







































American International Journal of Agricultural Studies  

Vol. 2, No. 1; 2019 

ISSN 2641-4155   E-ISSN 2641-418X 

Published by American Center of Science and Education, USA 

 

58 

 

 

Social Dynamics of Gender Role in Rice Value Chain and Decision 

Making in Rural Bangladesh 

 

 
Afroza Chowdhury 

Scientific Officer 

Agricultural Economics Division 

Bangladesh Rice Research Institute (BRRI), Gazipur, Bangladesh. 
E-mail:afroza_muna@yahoo.com 

 

 

 

Abstract 

The tribal women enjoyed more flexibility about mobility than the Muslim women in the study villages may due to 

religious and social custom. However, despite higher flexibility about mobility, the tribal women were not 

significantly empowered in decision making process than the Muslim women. A few women had registered 

ownership on agricultural land in the study villages. Similarly, ownership of other household resources was male 

dominated. There was wide variation in the participation of women in the farming activities between the Muslim 

dominant and tribal villages. Although some women participated in the intercultural operations of non-rice crops, 
homeyard crops and rearing livestock but men were extensively participated in the intercultural operation of rice 

cultivation, and buying farm inputs and selling of marketable surplus in Mymensingh. However, the tribal women 

were equally participated in the farming activities (cultivation and marketing) with male.  

 

Keywords: Social Dynamics, Gender, Rice Value Chain, Bangladesh. 

 

1. Introduction 

Women perform backbreaking tasks and play an important role in the rice sector of Bangladesh as both paid and 

unpaid family labor. In spite of the significance of women as unpaid labor or as agricultural wage workers in rice 

production, postharvest, and processing, their contributions are often under-reported and have remained invisible in 

agricultural statistics. Women play large and crucial but often unrecognized roles across the rice sector. Moreover, 

in last 10 years 6.7 million women has joint in agricultural sector while men’s participation has decreased by 3 
percent (LFS, 2010). Despite significant contribution of women in agriculture, their roles are mostly overlooked in 

the national agricultural statistics of Bangladesh. Similarly, Amin (1995) reported that contribution of women in the 

market value chain remains socially invisible because of their absence at the point at which their value is realized. 

On the other hand, women were suffered widespread gender-based discrimination in laws, customs and practices 

which cause severe inequalities in their ability to access, control, own and use land and limit their participation in 

decision-making at all levels of land governance (Elizabeth D. et al, 2013). Thus, assessment of women roles, 

constraints, needs and opportunities in the farming is very important in the point of view for delineating their 

contribution and encourage them to participation in the sector in the future. The specific objectives of the study were 

as follows:  

▪ To identify the socio-demographic features of the study villages; and 

▪ To assess the property rights and roles of women in the family and farm. 
▪ To measure the extent of gender participation in the rice value chain and decision-making process; and 

▪ To understand the social obstacles and mind-set against women empowerment. 

 

 

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2. Research Methodology 

Two contrasting ethnic community base Districts namely Mymensingh and Bandarban were selected purposively for 

this study. The selected villages of Mymensingh was Muslim dominant, most arable land of the villages was plain 

and intensively used for crop farming. On the other hand, Bandarban is a hilly District, most people of the selected 

villages were tribal, agriculture lands of villages were fragmented, a few areas were suitable for crops farming, and 
there was lack of labour for farming. Despite lack of plain land, some areas were used for rice cultivation to meetup 

family requirement for staple foods and they grew some vegetables and fruits on the hilly areas. Data were collected 

from four villages, two from each District through Focus Group Discussion (FGD). In total four (one form each 

village) FGD was conducted with 12-16 respondent included male and female members of farm families in the study 

villages. The results were validated by the respondents in the following seasons.  

 

3. Results 

3.1 Sociodemographic Features 

Table 1 shows demographic features of household in the study the villages. Nearly half of the respondents were 

belonging to active age group 40-50 years in the villages. Female headed household was scientifically higher in the 

tribal families (27%) in Bandarban than in Muslim households of Mymensingh (7%). While, average years of 

schooling in the Muslim dominant villages was considerably higher than that of tribal villages in Bandarban. The 
respondents mentioned that average years of schooling of adult male was higher than female but there were no 

significant differences in the level of education between the boys and girls due to incentive-based government 

policy. On the other hand, male was more educated than female, and even among the younger generation, boys were 

more motivated to higher education than girls in the tribal villages. The informants said that some rural women 

casted vote in the elections for a picture as suggested their husband but they even did not know the name of the 

candidate in Mymensingh. While the tribal women were more caution about their polling rights. It was also the case 

that women were stand for vote in the union council election in both the region.      

  

Table 1: Demographic characteristics of sample household in the stud villages 

Items Mymensingh (%) Bandarban (%) 

    Age of respondent: 32-40 year 21 39 

                                   40-50 year 50 44 

                                   50-65 year 28 21 

Female headed family 7 27 

Operates own land/family properties 0 39 

Education (years of schooling) 6 years 3 years 

 

The FGD respondents of Mymensingh said that the social and religious custom was not much flexible 

about mobility (going outside of home for farming, other livelihood activities and shopping) of women. Therefore, 
women usually go to outside of the house with permission of husband or mother-in-law but there was some variation 

in the mobility of women between the different household types (e.g. large, medium, small and landless). The 

women of large and middle farm households go to relatives’ house, hospital and market with other members of 

household or relatives. In the contrary, the majority of informants reported that female members of small farm and 

landless labourer household enjoyed higher mobility rights as well as more of them ware headscarf and bourka 

(Purdah). The women of small farm and landless labourer families go outside of house as group for farming and 

other livelihood activities with male and female neighbors. On the other hand, social custom of tribal villages was 

more flexible about women’s mobility. Therefore, women independently go to fields or market for buying foods, 

farm inputs as well selling marketable surplus.  

3.2 Property Rights and Role of Women in The Farm Households  

In Mymensingh, respondents mentioned that although women entitle for fathers’ property as ratio 2:1= boy: girl and 

mothers’ property as ratio 1:1; however, most women obtained a lump sum amount of lands and/or gave up major 
part of their entitlement on fathers’ property in order to maintain the kin relationship with their brother. Therefore, 

most women had no ownership on land. Although, a few women obtained land by heir but the property was 



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distributed to them verbally. On the other hand, entitlement of parents’ property varies from one tribal group to 

others in Bandarban. Although, the girls only entitle for mothers’ property in some tribal communities in Bandarban 

but the boys and girls of the case study villages entitle for equal share of parents’ property. 

According to key informants of Mymensingh, in Muslim dominant rural villages agriculture was the main 

occupation of most households and men had ultimate authority on household’s resources, while most women were 
homemaker and unware about their ownership on land. The key informant said that family farms were operated by 

household head (i.e., husband) but in absence (dead and migrated) or disability of husband, the women operate the 

farm with the help of male relatives and hired labor but they hardly make any decision about crop and variety 

selection, and doses of fertilizers and time of application. It was noted that some women even had ignorance about 

cropping season and most women had no knowledge on crop varieties and management. They mentioned that, 

women had some roles in the choice of homeyard crops but the decision about fields crops selection, varieties and 

crop management were male dominated in Mymensingh. The key informants mentioned that some women 

participated in the intercultural operations of non-rice crops but the participation of female farm family members in 

the intercultural operation of rice was a few. The respondents mentioned that men discussed with women in the 

decision-making process about domestic matter like education and marriage of children and purchasing/selling, 

rented in/out land but the decision about purchasing and marketing farm commodities was male dominated in 

Mymensingh.  On the other hand, FGD members noted that tribal women had good knowledge on cropping season, 
crop varieties and crop management as there was no difference in the participation of tribal male and female in the 

rice and non-rice cropping in Bandarban. Moreover, the ratio of roles of male and female in the decision making 

about farming was about 60:40.   

In Mymensingh, the informants reported that male were undertaken in the labour intensive heavy 

intercultural operations of crops in the fields (transplanting, harvesting and carrying) while the female were 

intensively participated in the post-harvest processing of crops (harvesting, cleaning, seed preservation), taking care 

of tools and machineries and rearing livestock. On the other hand, in the tribal village’s women were actively 

participated in intercultural activities of crops in the fields and post-harvest processing with male.    

The informants reported that on average women work for about 6-7 hours of a day for cooking, cleaning 

and other household activities in Mymensingh. Similarly, majority of respondents said that women spent lion share 

of days for household and farming activities including collecting fresh water for drinking and cooking from fountain 
of the hills. In addition, they undertake non-farm activities like handcrafts for increasing farm income.  

The tribal women were more responsible for maintenance of family and farm including collecting foods 

from hills, cultivating crops in the fields as well as cooking and taking care of children in Bandarban. Moreover, the 

tribal women sold their marketable surplus and purchased foods and farm inputs from market. In contrary, in 

Mymensingh, the men were more responsible for maintenance of farm and families. The male members were mainly 

responsible for buying and selling of family foods and farm inputs while women mainly responsible for cooking and 

child care.  

The informants in Mymensingh said that some NGOs provide micro-credit to women but the decision 

about spending the money for the family and farm purposes was also male dominated. They reported that both the 

female had lack of access to extension services such as training and information about modern technologies and 

farm produces. Similarly, respondents in Bandarban said that they had scarce access to extension services and credit. 

 
4. Conclusion 

The tribal women enjoyed more flexibility about mobility than the Muslim women in the study villages may due to 

religious and social custom. However, despite higher flexibility about mobility, the tribal women were not 

significantly empowered in decision making process than the Muslim women. A few women had registered 

ownership on agricultural land in the study villages. Similarly, ownership of other household resources was male 

dominated. There was wide variation in the participation of women in the farming activities between the Muslim 

dominant and tribal villages. Although some women participated in the intercultural operations of non-rice crops, 

homeyard crops and rearing livestock but men were extensively participated in the intercultural operation of rice 

cultivation, and buying farm inputs and selling of marketable surplus in Mymensingh. However, the tribal women 

were equally participated in the farming activities (cultivation and marketing) with male.  

 

 



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References 

Amin, S. 1995. The Poverty-Purdah Trap in Rural Bangladesh: Implications for Women’s Roles in 

the Family. Population Council Research Division Working Paper 75. New York: The Population Council. 

Elizabeth Daley, Chris Flower, Luca Miggiano and Sabine Pallas. 2013. Women’s land rights and gender justice in 

land governance: pillars in the promotion and protection of women’s human rights in rural areas. 
International Land Coalition’s network. 

 

 

Copyrights  

Copyright for this article is retained by the author(s), with first publication rights granted to the journal. This is an 

open-access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license 

(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). 


