consistent to islam, and his perennial tend to investigate the tradition within islam itself. aside these various kind of strengths and weaknesses, philosophy of perennial of smith remains possible to be referred as optimistic view in order to anticipate as well as to solve critical problem of spirituality of modern human being, particularly in indonesia. this perennial is expected as capable of actively playing its role to seek the true substantial understanding of religion and to reform the anarchism of religions which is increasing within inter-religious interaction. various approaches has been applied so far, but not effective enough. it is now time for perennial to solve the problem of spirituality of human being, eventhough the solution from perennial could not instantly applied as much as scientific ijtihad. conclussion perennial of smith finds peace and mutual understanding within religious behavior, because it suggests awareness of tollerance and does not oppose the exoteric differences of religions. the concept of smith’s perennial is proper to be the reference for religious believers of indonesia, who so far trapped within the rigid theology. this approach is not caged within formal, exoteric, as well as symbolic context, but it rather investigates ths substance or esoterical aspect of religion for human beings. at this point, the religion could be as the media or instrument for human to achieve valuable life. on the other words, it is the religion for human rather than human for religion. the later will create intollerance and exclusive religiosity by which the religions could change its humanitarian nature into dehumanitarian. it substantially should be religion for human. thi implicitly says ‘serve religion for the good of human’. however, philosophy of perennial at the end has to face sacred reality which is hard to understand because it sacredness is beyond language. there is a objection for the truth of perennial. philosophy of perennial is only considered as the mode of thinking which provides unaccepted truth. this does not mean to be pesimistic on the weakness of philosophy of perennial. philosophy of [ 215 ] a l a l b a b volume 5 number 2 december 2016 perennial as knowledge is only limited to its alternative proposals to achieve god’s message. the absolute truth remains god possession which is hard to achieve by human being who life in this worldly life. references hakiki, kiki muhammad. 2016. ”islam dan demokrasi: pandangan intelektual muslim dan penerapanya di indonesia.” in wawasan. vol. 1. no. 1. p: 1-17. kuswanjono, arqom. 2006. ketuhanan dalam telaah filsafat perennial: refleksi pluralisme agama di indonesia. yogyakarta: filsafat ugm. nasr, seyyed hossein. 1968. man and nature: the spiritual crisis of modern man. london: unwin paperbacks. ............., 1981. knowledge and the secred. new york albaby: state university of new york press. saputra, riki. 2012. tuhan semua agama: perspektif filsafat perennial seyyed hossein nasr. yogyakarta: lima. schuon, frithjof. 1997. hakikat manusia (translation by ahmad norma permata). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. ............., 2002. form and substance in the religions. canada: world wisdom. smith, huston. 1976. the common vision of the world`s religions: forgotten truth, harpersanfrancisco, new york. ............., 1989. beyond the post-modern mind. usa: the theosophical publishing house. ............., 1998. the world`s religions: our great wisdom traditions. new york: perfectbound. ............., 2001. why religion matters: the fate of the human spirit in an age of disbelief. new york: harpers collins publisher. ............., 2006. a set at the table: in coversations with native americans on religious freedom. berkeley: university of california press. ............., 1951. “the operational view of god: a study in the impact of metaphysics on religious thought.” in the journal of religion. vol. 31, no. 2, retrieved on 07 april 2011. utsman, sabian. 2006. “konsep manusia menurut marx.” in jurnal studi agama dan masyarakat. vol. 1. no. 1. p: 1-11. [ 3 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 the myth of sayyidina ali’s “illegitimate child” crocodile: the phenomenon of syncretism among coastal communities in west kalimantan eka hendry ar. pontianak state institute of islamic studies email: ekahendry77@gmail.com ria hayatunnur taqwa pontianak state institute of islamic studies email: ria.taqwa@gmail.com syf. fatimah pontianak state institute of islamic studies email: fatimahabubakar@rocketmail.com abstract west kalimantan has various local cultural treasures in the form of ritual traditions, arts as well as oral traditions in the form of pantun, abstinence, legends, and myths. the cultural treasures spread throughout the west kalimantan regions, one of which is found in the coastal area of the province. the treasure that attracts the attention of the researchers is the oral tradition of the myth found in coastal areas of kubu and teluk pakedai. the myth is the crocodile of anak kampang sayyidina ali (sayyidina ali‘s “illegitimate child“). this myth contains many dimensions, ranging from the dimensions of local culture and religious views to syncretism. the researchers also assume that the myth contains a negative stereotype against shi’a. this research attempts to reconstruct the culture of the myth in various spectra. this research uses ethnography method. it reveals some interesting aspects such as euhemerism of the figure of imam ali. the myth also contains a very strong syncretic content, thus arising a paradox of the existing character, between glorifying and degrading. it arises because of a thorough understanding of the history of islam on the one hand, and the strong style of local tradition held by the community on the other. however, the myth is quite functional for society, because it indirectly instills awareness about nature conservation. finally, in relation to the allegations of political motives in myth, the researchers found no sufficient data, but the academic suspicion of the researchers had a strong belief in it. keywords: myths, syncretism, euhemerism, mithologization of figures, nega­ tive stereotypes, political myths, conservation. [ 4 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 introduction west kalimantan, in addition to having a wealth of natural resources, also has a lot of wealth of cultural treasures. the local cultural wealth possessed in the form of regional arts, cultural rituals (including religious rites), and oral traditions such as legends and myths. this wealth reflects that this area has a wealth of culture (in the form of values, norms and artifacts) of the past which actually reflect the identity of the people of west kalimantan. each region has its own cultural characteristics, be it hinterland people who inhabit thousands of rivers in area or the wilderness that was once often illustrated as “the virgin of borneo”. this geographical location of course affects the patterns of relations between humans and nature, that subsequently form the cultural characteristics. in the context of this study, the researchers are interested in researching one of the cultural treasures of myths that developed in the coastal region which is the myth of the crocodile of sayyidina ali’s illegitimate child. this myth is found around the coastal areas of kubu village and teluk pakedai village (both now being parts of kubu and teluk pak kedai sub­districts). this myth attracts the researchers’ attention because it suggests an academic controversy and academic prejudice of the ideas and motives behind it. considered controversy because in terms of theological and local customs, the term anak kampang is a negative term meaning illegitimate child. on the other hand, the attribution of the name of sayyidina ali (who in fact is the name of the fourth caliph of islam) is a figure highly respected by the ummah in that myth. it causes academic prejudice, perhaps it has something to do with hateful residues or at least a theological contradiction between the sunnis against shi’a. is this myth created in order to form a negative streotype against shi’a? in this light, this research focuses on the social contruction of the crocodile myth of sayyidina ali. then what is the motive behind the birth of the myth? does it have anything to do with religious hatred against shi’a. how is the process of interaction between the concept of cultural society and religious views that exist in the myth? finally, what practical values are founded from the belief in the myth? this research is expected to understand the cultural construction of the myth of sayyidina ali. this study also aims to explore the motive of the birth and development of the myths in both communities. in addition, it aims also to prove the presumption that there is a motive of religious hatred against shi’a. through this research, it is also expected to get a picture of the process of interaction between the concept of culture with religious views (especially islam) as well as practical advantages resulting from the belief in the myth to the local community. this research uses qualitative [ 5 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 approach, with max weber’s interpretive paradigm. the method used is ethnography (a. latief wiyata, 2002: 23; james p. spradley: 1997: 3). this study uses two perspectives, namely emic and ethics. emic aims to describe the socio­religius phenomenon from the point of view of the cultural actors investigated. while ethics is the result of the interpretation of the researchers to the perspective of cultural emic perspective or its native speakers. this research is a study of the dynamics of islam and local culture. therefore, in addition to understanding the case of the myth specifically we need to also understand macro construction of the study of islam and local culture. there is a number of studies on local islam by clifford geertz (1981), muhaimin, m. alifuddin (2007), budiwanti (2000) and nur syam (2005). clifford geertz conducted research on javanese islam, muhaimin studied banten islam, m. aliffudin studied buton and islam budiwanti about wetu telu islam in the bayan community in lombok (west nusa tenggara). meanwhile nur syam (2005) studied coastal islam in tuban area of east java, clifford geertz, the religion of java (1981), discussed abangan, santri, priyayi in javanese society in the mid­1950s in a small village in east java, the village of modjokuto. geertz described the characteristics of a community in java, which he classified into three groups: the santri, abangan and priyayi. the javanese religion is generally syncretic. geertz’s theory was criticized by muhaimin and nur syam. according to muhaimin, geertz’s study of javanese islam represents the perspective of islamic studies based on the premise that the influence of islam in java is weak and only skin deep. muhaimin holds that, islam in java is actually similar to islam elsewhere, namely islam in the local cultural framework. according to woodward, islam in java is not a syncretic, but it is a typical islamic prototype, that is javanese islam. budiwanti (2000) conducted on sasak islam in bayan village namely wetu telu rite which is a syncretic islam with hindhu traditions. worship rites tinted with local style and “deviating” from shari’ah are generally practiced by muslims in the indonesian archipelago, like code of dress, prayer time and ordinance that accompany the rituals. in the local context of west kalimantan there are several studies on myths, such as the research by stepanus, ahadi sulisssusiawan and sesilia seli on prohibitions in dayak sunkung community of siding subdistrict of bengkayang regency. prohibition is part of a growing myth in society, not just the dayak community. the same can be found in the malay community such as eka hendry’s research on the values of islamic education among pontianak ethnic malay (ar., 1998), marisa syakirin on prohibition in sambas culture, ibrahim ms. on communication wisdom in the prohibition among the malay [ 6 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 in jajang. these studies show the forms of prohibition found among various tribes in west kalimantan and the function of such prohibition in society. the study of stepanus et al., examines the meaning, functions of the position of prohibition in dayak sungkung society with sociolinguistic approach. this study concludes that prohibition has the deepest meaning that serves as a socio­cultural teaching, rebuke, advice and guidance of life. further, this study concludes that, prohibition can be classified into aspects such as salvation, relation to time, place, sex and occupation. this research highlights the acculturation between local religions and cultures, which then form religious models with local features, such as syncretic beliefs. there are several studies with a view of the pattern of local islam that is not synonymous with syncretism, but is a feature of local islam. however, most of the results of acculturation between islam and local culture gave birth to a syncretic religious pattern. the birth of the myth of crocodile of sayyidina ali’s illegitimate child according to the researchers can be seen in the pattern of syncretic acculturation. myths in the interaction between islam and local culture. the word myth comes from greek, musteion which means closing the mouth or the eyes (karen armstrong, 2013: 35). this word has something to do with obscurity and darkness, so it needs to be expressed in order to understand it. usually, it often overlaps in the use of the terms myth, legend and fairy tales. william bascom, (in mariasusai dhavamony, 1995: 147) distinguishes between the three, as shown in table 1. bascom’s division needs to be criticized, because of the fact many myths are about humans. in fact, myth and legend are almost similar, although there are some parts that may be different. the similarity is that all three (myths, legends and fairy tales) are part of an oral tradition in the form of description of stories passed from one generation to the next before being written in the holy books. the narratives contain cultural phenomena of a society and provide an indirect education to the audience as well as local identity (prasojo, 2012). in addition to the narrative of the story, sometimes the myth may also includes statements, stories or a drama plot (mariasusai dhavamony, 1995: 147). [ 7 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 table 1. differences between myths, legends and fairy tales by william bascom form people’s perspective time place charac teristics main figure myth regarded as fact far in the past world of the gods, other world sacred not humans; the gods or other beings legend regarded as fact not far in the past current world profane humans fairy tales regarded as being made up any time anywhere not sacred can be humans or other beings or objects source: james bascom (in mariasusai dhavamony, 1995: 147). mariasusai dhavamony (1995: 147) by quoting bronislaw malinowski also distinguishes between myths, legends and fairy tales. according to b. malinowski, a myth is “a statement of a higher and more important truth about the reality of origin, which is still understood as the pattern and foundation of primitive life. meanwhile, according to c.a. van peursen (in hairus salim, hs., (?), a myth is a story that gives certain guidelines and directions to a group of people. furthermore, it is said by that a myth tells how a state becomes something else or in other words it talks about something extraordinary. the actors in a myth usually include the gods or supernatural beings. through myths, we will learn the secrets of the origin of things, be able to enter into the living relationships with them to enable them to recreate the original order of things as they begin to degenerate, or to make them appear again as they begin to disappear. therefore, myths are sometimes far more true, compared to legends and fairy tales. a myth is expected to reveal some aspects of life that cannot be easily expressed in discursive logical words (karen armstrong, 2013: 35). armstrong came to the conclusion that, a myth is a human effort to be able to explain a deeper significance of an event they face. the opinions are more or less the same, as levi strauss noted. according to levi strauss (in ahimsa­putra, 2001) myths have unrelated units of relations, but are unity of relations that can be combined and used to reveal the meaning behind them1. further levi strauss (in ahimsa­ 1 levi strauss is a proponent of structuralism. his analysis of myths has been very much influenced by linguistics. there are several assumptions about why language is used as the foundation for understanding myths. first, fairy tales, ceremonies, kinship and marriage systems, patterns of dwellings, clothing, etc., are formally regarded as languages, or devices of symbols and signs that convey certain messages. second, the proponents of structuralism assume that in man there is a genetically inherited basic ability, to reconstruct a structure on [ 8 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 putra, 2001: 94) set the foundation for structural analysis of myths. first, if the myth is seen as meaningful, not found in its own independent elements, separate from each other. the meaning is formed from a combination of these mythical elements. second, although myths belong to the language category, they are not just a language. each of them (read: myth and language) shows its own characteristics. third, these characteristics are found not at the level of the language itself but above it. these characteristics are more complex than language features. in other words levi strauss (in ahimsa­putra, 2001) stated that, social­cultural phenomena that express art, ritual, and life patterns are representations of outer structures that describe the human mind. in relation to the mythical function, according to annemarie de waal malefijt (in hairus salim hs., (?), it can be a double war, on the one hand as a unifying force in society, while on the other hand it can also be a breaking power. c.a. van peursen (in hairus salim hs., (?), explained more clearly about the three mythical functions namely; first, to make people realize that there are magical powers. second, myths provide a guarantee for today’s life. third, as an intermediary between man and the forces of nature. another opinion of levi­ strauss (in yoseph yapi taum, 2011), the function of the myth is a logical tool to explain the various contradictions experienced by humans. based on the above theoretical studies, it seems that the myth of sayyidina ali can be understood that it has something to do with certain beliefs or religions. the level of community confidence is relatively higher compared to the existing legends and fairy tales. primitive societies up to now believe this myth as a truth inherited from their ancestors, which then affect their attitudes and actions. the mystery of the illegitimate child may be as follows; to illustrate the past, the disclosure of human helplessness to understand their nature and can also be a particular hegemonic instrument of power (j. van ball, 1987). this ilustration has also been found both in the worlds of islam and the west as mentioned by abdulroya panaemalae, a., & prasojo, z. (2016). myths about animal relations and ali imam the myth of sayyidina ali is an old one and is no longer popular. jaja said that, this myth has long been around, but now rarely known by the younger generation. associated with the version of the story, there are several versions between one area and another. the version encountered in olak­olak kubu, as jaja (not real name) reported as follows: the symptoms encountered. third, in understanding a phenomenon, the synchronic aspect is placed before the diachronic aspect. fourth, the relations within the structure can be simpli­ fied into binary opposition (ahimsa­putra, 2001). [ 9 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 “sayyidina ali is known as a very fierce or courageous figure, so all the supernatural sciences are always associated with him. in the past, the sciences were known as science sayyidina ali’s sergah (shout). this science in dade dolo’-dolo’ (science in the chest of the ancestors) is the term used by mr. jailani. because imam ali was so mighty, it is believed that his sperm was a miracle that could be tembalau (glue) to the handle of a machete. “daki (dirt) ‘from imam ali’s genitals can be used as tembalau, so mighty he was” (jailani’s account). the faith in imam ali is famous all over the place, and makes many people idolize him, even dream of being able to become his partner. to sum up the story, there was a woman (pak jaja could not explain who the woman was) who was so infatuated with imam ali that she kept a small knife whose handle was glued with a imam ali’s sperm. the knife placed on the abdomen was imagined by the woman as if ali had consummated her. because of a miracle, the glue finally melted and flowed into the woman’s genital. with the power of allah ta’ala, eventually the woman was pregnant. when she knew she was pregnant, the woman was embarrassed, because she had no husband, but she was pregnant. “ to this point, there is a missing link of the story, because the respondent could not detail the process. “to sum up the story, something was thrown by the woman from her genital, so it was later believed to be a crocodile. then, the crocodile was called the illegitimate child of sayyidina ali.” this belief by the community in the past was usually practiced to find out whether a captured crocodile was alive or dead; people used to take the oath of imam ali. the oath goes as follows; “if you do not wake up, you are not the illegitimate child of sayyidina ali.” so usually after reciting the oath, the crocodile moves. this happens according to jailani because the crocodile knows the cause of its origin, and it is ashamed if it is not regarded as the offspring of ali “. so, this oath is always used by the community to ensure if a captured crocodile is dead or not.” another version accounted by long tam (not his real name, 53 years of age), born and grew up in teluk pakedai, about 10 years into a fisherman (looking for shrimp). here is his narrative: “when i was a little boy, my grandfather used to tell stories. one of them was about sayyidina ali’s illegitimate child crocodile. once, siti fatimah wanted to drink young coconut water. while the coconut tree was only found in the middle of the sea where the kafeer genie lived. to get the fruit, one must stay on the island, so fatimah went there [ 10 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 by riding a buroq. after returning from the place, fatimah suffered a miscarriage. the blood of her miscarriage was thrown into the sea. it swam with like jelly fish. the blood then turned into a crocodile. this crocodile swam in the sea and finally was caught the fish net belonging to king mina. on friday, king mina lifted the fish net because the fish also wanted to perform friday prayer. when the net was lifted, the king saw a strange animal but still small. finally the animal was kept by king mina until it grew bigger. the animal could talk and asked king mina, “where are my parents?” king mina said, “swim to where the sun rises.” upon arriving at the place, the crocodile said, i am looking for my parent, sayyidina ali.” finally a fight occurred between sayyidina ali and the crocodile. both of them were strong. the crocodile then said to sayyidina ali, “where is my mother?” then came siti fatimah. she was having her period, and sitting on the beach on a banana leaf. the crocodile licked fatima’s body like a child caressing his mother. the crocodile also licked the blood on the banana leaf. fatimah was angry. you’re a nasty crocodile!” finally the crocodile asked fatimah, “what’s my name and what must i eat?” fatimah replied, “if you wanna know, stick your tongue out!” then fatima cut the crocodile’s tongue. “your name is crocodile,” said fatimah. since then, the animal was called crocodile had no tongue anymore”. long tam’s version of the story with the arab world setting explicitly seems contradictory. the interesting side of the long tam’s version, although he admitted it is just a story, a fairy tale of a bedtime story, in the end he acknowledged that, “i use this spell”. that is in certain circumstances he uses the spell for practical purposes. according to long nan, he has been working to find shrimp for about 10 years. usually, if the area has a lot of shrimps, there are usually (many) crocodiles. therefore, the risk of shrimp fishing is higher, because usually we encounter crocodiles. so, sometimes he uses this advice, namely “i know you are king mina’s pet, i am a descendant of king mina”. according to his confession, in addition to reading this mantra, he also uses knowledge in the qur’an, and praise be to allah for 10 years he was never disturbed by crocodiles. there are also other versions, according to kucung (not his real name, in his 40s) from tanjung satai north kayong. in satai, the myth is also around with a slightly different version. the version found in satai is the sperm of sayyidina ali which is cleansed by a twig, then if it is thrown into the water then it becomes a crocodile. whereas if thrown to the land, then it will become another animal that creeps on land like a snake. the semen comes out of ali’s genital. according to kucung, this myth is usually popular in areas of people who believe that it has a bearing with crocodiles, as in the case of [ 11 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 twin crocodiles or those who consider themselves having twin brothers who are none other than crocodiles. in relation to kucung’s revelation about the possibility of a myth developing in an area containing myths about crocodiles, the researchers found in the olak­olak kubu area there are indeed crocodile twin myths. one of them is the ‘cincin’ legend. cincin is the name of a crocodile which is a twin of a human child named long limin (not his real name). according to jaja this is not a myth, but a real story, because the descendants of long limin are still alive. the age of this legend is about 105 years, based on the age of long leman who is approximately the age of the deceased parents of jaja. it is said that the parents of long limin gave birth at night (at that time there was no electricity), but strangely besides the human child also came out a lizard, but the size smaller than the gecko. some relatives get dreams that the lizard is not thrown away, because it was the sibling of the newly born baby. the gecko asked to be raised. briefly, when this crocodile has grown larger, the family had a dream that the crocodile asked to be released into the sea. he advised her family not to break up the relationship with her, and if they needed assistance related to a sea­related disaster, he would help. finally, this crocodile was released to the river, and named cincin. it is said that if still alive, cincin is very large, and among the crocodiles in the kubu river are believed to be the offspring of cincin. therefore, to catch a crocodile in kubu, one should consult the village shaman, whether it is the offspring of cincin or a common crocodile. it is believed that there was once a disaster happening to a man named amat kaloi (not his real name) who caught a crocodile with an aler (fishing rod). it turned out that the crocodile captured and killed was believed to be a descendant of cincin. the crocodile was sold by amat kaloi for idr 6 million, at that time the amount was big enough according to jailani. as a result, mat kaloi suffered from the same disease suffered y the crocodile. so the money for treatment was greater than the sales of the crocodile. finally amat kaloi died with this mysterious illness. based on this story, the public is quite careful in the affairs of catching crocodiles, so as not to catch the offspring of cincin. the myth of crocodiles is also growing, in which implicitly there is a fear in the community of the threat of crocodiles. the myth is linked to the hostility between cats and crocodiles. older people believe, according to jaja, that the mortal enemy of crocodiles is the cat, then jaja said: “do not try to take a cat with you when fishing, because it may anger crocodiles”. [ 12 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 according to people’s belief in olak­olak kubu, a dying crocodile if stepped over by a cat can anger the crocodile. even myths developed among older people when eating, between the lamp and the rice when passed by the cat, then they do not want to eat the rice. according to the belief, the shadow of a cat may have bad luck on the person because the shadow of the cat will become our shadow, so crocodiles see the shadow of a cat on us. myths associated with sayyidina ali in addition to the myths that link animals and sayyidina ali, there are also a lot of supernatural powers or martial arts associated with sayyidina ali. brahim (not his real name, aged 39) admitted that his ancestors had the tradition of “crocodile supernatural power”. according to his explanation, there is a link between supernatural power and sayyidina ali because ali is known by local people as a friend who has a variety of supernatural powers. according to brahim, he has heard and learned several things such as the sergah supernatural power of sayyidina ali, sayyidina ali’s chain and sayyidina ali’s martial arts. sergah sayyidina ali is a supernatural power to paralyze the opponent by using a shout. according jailani this is a supernatural power that was taught by older people the old time that serves to paralyze the opponent. according to jaja it is”the power in the chests of the ancientors. the effect of this power can lead to break the bile. he reminded to be careful with this power, because if not careful in its use, it may affect one’s own child. sergah sayyidina ali is a power to weaken the opponent, especially when we are in a state of threat or there are others who threaten our safety. according to jaja, this power requires certain exercises. for example, every time we wake up, we wash our eyes with water as much as possible by reading the mantra “nursilah terbelah terjadi terjadu” (nursilah be split and it happens)”. with consistent practice, then we will have that power, which can at times be used to maintain the safety of ourselves and others. a slightly different version of sergah sayyidina ali also exists and is practiced by the people of teluk pakkedai, as described by brahim. according to brahim, sergah sayyidina ali is a supernatural power. while recalling, brahim recited in arabic, “allah rabbana wa rabbukum, lana a’malana wa lakum a’malakum, allah ashfiq “. there is also the power of rantai sayyidina ali (sayyidina ali’s chain). brahim demonstrated some forms of its movement by wrapping both hands to the nape of the neck and several other movements. brahim admitted he had forgotten most of the movements, because he is no longer practiced the power. the chain of sayyidina ali is believed to be supernatural power that makes a person immune. besides the chain of sayyidina ali, there is also the silat (martial arts) of sayyidina ali. [ 13 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 the association of silat with sayyidina ali is allegedly due to the assumption that ali had extraordinary power. in fact its form is ordinary, like any other martial arts but usually coupled with karin or syeikh. it also comes with some mantras that must be practiced for the martial arts to be stronger by fondling hands with incense while reading incantations: “the treads of prophet solomon” the movements of prophet muhammad silat of sayyidina ali the flash of gabriel” the above mantra mentions the name of sayyidina ali because of his might. then the blow speed is associated with gabriel’s flash. gabriel is likened to a symbol of speed in the martial arts movement. background of the origin of myths about crocodile twins the event of crocodile twins is a myth perceived diversely by society. according to brahim, this story is an unseen phenomenon where interaction occurs between humans and jinn. “in fact, it incarnates like a young lizard that comes out together with the process of giving birth to a human child that is a jin that resembles the lizard. that is actually the scientific explanation of the phenomenon of the birth of twin crocodiles,” brahim explained. however, many believe that this phenomenon is real and happens in the middle of society. the researchers saw a teacher who is a descendant of the king of sekadau kingdom experienced kesarong buaya (possessed by crocodile). his movements were terrifying, like a crocodile, trying so hard to get to the water. his body was slimy, and made a frightening hissing sound. some adult males sometimes could not handle him, so more people needed to calm him down. to heal him, people called upon one of his relatives. some mantras were read, and some foods or offerings were thrown into the river, then he recovered. other places also have more or less similar stories. however, the attributions are diverse. some are attributed to the history of certain kingdoms, and some lsso associated with certain ethnicities. similar myths can also be found in the teluk pakkedai. this myth is thought to have something to do with bugis culture. based on the experience of living in the midst of bugis community in teluk pakkedai, according to brahim, bugis people have many beliefs that come from their ancestors. it is said that, according to brahim, these myths are derived from the classical book la galigo. christian pelras (2006: 101) acknowledged that the relation between man and nature has given birth to many myths, including the myth of the origin of nature and its contents as [ 14 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 found in the mythical literature of la galigo in the bugis society. the idea of the dewata sisine (the one god)) and the concept of 7 layers of the sky (langi’), earth (tana), 7 layers of the underworld (peretiwi or uri’ liung / buri’ liu) and the names of the gods associated with nature. similarly, there are myths about natural events in ethnic dayak of iban, kanayant, kenyah and ngaju (paulus florus et al., 2005). these mythologies describe the concept of human relationship with nature (land, water, forests and rivers). according to brahim, the bugis believe that, every birth of a human child is usually followed by four twins or brothers, namely, blood that later becomes heaven (mallajang), water (mengalere’ / flowing), placenta (soil) and blood (tambuniah). the term of the four elements is uri’ uria tembuni’ tambuniah. uri’ (skin wrapping the baby), uria (amniotic fluid), tembuni’ (placenta) and tambuniah (blood). so in society, there is a term, the baby born with water twin or blood twin. these four brothers are transformed into various forms, some are the people of heaven (malajjang), and some become crocodiles i.e. water twin. each of these twins must be fed. the food is 4 types of sticky rice: white, black, red and yellow, arranged in a dish in an opposite position, white with black, red with yellow, with an egg placed in the middle. this sticky rice is placed above the house (in para-para’) and some is thrown into the sea. each incarnation has a king, such as the crocodile king named tadam paling and heaven king named daeng mudiring. his family, especially his grandfather strongly believes that these ancestors must be respected and fed through the pandre dewata ceremony (offering to the gods). because based on experience, these ancestors in times of need will be able to provide assistance to their descendants. based on the story of his predecessors, ibrahim explained that, in everyday life, during difficult times such as fights, where his grandfather was in danger, being chased by enemies until he had to pass through the stream, tadam paling was called upon, then later on the stream crocodiles lines up and became the savior of his grandfather to escape to the other side of the stream. then, when paddling the boat, often the people first asked for help “family” in the sea that is crocodile, to help push the boat, so quickly get to the destination. the story is more or less the same, also presented by jailani. according to jailani the offspring of cincin may help in the event of calamity in the river kubu, as there are people lost in the river, then cincin or his offspring will provide assistance unseen. then the kinship between the bugis and the crocodiles is quite strong, so as far as ibrahim knew, the people of teluk pakedai almost never hunt crocodiles, especially the ethnic bugis. because they strongly believe that crocodiles still have family relatition with them. and there is also a belief about the power [ 15 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 associated with crocodiles, such as the immune power. according to the beliefs of society, ibrahim expleined, the immune power originally came from the power of crocodiles. because as we know, the crocodile has very thick skin and cannot be penetrated by any weapon. the only weakness of the crocodile is its eyes, therefore to conquer the crocodile, one can attack its eyes. the position of crocodiles is highly respected. to distinguish between the incarnate crocodile that has a kinship with humans, and a wild crocodile can usually be distinguished from its finger. if it has 5 fingers, it is an incarnate crocodile, while if it has 4, then it is a wild crocodile. a wild crocodile is more virulent than the incarnate, while the incarnate crocodile is believed to be not malignant and will not attack humans, because there is an agreement between man and the crocodile, ibrahim explains. in addition to transforming into a crocodile, the heavenly brother of humans incarnates in the form of a snake. the supernaturalpower of snakes is associated with poisonous venom commonly supplied to cudi’ (traditional bugis weapons in the form of small knives) and sacred spears commonly known as besi sembiring for the spear and besi lu’ to make cudi’. it is believed that the khadam or kari of poisonous weapons is a snake which is the incarnation of the twin brother of humans. 1. mithologization of figures: form of glorification (euhemerism) of figures based on a study of the content of crocodile myths and attribution of supernatural power to imam ali, the researchers observed that there is a process called euhemerism or historical interpretation. the theory of euhemerism2 states that, myths are records of exaggerated historical events. based on the theory, the story tellers gain the equivalent status of the gods. this theory is in line with the theory put forward by j. van baal (1987: 43) that one of the ways in which this myth is spread and embedded in human consciousness is how the stories of kings with great power and wisdom in the past and then later deified by their grandchildren later. as the minangkabau proverb that goes “the leader is lifted in status, allowed a step forward. the context of the myth under discussion, the mythologized figure is one of the religious figures of islam i.e. imam ali. ali’s figure has always been described as a wise and brave man of knowledge. in this myth, the glory and virtue of ali’s character, mixed with the myths and legends of the local nuances. as an example of the verbal narrative by long nan as follows, where ali is so mighty, defeated raje cine (king of china) in a battle. 2 this theory is derived from the famous mythologist, euhemeros (circa 320 bc) who argued that the greek gods and goddesses developed from the legend of humans. [ 16 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 “imam ali fought against king of china, during the war, he nudged a little boy who brought a bottle of kerosene. the kerosene spilled onto the ground. the boy cried. seeing the boy crying, sayyidina ali extorted the land until the kerosene returned into the bottle. as a result of being squeezed, the land (or the earth) was in pain, and vowed not to reject the body of imam ali. that’s why imam ali was not welcome by the earth, so he had no tomb. we all know that there‘s a tomb of abu nawas, in arabia. by the end of the war, sayyidina ali managed to split the head up to the body of king of china, and after the war, he (ali) threw his sword into red sea. (the story told by long nan) in this context, there are several aspects of the study. first, the mythological orientation of the characters; second, the implications of the myths to the worldviews they believe; third, the benefits of the creation of the myths to those attributed to them. the orientation of the mythologization of the figures shows how ali’s character has always been linked to something of a certain great power3. sayyidina ali in the public worldview is symbolized as a friend of the prophet muhammad who had courage, rather than as a friend who had the intelligence and broad knowledge. the mythology of imam ali’s wisdom is also found in several places in the archipelago, such as in west java and sumatra. 2. mythology of figure: cultural construction in the frame of religious insight infiltration (syncretism) a second analysis that the researchers can explore from the myths of sayyidina ali is a form of religious syncretism in the local myth of coastal society. as clifford geertz (1981) saw in javanese islamic religion, the religion is shrouded by syncretism or mix of religious views with local cultural views, which sometimes contradict each other. the myth of the crocodile and ali also hinted that there has been an interaction between islam and local culture. there is a 3 based on long nan’s account, sayyida ali had a lot of advice, was clever and brave. at one time, these four caliphs were tested by the prophet by being given each a banana. the four were asked to eat the banana without being noticed or seen. some caliphs ate it in the woods, in the sea and some in the cave. sayyidina ali did not eat his banana. when asked why he did not eat it, sayyidina ali answered, “how would i eat it, am not i a person too? this version of the story was never heard of before, because usually a similar story is often brought by preachers to convey a moral message about virtue, but the setting is usually between the students and kyai. another story, the contest to win fatimah. the companions were required to complete reciting the quran in one night. all the companions were competing to read the quran, while ali chose to sleep. when awake in the dawn, the other companions were still reading the quran, some of them had only 1 or 2 juz left. ali got up and only read al­fati­ hah three times. and ali was then considered a winner, since al­fatihah is the essence of the qur’an. this version of the story is also somewhat different from that typically conveyed by a preacher, i.e. not surah al fatihah, but al­ikhlas [ 17 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 deviation as a result of a thorough understanding of the history of islam, thus forming a syncretic understanding pattern. syncretism sociologically usually serves to “keep” the tradition in a society alive and developing well. usually, syncretism in religious belief is an attitude or view that does not question the truth or error of a religious view. quoting simuh, sutiyono (?) explain that people who hold to syncretism, all religions are considered good and right. indirectly, simuh wanted to say that in the religious view of syncretism, the most important is to maintain harmony between various parties, not on the essence of religious truth. this is in line with sutiyono’s research on syncretism in trucuk klaten society in central java (research in 2006). thus, the function of syncretism is to maintain relations between various walks of life in harmony. therefore, in the context of the myth of sayyidina ali, this is not in the context of religious truth, but it may be to keep the existing social beliefs and social balance in the community including a balance between physical life and metaphysics, man and nature, or the real world and the unseen world like the myth of twin crocodiles, where in the myth builds a connection between human nature and the occult (crocodile). so it is necessary to maintain and respect “relations” with relatives believed to exist in the river. so there are similarities, the myth does not attach importance to the substance of the truth of the story, as well as with syncretism, which is also not concerned with the truth of religious teachings. 3. mythology of figure: conservation agenda in the cover of the myth of figure the study of crocodile myths of sayyidina ali’s illegitimate child implicitly also implies a connection between character and the environment. in the context of this study, the environment in question is a river or river area. because crocodiles are a reptile fauna that can live in two worlds, and exist only in watersheds, not seas. the myths of illegitimate child crocodile and twin crocodiles contain the context of relationship between humans and the environment. the researchers view that the myths and cultural traditions of a society usually contain a cosmological view of the world in which they are located which includes relationship they construct between human life and the physical world and metaphysics around them. educational values in the robo’-robo’ ceremony ‘show how it was initiated for salvation for life at sea. it implicitly contains a message to preserve marine life (hermansyah & ar., 2003). it is also said that there are four functions of myths, one of which is the pedagogical (educational) function that myths teach humans about how they should live in every condition. the context of the crocodile myth attributed to sayyidina ali teaches that humans must “respect” or preserve the fauna of the river, one of them is the crocodile. [ 18 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 this myth is similar to that found in ethnic dayak ngaju where there are 2 highest god figures in the community, namely mahatala and jata. mahatala has several titles such as hatala, lahatala, mahatara, bahatara guru and the original title is tingang i.e. hornbill. jata also has other nicknames such as tambon, bawin, jata balawang bulau (jata female with the first door). the mahatala god dwells in the upper world much better than the human world. meanwhile, jata resides in the underworld with his subject the crocodiles. the point that attracted the attention of the researchers is that in ethnic dayak ngaju, there is a belief that the crocodile is a sacred animal, so it should not be killed. similarly, the legends found among the people of papua are towjatuwa or mighty crocodile. this legends or myths give a very important message that it is imperative not to kill crocodiles, especially those in the tami river, because they can bring danger to the descedants of towjatuwa. the myth of the ethnic dayak ngaju, the legend of cincin in olak­olak kubu, the legend of towjatua in papua and the tadam paling crocodile king in teluk pakedai show how the myths believed in a society provide educational messages in order not to exploit and destroy the crocodile habitats. this mythical phenomenon shows the function of the myth which is the spirit of maintaining the nature equalibrium. relation between the myths of sayyida ali’s illegitimate child crocodile and hatred against shi’a. one of the hypotheses to be proved through this research is whether the crocodile myth of sayyida ali’s illegitimate child has something to do with the hatred of a group toward the spread of shi’a, with imam ali being the main shiite figure. based on the data obtained no statements or data (either directly or indirectly) lead to this indication. based on the available data, there is no hint of hate directed toward religious belief. however, based on the researchers’ analysis of the mythical content, the storylines formed, and the attribution of the story to imam ali, it implies that there is a negative stereotype directed at imam ali. this analysis is “far” beyond the emic perspective of mythical tellers. researchers have other opinions, most likely that this myth is not the original of this region, but brought in from other places given there are other versions that are somewhat different from similar objects and subjects elsewhere, both sumatra and java. among the people of sumatra and west java, the name sayyidina ali is very popular associated with the supernatural power. the saga of ali’s grave on the moon is found in folk tales among javanese society [ 19 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 around the palace. as reported by h. soedarto in an interview, moving on from this belief, it may not have been constructed by local people, but may have come from civilization centers. if this theory is believed to be true, it may be the hatred against shiite groups that is constructed in this context. this analysis is based on the views of de jong (1980) that myths not only contain moral values, but they also serve as a means of maintaining power, hegemony, and domination. this is what de jong called a political myth. so, consciously or unconsciously, the myth connecting imam ali with crocodile grows indirectly because it is “nurtured” by certain religious authorities, with a diverse array of interests. the history of the conflict between shi’a and sunni recorded that the seeds had appeared after the death of prophet muhammad, continued in the umayyad, abbasid, fathimiyah, safawiah, iranian revolutionary periods until the arab spring or arab revolutions. among the most anti­shi’a regimes are the kingdom of saudi arabia. from the beginning, the saudi government was very anti­shi’a as reported by ardison muhammad (as quoted by sahide, 2013: 322). in the context of the indonesian archipelago, kh. hasyim asy’ari as the founder of the nu organization also explicitly stated that shi’a is heretical. it is also said that, kh. hasyim asy’ari in his three works of muqaddimah qanun asasi li jam’iyah nahdhatul ulama’, risalah ahlu al-sunnah wal jama’ah, al-nur al mubinfi mahabbati sayyid al-mursalin and al-tibyan fi nahyi’ an muqatha’ah al -arham wa al-aqrab wa al-akhwan, obviously criticized the teachings of shi’a (both imami and zaidiyyah) are a false school. the shi’a sect is considered a class that denounces the companions of prophet muhammad, especially abu bakr, umar and uthman. if this text becomes the basis of our analysis, it may be that the myths with hate and cultic content may have flourished in the sunni region. first, the myth of hatred against shi’a developed among sunnis to discredit shi’a that is considered heretical. the second possibility is the sunni­dominated territories have been infiltrated by the shi’a view over a long period of time because as we all know that the pattern of islam in the indonesian archipelago is predominantly sunni, although in some areas, the view of shi’a also developed earlier which gradually began to disappear. however, various views and traditions of shi’a are still preserved such as the celebration of ashura on 10 muharram for example. according to aboebakar atjeh (1977: 31), islam originally in aceh was originally spread by indian and gujarati merchants and preachers of shafi’i and shi’a arabs. this opinion is based on two previous expert opinions of sayyid moestafa at­thabathaba’i and sayyid dhiya’ shahab with the work entitled “the indonesian­iranian cultural relation (haulal’ [ 20 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 alaqatith thaqafiyah baina iran wa indonesia) published in 1339 by the iranian cultural office jakarta (atjeh, 1977:32). the opinion of aboebakar atjeh confirms that, in addition to living the sunni tradition, indonesia also received shi’a in the period of spreading islam in the archipelago. this context may help us understand the process of islamization, the interaction between islam and the local culture and the origins of various myths containing socio­ religious content. conclusion based on the analysis of the myths of sayyina ali from various perspectives, both sociology and anthropology (as well as sociology and anthropology of religion) the researchers came to several conclusions as follows. first, the myth of sayyidina ali’s illegitimate child crocodile is characterized with historical myth and myth of origin, with the formation of mythologization on the character of sayyidina ali. euhemerism has occurred that is the stance to the character, in this case the religious figure (imam ali) with a very strong syncretic style. the archetype is the identification of ali as a symbol of might or spiritual power which is expected with the mastery of such power will provide a sense of security for those who believe it. the place of origin and development of the myth took place in coastal areas, where people depend on the natural resources that exist in the sea. the “enemy” that threatens security at the estaury is a crocodile, so the myth is related to how to keep “harmonization” with crocodiles. second, there has been a syncretism between the local culture of the society and religious views. the accepted religious views are very peripheral, so the local construction of the cultural actors is very dominant namely the setting of an ahistorical story (river, crocodile, coconut trunk, banana leaf in arab land), that is irrational and even paradox of religious views, denotes the shallow knowledge of religion. thus, this myth explains the process of syncretism in coastal societies, by not attaching importance to the substance of religious truth, but simply maintaining the harmonization between religion and the concept of local culture (as the native tellers of oral tradition). third, judging from the benefits of the myth, it implicitly contains a message (education) so that humans keep the harmony between human life and nature because, thanks to people’s belief in relationship with crocodiles, it makes humans wiser in how they should treat nature or the environment around them. this value is in line with the conservation mission in modern natural resource management concepts. indirectly, this myth becomes a kind of educational myth, because it indirectly teaches humans to keep harmonizing [ 21 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 with nature. these values are not arbitrary, but they are practically observed and practiced by the native speakers as found in kubu and in teluk pakkedai. fourth, in relation to the hypothesis, there is a possibility that this myth reflects negative streotypes against shi’a, as the researchers believe that there are two possibilities; first, there is an issue of dislike of shi’a among sunni muslims, because some of its teachings are considered deviant. thus, the myth with a negative content against shi’a is deliberately “preserved” as a form of resistance against shi’a heresy. this opinion is based on the analysis of the dominant islamic style in the indonesian archipelago, including west kalimantan with its sunni islamic traditions. the second possibility is that this myth as a syncretic form of admiration, flourished among the sunni, but is a residue of the teachings of shi’a that had been taught in some areas of the indonesian archipelago. references abdulroya panaemalae, a., & prasojo, z. (2016). islam and the west: tariq ramadan and the discourse of religion of peace for a global under­ standing. al-albab, 5(2), 237 ­ 250. doi:https://doi.org/10.24260/alal­ bab.v5i2.507 alifuddin, m. (2007). islam buton: interaksi islam dengan budaya lokal. ja­ karta: badan litbang dan diklat departemen agama ri. armstrong, k. (2013). compassion: 12 langkah menuju hidup berbelas kasih. bandung: mizan. atjeh, a. (1977). aliran syi’ah di nusantara. jakarta: islamic research insti­ tute. baal, j.v. (1987). sejarah dan pertumbuhan teori antropologi budaya (hingga dekade 1970-an) jilid 1. jakarta: pt. gramedia. budiwanti, e. (2000). islam sasak. yogyakarta: lkis. daeng, h. j. (2000). manusia, kebudayaan, dan lingkungan: tinjauan anropologis. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. de jong, de josselin, p.e. (1980). “myth and non­myth” in r. schefold (ed), man, meaning and history: essays in honour of h.g. schulte nordholt. the hague: martinus nijhoff. dhavamony, m. (1995). fenomenologi agama. yogyakarta: kanisius. [ 22 ] al albab volume 6 number 1 june 2017 florus, p. (eds). (2005). kebudayaan dayak: aktualisasi dan transformasi. pontianak: institut dayakologi. geertz, c. (1981). santri, priyayi, abangan dalam masyarakat jawa. jakarta: pustaka jaya (translation). hartanto, j.r. (?). wujud sinkretisme religi aluk todolo dengan agama kristen protestan. (unpublished manuscript). hs, h.s. (?). “masyarakat dayak meratus, agama resmi dan emansipasi”. in zainul erfan & arriedlo (eds.). potret banjar dalam kritik. banjar­ masin: pusat studi dan pengembangan borneo (pspb). hermansyah & ar. e.h. (2003). nilai-nilai pendidikan dalam upacara robo’-robo’ (unpublished research report). pontianak: stain pontianak. pelras, c. (2006). manusia bugis. jakarta: nalar. prasojo, z. (2012). penguatan identitas dayak muslim katab kebahan. alulum, 12(2), 245­266. retrieved from http://journal.iaingorontalo.ac.id/index.php/au/article/view/100 putra, h.s.a. (2007). “mencari jati diri dan identitas melayu.” retrieved from http//www: melayu online.com. on 28 september 2007. sahide, a. (2013). “konflik syi’ah­sunni pasca the arab spring. in jurnal kawistara. vol. 3 no. 3, 22 desember 2013. p. 227­334. syam, n. (2005). islam pesisir. yogyakarta: lkis. spradley, j.p. (1997). metode etnografi. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. sutiyono, (?) tradisi maysarakat sebagai kekuatan sinkretisme di trucuk, klaten (unpublished manuscript). yogyakarta: fbs, universitas neg­ eri yogyakarta. taum, y. y. (2011) lubuang buaya: mitos dan kontra mitos. accessed from: http://www.academia.edu/3231296/lubang_buaya_mitos_ dan_kontra­mitos (on 3 dec 2014). varisco, d.m. (2005). islam obscured: the rhetoric of anthropological representation. new york: palgrave macmillan. wiyata, l. (2002). carok, konflik kekerasan dan harga diri orang madura. yogyakarta: lkis. yulianto, j. (?). teori struktur levi strauss terhadap mitos raja malwopati. accessed from http://pascaunesa2011.blogspot.com/2012/06/te­ ori­struktur­levi­strauss­terhadap.html (on april 2014). [ 157 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 radicalism, jihad and terror yuminah rahmatullah uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta email: yuminah@uinjkt.ac.id abstract as an issue of complexity, radicalism does not stand alone. it has a political and ideological basis. like an ideology that continues to bind, radicalism takes the path of religion to be able to justify all actions of anarchy. the case of today’s islam as being synonymous with radicalism is apart of the complexcity of the issue. religious radicalism is a prevalent phenomenon in the history religions. radicalism is closely related to fundamentalism, which is marked by the return of society to the fundamentals of religion. fundamentalism is a kind of ideology that makes religion the principle of life by society and individuals. fundamentalism usually comes along with radicalism and violence when the freedom to return to religion is hindered by social and political circumstances surrounding the society. islam recognizes jihad that is in some cases misunderstood. jihad is different from radicalism and its derivatives of terrorism. radicalism and terrorism tend to be destructive, uncompromising and closely related to violent behavior in the name of religion. meanwhile jihad is a form of the totality of a muslim’s devotion to god, which is concerned not only with self-defense efforts, but a battle that has a theological legitimacy in which the martyrs are promised by god with various virtues and advantages. the association of jihad with terrorism today cannot be justified due to the fact that jihad in the sense of war (qitâl) involves elements of violence that can be categorized as terrorism. it is the case that the use of violence in the name of religion in contemporary times is, in fact, due to political factors, which then seeks its legitimacy in religious teachings. keywords: radicalism; jihad; terrorism; tolerance; politics; legitimacy of religion introduction radicalism, anarchism and/or religious violence tend to be on the rise or at least appear and disappear in recent years. religious radicalism that gives rise to religious conflict and social violence has spread not only among religions, such as islam versus christianity, but also between religions, such as among islam or christianity.1 facing such phenomenon, the public figures 1 azyumardi azra, the roots of religious radicalism, the role of state apparatus, religious leaders and teachers for religious harmony, paper presented at discussion ‘reinforcing tolerance through schools’ at the habibie center, hotel aston bogor, 14 may 2011 [ 158 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 and the public in indonesia consider the continues increase in intolerance and radicalism in the inter-religious environment even with the state can clearly threaten the unity of the nation and the existence of the nation state of indonesia. the rise of religious radicalism has its roots in the reality of various interpretations, understandings, schools of thought, denominations and even sects within a particular religion. in the case of islam, religious radicalism is derived from literal, piecemeal and ad hoc religious understanding of the verses of the qur’an. such understanding can hardly provide space for adaptation and compromise with other moderate muslim groups. this kind of islamic group has actually emerged since the time of the fourth khulafa ‘al-rashid’ ali ibn abi talib in the form of a very radical khawarij and committed a lot of murders against muslim leaders whom they declared as ‘infidel.’2 religious radicalism has become a mainstream and a global issue. the emergence of political issues concerning islamic radicalism is a new challenge for muslims to answer. the issue of islamic radicalism has long been on the surface of international discourse. islamic radicalism as a historicalsociological phenomenon is a much-discussed issue in political discourse and global civilization due to media power that has great potential in creating the perception of the world community. many labels have been given by western europeans and the united states to refer to this radical islamic movement, ranging from militant groups, extremists, militants, right-wing islam, fundamentalism, to terrorism. even the western countries after the collapse of communist ideology (post cold war) see islam as a frightening civilization movement. religious radicalism is actually a phenomenon that usually appears in various religions. radicalism is closely related to fundamentalism, which is marked by the return of society to the fundamentals of religion. fundamentalism is a kind of ideology that makes religion a lifeline to society and individuals. usually fundamentalism comes along with radicalism and violence when the freedom to return to religion is hindered by social and political situation surrounding the society. radicalism means belief in radical ideas and principles3 and is a radical 2 azyumardi azra, the roots of religious radicalism, the role of state apparatus, religious leaders and teachers for religious harmony, paper presented at discussion ‘reinforcing tolerance through schools’ at the habibie center, hotel aston, bogor, 14 may 2011, p.3 3 as hornby, oxford advanced learner dictionary of current english, (walton: oxford university press. 1989, p.1032. radicalism in the sense of language means a view or school of thought that wants change or social and political renewal by means of violence or drastic. however, in another sense, the essence of radicalism is the concept of mental attitude in carrying change. while radicalism is in another sense the essence of that change [ 159 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 movement or ideology of the political order; doctrine or movement that demands social and political change in a country in a strict way.4 azyumardi azra (2015) mentions that radicalism is an ideology which believes that comprehensive change can only be done in a radical way, not in an evolutionary and peaceful way.5 marx juergensmeyer (as quoted by muhammad harfin zuhdi, 2010) argues that radicalism can be understood as an attitude or position that craves changes to the status quo with total destruction, and replaces it with something new and different.6 nurcholis madjid (1995) explains that islam is a religion of peace that teaches and seeks peace.7 and harun nasution (1995) mentions that radicalism is a movement that is oldfashioned and often uses violence in teaching their beliefs.8 meanwhile, yusuf al-qaradawi, gives the term radicalism with the term altatarruf ad-din or in other words, is to practice the teachings of religion unnecessarily, or to practice religious teachings by taking a tarf or peripheral position, far from the substance of islamic teachings, that is moderate teaching in the middle. usually this peripheral position is heavy or over-emphasized and excessive, which is not reasonable. further al-qaradawi said the position of religious practices like this at least contain three weaknesses, namely: first, it is not favored by human nature; second, it cannot live long, and third, it is very vulnerable to violate the rights of others.9 the term islamic radicalism comes from the western press to point to the hard-line islamic movement (extreme, fundamentalist, militant). the term radicalism is a code that is sometimes unconscious and sometimes explicit for islam.10 the problem in the west and america is not islam itself but the violent practices perpetrated by a group of muslim communities in the process of establishing the identity of the group.11 for examples, there was a tends to use violence. in the arabic term the term radicalism with the actions of extremism (at-tatharuf al-diniy), excessive (ghuluw), narrow-minded (dhayyiq), rigid (tanathu), and hard (tasyadud). 4 eka yani arfina, kamus lengkap bahasa indonesia dilengkapi dengan eyd dan singkatan umum, (surabaya : tiga dua. tt ) 5 azyumardi azra, waspadai paham radikal, kompas, 7 april 2015, guru besar uin syarif hidayatullah jakarta; anggota komisi kebudayaan aipi and council on faith, world economic forum, davos 6 muhammad harfin zuhdi, “fundamentalisme dan upaya deradikalisasi ayat al qur’an dan hadis”, in jurnal religia, vol. 13, no. 1, april 2010, 83 7 nurcholish madjid. (1995). pintu-pintu menuju tuhan. (jakarta: paramadina), p.260 8 harun.nasution, (1995). islam rasional. (bandung: mizan), p.260 9 lihat yusuf al-qardhawi, al-sahwah al-islamiyyah: baina al-juhad wa al-tatarruf (kairo: bank at-taqwa, 2001), p. 23-29. 10 ahmed, akbar s. (1993). posmodernisme, bahaya dan harapan bagi islam. terjemah m. sirozi. mizan: bandung.p.30 11 nurcholish madjid. (1995). pintu-pintu menuju tuhan. jakarta: paramadina.h, 270 [ 160 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 case of disappearance of 12 students of muhammadiyah university of malang who have been recruited into the network of islamic state of indonesia (nii). this latest development indicates that although the national police in this case, densus 88, has succeeded in paralyzing most of the radical network of al-jama’ah al-islamiyah (ji) which carried out numerous bombings including suicide bombings especially since the first bali bomb was clearly a radical group and a cell that remains at large. even it forms new cells that tend to move independently in one way or another, and are still related to each other12. some of the above notes illustrate how religion is not only an ideology, but also a motivation and an organizational structure for the perpetrators of violence. this radical belief in the name of religion is what is often manifested in terrorist acts. madeline albright, in 1998 for example, listed the world’s 30 most dangerous terrorist organizations, and over half of them were religious groups. in fact according to rand-st andrews in the chronology of international terrorism, the number of denominations increased from 16 to 49 terrorist groups identified in 1994, then the following year it became 26 of the 56 registered groups. therefore, it is no exaggeration for warren christopher to suggest that religious terrorist acts (other than ethnic identity) constitute one of the most important security challenges to be faced in relation to the rise of the cold war.13 thus religious radicalism is a philosophy that refers to the beliefs of a particular group that wish to make changes to the religious values considered contrary to their belief. this is carried out by tearing down existing systems and structures to the roots quickly over subjective considerations. the rise of radicalism movement the movement of radicalism is not really a movement that merely appears, but mostly related to some issues driving the emergence of the radical movement. internal factor from within muslims itself is found as an important point. this factor occurs because of deviation of religious norms. secular life in the life of society encourages them to return to the islamic fundamentalism. this attitude is supported by a totalistic (kaffah) and formalistic religious view that is rigid in understanding religious texts. the study of religion is viewed only from one direction, textual, not viewed from other factors, so the actions they take must refer to the prophet’s behavior literally. external factors outside muslims 12 azyumardi azra, akar radikalisme keagamaan, peran  aparat  negara,  pemimpin  agama  dan  guru  untuk  kerukunan  umat  beragama, makalah disampaikan pada diskusi‘memperkuat toleransi melalui sekolah’the habibie center, hotel aston, bogor, bogor, 14 mei 2011, p.3 13 mark jurgensmever, teror in the mind of god: the global rise of religion violence, (trj), m.sadat ismail, jakarta: nizham press 2002), p. 3-4 [ 161 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 is also found as another important point, whether committed by the regime of power or hegemony from the west that does not support the implementation of islamic shari’ah in the aspects of life.14 azyumardi azra (2012) argues that, in the islamic circles, religious radicalism comes from a literal, piecemeal religious understanding of the verses of the qur’an. such understanding barely leaves room for accommodation and compromise with other groups of muslims, resulting in social conflict and intra-religious and inter-religious violence; also even among religious people with the state. the continuation of intraand inter-religious social conflicts in this reform period, again, is also due to a variety of complex factors such as those related to the euphoria of freedom, where each person or group feels able to express their freedom and will, regardless of the other. thus, there are symptoms of decreased tolerance. political and social fragmentation continues, especially among the political, social, and military elites, which continue to infiltrate the grassroots and lead to horizontal conflicts that are latent and widespread. there are various indications, conflicts and religious nuances, even in the provocations of the certain elites for their own interests. the inconsistency of law enforcement also matters. some cases of religious conflict or violence or carrying religious symbolism show indications of conflict between security forces, and even contestation among local elite groups. finally, the widespread disorientation and dislocation in indonesian society, due to difficulties in daily life, is also a proof of the emergence of religious radicalism movements. the increase in the price of other daily necessities makes the society increasingly pressured and marginalized. as a result, these marginalized and splintered people or groups can easily carry out emotional acts, and can even be hired to commit unlawful acts and violence.15 14 khamami zada, islam radikal; pergulatan ormasormas islam garis keras di indonesia (jakarta: teraju, 2002), 95. samuel huntington (1997) with a clash of civilization thesis that sees terrorism as an implication of the clash of two major civilizations in the world: islam vis-a-vis the west. huntington’s logic stems from a realistic viewpoint that views world politics as a struggle for power --a power struggle. huntington departs from the division of the world over what he calls “civilization.” huntington regards the world as a multipolar mix of civilizations, thereby dividing the world into eight major civilizations. the principle of realism that positions interest in the context of power member the second logical basis: competition between civilizations generate conflict. if that logic is used as a tool to interpret radicalism in indonesia, we will come to a point of conclusion: terrorism is the excess of the incompatibility of islamic civilization and the west. this is reinforced by the attributes imposed by the perpetrators of terror, by giving the tint of islam as an argument. see ahmad rizky mardhatillah umar, “tracing the roots of radicalism in indonesia”, journal of social and political sciences, 14 (2) november 2010: 171 15 azyumardi azra, “akar radikalisme keagamaan peran aparat negara, pemimpin agama dan guru untuk kerukunan umat beragama”, paper presented at discussion ‘reinforcing tolerance through schools’ at the habibie center, hotel aston, bogor, 14 may 2011. quoted abdul munip, counteracting religious radicalism in schools, journal of islamic ed[ 162 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 further explanation comes from endang turmudzi (2005). he argues that some factors leading to the emergence of radicalism include the variable of attitude or view of the three issues of application of islamic shari’a, the form of islamic state of indonesia and the islamic caliphate. this attitude is a continuation of the interpretation of the teachings of islam. it is assumed that there are some common attitudes that arise after society interprets islamic teachings. this attitude is symbolized in the application of muslim understanding of their religious teachings. in this case there are three groups: secular or relative, substantialist and scripturalist16. in addition, the variable of attitude that arises when the second variable is confronted with real social conditions in society. these include domestic and international factors. political hegemony by the state or any repression by any group against muslims will give rise to different responses from different groups. the secular do not respond because they are truly indifferent. only the scripturalists are assumed to be radical. the substantial group, despite its concern for islam and its people in various fields, will show moderation. for example they will look good on the islamic state or khilafah islamiyah as well as on (formalization) the application of islamic shari’a.17 according to azra (2003), the emergence of radical groups in indonesia is caused by the euphoria of democracy as well as the revocation of the anti-subversion act by president habibie which in turn provides widespread space for extremist groups to express ideas and activities.18 abuza (2007) also mentions that the fall of soeharto’s authoritarian regime led to the massive birth of civil society forces which in turn provided space to certain groups including radical groups who expressed their interests by spreading hatred and intolerance by using violent means (violence).19 discourse on radicalism and terrorism has been on the rise after the september 11, 2001.20 based on the data, this work indicates that radicalism and terrorism in indonesia are caused by two fundamental problems i.e., economic deprivation (poverty) and political injustice, as also supported ucation uin sunan kalijaga graduate program vol 1. number 2 december 2012, 162 16 endang turmudi (ed), islam dan radikalisme di indonesia, (jakarta :lipi press, 2005), p. 2 17 endang turmudi (ed), islam dan radikalisme di indonesia, (jakarta :lipi press, 2005), p.2 18 azyumardi azra, 2003, bali and southeast asian islam: debunking the myths di kumar ramak rishna dan see seng tan (editor), after bali: the threat of terrorism, institute of defence and strategic studies, nanyang technological university, singapore 19 abuza, zachary 2007, political islam and violence in indonesia, routledge, london and new york 20 khamami zada, islam radikal; pergulatan ormasormas islam garis keras dii ndonesia, (jakarta: teraju, 2002), p.17 [ 163 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 by research findings by khamami zada (2002).21 the labeling of radical to the group that has the character and the general pattern as a movement that demands the enforcement of islamic shari’ah in terminology as mentioned by kallen (as quated by umi sumbulah, 2010).22 radicalization emerges as a response in the form of evaluation, rejection or resistance to the ongoing conditions, whether it be the assumption of value or religious or state institutions. radicalization always seek to replace the existing order with a new order systematized and constructed through their own world view. the strong belief in the ideology they offer is vulnerable to emerge a potential emotional attitude resulting in violence. in this context, islamic mass organizations such as the islamic defenders front (fpi), hizbut tahrir indonesia (hti), majelis mujahidin, laskar jihad ahlussunnah waljama’ah, indonesian committee for islamic world solidarity (kisdi) and indonesian islamic state (nii) have the features as described by horace m. kallen. they fight for islam in a kaffah (totalistic); islamic law as a state law, islam as the basis of the state, as well as islam as a political system so not a democracy that serves the voice of people’s aspirations into a political system. they base their practice of religion on the past orientation (salafi). they are also very hostile to the west with all the products of civilization, such as secularization and modernization. and they resistance to the growing islamic liberalism movement among indonesian muslims. radicalism in the islamic contemporary era what is the radicalist or fundamentalist movement in islam today, especially the contemporary era? it seems to be more influenced by the islamic response to the west although the themes are related to inward orientation that becomes their concern and ideological choice. according to azyumardi azra (2016), contemporary fundamentalism and radicalism arise in reaction to the penetration of western social, cultural, political and economic systems and values, both as a result of direct contact with the west and through muslim thinkers. strictly speaking, modernist, secularist, and westernist groups or regimes of muslim governments that fundamentalists argue are an extension of the western ideas and control.23 there are at least two major problems of concern to this group. firstly, they reject the secularism of western societies 21 khamami zada , islam radikal; pergulatan ormasormas islam garis keras di indonesia(jakarta: teraju, 2002), p.17 22 umi sumbulah, islam radikal dan plularismeagama: studi kontruksi sosial aktivis hizb al-tahrir dan majelis mujahidin di malang tentang agama kristen dan yahudi, (jakarta: balitbang ri, 2010), p.42 23 gerakan radikalisme dalam islam: perspektif historis 13 addin, vol. 10, no. 1, february 2016 [ 164 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 that separate religion and politics, church, and mosque from the state. the western success of secularization is perceived as dangerous, because it can threaten islam as a religion that not only deals with the hereafter but also the world. secondly, many muslims want their society to be governed in accordance with the qur’an and islamic shari’a as the rule of the state.24 therefore, it is not surprising today that an underground movement that aspires to establish an islamic caliphate with the themes of god’s sovereignty, jihad, islamic revolution, social justice, and so forth. the themes are oriented towards the past, especially the early generations of islam as practiced by the prophet muhammad his companions. they assume that the islamic society today is declining because it no longer carry out the teachings of its religion purely. therefore the above agenda must be done to counter western hegemony while imagining the glory of islam. during the new order era, the state always suppressed what was identified as a radical movement. radicalism was seen as the prime enemy and used as common enemy through various media transformation. left or right radicalism is the same. left radicalism such as the new left movement, which had flourished in indonesia around the 1980s and continued to gain momentum in the 1990s through the people’s democratic party (prd), was an exponent of an organization considered an enemy of the state. so strong was the pressure on this left radical movement that many of the members were arrested, tortured, and even some were gone without a trace. the new order was very hard on right radicalism. among the most prominent was the komando jihad in the mid-1980s. many islamic leaders were identified as leaders or members of the komando jihad who were arrested and imprisoned. attempts to suppress these radical islamic movements continued until the period of the rise of the association of indonesian muslim intellectuals (icmi) in the mid-1990s. abdul aziz thaba (1995) finds a connection between islam and the state in three categories including the relationship between islam and the state, which is antagonistic, critical reciprocal, and the symbiotic relationship between islam and the state. an antagonistic relationship occurred at the beginning of the new order25 until the early 1980s and symbiotic relations occurred in the era of the 1990s. several groups called islamic militant groups in indonesia were formed in conjunction with national political events, while others were 24 see karen amstrong, berperang demi tuhan: fundamentalisme dalam islam, kristen dan yahudi (jakarta: serambi, 2001), p. ix. see also leonard binder, islamic liberalism: a critique of development ideologies (chicago and london: the university of chicago pres, 1988), p. 16-49. 25 abdul aziz thaba. (islam dan negara dalam politik orde baru. ( jakarta: gema insani press. 1995). p. 37 [ 165 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 a reaction to events related to conflict between muslims and christians occurring in some areas. each organization has its own background and raison detere as well as differences and similarities, including: fpi (islamic defenders front), fka wj (communication forum of ahlussunnah wal jamaah) and mmi (indonesia mujahidin council).26 an example in the indonesian cases of contemporary radical islamic movements that can be mentioned here is hizbut tahrir indonesia (hti).27 26 this movement case is related to the rise of bj. habibie as the president, after president soeharto resigned, because habibi was considered part of the new order, students demanded a demonstration for the replacement of the new leader, to compensate for the great powers of the students, the tni recruited pam swakarsa from various regions (banten, central java and other), pam swakarsa is the forerunner of fpi. fpi was formed in jakarta, at the pesantren al-umm ciputat leader of kyai. misbahul anam, as a pressure group movement aimed at eradicating prostitution, night house entertainment, led by a young preacher, habib riziq shihab. and the public attention, because the action did not hesitate to eliminate disobedience by using violence. while fkawj (communication forum ahlussunnah wal jamaah) genealogy is closely linked to the jamaah al-turath al-islami in jogjakarta, a movement founded by ja’far and abu nida (chamsaha shofwan), fkawj was declared on 14 february 21999. for the services of m. umar as-sewed, ayif syarifudin and maruf bahrun. this group is a “semi clandestine” movement, because they prefer to hold meetings in secret. no wonder the group is associated with the muslim brotherhood and di/tii movements. the birth of fkawj was motivated by the economic, political and social crisis that plagued indonesia since the reformation, fkawj with its military wing laskar jihad joined the umta islam forum during the habibie administration. third, mmi (majleis mujahidin indonesia, declared in august 2000 in yogyakarta attended by thousands of moslems from domestic and abroad and elected as amir mmi was abu bakar ba’asir. this aesthetic appeals to abu bakar ba’s relationship with the jihad command movement together with abdullah sungkar, the founder of ngeruki pesantren. majda’s main agenda is to enforce islamic law, mmi chooses political and academic paths, so often differing opinion with fpi and laskar jihad. hmi is also regarded as an extension of the southeast asian islamiyah organization that wants to destroy western and south american facilities in southeast asia in addition to the movements, there are three other hardline islamic militant groups, darul islam, hizbut tahrir, tarbiyah islamiyah and muslim brotherhood, although the similarities are found in the application of islamic sharia, but each has group agenda which sometimes becomes a very sharp distinction. (see bachtiar efeendi, sutrisno hado, agama dan radikalisme di indonesia, jakarta: nuqtah, 2007), p.13-18 27 hti launched its movement gradually. in the case of indonesia, there is no strong evidence to show hti’s involvement in acts of violence and terrorism. therefore, it is important to understand the activity and its relation to jihad action. there are three stages or three steps hti in an effort to achieve its political goals, namely: (a) stage tatsqif (coaching and cadre). this stage is to give birth to people who believe in hizb ut-tahrir and to form the framework of a party. (b) tafa’ul stage (interaction), ie interacting with people to be able to carry islamic da’wah, so that people will make it as the main problem in their life, and try to apply it in the reality of life. (c) istilamul hukmi’s stage (takeover of power). this stage serves to apply islamic law in practice and totality, as well as to spread to the whole world. these three stages are used by hti in an attempt to achieve the goal of establishment of islamic state. this indicates that the hti struggle begins with bawap. it is therefore very active in the recruitment of members, the process of cadregation, and the dissemination of information through mass media, famphlets, seminars and street demonstrations as part of strategic steps to achieve the goal of establishing a caliphate see hizbut tahrir organization, [ 166 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 this organization is radical in its political ideas, but emphasizes peaceful ways to achieve its goals. its radicalism is illustrated by the hti struggle that seeks fundamental political change through the total destruction of the nation-state today, and replacing it with a new islamic state under a caliphate.28 these three groups are just some of the other hard-core islamists: darul islam, hizbut tahrir, tarbiyah islamiyah and muslim brotherhood,29 although it is clear that they have similarities in the application of islamic law, but each has its own agenda which sometimes becomes a very sharp distinction. the existence of the group’s agenda, which may be closely linked to political interests, makes such groups often cooperate with others with similar interests, but their similarities, as much as the differences prevent them from uniting in one group. based on their actions and movements, radical islamic groups have made concrete efforts, both through the structural-vertical and cultural horizontal ways. they already have access to the parliament. they also directly enforce amar ma`ruf nahi munkar (promotion of virtues and prevention of vice), such as entering into the poso ambon conflict, the destruction of discotheques, brothels, supporting the ratification of anti-pornography bill, expulsion of the ahmadiyya group, and christian congregation illegal churches, destruction of the editorial office of playboy, etc. they also easily accuse the others of being infidels.30 to some extent, the action of radicalism is the result of the slow pace of the authorities in responding to the development of mass psychology. the violent acts perpetrated by radical islamic groups have unconsciously revealed that islam supports violent acts. but this radical islamic group movement is not mainstream in indonesia. lsi’s research shows that fpi is only supported by 17%, mmi 11% and hti 3% of the indonesian islamic society.31 according to some research, most australians do not know much about islam in indonesia. when asked whether indonesian muslims and middle eastern muslims the same, their answer is that indonesian islam is more moderate and tolerant. when asked about the bali bombing action, they say that it is a sign that radical islam has developed in indonesia. if radical islamic action the methodology of hizbut tahrir for change (london: al-khilafah publication, 1999), p. 32.anzar abdullah addin, vol. 10, no. 1, february 2016 28 karagiannis dan clark mc cauley, “hizbut tahrir al-islami: evaluating the threat posed by a radical islamic group that remannis non violence”, dalam terrorism and political violence, no. 58 (2006), hlm. 318.gerakan radikalisme dalam islam: perspektif historis addin, vol. 10, no. 1, februari 2016 29 bachtiar efendi, sutrisno hadi, agama dan radikalisme di indonesia, jakarta: nuqtah, 2007), p.13-18 30 bachtiar efeendi, sutrisno hadi, agama dan radikalisme di indonesia, jakarta: nuqtah, 2007), p.237 31 saiful mujani,” kelompok islam anarkis”, media indonesia, 12 june 2006 [ 167 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 does not diminish in indonesia, the negative image of indonesian islam in the international world will spread. given the factors causing the contradictions to their religion in such a complex way, everyone should be warned not to hurry to take a hasty conclusion, a kind of sweeping generalization. if there are certain people and / or religious groups committing violence in the name of religion, they are clearly not representation of religion or religious people as a whole. religious radicalism, jihad and terrorism the facts show that there are deviations in understanding jihad that begins to be misused by a group of people who have a hard-line view of the teachings of islam, thus legalizing violence in doing the action. the discourse of religious radicalism among muslims, often using jihad terminology in its action, the fact that the terrorist network (as a radical act of action) behaves in the name of jihad (especially in indonesia), is proof that this theological foundation is very effective in giving suggestions to everyone to do whatever it takes, as evidenced in several bombings (suicide bombings), which are identified as hard-line islamic groups in indonesia that have the motive of killing foreigners, especially citizens of the united states, israel and its allies in indonesia as the embodiment of jihad, as explained by fahruroji dahlan (2008).32 in the qur’an the word jihad, as explained by ma’ruf amin (2007)33, as a noun is often followed by the phrase fi sabîl allah (in the way of allah). jihad if you want to establish the religion of alah is indeed one of the teachings of the qur’an which must be carried out by muslims. for those who implement it will certainly get a good reward, because jihad activities are carried out the implementation of faith and obedience to the teachings of god. when he dies while carrying it out, he is called shahíd whose return is heaven.  at this level, all the consequences of jihad that is done is not something that must be a burden, if successful, the teachings of god will be upright and it must have virtues and benefit to society, and if failed and he dies in the struggle, then the promise of god will still be good that is dying as a martyr and return to heaven. 34 seeing this phenomenon a lot of muslims dare to risk their lives. 32 fahruroji dahlan, “jihad antara fenomena dakwah dan kekerasan mereformulasikan jihad sebagai sarana dakwah”, in el hikmah journal, volume 1/no. i/december 2008/dzulhijjah 1429 p.71 33 k.p. ma,ruf amin. melawan terorisme dengan iman, (ciputat: tim penanggulanagan terorisme, 2007), p. 187 34 jihad is etymologically an arabic word that has been absorbed in the indonesian language, its origin is juhd or jahd, that is, the first, to exert energy, effort, power, while the second meaning is sincerity in work. thus the word jihad is to exert energy and ability to do something with full sincerity. besides the word jihâd also means war, but for the definition of this war, the qur’an uses the other two words namely al-qitâl and al-harb. in the qur’an, [ 168 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 in order to determine the attitude properly and correctly, about the nature of jihad and al-istishad, it must be properly and proportionally considered, because not knowing it correctly can fall on the attitude of al-irhab35, not jihad or al-istishad36. in its development, the definition of jihad is often misinterpreted by the perpetrators of terrorism, such as using suicide bombs as its implementation. to radical groups, jihad is an obligation to fight physically against the unbelievers. then from that sense comes the meaning of being a war between islam and the united states and jews, as well as in the case of bali bombers, imam samudra and other groups, they hold that jews and christians are the ones who wish to destroy islam which are represented by the united states and israel. in their view, in jihad the only way to implement islam is by destroying the united states, israel and its allies.37 in this regard, the indonesian council of ulama releases its fatwa on terrorism by distinguishing between the character of terrorism and jihad. characteristics of terrorism include destructive (ifsad) and anarchist (faudha), the goal is to create fear and or destroy others, performed without rules and the goals are without limit. while the characteristics of jihad include nature requirement of the improvement (islah) and even with the way of war as needed, having the purposes of to uphold the religion of allah and or to defend the rights of the oppressed and conducted by following the rules set by the shari’a with clear enemy targets. therefore, if any religious radicalism which in its implementation may occur in a form of terrorism, one of the reasons is to use improper method in understanding religious texts and erroneous in its application. hence, to al-qitâl is mentioned 13 times and in all derivations 144 times .. besides that there is also a word gazwah which means war joined by the prophet, while also there is the word sariyyah, meaning the war between the muslims and the infidels in the period of prophet muhammad saw. but the prophet did not take part in that war. the word ghazwah is not mentioned in the qur’an, except the word derivation which is guzzan mentioned once in the qur’an. (qsal-imran: 156) .. terminologically the meaning of jihad has various meanings, according to ar-raghib al -asfahani, jihad is a serious fight against the enemy to uphold the religion of allah or against the satan that always leads to the emergence of evil or against lust. meanwhile, according to ibn al-qayim al-jawziyya, jihad is, struggling against lust, fighting satan, fighting infidels, and against hypocrites. (see k.p.ma,ruf amin. melawan terorisme dengan iman, ciputat: tim penanggulanagan terorisme, 2007), p. 188-189 35 al-irhâb artinya terorisme (lihat k.p.ma,ruf amin. melawan terorisme dengan iman, ciputat: tim penanggulanagan terorisme, 2007), p. 204 36 in the word istishâd is a masdar from istashada-yastashidu which means to seek martyrdom, i.e. martyrs when upholding the teachings of allah. the origin of the word is syahida-yashadu, which means witnessing. shahid, the plural form of shuhada can be interpreted as a witness or fallen person for defending the religion of allah. (see k.p.ma`ruf amin. melawan terorisme dengan iman, ciputat: tim penanggulanagan terorisme, 2007), p. 204 37 sarlito w.sarwono, terorisme di indonesia dalam tinjauan psikologiss, (jakarta: alvabert, 2012), p. 10 [ 169 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 avoid any misconduct, every muslim needs to understand the qur’an and the hadith of the prophet by starting using the correct method of understanding, then they should apply that understanding correctly.38 jihad, according to azyumardi azra (1999), is often identified by many scholars, both non-muslim and muslim with holy war, understood as war against the unbelievers. but as peters puts it, the main purpose of jihad is not to force people to enter islam, put forward in western literature. the aim is essentially for expansion as well as defense of the islamic region (dar alislam).39 similar opinion is also held by watt, although the reasons given are quite different and even need to be questioned. according to watt, the jihad terminology with holy war is misleading. jihad for the expansion of islamic territory occurred in the classical period, it is a further development of “razzia “(ghazwah’s military expedition). in this motive, the expansion of religion is not the primary, the acquisition of booty is the goal of the muslim army. watt’s argument is, to some extent, true but the central weakness of this argument is that it reduces religion through a materialistic approach.40according to al mawdudi41 western writers have likened the word jihad to “holy war” until finally jihad became a synonym of war based on religious fanaticism. almawdudi affirmed that islam is not as sacred as the word’s meaning, which seems to indicate the concept that belief is a personal affair no more than a set of customs and standardized worship procedures. this is due to two mistakes in understanding the word jihad, which is to understand it as a war or fanaticism for the purpose of spreading religion.42 nazaruddin umar distinguished the meaning of jihad in exoteric and esoteric manner. exoteric is usually interpreted as holy war, while esoteric jihad as a serious effort to get closer to allah almighty. jihad in the sense of holy war by some experts is seen as a definition that is influenced by the christian concept (crusade). thus the meaning of jihad is different from the qital meaning (including the harb) which has different meanings in the qur’an and the 38 majelis ulama indonesia, fatwa of the indonesian council of ulemas on terrorism, the leadership of indonesian council of ulemas, jakarta, 2005, p. 9 39 azyumardi azra, pergolakan politik islam (bandung: mizan, 1999), p. 128 40 azyumardi azra, pergolakan politik islam (bandung: mizan, 1999), p. 129 41 jihâd is basically the struggle of the muslims to realize the ideals that they always strive. al-mawdudi also divides jihad into two types: for defense and for corrective or reformative purposes. the first type of jihâd is the war to protect islam and its followers from the enemy attack or destruction of dâr al-islâm. while the second can be aimed at anyone who causes tyranny to the muslims who live in their land, azyumardi azra, transformasi politik islam, (radikalisme, khilafatisme, dan demokrasi), (jakarta: prenadamedia group, 2016), p. 172 42 azyumardi azra, transformasi politik islam, (radikalisme, khilafatisme, dan demokrasi), (jakarta: prenadamedia group, 2016), p. 169-170 [ 170 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 hadith. al-qital and al harb are both associated with war. the qur’an when speaking of war commands is very cautious. and even if there is a verse that commands war, it is in order to defend against the intrusion and persecution of outsiders. as explained in the qur’an of surah al-baqarah (2) verses 190194.43 justification of jihad with terrorism in the present day is due to the fact that jihad in the sense of war involves elements of violence that can be categorized as terrorism. but clearly the use of violence in the name of religion in the contemporary era is actually due to political factors, which then seeks legitimacy in religious teachings. the people of indonesia and the international community are currently faced with a very worrying situation due to the rampant acts of terror. indonesia has suffered losses due to acts of terror, because it has caused the loss of lives of indonesian citizens and foreigners, as well as loss of property and worsened the economy due to a prolonged crisis. the series of terror bombs in indonesia, started in legian bali in october 2002, followed by the bombing at the marriot hotel jakarta in 2003, in front of the australian embassy in jakarta on 9 september 2004, the bali bombings ii in 2005, and other bomb blasts tragedies. the bombings reflect a new form of violence and terror in the country. this not only resulted in relatively large number of victims, but also the use of deadly weapons by terrorists that have a greater psychological impact on national and international scales. even worse, the terrorists use suicide bombers. in general, such bombings are very difficult to comprehend among indonesians; it is cruel and inhumane.44 terrorism45 is a view that argues that using violent means of fear is a legitimate means of achieving the goal.46 thus, according to nasir abbas terror is an evil reaction considered “more evil” by the perpetrator, so it is not an 43 nazaruddin umar, (dalam buku jihad, gamal al-banna), jakarta: mata air publishing, 2006), p. vi-viii 44 azyumardi azra, islam politik radikal di indonesia : akar ideologi terorisme, makalah disampaikan pada diskusi kajian tentang terorisme di ditjenstrahan kemhan tanggal 16 januari 2012, p. 14-15. 45 in the dictionary of espionage, terrorism is defined as: “the unlawful use of force or violence to intimidate, coerce, fight and even kill people, community members, government, for political or other purposes.” indian national security guard, act 1986, as follows: “terrorists are groups / individuals who have a specific intention to attack the government or law enforcement by terrorizing people or parts of the community by engaging in actions and activities using equipment, bombs, dynamite, explosives, chemicals, combustible substances, toxins, harmful gases, other substances (biological and otherwise) that may pose risks to nature and the environment, which may be the cause, or may cause harm to injure or even kill many people, individuals or destructive, destroying property, possessions or can be menimb combat chaos and disrupt government or community life (see henry s.a. becket, the dictionary of espionage, new york : stein and day publisher, 1986, p. 182. 46 muchamad ali syafa’at, tindak pidana teror belenggu baru bagi kebebasan dalam “terrorism, definisi, aksidan regulasi”, jakarta : imparsial, 2003, p. 59. [ 171 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 interactionism and can be classified into evil vengeance (hate crimes).47 the term terrorist according to counterterrorism experts refers to perpetrators who are not incorporated in the armed forces or disobedient to the rules of the armed forces. terrorist acts also mean that terrorist attacks are inhumane and have no justification, and therefore the perpetrators (terrorists) deserve cruel reprisals. due to the negative meanings contained by the words “terrorist” and “terrorism”, terrorists generally refer to themselves as separatists, freedom fighters, crusaders and militants. the true meaning of jihad is far from acts of terrorism that attack civilians who are not involved in war. terrorism itself often appears in the name of religion.48 at first terrorism was categorized as a crime against the state but gradually developed into crimes against humanity. terrorism has various characteristics, one of which is the spirit of religious radicalism. religious radical groups are suspected of using terror methods to achieve their interests. political violence in the form of terror is often used as a tool to achieve goals. islamic jihad groups in egypt, islamic jihad in yemen, the national islamic front in sudan, the afghanistan-based al-qaeda, the jemaah islamiyah based in malaysia or radical jewish groups such as haredi, bush emunim, kach kaheni in israel are simply examples elements with the spirit of religious radicalism that tends to promote violence and terror.49 regarding acts of terrorism in indonesia, during the year 2000-2009 it was recorded that the have been 23 bombings, both on a small scale and large scale. started with the philippine embassy bomb, august 1, 2000. the bomb exploded from a car parked in front of the residence of the philippine ambassador in menteng, central jakarta. two people were killed and 21 others wounded, including philippine ambassador leonides t. caday. in 2009, the jakarta bombing, the terrorists blasted jw marriott hotel and ritz-carlton hotel in mega kuningan on friday morning, july 17, 2009 with 9 people killed and 55 injured. however, terrorist acts in indonesia actually started with a bomb explosion that occurred in the complex of cikini college in an effort to assassinate the first president of indonesia ir. soekarno, in 1962 and continued in the following years until august 2001, at plaza atrium, senen, jakarta. the explosion wounded six people, all bombings in indonesia from 1962 to august 2001 only became domestic issues, but since the world trade center (wtc) incident in new york, usa on september 11, 2001, 47 nasir abas, kajian tentang terorisme, paper presented at discussion on terrorism studies at directorate general of defense strategy of the defense ministry on 16 january 2012, p. 1. 48 publikasi,umy.ac.id/index.php/hi/article,kajian_terorisme.p. 2-3 49 luqman hakim, terorisme indonesia, forum studi islam, surakarta: surakarta (fsis), 2004, p. 19 [ 172 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 which claimed 3,000 victims, the issue of terrorism has become global.50 the events of september 11, 2001 initiated a new round of terrorism into a global issue affecting the political policies of all countries in the world, thus becoming the starting point of perception to fight terrorism as an international enemy. the mass killings have united the world against international terrorism. terrorism crime is a form of international dimension of crime that is very scary. in many countries of the world there have been terrorism crimes in both developed and developing countries. the acts of terror committed have taken their victims indiscriminately. this led the united nations in its congress in vienna austria in 2000 to address the theme of prevention of crime and treatment of offenders, including the mention of terrorism as a development of violence that needs special attention. according to muladi (2004), terrorism is an extraordinary crime which requires handling by utilizing extraordinary measures because of various things.51 lukman hakim (2004) mentions that terrorism is the act that creates the greatest danger to human rights, in this case, the right to life and the right to be free from fear. the target of terrorism is random or indiscriminate that tends to sacrifice innocent people. it has the possibility of using weapons of mass destruction by utilizing modern technology. it has also the tendency of negative synergy between national terrorist organizations and international organizations. there are possiblelities of cooperation between terrorist organizations and organized crime both national and transnational. it is also jeopardizing international peace and security. terrorism as a crime has evolved into cross-country.52 crimes occurring within a country are no longer merely seen as the jurisdiction of one country but can be claimed to include jurisdiction over more than one country. according to romli atmasasmita (2000), in its development it can lead to conflict of jurisdiction that can disrupt international relations between countries concerned in handling cases of dangerous crimes that are cross-border. terrorism crime uses one form of transnational crime that threatens the peace the world.53 50 ardison muhammad, terorisme ideologi penebar ketakutan, surabaya : 2010, p. 23. 51 muladi, penanggulangan terorisme sebagai tindak pidana khusus, paper of the seminar on the safeguard of terrorism as special crime, jakarta : 28 januari 2004. 52 luqman hakim, terorisme indonesia, forum studi islam, surakarta : (fsis), 2004), p. 19. 53 romli atmasasmita, pengantar hukum pidana internasional, bandung : pt. rafika aditama, 2000, p. 58. walter laqueur, who spent his life investigating the phenomenon of terrorism, expressed the difficulty of defining precisely. he argues that, terrorism cannot be classified as a war because it differs from war. in addition, also outside the field of guerrilla warfare, war aims for total destruction. conventional war is a revolutionary war to inflict physical damage. while terrorism tends to inflict psychological damage. terrorism is often regarded as a guerrilla action or one of the ways that does not adhere to the principle of guer[ 173 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 i would argue here that fundamentalism and radicalism in islam as well as in other religions, have characteristics that distinguish it from other groups. as martin e. marty (1992) mentions, fundamentalism includes scripturalism, the literal belief in scripture that is the word of god, that is considered to be true. the case of the rejection of hermeneutics. the qur’anic texts in the view of this group should be understood literally as they read. reason is deemed incapable of giving a proper interpretation of the text, even to the contradictory text of each other. the rejection of pluralism and relativism is considered to undermine the sanctity of the text. the rejection of sociological/ historical development is considered to bring humanity farther from the literal doctrine of scripture. the monopoly of truth over religious interpretation becomes a mainstream. radical fundamentalists tend to regard themselves as the most valid and legitimate interpreters, so they tend to disregard other groups that are different from them.54 as quited by muhammad mubarrak (2008), mohammed arkoun sees islamic fundamentalism as two opposite attractions, namely, ideological and political issues. and, islam will always be in the middle. people do not always understand the truth about the case, that fundamentalism is randomly understood in the substantive part of islamic teachings while political and ideological phenomena are neglected.55 understanding islam is an activity of consciousness that encompasses historical, social and political contexts. it is also the case in understanding the development of islamic fundamentalism. political and social attraction has created ideological structure in the human mind. in fact, islam never offers violence or radicalism. the issue of radicalism has been merely the commotion of power that has grown in acute fanaticism. in its history, radicalism was born out of social and political crosses. islamic radicalism in indonesia is a reality of opposite attraction. conclusion religious radicalism is a common phenomenon that arises in any religion. the rise of religious radicalism has its roots in the reality of various interpretations, ideas, schools of thought, denominations, and even sects within one particular religion. in the case of islam, religious radicalism stems rilla itself. in action, murder, kidnapping, rioting, campaigning and other acts always ignore all forms of war rules and procedures. victims in a terrorist act are mostly people who at the time of the incident are near or together with the targeted victims (see adhie s, terorisme, jakarta: pustaka sinar harapan, 2005, p. 10. 54 martin e. marty, “what is fundamentalisme? theological perspective”, in hans kun dan jurgen moltmann (eds.), fundamentalism as a cumanical challenge (london: mac millan, 1992), p. 3-13. 55 mubarak, muhammad, geneologi islam radikal di indonesia, jakarta: lp3es, 2008 [ 174 ] al albab volume 6 number 2 december 2017 from literal, piecemeal and ad hoc religious understanding of qur’anic verses (interpretation of the meaning of jihad). such an understanding can hardly provide space to accommodate and compromise with other moderate muslim groups. in addition, there are several factors supporting radicalism and terrorism both internal and external factors, namely the continuation of social conflicts between and inside religions in this period of reform, due to various factors that are very complex. the first is related to the euphoria of freedom, in which each a person or group feels able to express their freedom and will. secondly, political and social fragmentation continues, especially among political, social, and military elites, which continue to have impact on the grassroots and lead to horizontal and latent conflicts. there have been various indications, conflicts and religious nuances even the provocation of certain elites for their own interests. third, the inconsistency of law enforcement. fourth, widespread disorientation and dislocation in indonesian society, due to difficulties in daily life. it is necessary to reconstruct the paradigm of both muslims and the west with regards to religious radicalism. the west, for example, must be willing to change they way they look at muslims, not opposing muslims, but treat them as equal partners to build civilization. for muslims, they do reconstruct the definition of jihad in a more progressive direction, which is not only understood to be limited to qitâl (war) physically, but the broader meaning of jihad (including, among other, jihad in the fight against lust, in study, in worship and in work). bibliography abas, n. 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