Alternate Routes

Loanwords and Code-switching: Distinguishing

Between Language Contact Phenomena in Ch'ol

Sarah Ashley Kistler
1

Abstract

Language contact phenomena, including loanwords and code-switch-

ing, have been the subject of numerous recent studies in sociolinguistics.

Loanwords are words borrowed from one language for use in another,

while code-switching occurs when speakers mix lexical or grammatical

elements from two or more languages in a single speech act. Although

numerous studies extensively examine both linguistic phenomena, the

boundary between them remains unclear, leaving one to question how to

distinguish loanwords from code-switching. Using data from Ch'ol, a

Mayan language spoken by more than 100,000 individuals in southeast-

ern Mexico, this paper clearly identifies the characteristics of loanwords

and code-switching and outlines the differences between them. This

paper argues that on the most basic level, one can distinguish loanwords

and code-switching on the basis of assimilation: loanwords demonstrate

phonological, morphophonemic, or lexical integration, while code-

switched words and phrases do not. Secondary criteria for identifying

loanwords include the use of words by speakers of varying levels of

bilingualism as well as the absence of native equivalents for specific

words. Code-switching is practiced only by bilingual Ch'ols. Through

its analysis, this paper argues that code-switching may be indicative of

emerging changes in a speaker's cultural and linguistic identity.

1 .Sarah Ashley Kistler (MA) is currently a PhD candidate at Florida

State University.

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Introduction

This paper examines language contact phenomena in Ch'ol, a Mayan
language of southeastern Mexico, focusing specifically on lexical bor-

rowing and code-switching. While loanwords and code-switching have

been discussed by many scholars (Weinreich, 1953; Thomason and
Kaufman, 1988; Romaine, 1995; Myers-Scotton, 1982, 1993; Myers-

Scotton and Boloyai, 2001; Muysken 1995, 2000; Poplack 1980), the

differences between them have not been clearly defined and the bound-

ary between loanwords and code-switching remains unclear. What is a
loanword, and how does it become a loanword? What is code-switching,
and when does it occur? I focus on the factors that distinguish loan-
words from code-switching, identifying the characteristics of each, and

outlining the differences between them. The data for this study come
from nine migration stories and life histories collected from Ch'ol speak-

ers in the states of Chiapas and Campeche, Mexico. I combine existing

definitions of loanwords and code-switching to explain Spanish interfer-

ence in Ch'ol, and to argue that loanwords of Spanish origin can be dis-

tinguished from code-switching on the basis of assimilation. Loanwords

have been assimilated into the Ch'ol lexicon, while code-switched words

and phrases have not. This assimilation manifests itself in the incorpora-

tion of many loans in the native phonological and lexical systems and in
the widespread usage of loaned words throughout the speech of all Ch'ol

speakers. Loanwords become "native" terms, and may be recognized as
such by native Ch'ol speakers. I examine both how and why words of
Spanish origin become incorporated into the native Ch'ol lexicon, as this

is necessary to distinguish loanwords from code-switching. I propose

that loanwords begin as a form of intrasentential code-switching, and

become loanwords once they are adopted by all Ch'ol speakers, includ-

ing monolingual Ch'ol speakers. Code-switched words and phrases, on

the other hand, are used exclusively by Ch'ol bilinguals. As a result, I
argue that code-switching depends on a speaker's level of bilingualism,

as only Ch'ol bilinguals code-switch. Code-switching is influenced by

the degree of outside contact a speaker has experienced, and may repre-
sent emerging changes in a speaker's linguistic and cultural identity.

Language Contact

The effects of language contact, including bilingualism, lexical bor-

rowing, and language interference, have been the focus of extensive

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research in the field of sociolinguistics. Cultural and linguistic changes

occur when languages come into contact with one another and remain in

contact for extended periods of time. The degree of contact-induced

change that a language experiences is relative to the intensity of the con-

tact situation (Thomason and Kaufman, 1988:67). Contact situations

lasting for long periods of time are likely to induce change because of a

speech community's continuous exposure to a foreign language. Lan-

guage contact may also lead to the emergence of dominant and subordi-
nate languages, which correspond to the establishment of politically

dominant and subordinate groups. In situations of contact, each lan-

guage obtains its own value, though speakers usually regard the domi-
nant language as prestigious and associate it with a higher social value.

While both languages influence each other in any situation of contact,

the dominant language frequently exhibits stronger influence over the

subordinate language, a situation that leads to increased bilingualism in

the dominant language among the subordinate population, as well as in

linguistic changes in the subordinate language itself (Thomason and

Kaufman, 1988:67). These changes first manifest themselves in lexical

borrowing, followed later by structural borrowing. Thomason and Kauf-

man (1988:80) note that Amerindian languages demonstrate a high

degree of lexical borrowing as well as some structural borrowing.

Situations of language contact often lead to bilingualism as a result of

the need to communicate across languages. Bilingualism gives speakers

resources that are not available to monolingual speakers, resources with

which they are able to construct socially meaningful verbal interactions.

Understanding both the bilingual community and the bilingual individ-

ual is essential when considering the connection between bilingualism

and language contact. Societal bilingualism occurs when the general

population of a community is bilingual in the same two languages

(Baetens Beardsmore, 1986:4), and is created by the linguistic forces

acting on the community as a whole, including the political, economic,

social, and cultural relationships between the languages. Individual

bilingualism differs from societal bilingualism in that the individual's

entire speech community is not necessarily bilingual. In situations of

language contact, bilingual individuals possess personal motivations for

becoming bilingual, and may act as mediators or translators between lan-

guage groups in order to gain personal status (Baetens Beardsmore,

1986:4).

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In his classic work on language contact, Weinreich (1953) relates the

way in which speakers learn languages to bilingualism, defining coordi-
nate and compound bilingualism. Coordinate bilingualism occurs when

a speaker learns each language in a separate environment, thereby distin-

guishing between them cognitively, and maintaining each language as

separate from the other (Weinreich, 1953:9-1 1). In compound bilingual-

ism, a speaker learns both languages simultaneously, and uses them in

the same contexts. Since they are interdependent, these languages

become cognitively intermixed, and the speaker has difficulty distin-

guishing between them. The distinction between these two forms of

bilingualism elucidates not only how bilinguals manage language, but
also the interaction between languages that can result in language inter-

ference.

Scholars have used the term "language interference" to refer to the

influence of one language on another in situations of language contact

(Weinreich, 1953; Diebold, 1961), as well as to refer specifically to

code-switching among bilingual speakers (Weinreich, 1953; Romaine,

1995). In its general application, language interference is "those

instances of deviation from the norms of either language which occur in

the speech of bilinguals as a result of their familiarity with more than

one language, i.e., as a result of language contact" (Weinreich, 1953:1).

Types of general language interference include lexical borrowing, or

"loanwords", structural and grammatical borrowing, phonological

assimilation, and code-switching (Thomason and Kaufman, 1988; Wein-

reich, 1953; Romaine, 1995; Muysken 2000). In this study, I focus on

lexical borrowing and code-switching, and touch indirectly on phono-

logical assimilation as it relates to loanwords.

"Borrowing" refers to a process in which one language acquires some

lexical or structural property from another language (Verbeeck,

1998:22). Integration, or borrowing, is "the incorporation of foreign fea-

tures into a group's native language by speakers of that language: the

native language is maintained but is changed by the addition of the

incorporated features" (Thomason and Kaufman, 1988:37). Lexical bor-

rowing involves the adoption of words from one language by another

language. These words thus become loanwords, and they thereby extend

the vocabulary of the adopted language (Muysken 2000:69-70).

Although content words are among the first words that a language adopts
as loanwords (Thomason and Kaufman, 1988:74), Brody (1987:507)

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documents the widespread usage in Mayan languages of function words
borrowed from Spanish, including conjunctions and adverbs, particles,

intcrrogatives, and hesitation markers. As they become incorporated

into new lexicons, loanwords often undergo phonological, morphologi-

cal, and grammatical changes, as well as some changes in meaning,

thereby demonstrating assimilation into the borrowing language's sys-

tem.

Motivations for lexical borrowing are dependent on contact situa-

tions. Words may be initially borrowed for prestige reasons, so that a
speaker may demonstrate some knowledge of, or competence in, the
dominant language. Though the notion of language prestige is problem-

atic, I use this term to refer to a language that is associated with high

social value within a particular speech community. Speakers hope to

increase their personal social statuses by using the politically and/or

socially dominant language during contact with outgroup members.

Amerindian languages also adopt loanwords for items and concepts

introduced to indigenous groups by the Spanish, as Verbeeck (1998:31)

demonstrates for Mopan Maya. Brown (1994:96-97) presents a list of
77 words for introduced items that have been adopted by indigenous lan-

guages throughout the New World, including the words for "apple,"
"cheese," and "mule."

In addition to loanwords, language interference also manifests itself

through code-switching, or the mixing of codes or languages. Gumperz

(1982:59) defines code-switching as "the juxtaposition within the same

speech exchange of passages of speech belonging to two different gram-

matical systems or sub-systems". Code-switching often involves

changes in grammar as well as lexicon (Muysken 2000:70), and exists in

several different forms: intersentential, intrasentential, and tag-switch-

ing. MacSwan (1999:109-113) documents the frequent use of intersen-
tential switching, which typically occurs at sentence or clause

boundaries in Amerindian languages, like Nahuatl. Intrasentential

switching includes the mixing of codes within a clause, for example,

when a sentence is interspersed with words from another language

(Romaine, 1995:122-123). Often, speakers interject single words or

word phrases from one language in the speech of another language.

Tag switching refers to the insertion of tag phrases from one language in

another.

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Speakers must possess a certain degree of proficiency in more than

one language in order to code-switch, since code-switching involves the

insertion of appropriate words or phrases from a second language

(Muysken 2000; Poplack 1980:615). Muysken (2000:2) argues that

speakers who code-switch in daily speech are most often proficient bilin-
guals who demonstrate fluency in two or more languages. As a result of
this proficiency, speakers incorporate both lexical and grammatical ele-

ments from each language in their speech. The extensive body of litera-

ture on code-switching explores these elements, analyzing when and

how speakers code-switch during specific discourse events. Reviewing
the work of numerous earlier scholars, Muysken (1995, 2000) examines

the lexical and grammatical components of code-switching, stating that

three distinct processes explain the types of language interference that

manifest themselves in different speech events: insertion, alternation,

and congruent lexicalization. Practicing "insertion," speakers some-

times insert a word or entire lexical phrase from one language into the

structure of another (Muysken 2000:3). In other code-switching events,

speakers practice "alternation," by mixing one language's lexicon and

grammatical structure with those of another (Muysken 2000:4). When
alternating between languages, speakers only switch codes a point in a

sentence where the "juxtaposition of Lj and L2 elements does not violate

a surface syntactic rule of either language" (Poplack 1980:581). Poplack

(1980) explores this phenomenon, presenting the equivalence constraint

model of code-switching, stating that individuals switch between lan-

guages only at points in which the switch can maintain the grammatical-

ity of both languages and fits in the structures of both languages

involved. As a result, speakers mix codes without violating the gram-

matical rules of either language. In other speech situations, speakers

engage in "congruent lexicalization" when they merge words from dis-
tinct languages into a new, shared grammatical structure, emerging from

the interaction of two distinct grammatical systems, as Muysken

(2000:19) describes for Media Quechua speakers in Ecuador. These

studies significantly advance our understanding of code-switching by

examining the linguistic factors that govern code-switching speech

events.

Within the extensive body of literature on code-switching, numerous

scholars also focus on the social phenomena that influence a speaker's

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use of code-switching, examining why speakers code-switch in specific

speech events. Although code-switching sometimes occurs as the

unconscious and natural result of language interaction, numerous studies

suggest that bilingual individuals often practice code-switching in order

to demonstrate personal relationships, rights, and obligations during a

single speech event. Participants as well as the social context, such as

location or type of event, govern each speech event (Bauman and

Sherzer, 1975:163). In situational switching, the alternation of lan-

guages is dependent on components of the speech event, including topic,

participants, or setting (Baetens Beardsmore, 1986:49). A change in the
components of the speech event often triggers a switch in codes. Situa-

tional switching is also occurs because certain topics lend themselves to

the use of one language over another.

Code-switching also depends on the social relationships between

speakers as often, it allows speakers to ally themselves with the mem-

bers of one or more linguistic groups, showing solidarity and negotiating

relationships (Myers-Scotton, 1982). The Rational Choice Model of

Code-switching, proposed by Myers-Scotton and Bolonyai (2001:5),

states that code-switching serves as a direct and conscious response to

society and social interaction. This model argues that "assumptions of

preferences and intentions, and operates on perceived opportunities"

motivates speakers to code-switch (Myers-Scotton and Bolonyai,

2001 : 5). In other words, individuals code-switch as a result of perceived

opportunities to enhance status, to forge new relationships, or to

strengthen existing relationships. The switch between codes, or the

choice of one code over another, may also depend on the degree of social

intimacy that speakers have with one another or the level of formality

associated with the speech event, as Rubin (1968) demonstrates in the

alternation between Guarani and Spanish in Paraguay. In other

instances, code-switching gives speakers the "flexibility of expression"

needed to overcome the difficulties of sentence-planning by allowing

them to use resources from more than one language (Myers-Scotton and

Bolonyai, 2001:5).

Speakers also use code-switching to create privacy or social distance.

The speaker may use a switch in codes to create social distance from

outgroup members and distinguish himself by speaking a language that

others do not understand, as Dozicr (1956:150) documents for the Tewa

of New Mexico. The choice of one code over another may give the

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speaker privacy in public settings. He may switch codes in order to

speak more freely and to ensure the privacy of his conversation. In other

instances, a speaker may choose one code over another in situations in

which that language is dominant and is considered to be prestigious.

The desire to elevate one's status may motivate a speaker to code-switch

in order to demonstrate knowledge of the dominant language in contact

situations. Since the contact period, Spanish has served as the dominant

language of Latin America, and as a result, indigenous peoples through-

out the region have considered it to be a powerful code worthy of emula-

tion and use in situations of contact with non-indigenous groups or

individuals (Brody, 1987:509; Verbeeck, 1998:16).

The desire to demonstrate ethnic and linguistic identity also motivate

the use of code-switching in bilingual speakers. In its most basic sense,

ethnic identity is based on cultural criteria that differentiate one group of

people from others (Barth, 1969:11). Linguistic identity is linked to a

speaker's ethnicity, and refers to the symbols and speech conventions

that are characteristic of a particular group (Gumperz, 1982:6). By using

these symbols, a speaker signals his membership in a particular cultural

or social group (Torras and Garafanga, 2002:545). Linguistic changes

often indicate changes in one's linguistic identity, since the use of lan-

guage, or of different codes, may act as a linguistic boundary that sepa-

rates one group of speakers from others (Urciuoli, 1995:538-539). This

boundary often shapes the linguistic identity of bilingual speakers, sepa-

rating them from monolingual speakers, as Bailey (2000:563) suggests is

the case for Dominican-American Spanish-English bilinguals. By using

language to mark one's ethnic identity, speakers may act as agents of

social change, and use their behavior in order to shape, define, and create

social realities.

A large part of the research on language interference has focused on
distinguishing loanwords from code-switching. Haugen (1956) first pro-

posed a distinction between lexical integration (lexical borrowing) and

interference (code-switching), terms that were later adopted by other

scholars in their discussions of language contact phenomena (Thomason

and Kaufman, 1988; Romaine, 1995; Verbeeck, 1998). According to his

model, loanwords vary from code-switching on the basis of integration:

lexical borrowings became "integrated" in native lexical systems while

code-switched words did not. Integrated words often demonstrated pho-

nological, morphological, and syntactic changes. Myers-Scotton

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(1993:165), however, argues against these ideas and suggests that the

primary criterion that should be used in separating the two is frequency

of occurrence; any word that appears at least three times in a corpus of

data is a loanword (Myers-Scotton, 1993:207). Both of these sugges-

tions are included in Poplack and Sankoff's model, which argues that

loanwords can also be characterized by ''native-synonym displacement,"

or the displacement of a native term by a loan, and "acceptability," or the

recognition by native speakers that a word is an acceptable and inte-

grated part of the native lexicon (1984:103-104).

Muysken's (1995, 2000) definitions of alternation and congruent lex-

icalization also aid in establishing the differences between loanwords

from code-switching, as these processes serve as important criteria for

separating the two language contact phenomena. For example, since

alternation and congruent lexicalization occur as the result of interfer-

ence on a grammatical level, they indicate that a speaker is code-switch-

ing, as they mark a speaker's use of two or more languages. As a result,

when linguistic analysis reveals these processes at work in a particular

speech act, one can identify the presence of foreign words as code-

switching, rather than lexical borrowings. However, this distinction is

not as clear in the process of insertion, which deals with intrasentential

switches, when speakers insert a single word or phrase of words into the

given structure of another language. Since this process occurs at a lexi-

cal rather than grammatical level, it can be indicative of both lexical bor-

rowings and code-switches (Muysken 1995:180). As a result, the notion

of insertion further blurs the line between loanwords and code-switch-

ing, by ignoring the social phenomena that shape these linguistic prac-

tices.

In recent publications, numerous scholars comment that the bound-

ary between these language contact phenomena remains unclear despite

this extensive body of literature. Torres (2002:78) documents this prob-

lem in her analysis of bilingual discourse markers in Puerto Rican Span-

ish. Torres concludes that it is difficult to determine whether discourse

markers act as loans or as code-switching in the speech of Puerto Rican

bilinguals. In discussing the integration of certain loanwords in other

languages, Muysken (2000:71) emphasizes the difficulty of distinguish-

ing loans from code-switching, stating that "we really have no criteria to

determine whether it [a word] is code-mixing or borrowing." When I
first began my research on Ch'ol, I also experienced this confusion, find-

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ing difficulty in separating loanwords from code-switching. The ques-

tion remains: how does one determine if a non-native word is a loan or if
it represents code-switching? I argue that in order to separate lexical

borrowings from code-switches and clarify the distinction between

them, one must not analyze only the linguistic elements of code-switch-

ing and borrowing, as Muysken (1995, 2000) does, but rather consider

both the social as well as linguistic factors that influence these language

contact phenomena.

Data and Methodology

My research is part of a growing corpus of knowledge in the field of
sociolinguistics, more specifically in the ethnography of speaking

(Hymes, 1962; Bauman and Sherzer, 1974), since I focus on the vari-
ables associated with certain speech acts and events. The data for this

study were collected during the summers of 2001 and 2002, as part of a

larger project studying the Ch'ol Diaspora in the states of Chiapas and

Campeche, Mexico (Hopkins, 2002). I gathered data through ethno-

graphic research and recorded interviews that enabled me to analyze lan-
guage interference, both generally and specifically, in the speech of a

diverse sample of Ch'ol speakers. The interviews were generally con-

ducted in Ch'ol, and extensive Spanish influence was noted throughout.

A part of the Greater Ch'olan language family (Kaufman 1976),
Ch'ol is spoken widely throughout the states of Chiapas and Campeche,

Mexico, by more than 100,000 speakers (Hopkins, 1995:61). The

majority of the Ch'ol population is concentrated in Chiapas, in the large

highland towns of Tila, Tumbala, and Sabanilla, an area that has been

considered the Ch'ol homeland since Spanish contact in the mid-six-

teenth century (Hopkins, 1995:63). The municipios, or ''counties" of

Salto de Agua and Palenque in the Chiapas lowlands are also home to
many Ch'ol settlements. Although the Ch'ols have been in close contact
with Spanish language and culture since the colonial period, they have

remained both culturally and linguistically strong. A large percentage of
the Ch'ol population is still monolingual, especially in Tila and Tum-

bala, where Ch'ol is the dominant language and many ladinos (the local

term for non-indigenous individuals) learn Ch'ol in order to communi-

cate. In Tumbala, Ch'ol children attend bilingual schools where they are

taught in both Ch'ol and Spanish. Ch'ol is spoken during community

meetings in both the ejidos and the highland centers, and the mayors

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(and most other officials) of both Tila and Tumbala are native Ch'ol

speakers. Speakers also use Ch'ol in meetings with the Instituto Natio-

nal Indigena, the National Indigenous Institute, or "INI," the agency cre-

ated by the Mexican government to protect and promote indigenous

rights. Ch'ols put great emphasis on the ability to speak well, paying

great respect to the verbal arts, including the ability to tell folktales

(Hopkins, 1995:66). This respect extends to Ch'ols bilingual or multi-

lingual in Spanish or other Mayan languages, such as Tzotzil or Tzeltal,

also spoken in highland Chiapas (Kathryn Josserand, personal communi-

cation).

During the past twenty-five years, several thousand Ch'ol speakers

have left Chiapas, migrating to new areas where they have resettled.

Today, over two-dozen Ch'ol communities have been established in the

Xpujil region of the state of Campeche, Mexico, in the newly formed

municipio of Calakmul. The increasing land shortage experienced in

Chiapas motivated these migrations, which were also facilitated by the

ejido system, implemented following the Mexican revolution (Hopkins,

1985:4). In the ejido system, land is awarded to a specified number of

heads of families, who collectively hold the rights to the land. Until

recently, this land could not be bought or sold, and the ejido system

requires that the rights to land may only be passed down to one child

(Hopkins, 1 995:64). The fact that many Ch'ols do not inherit ejido lands

has forced them to relocate, since they are subsistence farmers that rely

on the land in order to support themselves.

Research on Ch'ol and other Mayan languages has revealed the exist-

ence of many distinct genres of speech (Bricker, 1974; Gossen, 1974,

1999). This paper's focus on migration narratives and life histories

proves interesting for exploring the distinction between loanwords and

code-switching. In contrast to other genres of Ch'ol speech, such as

folktales (Alejos Garcia, 1988; Whittaker and Warkentin, 1965), politi-

cal discourse (Alejos Garcia, 1994), ritual language (Perez Chacon,

1988), jokes, and prayers (Meneses, 1986), migration narratives and life

histories reveal personal information about speakers' lives. Hopkins and

Josserand (1990) and Altman (1996) have described variations in the

structure and use of Ch'ol associated with different genres of speech.

The analysis of language integration and interference that I present in

this paper is based exclusively on Ch'ol migration narratives and life

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histories, and should be considered representative only of this specific

genre of speech.

Ch'ol migration narratives begin with what Hopkins (2002) calls "an

emerging migration mythology" that tells of a land shortage and of a dif-

ficult journey to find new land. Speakers relate the challenges faced in
establishing new communities and in settling new areas. They often dis-
cuss their childhood as well as their adult lives, and comment on educa-
tion, family, religion, and involvement in the government and in

governmental affairs. Events are not necessarily presented chronologi-

cally in the narratives, though these narratives typically end when speak-
ers finish presenting the details of their current living situation.

We collected the migration narratives and life histories of nine Ch'ol
speakers in an interview format in which speakers were asked to recount

their own personal histories as well as the histories of their families and
their towns. Most of the speakers that we interviewed were Ch'ol-Span-
ish bilinguals, though the narrative of one monolingual Ch'ol speaker

was recorded. We recorded all but one of the interviews in the infor-
mants' homes in a familial setting; often, family members were present.

One interview was recorded in the informant's office in a private room,
with only the informant herself and the researchers present. When possi-
ble, we recorded interviews using a standard tape recorder, a DAT
recorder, and a digital video recorder. While one member of our
research team was a Spanish-Ch'ol bilingual, the rest of us were Span-

ish-English bilinguals who possess varied levels of ability in Ch'ol.
The sample of Ch'ol speakers I use in this study is varied in terms of

geographical region, age, ethnicity, and bilingual ability. I include

speakers from both highland and lowland Chiapas in the sample, as well

as speakers from the new Ch'ol communities in Campeche. Speakers'
ages ranged from 25 to 65 years old, and both men and women were
interviewed. Both Ch'ol and ladino bilinguals, as well as a Ch'ol mono-

lingual, were recorded in order to investigate the connection between

ethnicity and degree of language interference.

Table 1 presents a list of the speakers with their demographic infor-

mation. This table is arranged according to the speaker's bilingual abil-

ity. I first present the monolingual informant, followed by the Ch'ol

Spanish-bilinguals who are ethnically Ch'ol. Finally, I list the bilingual
ladinos included in this sample.

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Table 1: Demographic Characteristics ofCh 'ol Informants

No. Initials Sex Age Location

I JTL F 40 La Cascada, Chiapas

2 MSG F 25 Chichonal, Campeche

3 MSM M 60 Chichonal, Campeche

4 AMT M 65 Arroyo Negro, Campeche

5 RLV M 65 La Cascada, Chiapas

6 AGV M 35 Justo Sierra, Campeche

7 JPM F 24 Tumbala, Chiapas

ASH F 55 Tumbala, Chiapas

9 ACG M 65 Palenque, Chiapas

Personal

Information

Monolingual Ch'ol

Married to Ch'ol

Bilingual Ch'ol

Married to Ch'ol

Politically active

Learned languages

simultaneously

Bilingual Ch'ol

Married to Ch'ol

Bilingual Ch'ol

Married to Ch'ol

Politically active

Bilingual Ch'ol

Married to ladina

Community founder

Bilingual Ch'ol

Married to Ch'ol

Politically active

Bilingual Ch'ol

Frequent contact w/

ladino culture

Learned languages

simultaneously

Bilingual ladina

Married to Ch'ol

Learned languages

simultaneously

Bilingual ladino

Married to ladina

Learned languages

simultaneously

In an attempt to determine how one can distinguish loanwords from

code-switching, I listened carefully to each narrative, noting every

instance of Spanish interference, including both single words and

phrases. I conducted a simple statistical analysis of the number of Span-

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Chemins Alternatifs

ish-derived words in relation to the number of total words in each narra-

tive to gauge the extent of general language integration and interference

present in each sample of Ch'ol speech. I then grouped all the instances

of each word to determine the contexts in which they were used and to

see if their usage was widespread. Spanish words used across geograph-

ical regions as well as by speakers of varied bilingual ability were then

analyzed for phonological assimilation and were classified according to

semantic domain. My next step was to determine if these words had
Ch'ol equivalents. I also used the Diccionario Ch 'ol-Espanol (Aulie

and Aulie, 1978) and Sdkldji 'b Ty 'an Ch 'ol, a monolingual Ch'ol dictio-

nary (Montejo Lopez, Ruben Lopez et al., 2001), to determine what

words of Spanish origin were considered to be "normal" Ch'ol vocabu-

lary. I compiled a list of assimilated loans, or loans demonstrating the

use of Ch'ol phonology, widespread usage, and, often, the absence of

Ch'ol equivalents, from the data collected from both the narratives and

the dictionaries. I compared over 200 assimilated words to the other

words of Spanish origin not included in the list to identify the character-

istics that make them distinct, and to determine ways in which lexical

borrowings are distinct from code-switching. Numerous examples of

both intrasentential and intersentential code-switching occurred in these

narratives, though I focus on mostly on insertions, or intrasentential

switching in this analysis, as they are the most relevant to the question of

distinguishing loanwords from code-switching.

Analysis

The number of words of Spanish origin present in the migration nar-

ratives provides an estimate of general language interference in Ch'ol

speech. Nine speakers were included in my overall study, but only the
narratives of Speakers 1-5 and Speaker 9 could be included in this calcu-

lation because the other interviews had not been fully transcribed. As a

result, the sample used for this calculation includes one monolingual

Ch'ol, four Ch'ol bilinguals, and one bilingual ladino. Nevertheless,

although I include only one monolingual Ch'ol and one bilingual ladino

in my formal analysis due to the limitations of the speech samples we
collected in the field, my informal observations of other monolingual
Ch'ols and bilingual ladinos while in Mexico support the results of my
analysis.

1

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Language Interference in Ch'ol Discourse

•Average

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (9)

Mono Ch'ol Bilingual ChoM Bilingual Ladino

Speaker #

The overall percentage of Spanish-derived words in this Ch'ol sam-

ple was 19%. Ch'ol bilinguals exhibited between 23% and 27% interfer-
ence, a figure above the average. The Ch'ol monolingual interviewed

exhibited only 10% interference, while the bilingual ladino demon-
strated 16%, both figures under the 19% average (Table 2). The high
percentage of interference in the speech of Ch'ol bilinguals reflects more

extensive contact with ladino and Mexican national culture; bilingual

Ch'ols also engage in more code-switching behavior than monolingual

Ch'ols and bilingual ladinos, a phenomenon I will discuss in greater

detail in the following section.

Phonological and Lexical Assimilation ofLoans

Words of Spanish origin used in Ch'ol usually demonstrate assimila-

tion to Ch'ol phonological patterns. The absence of specific phonemes

in Ch'ol that are present in Spanish causes certain borrowed words to

undergo phonological change during the process of integration into

Ch'ol lexicon. Words that exhibit assimilation may be considered inte-

grated loanwords when they show a regular shift from the Spanish pho-

nological system to the Ch'ol phonological system, thereby indicating

that they have become part of the "native" lexicon. The words I have

96 Volume 21. 2005



Chemins Alternatifs

identified as loanwords show a regular shift from the Spanish phonolog-

ical system to Ch'ol phonology in the speech of all speakers. For exam-

ple, in Ch'ol, the Spanish phoneme HI regularly changes to /p/ or /hw/2

(Koob, 1979: 113). The Spanish word /finka/ 'farm', becomes /pinka/ in

Ch'ol, and /kafe/ 'coffee', becomes /kahwe/. The Spanish /g/ often

devoices, and becomes /k/ or is replaced by /w/ during the process of

assimilation (Koob, 1979:113), as seen in changes from the Spanish /

ganar/ to the Ch'ol /kanar/ 'to earn', /iglesia/ to /klesia/ 'church', and /

amigo/ to /amiwo/ 'friend'. Other changes are seen in the reduction of

Spanish /bw/ to /w/ in borrowed words like /weno/(</bweno/) 'good',

and in the change from Spanish 161 to Ch'ol /r/ or III (Koob 1979: 1 14) in

/karena/(</kadena/), 'chain', and /pale/(</padre/) 'father'. In general,

vowels remain the same in borrowed words, though a shift from Spanish

IqI to Ch'ol Iwl following /r/ (Koob, 1979:1 13) can be seen in the assimi-

lation of Spanish words like /puro/ 'pure', / aros/ 'rice', and /litro/ 'liter',

to /puru/, /'arus/, and /litru/.

Considering the age of Spanish-derived words used in Ch'ol is also

useful in identifying a word as a loanword. Loans adopted during the

Spanish-contact period reflect colonial Spanish pronunciation, thereby

signaling their early incorporation into Ch'ol lexicon. At the time of

contact, the Spanish orthographic <11>, now /y/, was pronounced as pala-

talized /P7 (Canfield, 1962:70). This phenomenon is demonstrated by

the Ch'ol word /kucilu/ 'knife', now /kuciyo/ in modern Spanish. Can-

field (1962:72) also states that the modern Spanish phoneme /x/3 , now a
voiceless velar fricative, was pronounced as Isl in all dialects of six-

teenth century Spanish. This observation may be evidence for the early
incorporation of words like /'alasas/ from /naransas/ 'oranges', /kasa/

from /kasa/ 'box', and /sapom/ from /sabon/ 'soap'. Colonial Spanish

retroflex Isi may also be replaced by Is/, as seen in /borsa/, derived from

/bolsa/ 'bag', and in AvakasV, derived from /bakas/ 'cows'.4 Another

important phonological difference that must be noted is that during the

contact period, the aspirated Ihl, which has dropped out of modern Span-

ish, was still pronounced (Canfield, 1962:73). This idea that explains

the fact that Ihl is still pronounced as a voiceless vocoid in the Ch'ol

form of /haca/, now Spanish /aca/, or 'axe'.
Borrowed Spanish words also assimilate to Ch'ol morphology and

word structure during the process of integration, becoming more like

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Ch'ol words and less like their original Spanish forms. Ch'ol word roots

most often take the shape of CVC. Few consonant clusters exist, and
certain clusters are not tolerated in Ch'ol. Borrowed Spanish words that

have become integrated loanwords assimilate, dropping non-Ch'ol char-

acteristics during the process of integration into the Ch'ol lexicon. For

example, in Ch'ol, the Spanish word /alkalde/ 'mayor', has become /

ahkal/, /kristiano/ 'Christian' has become /kistyano/, and /ermano/

'brother', has become /eran/, each word losing one of its consonant clus-

ters. In doing so, each word has adapted to a form that is more typical of

Ch'ol. These changes, as well as the phonological changes mentioned

above, represent linguistic syncretism. Loanwords are thus merged with

the native phonological system and native lexicon, and for this reason,

are often not identified as distinct or different from native words by the

speakers of that language. Ch'ol speakers may not recognize Spanish
loanwords as having Spanish origin; instead, they may consider these
words to be Ch'ol words as a result of their assimilation and integration

into the native Ch'ol lexicon.

Loanwords also contrast with code-switching based on the fact that

they are used by speakers with different degrees of bilingualism, thereby

demonstrating widespread use. I grouped the words of Spanish origin

used in Ch'ol according semantic domains that I selected in order to ana-

lyze the frequency with which words of Spanish origin are used as well

as to look at the meanings of borrowed words. I organized these words

into thirteen domains: kin terms, numbers and measurements, govern-

ment, education, religion, plants, animals, other introduced items,

domestic life, function words, discourse markers, adjectives, and verbs.

Words of Spanish origin from each of these domains are used by many

Ch'ol speakers, regardless of their bilingual ability. Their usage is wide-

spread, and they are used by monolingual Ch'ol speakers as well as by

bilingual Ch'ols and bilingual ladinos during many different speech

events. The adoption of these words is motivated by specific social and

cultural factors, including the introduction of new items into Ch'ol life.

Identifying the reasons why specific words or classes of words are bor-
rowed into Ch'ol further clarifies the criteria for distinguishing loan-

words from code-switching (Table 3).

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Table 3: Selected Loanwords Used by all Ch 'ol Speakers

Ch'ol Spanish English

ajkal alcalde mayor

amiwo amigo friend

anka aunque although

dia dia day

ejido ejido ejido

eran hermano brother

kaxlan castellano Spanish

kawayu caballo horse

kasa kaja box

ke que that

kistyano cristiano Christian

klesia iglesia church

ko como like/how

kuchilu cuchillo knife

kumarej comadre comadre

kumparee compadre compadre

maestru maestro maestro

mama mama mother
ora ahora now

pasyo falso false

pensalin pensar to think/to be sad

peru pero but

pinca finca farm

porke porque because/why

pos pues well

puru puro pure

solo solo only

tose entonses then

tyempo tiempo time

wakax vacas cows

wen bien fine/good

yorajlel hora hour

Many function words and discourse markers as well as words used in
everyday domestic life can be identified as loanwords based on the fact

that they are used by all Ch'ol speakers, regardless of bilingual ability.

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Twenty-four function words of Spanish origin, including /peru/ 'but', /

porkc/ 'because', /ke/ 'that', /por/ 'by', /kyen/ 'who', /donde/ 'where'

and several variations of /komo/ 'how', are used regularly throughout

Ch'ol speech. Seven discourse markers, including /entonse/ 'therefore'

or 'then', /este/ 'urn', and /weno/ 'well', also demonstrated widespread

usage. The fact that these words are used repeatedly by different speak-

ers in different speech events, and that they are used by monolingual

Ch'ols with limited knowledge of Spanish demonstrates their incorpora-

tion into the Ch'ol lexicon as integrated loanwords.

Words pertaining to domestic life may have initially been incorpo-

rated into Ch'ol since they are common words that speakers use fre-

quently in daily speech. If speakers initially borrowed words for

prestige reasons to demonstrate knowledge of and competence in the

dominant language, Spanish, words used in daily life may have been

among the first words borrowed. In this sample, I observed 22 words of

Spanish origin for household items, common everyday objects, and

essential elements of Ch'ol life, including /limetyon/(</limeton/) 'large

jug', /latyu(</plato/)
5

'plate', kusina(</kosina/) 'kitchen', /rebus/(</

reboso/) 'shawl', /hente(</xente/) 'people', /awada/(</awada/) 'water

hole'. Their prominence and regular usage throughout Spanish discourse

enables speakers to become familiar with them, which allows these

words to be easily adopted from Spanish. These words often act as syn-

onyms for existing native words, and sometimes exhibit slightly altered

meanings from their native equivalents.

The regular use of common verbs and adjectives in Spanish discourse

may cause these words to become loanwords. I identify these words as

loanwords based on the fact that they occur regularly throughout the

speech of Ch'ol speakers and are used by monolingual as well by bilin-

gual speakers. These words appear in all contexts, when speakers

address daily life, family life, or their personal histories. These words

also may have become integrated as loanwords originally as a result of

speakers' desire to demonstrate their ability to speak Spanish, the domi-

nant language and thereby enhance personal status. Among the adjec-

tives are /wen/ 'well' or 'fine', derived from the Spanish /byen/, /payso/

'false', from the Spanish /falso/, /todo/ 'all', /solo/ 'only', and /malo/

'bad'. Ten common verbs, including /solisitar/ 'to request', /kanar/ 'to

earn', /sufrir/ 'to surfer', and /mantener/ 'to maintain', are also loan-

100 Volume 21, 2005



Chemins Alternatifs

words. When borrowed, however, these many verbs do not appear
alone, but rather are used with auxiliary verbs, as seen in the following

example from Speaker 4.

Tza kaj ksolisitarin klum....

Tza' kaj-0 k-solisitar-in k-lum...

Com vin-B3 Al-vtr-suf ls-n
I began to solicit my land. .

.

Many of these verbs, including /pensalin/, from the Spanish /pensar/
and /solisitarin/ from the Spanish /solisitar/ demonstrate regular morpho-

phonemic integration in Ch'ol discourse, as they take the /-in/ verbal

ending used by derived intransitive verbs in Ch'ol. /Pensarin/ exhibits

complete integration into Ch'ol lexicon as it takes on a new meaning in

Ch'ol. In Spanish, /pensar/ means 'to think' while in Ch'ol it means 'to

be sad' (Aulie and Aulie, 1978:92).

Words that have no native equivalents can also be identified as loan-

words as opposed to code-switching if they demonstrate widespread

usage and are used by speakers with varying degrees of bilingualism.

These words usually correspond to the introduction of new items of

material culture, ideologies, or rituals and religious beliefs, and become

loanwords as a result of the absence of native terms for these items.

Like function words and discourse markers, these words of Spanish ori-

gin are used by all Ch'ol speakers, regardless of their bilingual ability.

Eight of the thirteen identified domains include words for new items that

were introduced into Ch'ol culture through Spanish contact, and for this

reason, are words that have no Ch'ol equivalents.

Kin terms and numerical terminology have become loanwords

because the introduction of these new linguistic terms corresponds to a

shift in these systems. Since Spanish kin and numerical systems were

introduced during the contact period and indigenous peoples throughout

the region acculturated to these new and dominant systems (Hopkins,

1988:104), their corresponding linguistic terms were adopted by Ch'ols

at this early date, becoming integrated into the native lexicon. The shift

from the traditional Ch'ol kin system to a system more like that used by

the Spanish (Hopkins, 1988:104; Hopkins, 1995:64) is reflected linguis-

tically in the adoption of sixteen kin terms, including blood kin, (/mama/

'mama', /papa/ 'papa', /eran/ 'brother', /ermana/ 'sister') and "fictional"

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kin (/komare/ 'godmother', /kompare/ 'godfather'), as well as friendship

(/amiwo/). Contact with ladino culture also resulted in the change from

a traditional vigesimal numerical system to the Spanish decimal system.

Spanish numbers terms have replaced the native Ch'ol number terms:

during my research, I noted that many speakers cannot count above ten
in Ch'ol and that they almost exclusively use Spanish numbers when

speaking. I also observed 12 borrowed words referring to units of time

and measurements, including /anyo/ 'year', /dia/ 'day', /yorahlel/ 'hour',

/tyempo/ 'time', /litru/ 'liter', /lewa/ 'league', and /kilometru/ 'kilome-

ter'. The adoption of these terms corresponded to the shift from the tra-

ditional Maya calendric system to the Gregorian calendar and European
conceptions of time, also introduced throughout the Maya region during

the contact period.

The Spanish and ladino governments also imposed new systems of

education, government, and religion on Ch'ol speakers, and as a result,

Spanish terms have been adopted and integrated into Ch'ol lexicon in

order to refer to these systems. These systems themselves, as well as the

ideologies behind them, were introduced to Ch'ol life through contact

with ladino culture. I observed seven loaned education terms in my sam-
ple. Since the children of most Ch'ol towns attend government-run

schools, words of Spanish origin, like /maestro/ 'teacher', /estudiar/ 'to

study', /eskwela/ 'school', and /profesor/ 'professor', are an essential

part of Ch'ol vocabulary. Among the 19 terms for governmental offices,
positions, and land distribution used in my sample are /presidente/ 'pres-
ident', /hwes/ 'judge', /munisipio/ 'county', /kolonia/ 'colony', /ehido/

'ejido', and /ofisina/ 'office', all concepts that were introduced to the

Ch'ols by the Mexican government. The introduction of Christianity,

primarily the Catholicism of the colonial period, led to the integration of

new Spanish religious terminology into the Ch'ol lexicon. I noted the

use of 16 religious terms in my sample, many of which refer to Catholic
practices and beliefs, including /kostumbre/ 'custom', /rus/ 'cross', /

cspiritu/ 'spirit', /resal/ 'to pray', and /birhen/ 'virgin'.

Contact with the Spanish also introduced to Ch'ol daily life plants

and animals not native to the New World, as well new material items and
technologies. Continued contact with ladino and Mexican national cul-

ture has brought new technologies like electricity to Ch'ol communities.

Eight plant terms, five animal terms, and 1 5 words for other introduced

items were regularly used in this sample. All of these words are loan-

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Chemins Alternatifs

words that represent items introduced by Spanish contact. No native
terms exist for these items. Plant names include /alasas/ 'oranges', /arus/

'rice', /kahpe/ 'coffee', and /limon/ 'lemon', all Old World plants, while

the introduced animal names are /kayo/ 'rooster', /kayina/ 'hen', /kaw-

ayu/ 'horse', and /poyo/ 'chicken'. Loaned terms for other introduced

items and technologies include /macity/ 'machete', /sapom/ 'soap', /

kumple'anyo/ 'birthday', /kas/ 'gas', and /lus/ 'electricity'.

My analysis of language contact phenomena in Ch'ol also reveals the
emergence of a new semantic domain of Spanish words, "Progress
Words", which Ch'ol bilinguals use throughout their migration narra-

tives. This domain includes words that refer to the ideology of techno-

logical development, advancement, and progress that has come from

contact with the Mexican government and governmental programs.

Progress words presently occupy a liminal position in Ch'ol discourse,

as they no longer occur merely as the result of code-switching, but have

yet to become a fully integrated part of the Ch'ol lexicon. This lack of

integration manifests itself in the fact that only politically active bilin-

gual Ch'ols use progress words, as monolingual speakers have not yet

adopted these words as a part of their daily discourse.

Through this analysis, I have identified four words used throughout

migration narratives that belong to this domain: /lograr/ 'to achieve', /

mehoramiento/ 'improvement', /progresa/ 'progress', and /ini/, the acro-

nym for the Instituto Nacional Indigena. The first three words refer to
the ideology of progress that contact with governmental agencies that

promote technological development and advancement has introduced to

Ch'ol life. INI is the governmental agency with which politically active

Ch'ols have the most contact and which represents indigenous interests

to the national government. Since native Ch'ol equivalents for these

terms do not exist, I suggest that in migration narratives, Ch'ol speakers

use progress words as loans. However, because monolingual speakers

do not yet use them, one cannot classify progress words as fully inte-

grated loans. As a result, I argue these words actually represent a bridge
between loanwords and code-switching. I propose that the increased

importance of these words in Ch'ol life and their increased usage in

Ch'ol discourse over time may result in the future total integration of
these words as loanwords.

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Loanwords vs. Code-snitching: Identifying Code-switched Words and

Phrases

By analyzing examples of code-switching and considering the
speaker's bilingual ability, one can further identify the important differ-

ences between loanwords and code-switching. Code-switched words

and phrases do not demonstrate assimilation or integration into the

native phonological system; instead, they maintain their original phonol-

ogy. Ch'ol speakers pronounce these words as they should be pro-

nounced according to Spanish phonology, thereby marking a switch in

codes. Code-switched words have not been syncretized linguistically,

and they can be separated from the native lexicon and identified as dis-

tinct by the speakers themselves.

A speaker's bilingual ability strongly influences his use of code-
switching. Bilingual speakers often code-switch when speaking to other

bilinguals, or when the speech event requires them to demonstrate their

bilingualism. This phenomenon can be explained by the fact that in

order to code-switch, a speaker must be proficient in two or more lan-

guages. In this sample, only bilingual Ch'ols code-switched; monolin-

gual Ch'ols and bilingual ladinos did not code-switch. Being proficient

in both Spanish and Ch'ol allows bilingual Ch'ols to code-switch regu-

larly and easily. The result of their frequent and intense contact with

Mexican and ladino culture is that these speakers can express themselves

freely and comfortably in both Spanish and Ch'ol. If these speakers

have learned Spanish and Ch'ol simultaneously, or grew up speaking

both languages, they may not make clear, cognitive distinctions between
them, according to Weinreich's definition of compound bilingualism

(1953:9-11).

Monolingual Ch'ols and bilingual ladinos did not code-switch in

their migration narratives. Monolingual Ch'ol speakers have limited

knowledge of Spanish and are not likely to code-switch. Spanish influ-

ence on their speech manifests itself exclusively in the use of loanwords.

Speaker 1, the monolingual speaker included in this sample, experienced

significantly less general Spanish interference than other speakers,

exhibiting no code-switching and using only integrated loanwords.

Bilingual ladinos also did not code-switch. Though they used integrated

loanwords, code-switched words and phrases were not used in their nar-

ratives. Since Ch'ol is a second language for many ladinos, they experi-

ence coordinate bilingualism, as defined by Weinreich (1953:9-11), and

104 Volume 21. 2005



Chemins Alternatifs

for this reason, maintain both languages as separate from one another,

making a clear distinction between them. The fact that bilingual ladinos

rarely code-switched may also be explained by considering prestige as a
motivation for code-switching. If Ch'ol-Spanish code-switching is

motivated by the desire to demonstrate proficiency in Spanish, the

socially dominant language, in order to gain social status and prestige, it

is logical to assume that bilinguals that are native Spanish speakers

would not experience the same need to code-switch as bilingual Ch'ols.

Unlike loanwords, code-switched words do not demonstrate wide-

spread usage and often have native Ch'ol equivalents. Code-switched

words and phrases are not used by Ch'ol monolinguals, and occur infre-

quently in the speech of bilingual ladinos. Code-switched words are

used on an individual basis in specific contexts. The use of code-

switched words and phrases is not regular, and each usage is dependent

on the speaker's preferences within that speech event or act. Code-

switched words do not appear consistently in the speech of many Ch'ols,

and are used exclusively in the speech of Ch'ol bilinguals. There is no

specific pattern of usage that can be identified for individual Spanish

words. Code-switched words and phrases in Spanish are often inter-

mixed in the discourse of Ch'ol bilinguals, a flexibility of expression

that allow speakers to communicate better. Code-switching may also
occur as interference, as the result of the cognitive interference of the

two languages in bilinguals. Ch'ol bilinguals often alternate freely

between codes, as seen in the following example, where Speaker 5, a

Ch'ol bilingual, code-switches, using non-assimilated Spanish words

throughout his Ch'ol speech. To represent the change in codes, I have

marked the Spanish phrases in italics, while the Ch'ol phrases are in reg-

ular print:

Lo que masjodido, cholero papa, cholero mania; eso,

Lo ke masjodido, cholero papa, cholero mama; 'eso,

Lo que masjodido, cholero papa, cholero mama; 'eso,

What s morefucked up, hisfather [is a] Ch 'ol speaker, his mother [is a] Ch 'ol speaker,

'eso, muku ti chol yotot, cholc hach, aha. Ejke medio ma 'is tonto abla,

'eso mu-ku-0 tyi chol y-otyoty, chole hach, 'aha. Es ke medio ma 'is tonto abla,
'eso inc-vtr-B3 loc n 3s-n, n-dicc adj, part. Es ke medio ma 'is tonto abla,
that isx they speak Ch'ol at home, just Ch'ol. uhuh. (He) speaks really brokenly,(hc)

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solo chc bahchc isi, isi cabron de. como se llama el, Mario de Roselita, este.

solo chc' bahchc isi, isi cabron de. como se llama el, Mario de Roselita, este^

adv adv-B3 adv part, part cabron de, como se llama el, Mario de Roselita, este.

just talks like that, that asshole, what's his name, Mario de Roselita, that ona

These code-switched words and phrases do not demonstrate regular

or widespread usage in Ch'ol discourse. They are used exclusively in the

speech of this particular speaker and in this particular speech event based

on the speaker's personal choices and to allow him to communicate

more effectively or more rapidly.

Unlike loaned words, code-switched words and phrases frequently

have native equivalents. Though the speaker may know the Ch'ol term,

he chooses instead to use the Spanish word in the context of Ch'ol dis-

course and following Ch'ol grammar. When the speaker uses a word in

one language or the other, he indicates a linguistic preference for the

word of one language over that of the other during a particular speech

event. For example, though the Ch'ol word for shoe is /sanabal/ or /

patz'/, Speaker 5 uses the Spanish word /sapato/:

Este... m\k mahlel ty i cholel, manik zapato, kok.

Este. . . mi k-mahlel tyi cholel, manik sapato, kok.

Este... inc Al-vin-inc loc n, neg sapato, n

Well. . . I went to the cornfield, without shoes, on foot.

The use of most Spanish words that have Ch'ol equivalents should be

considered code-switching, with the exception of function words and

words pertaining to daily and domestic life, as I have just discussed,

since these words represent a switch from the lexicon of one language to

that of another.

Discussion

On the most basic level, inserted code-switched words and phrases

are distinguished from loanwords on the basis of assimilation: code-

switched words and phrases do not demonstrate significant phonological

or morphophonemic assimilation or widespread usage by speakers with

varying levels of bilingualism. Loanwords rarely have native equiva-

lents, and often are terms that refer to technologies or items of material

culture that were introduced to Ch'ol life through contact with Spanish

106 Volume 21, 2005



Chemins Alternatifs

culture. Although they both occur through the process of insertion

(Muysken 2000), code-switched words and phrases, contrary to loan-

words, demonstrate no phonological assimilation and integration into the

native Ch'ol lexicon, and are used almost exclusively by bilingual

Ch'ols.

Having established that loanwords become integrated parts of native

lexicons, I argue that lexical borrowing in Ch'ol is the direct result of

intense and prolonged contact with the Spanish language since the colo-

nial period, and with both local ladino culture and the national culture

promoted by the Mexican government. The introduction of new items of

material culture and new ideologies during the contact period and

throughout Mexican history has influenced the Ch'ols both culturally

and linguistically, since the incorporation of new items in Ch'ol life cre-

ates a need for new vocabulary. I suggest that other loans, such as func-

tion words, discourse markers, and other domestic terms, may have been

initially used during the contact period as intrasentential code-switching

to enhance speaker's personal status by demonstrating knowledge of the

dominant language, Spanish.

I propose that all loanwords begin as a form of intrasentential code-

switching. This phenomenon is noted in the use of Spanish "Progress

Words." These words are presently in a liminal state; although they have

begun to be incorporated into Ch'ol as they are regularly used by Ch'ol

bilinguals, they have not yet become fully integrated loanwords, since

they are used exclusively by bilingual speakers and have not yet been

adopted by monolingual Ch'ols. Over time, however, as their use

becomes more widespread, they will become an integrated part of the

Ch'ol lexicon. Monolingual speakers will learn them and use them as a

result of their increasing importance in Ch'ol life and their frequent

occurrence in the speech of bilinguals.

It has been proposed that loaned words always first occur as inser-

tions, learned by bilingual speakers who then teach them to monolingual

speakers (Poplack and Sankoff, 1984:101; Fries and Pike, 1949:39).

Borrowed words are transmitted when a bilingual speaker uses them in

conversation with a monolingual speaker. The monolingual speaker

may then adopt these innovations, and begin to use them himself. I sug-

gest that it is at the moment that monolingual speakers begin using bor-

rowed words that they become loanwords and demonstrate lexical

integration. Phonological assimilation and the shift from Spanish pho-

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nology to Ch'ol phonology correspond to the integration of these words

into Ch'ol lexicon, and this occurs when monolinguals begin to use these

words, since monolingual speakers are not able to imitate the Spanish

pronunciation of borrowed words as well as bilinguals. It is also during

this process of integration and assimilation that loanwords transform to

become "native" terms, losing cultural and linguistic associations with

their original languages and thereby demonstrating linguistic syncretism.

At this point, loanwords are no longer Spanish words, but rather become

Ch'ol terms, and are recognized as such by Ch'ol speakers.

As Myers-Scotton (1982) suggests, code-switching may be situation-

ally motivated, depending on the participants involved in the speech

event as well as on the context of the speech event itself. Ch'ol-Spanish

code-switching may be a conscious and rational choice that speakers

make when speaking to other bilinguals in order to demonstrate linguis-

tic solidarity (Myers-Scotton and Bolonyai, 2001:5). The extent of

code-switching that one engages in may also be motivated by the speech

event itself. At community events where Ch'ols promote their Ch'ol

identity, they may be less likely to code-switch than they would be in

meetings with governmental agencies, or when talking with bilingual

friends and family members. This phenomenon is explained by consid-

ering the value associated with speaking Spanish, the socially dominant

language. Ch'ols may be more likely to code-switch in situations of

contact with representatives of the Mexican government or with other

native Spanish speakers in order to gain status from their use of Spanish.

The use of code-switching in this sample may also be dependent on

the context in which these narratives were recorded. Since these narra-

tives were given in a formal interview setting, they represent elicited,

and not natural, speech (Labov, 1972). The formal nature of the inter-

view setting and the presence of "outgroup" members during the speech

event may have influenced the use of code-switching in these narratives,

and for this reason, the use of code-switching in this sample may not be

reflective of natural speech. Speakers may exhibit less code-switching

in natural speech or when speaking to Ch'ols or other "ingroup" mem-

bers. This problem may be overcome by using exclusively in-group

interviewers during future ficldwork.

I also propose that the high degree of code-switching used by the

bilingual speakers in this sample is directly related to the topics they

were asked to discuss. Since speakers were asked to tell about their own

108 Volume 21, 2005



Chemins Alternatifs

lives, the fact that they have had extensive contact with Spanish lan-

guage and ladino cultural institutions motivated them to use more Span-

ish when presenting their life histories. I do not suggest that this action

was a conscious choice by the speakers, but that the subject matter of the

narratives lends itself to frequent code-switching between Ch'ol and

Spanish.

A speaker's tendency to code-switch is strongly influenced by the
extent and intensity of his contact with the Spanish language and with

both local ladino and Mexican national culture. Though all of the Ch'ol

bilinguals included in this sample code-switched, the individuals who
code-switched more frequently have experienced more contact with

ladino culture, or the culture of mestizo populations living in large towns

or small cities, or national culture, the culture promoted by the national

government, code-switched more frequently. Ch'ol speakers experienc-

ing little outside contact code-switched less frequently than those who
have had prolonged contact with Spanish and ladino or national culture.

Frequent and intense contact with ladino and national culture not only

increases the speaker's exposure to bilingualism, but also causes the

speaker to need to use Spanish more regularly and in more situational

contexts. Contrary to the Ch'ol bilinguals, both bilingual ladinos inter-

viewed demonstrated little code-switching. This phenomenon may be
explained by the fact that ladinos are not motivated by the prestige asso-

ciated with Spanish, the dominant language. Future research on the use

of code-switching in bilingual ladinos, however, may further illuminate
this issue and provide more viable explanations for the absence of code-

switching in the discourse of these individuals.

Two of the six Ch'ol bilinguals included in my study exhibited signif-
icantly more code-switching in their migration narratives than the other

speakers, demonstrating markedly higher degrees of language interfer-

ence. Their life histories reveal that these speakers have had extensive

contact with both ladino and national culture, and as a result, have had

more experience speaking Spanish than other Ch'ol bilinguals. I argue

that the high levels of code-switching used by these individuals may rep-
resent emerging changes in their cultural and linguistic identity.

Speaker 5, a 65 year-old man from the ejido of La Cascada, Chiapas,

used assimilated loans more frequently than other speakers, and relied

heavily on the use of function words and discourse markers borrowed

from Spanish. While he did know Ch'ol numbers, he did not use them

Volume 21, 2005 109



Alternate Routes

except when specifically asked to count in Ch'ol. This speaker mani-

fested numerous instances of both intersentential and intrasentential

code-switching in his speech. In addition to interjecting Spanish words

in Ch'ol speech, this speaker often switched codes in mid-sentence, mix-

ing Spanish and Ch'ol without any clear indication that he was switching

from one language to the other, an action that may indicate that the

switch was not always a conscious choice.

One must consider why Speaker 5 code-switched more frequently

than others. His heavy use of code-switching may be explained by the

fact that though he lives in a predominantly Ch'ol ejido, he is currently

married to a ladina woman who did not speak Ch'ol when they met. She

speaks Ch'ol now, but does not speak it with the proficiency of a native.

Most of his children and grandchildren do not speak fluent Ch'ol, and as

a result, this speaker must use Spanish to communicate with the majority

of his own family. I suggest that his use of code-switching is more than

mere habit, but reflects changes in his self-perception and linguistic

identity, as his life has been strongly molded by ladino culture.

Speaker 7 also code-switched more frequently than other speakers

throughout her narrative. This speaker, a 24 year-old woman who cur-

rently resides in the town of Tumbala in the Chiapas highlands, has had

extensive contact with ladino and national culture throughout her life.

Both intersentential and intrasentential switching were used in her narra-

tive. This speaker used intrasentental switching to fill in words that she

did not know in Ch'ol. One interesting aspect of this speaker's code-

switching behavior is seen in reported speech. Throughout her narrative,

she reported the speech of others. While reported quotations represent

the actual speech act they are relating, they are not necessarily exact rep-

resentations of the actual utterances of the act, as Koven (2001:517) and

many others have pointed out. Even though the phrases this speaker

quoted may have been spoken originally in Ch'ol, she always switched

to Spanish when reproducing them. This action may indicate that the

speaker does not make a conscious distinction between Spanish and

Ch'ol when relaying the speech of others, or that she is not aware of the

language in which the original utterance was made.

Though Speaker 7 was born in Emiliano Zapata, a small Ch'ol ejido

near Tumbala, she has not lived a "traditional" Ch'ol life. At ten years

old, she left home to go to school in Tila, the other large Ch'ol town in

the Chiapas highlands. After finishing preparatoha (the equivalent of

HO Volume 21, 2005



Chemins Alternatifs

high school) there, she returned briefly to Tumbala before moving to San

Cristobal de las Casas, the large ladino regional center for highland Chi-

apas, where she lived and studied for several years. Since San Cristobal

is a Spanish-speaking town, Speaker 7 had considerable exposure to

both the Spanish language and ladino culture. This speaker has now
returned to Tumbala, where she works as the personal secretary of the

presidente municipal, the mayor. Although Tumbala is a Ch'ol town,

her work with the government gives her regular exposure to national cul-
ture. In recent years, she has written several poems, four of which were

published in the 1999 book, Palabra Conjurada, or Conjured Word

(Lopez K'ana et al., 1999). The poems in this book are published in

Ch'ol and Spanish, though they follow Spanish poetic norms rather than

traditional Ch'ol discourse structure. This speaker also told me that she
writes her poems in Spanish first, and later translates them to Ch'ol.

The extensive contact that both Speaker 5 and Speaker 7 have had

with ladino and national culture has influenced both their ethnic and lin-

guistic identities. Though Speaker 5 ethnically identifies himself as a

Ch'ol, his linguistic identity is strongly affected by the fact that he

speaks Spanish regularly with members of his family, many of who do
not speak Ch'ol. For this reason, Spanish has become a part of his daily

life, as has ladino culture, since his wife is ladina. His free alternation

between both Spanish and Ch'ol demonstrates that these factors have

strongly affected this speaker. He has experienced changes to his lin-
guistic identity, and no longer identifies himself as solely a Ch'ol

speaker. Speaker 7 has also been affected by intensive contact with

ladino and national culture, experiencing changes to both her ethnic and

linguistic identity. Her work with the government and the fact that she

lived and studied in San Cristobal, a non-indigenous town populated

mostly by ladinos and a center of ladino culture, have created changes in

both her cultural and linguistic identity. Both national and ladino culture

as well as the Spanish language have become defining aspects of this

speaker's life, and her frequent use of code-switching indicates that her

linguistic identity is constructed through knowledge of both Spanish and

Ch'ol. I suggest that for these two speakers, the high levels of code-

switching may be indicative of an emerging dual ethnic and linguistic
identity, constructed of elements from both Ch'ol and local ladino cul-

ture. Since I base these arguments on the preliminary analysis of a lim-

ited data sample, I will conduct additional research on language contact

Volume 21, 2005 111



Alternate Routes

through extensive interviews on language choice in order to determine

speakers' attitudes towards Ch'ol and Spanish during future extended

fieldwork in this region.

Conclusions

Two types of language interference, loanwords and code-switching,

have recently been the subject of considerable discussion and research as

the result of increased interest in bilingualism. The exact distinction

between loanwords and code-switching, however, has remained unde-

fined. My preliminary analysis of lexical borrowing and language inter-
ference in Ch'ol has provided insights into the differences between

loanwords and code-switching. Intensive language contact between

Spanish and Ch'ol has led to extensive influence on Ch'ol. This influ-

ence manifests itself in both lexical borrowing and code-switching. Lex-

ical borrowing is present in the speech of all Ch'ol speakers because

many Spanish loanwords have become integrated into the Ch'ol lexicon.

Code-switching, however, occurs only in the speech of Ch'ol bilinguals.

The study of linguistic integration and language interference in Ch'ol

suggests that the key to separating loanwords from code-switching is

understanding the process of linguistic assimilation that occurs as the

result of language contact. Integration, or lexical borrowing, refers to

Spanish words that have been borrowed by Ch'ol, and that have become

assimilated into the Ch'ol lexicon, as demonstrated through their incor-

poration into the native phonological system and their widespread usage

throughout the speech of both monolingual and bilingual Ch'ols. Most

loanwords of Spanish origin are words that have no Ch'ol translations;

those with Ch'ol equivalents were initially adopted to gain status and

prestige, and have become integrated over time as synonyms or with

slightly altered meanings or functions, as is the case with the Spanish

verb pensar, which takes on a new meaning in Ch'ol. I propose that all

assimilated loanwords were first used in Ch'ol in intrasentential code-

switching, and that over time, they were adopted into the Ch'ol lexicon

because of their utility and frequent use in daily life. During the process

of integration, loanwords become Ch'ol terms, and are no longer identi-

fied by speakers as Spanish words.

Code-switching is dependent on the bilingual ability of the speaker

and is marked by the absence of phonological and lexical assimilation.

Code-switching includes words and phrases that have not become native

112 Volume 21, 2005



Chemins Alternatifs

items, and represents a more or less conscious switch from one language

to another, dependent on situational context. Ch'ols who have experi-

enced the most frequent and most intense contact with both national and

ladino culture and the Spanish language exhibit the highest degree of

code-switching. Two Ch'ol bilinguals exhibited higher degrees of code-
switching than the other Ch'ol bilinguals, a phenomenon that is

explained by the fact that, individually, they have had higher degrees of

exposure to both national and ladino culture throughout their lives.

These individuals switched freely between Spanish and Ch'ol when tell-

ing their life histories. Analysis of code-switching in these individuals

suggests an emerging dual cultural and linguistic identity, composed of

elements of both Ch'ol and national culture.

I suggest that the use of code-switching in Ch'ol is inextricably

related to degree of contact with the Spanish language and with ladino

and national culture. Future studies of code-switching should focus on

determining the relationship between code-switching and identity, and

how code-switching reflects changes in a speaker's ethnic and linguistic
identities. Distinguishing lexical integration from code-switching in the

speech of bilingual speakers will allow us to continue exploring the rela-

tionship between language and culture and to determine the extent to

which situations of language and culture contact influence native peo-

ples, not only in Mesoamerica, but across the world.

Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Kathryn Josserand, Nicholas Hopkins, Michael

Uzendoski, and Shonna Trinch for their guidance and insight. I would

also like to thank the Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican

Studies (FAMSI) for their support during the summer of 2002.

Endnotes

1

.

Since the data sample we collected in Mexico was limited as a result of the
short duration of our field stay, I will further examine language interference and

language contact phenomena in the speech of Ch'ol monolinguals during future

linguistic fieldwork in this region.

2. In Ch'ol, /h/ represents a voiceless vocoid (Koob 1979:54).

Volume 21, 2005 113



Alternate Routes

3. Used to represent the orthographic / following Barrutia and Schwegler's

(1994) model.

4. Many early Spanish loans were integrated into Ch'ol in their plural form.
For example the word /baka/ 'cow' was loaned as the plural /wakas/.

5. The shift from l\l to palatalized /ty/ occurs exclusively in Ch'ol. Since it is

not present in other Ch'olan languages, it is regarded as a late innovation that

entered Ch'ol after the end of the Classic Maya Period. Today, this innovation

has been dropped from the pronunciation of new Ch'ol words. For this reason,

l\l often assimilates to /ty/ in early loans, while recent loans do not demonstrate

assimilation to /ty/ and use Ixl.

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