




































American International Journal of Social Science Research 

Vol. 9, No. 1; 2021 

ISSN 2576-103X   E-ISSN 2576-1048 

Published by CRIBFB, USA 

14 

 

MYTHS, RITUALS AND RESTRICTIONS OF THE AFRICAN 

IRON INDUSTRY IN THE 18th CENTURY: THE CASE OF 

TAAVISA IN NSO’ GRASSFIELDS OF CAMEROON 
 

 

Atlee Dzeawoni 

Faculty of Arts 

Department of History and Archaeology 

 The University of Bamenda, Cameroon 

E-mail: dzeawoni@gmail.com 

 

 

Received: August 08, 2021   Accepted: September 20, 2021  Online Published: October 03, 2021  

 

DOI: 10.46281/aijssr.v9i1.1370            URL: https://doi.org/10.46281/aijssr.v9i1.1370  

 

 

ABSTRACT 

The peculiarity of the African iron industry is its cultural dimension; where in, symbolism was 

evident in virtually all the stages of the production chain. With the use of archival, secondary and 

oral sources, this paper investigated the Taavisa slag heap which revealed that smelting residue 

was cleared to create space for a royal cemetery and a hut constructed over the grave of Fon 

(king) Sanggu of Nso’ around 1750. Sanggu was probably the seventeenth Sovereign of the Nso’ 

Dynasty at Kovifem, who died while in refuge on the peripheries of his kingdom, subjected to 

Chamba and later Fulani raids. Taavisa was a retreat spot in several situations and developed 

into a rest palace for reigning Fons of Nso’. Given its strategic location, smelting, pre-forging and 

sanctity which emanated from iron works, this old iron working site became a place of honour and 

thus mutated into a shrine. Thus, multidimensional values attached to Taavisa account for Nso’ 

seizure of the area and subsequent expansion towards its southern boarder Fondoms (Kingdoms). 

A new element therefore adds to symbolisms attached to the African iron industry that is: a 

smelting site turned into a royal cemetery.  

 

Keywords: Slag heap, Taavisa, Kovifem, Fon Sanggu, Burial Hut. 

 

INTRODUCTION 

Varied possible origins have been attributed to the technology of iron working in Sub-Saharan 

Africa; first from Meroe in ancient Egypt to Darfur in Sudan and then to the lake Chad region. 

Secondly, that this know-how evidenced in Carthage was brought down to ancient Gao by Libyan 

Berbers, from where it spread along the Niger River to reach Mali and Nigeria. These views known 

as diffusionist theories do not valorise cultures which Europeans encountered when they expanded 

to Africa. Recent research rather suggests that Sub- Saharan Africa developed an indigenous iron 

working industry on its own merit. More evidence has emerged in the African continent in 

Mauritania and Mali and scholars now are inclined to the possibility of multiple independent 

centers for the origins of iron production in Africa, as opposed to the single center theory projected 

https://doi.org/10.46281/aijssr.v9i1.1370


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by diffusionists (Jemkur, 2004:37-39).The African continent is known to possess iron ore and 

refractive clay in abundance; which are essential raw materials used in building composite 

elements of furnaces and its accessories. With the availability of fuel to produce charcoal and 

labour sources, the iron industry emerged and was sustained in Africa. Natural and human inputs 

did not appear homogenously over the continent and thus accounted for variations seen in 

techniques of smelting, furnace structures and also cultural aspects surrounding each region of iron 

production (Okafor, 2004:43-45). 

A particularly notable element of the iron industry in Africa was its symbolism 

demonstrated in myths, rituals and taboos. The African industry exhibited common cultural and 

technical traits within a context of continuity, which is responsible for originality and uniqueness 

seen in the continent. Amongst the Bantu, the strong relationship between iron production and 

beliefs or philosophy surrounding iron production is evidenced. Value has also been given to the 

African contributions towards technological experiences and strives made by humanity as seen 

amongst the Luba tribe of Central Africa, who besides iron ore reduction processes, fabricated cast 

iron and could forge iron and steel into a single blade (De Maret, 2004:138). Symbolic references 

as a major trait in Africa was more imbued in iron smelting than in blacksmithing. The process 

was viewed like that of childbirth amongst the Bantu of Central Africa; where in cast iron was 

considered to be the new born child, while the residue slag was the placenta. Iron working was 

equally equated to a sexual act or human reproduction wherein the furnace was symbolically 

equated to the female reproductive system, while the bowl and two bellows were the male sex 

organs. The appearance of the bloom at the end of the smelting process was considered the result 

of coitus. All of these were linked to a philosophy of fertility, transfer and release of energy and 

natural elements of chance, luck and destiny (De Maret, 2004:132). Rituals and myths were part 

of the African iron industry from search of raw materials and its exploitation, to the processes to 

build furnaces, smelting, forging and usage of iron products. A peculiarity of the African iron 

industry is its symbolism. As documented, secret texts were orally recited when searching for iron 

ore, tracing a furnace plan, smelting and protection of the foundry (Dieterlen, 1965:20). The 

foundry and smithy belonged to a category of shrines; the stone anvil in many situations was 

transformed into an object or deity for swearing or rites and ritual. The industry had specific taboos 

related to sexual activity. In any given community, the collapse of an iron ore or kaolin mine and 

a failed smelt, were signs of non-respect of the smelting code. In some cases there were specific 

prohibitions linked to female reproductive powers and a particular fear of menses contamination 

(Essomba, 1991:26; De Maret, 2004:127-134). 

McCosh believes that in the study of traditional industries, the ritual aspects cannot be 

separated from the mechanical processes involved. Besides myths, restrictions and reproductive 

symbolism elucidated above, he emphasizes the process of invoking ancestral spirits in virtually 

all stages in the production chain. He adds to this, the mental boaster effect it had on smelters. In 

reference to iron working processes in Africa and Europe, he concludes that one is a sacrament 

and the other, a means of livelihood (McCosh, 1974:160-170). To fully understand technological 

strives in Africa, they must be studied within the social context be it a clan, tribe, or region. Andrew 

Reid and Rachel Maclean used as case study the Karagwe Chiefdom of East Africa, to prove that 

the king willed power, due to his ability to exercise control over iron production processes and 

rituals surrounding it. In the same vein, smelters developed and enjoyed an economic strength as 

producers of wealth. On the other hand they were subjected to rituals and symbolism, dictated by 

tribal customs or the sovereign ruler. Smelting was a dangerous venture due to manipulation of 

fire, high, temperatures, malleable bloom, crushing of ores, work duration and pit collapses. These 



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were threats to life, fertility and agricultural productivity, which they call symbolic dangers. Like 

J-M. Essomba, they also bring out elements of discrimination, restrictions and reservations 

observed in the African industry (Reid & Maclean, 1995:144-146). 

Furnaces varied according to epoch, region, raw materials, their sources, historical tradition 

and origins. In the case of the Yoruba tribe of Nigeria, they were usually situated away from human 

settlements but within a hearing distance. Where ever the furnace was found in most African 

kingdoms, secrecy and discrimination were very visible, especially against women and foreigners 

(Jemkur, 2004:41-46). In various parts of the continent a simple foundry had much in common. It 

was constructed in the center of a cleared groove in a circular or rectangular form with two 

openings; one to bring in fresh air and the other as an exit for heat. A smelt could last for three 

days or less as the technology evolved. Openings (windows) were thus devised to allow for 

ventilation and the thatched roof high enough so that the grass would not catch fire. A raised 

platform served as a base for the furnace which could be doomed, shaft, open hearth or open bowl, 

using induced heating by bellows or natural draught. A larger trench was dug to face the entrance 

for disposal of smelting residue and a smaller opening at the top rear for smelting inputs. A smaller 

hole measuring about 5 centimeters was designed from the furnace floor to the larger trench and it 

was expected that as hot air escaped through the trough, slag dropped from the furnace into this 

trench. Openings were made at the back side of the furnace having the small trench to which 

tuyeres were inserted that would regulate the inflow of air (Akinjogbin, 2004:58-60). 

Labour was used to obtain raw materials and while men mined the ore, women washed the 

stones for impurities and pre-pounded them into smaller bits, before it was taken to the furnace. 

The most important fixture in the foundry was the stone on which pounding and malleability of 

the iron was done, referred to as “Ogun” in Yorubaland and believed to have a spirit and developed 

varied mystical uses. In some cases and usually in a separate operation at the far end of a foundry, 

pre-forging could be done on a smaller anvil buried partially into the ground to hammer and obtain 

rough shapes of objects to be fabricated. Bellows which were either vertical or horizontal heated 

the furnaces or the bloom as the case may be to allow for hammering when producing iron bars or 

pre-shaping of objects (Akinjogbin, 2004:59). These processes were accompanied by much rituals, 

myths, and restrictions as elements of symbolism in Africa. The choice of this paper is unique, as 

the Taavisa slag heap besides being an 18th Century iron working site with all the symbolism earlier 

described, was used as a burial site for Fon Sanggu, who died while in refuge, having been chased 

out of kovifem his old capital by mounted raiders.  

 

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 

The Nso’ History in Taavisa 

The Nso’ are one of the Tikari Fondoms in the Western Grassfields of Cameroon. Oral tradition 

holds that its founder a princess called Ngonso’ with her companion, migrated from Tikari or 

Rifem westward to the Mbo’ plain, then to Ndzenso’, where they settled for some time and finally 

moved uphill to establish a Fondom at kovifem. The son of this princess called Leh, following a 

pact with the aboriginal clans (Mntar), became the first Fon of Nso’ (Ndzeka, 1980:7).1 The Nso’ 

built a dynasty with the regulatory society (Kwifon) and prince’s society (Ngirri) which are 

recurrent in most Grassfield tribes, together with a defense organisation (Manjong) (Fanso, 

2014:43). New migratory clans from the Nkambe plateau like the Tang and Ya joined the Nso’. 

As its strength and influence increased, its territorial span reached the northern fringes of Kimbo’ 

at Tsenla (Kikaikela’aki) and Gwan (Kitiwum), which had status of Fons and soon became their 

                                                           
1Chilver & Keberry (1970: 254), hold a contrary view that Ngonso’s son was called Jing.  



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allies. Eighteen Fons reigned at Kovifem, evidenced by thirteen graves all visible today by small 

bamboo grass thatched huts. There is a total of eighteen large funeral head stones in that royal 

cemetery (fe’em) (Nkwi & Warnier, 1982:133-135). 

At Kovifem off shoots of the Nso’ are believed to have emigrated to found the Oku and 

Mbiame Fondoms. In the late 18th Century Chamba attacks reached Kovifem twice but the Nso’ 

survived. In one of these raids which the Nso’ allude to the Chamba as “Mbangshuu” or “red 

mouths”, the Fon sent a message to his counterpart in Babungo as described by Fowler: “…the 

raiders are too strong to fight and that they should treat it as a sacrifice, tie their spears in bundles 

and store them away, and simply give themselves up to the fate.” (Fowler, 1990:78). Chamba raids 

occurred around 1780 where in kovifem was ransacked twice. This was not a single episode but, 

a series war that spanned over decades. The number of early Chamba raids and their trajectory is 

not known but Ian Fowler presents two possible sources of this attack: first by Gyando of the 

Dagha and secondly a raiding group of the Peli settlers of Bali-Kontan. Fon Sanggu with his people 

took refuge at Taavisa, two kilometers away from the Tsenla southern neighboring clan and eight 

kilometers away from Gwan clan who had status of Fons (Fowler & Zeitlyn, 1996:1-2).While at 

Taavisa, Fon Sanggu and the royal family were killed. The presence of a traditional hut (see plate 

1 below), attests Sanggu was buried following Nso’ custom and specific rituals attached to his 

personality (Chilver & Kebbery, 1970:2). This implies that a return to his headquarters under 

occupation was not possible at that moment. 

 

 
 

Plate1. The Grave site spot of Fon Sanggu in Taavisa (above in 1980; below in 2021) 

Source: Above is a photograph by Miriam Goheen in the possession of Ian Fowler, and below 

Field work GPS photograph by author on Saturday 13th March 2021. 



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A close look at the grave site reveals a patterned set of monoliths depicting that the original 

hut was about 2.5 by 1.60. For four years since 2016 of political upheavals in this region, the 

annual rites have not been done and the “Kovifem format” hut has been destroyed by stray cattle 

with a seasonal paddock 100meters away and farming as women keep piling iron residue to have 

slag free farm beds. The hut photographed by M. Goheen as seen above in 1980 was built in the 

dry patch of grass visible above. 

Ian Fowler describes these attacks on the northern Ndop plain as devastating where in a 

number of Fondoms were scattered “…never to reform as individual polities again.” (Fowler, 

1990: 78). For the Nso’ during this period of a vacant throne, a title holder and trader from 

Nsunglin called Shaang (Faay Ndzeedzev) redeemed the royal line, when he brought a prince 

called Yiir; believed to had been sold to slavery and crowned him Fon Se’mbum.2 Yiir returned 

with the Nso’ people back to kovifem. With the prevailing threats, Nso’ fine-tuned its war tactics 

and gathered the equipment most likely produced at the Taavisa sixty two (plus) furnaces, to 

undertake conquest and subjugation of neighboring clans.  As this went on, immigrant chiefdoms 

such as the Nse’, Ndzeen and Ndzerem accepted Nso’ suzerainty in return for protection. Around 

1800, Se’mbum I (Fomukong) took the decision to transfer his capital further south to kimbo’, 

which was better protected by steep cliffs of Taayav and kitiwum escarpments and safe from 

raiders on horsebacks that came from the Adamawa. At Kimbo’ they faced less harassment and 

acquired greater strength to expand in all directions (Nkwi & Warnier, 1982:132-135). 

 

The Taavisa Slag Heap Evidence 
The aboriginal settlers of Taavisa are believed to be the Nkar tribe who had as neighbours the ki’to 

the east, Visale to the North and the Ntur to the west. Taavisa is found at the southern fringes of 

the kovifem dynastic territory created by Ngonso’ around the 17th Century. Later, to the north-

west and north-east of Taavisa, the Do’ kitiwum and Do’ kikaikom clans (also called Vedo’o) from 

Kovifem settled respectively. While at Kovifem, the neighbours of Nso’ to the south were the Nkar 

clan, whose northern fringes ran from Shisong to kiyan and up to Taavisa. Nkar princes occupied 

Kimbo’ (which holds the present palace site) who included: Faay kilam and Faay Sarntoh (both 

evidenced as forging families) Faay Tsenkar and Faay Mbinkar. This is the area described as held 

by the Fon of Nkar, which stretched across to the southeast and west to present day Kov-Nkar 

(Kaberry, 2004:40). Fon Se’mbum I tactfully occupied Kimbo’, though the Nkar dynasty 

maintained its local autonomy. The Nkar leaders could not execute capital punishment, nor could 

single handedly undertake wars of conquest and defense. While in his new capital Kimbo’, the 

Taavisa grave of Sanggu and the royal cemetery at Kovifem were subject to regular and routine 

sacrificial ceremonies by Se’mbum I and successive Fons of Nso. This site at the hill top gentle 

slope at Mbohlong has slag as evidence of iron works (see plate 2 and plate 3 below).The Nkar 

princes named above together with the Fumekuiy and Kah family heads in Nso’ Fondom, 

constitute evidence of iron working in area (Mbenkum, 1979: 27-38). 

 

                                                           
2 Faay Ndzeedzev was a trader involved in the regional trade pattern of the Grassfields and known to trade on 

Babungo hoes which he exchanged for oil from Mbembe area. He is recounted to have encountered the lost prince 

whom he later crowned, in one of such his trading ventures while he sang doing farm work. The role he played to 

reconstitute the dynastic line earned him the rank of second personality in the Nso’ land. He was equally bestowed 

the statutory procedure to begin every transfer of authority following the demise all Fons of Nso’ till date. 



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Plate 2. The Upper section of the Taavisa Slag Heap 

Source: Field work GPS photograph taken by author on Saturday 20th March 2021. 

Slag residue is clearly visible by its dark colour spread over the Taavisa, Mbohlong gentle slope 

under cultivation. 

 
Plate 3. A Relic Foundry in Taavisa 

Source: Source: Field work GPS photograph taken by author on Saturday 20th March 2021. 

 



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The structure of a relic foundry foundation at Taavisa is clearly visible in plate 3 above 

with the furnace at the far end. The crushing anvil still lies in place with its stone hammers and a 

broken piece of tuyere clearly visible. 

From Shisong to Kimbo’, vast quantities of debris was spread to consolidate laterite roads 

to Mba’ by the Public Works Department. Oral sources indicate the existence of slag heaps at 

Shisong. . Together with surviving smiths, it is evidence that iron ore sources were in the area and 

one of such is traced to Taavisa. Today at the spot called Mbohlong two kilometers on the road to 

Kikoo from Tsenla is found the Taavisa slag heap. At the top of this heap is the burial site of Fon 

Sanggu; who took refuge following attacks from Chamba (Banyo raiders). This is marked by the 

same type of hut constructed on Fon’s graves in Kovifem royal cemeteries. Taavisa translated 

literally means “up the site of iron ore”. 

To investigate slag heaps one of the approaches is to quantify defined slag categories or 

heaps. This allows us draw insights into past productions. These slag heaps are also useful in 

chronological differentiation; which are indicative as to estimates for quantities of raw material 

used and the amount of iron produced. In the same vein physical and chemical characteristics, 

nonmetallic remains and sediment traced in slag heaps are indicative of productivity, innovation 

in the industry and the choices made by smelters in the process of smelting. Slag heaps also help 

locate furnaces (See the marked area in Plate 2 above indicating a furnace foundation, stone anvil 

and foundry foundation). These put together, are evidence that some technology took place in the 

past in that area and had an impact or relationship with social or cultural aspects of the society in 

question. This slag heap evaluated singly or in association with others in the surrounding, gives 

much information as to the intensity of the production industry, spatial coverage and relationships 

between smelting sites. A keen researcher equally should consider the possibility that a heap could 

be residue from multiple working iron sites (Humphreys & Carey, 2011:132-134). 

In various Assessment Reports (Hawkesworth, 1922:11) indicates that the Nso’ obtained 

its iron products from Babungo and Oku. Nso’ does not feature as an exporter of iron ware in the 

Grass field’s trade route to the Adamawa in the 19th Century. In assessing the population of taxable 

adults in Nso’land 1922, the profession of adult Nso’ men who are smelters do not feature in his 

report. This suggests the number of iron workers were likely insignificant at the time of his report 

or Nso’ production capacity did not permit for extras that could be exported. These indicators show 

that smelting was possibly not wide spread in the Nso’ Upper plateau to the Kovifem area except 

possibly in Taavisa as described: “Iron workers have no regular work elsewhere nor do they smelt 

their own iron, as it is done in Oku....”(Hawkesworth,1922:12).3 The puzzle therefore is what could 

be the relationship of an iron production residue site and the location of a royal cemetery at the top 

of it. Strange as a phenomenon but may only boil down to myths, rituals and restrictions seen in 

the old African smelting industry and its connection to the supreme authority of the tribe. This 

could also depict continuity seen from the old smelters, to present-day forgers and symbolism 

which is seen in the African iron industry. 

 

Myths, Rituals and Restrictions in the Taavisa Iron Site 

The slag residue mount at Taavisa rises to 30 meters from the flat lands cultivated below facing 

kikaikom to the west. It has an elongated cuboids shape spread unevenly over six hectares of slag 

for the gentle slope holding the grave of Fon Sanggu. Like in many areas where human cultivation 

of food crops is done on slag heaps, the presence of the tomb of Fon Sanggu makes it a sacred 

                                                           
3The evidence in the Grassfields of large scale smelting remains overwhelming but with no dates the case of Taavisa 

cannot be conclusive as could equally be a center of recycling old slag deposits.  



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ground wherein no woman of commoner status can till the soil in that location reserved for Queen 

mother only.4 It is therefore regularly protected from bush fires as the surroundings of the hut are 

cleared at the approach of the dry season for sacrifices. The present queen mother Yah Fanka 

Shella indicated that they perform sacrifices at three spots in that site but could not be specific on 

the third, which she simply described as a large stone; probably an anvil or monolith.5 

Taavisa is probably one amongst the many isolated smelting sites that (Warnier & Fowler, 

1979:329-351) indicated are found throughout the Bamenda Grassfields and called the “Ruhr” of 

Central Africa. The area was handicapped by lack of wood to produce charcoal and given the cold 

nature of the environment; furnaces were designed with the inner walls lined with kaolin to 

preserve heat. Prior drying of the ore and forced heating by ventilation using tuyeres, were 

common in the region. This was a predominantly male activity (Warnier, 2012:26-27).There is no 

surviving relic furnace visible in the vicinity of the slag heap at Taavisa but for their foundations 

(see plate 4 below). Smelting took place on the flat undulating landscape at Mbohlong and residue 

deposited to flush down on the west, east and southern slopes. Sixty-two furnace foundations and 

some with their associated anvils and foundry foundations intact were identified in this location 

suggestive of intensive iron working. No other visible slag heaps have been seen close to that at 

Taavisa. This indicates iron works took place in that vicinity directed by several foundry heads 

commonly called (Taakilam). Authorization to run these foundries  were most likely given first by 

the Fon of Nkar while on the spot as the aboriginal clan and later by the expansionist Fon of Nso’at 

kovifem, who from time to time took up residence there in his rest palace huts. This possibly 

explains why he used it as his refuge ground twice and which in the long run mutated into a royal 

burial ground. This scenario and cultural practice were common in Nso’land. The palace (Nto’yee 

Taavisa) was given this appellation and according to (Chem, 1987:13-14), this was in reference to 

both the grave and the entire site located in a thin scatter of smelting debris on a natural hill. He 

indicates that these royal graves in Nso’ were separated into two Chambers; commonly referred to 

as palace and upper palace (Nto’ and Nto’ kuiy). 

 
Plate 4. Furnace Foundations Identified in Taavisa 

Source: Source: Field work GPS photograph taken by author on Saturday 20th March 2021. 

                                                           
4Interview with Yaa wo Kuiyla, Aged 72 (Occupant of the farm with Sanggu’s grave and huts) Taavisa, 13/03/2020. 
5Interview with Yaa Fanka Shella,  Aged 35 (Current Queen mother and Participant to annual rites on the grave site 

and land marks at Taavisa), Kimbo’, 18/03/2021. 



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This is one out of the sixty-two furnace foundation relics in Taavisa as evidence of an 

intensive iron working agglomeration. 

A ceremony for the installation of a new foundry required a goat, wine and stirred corn 

flower as consumables. All were used for rites and libations done in which herbs: kosteletzsya 

(kiwoy) and dracaena deistelina (kikeng) were mixed. A host of objects and paraphernalia known 

to initiates were put inside a pot and buried below the smelting spot.6 Items and tools left in the 

foundry after smelting could not be stolen, as it was believed will result in misfortune usually a 

swollen stomach (kum). During funerary celebrations like death in the village, death of the Fon, 

periodic rites to pacify the earth or kwifon diplomatic exchange visits, foundry works stopped for 

a determined period of time. When the Fon requested for any items from the foundry or smiths, 

these were equally given priority. When objects for sacred use were fabricated, a spear was pinned 

on the path leading to the foundry and a soft shoot of elephant grass tired in a special pattern to it. 

This indicated or barred an unauthorized social or cult class that access was forbidden or more still 

women on their menses were not only barred from reaching the foundry but should keep a 

distance.7 

To conclude this section we assert that in Africa the sovereign willed physical and spiritual 

powers which emanated from his control and manipulation of the technical processes and rituals 

attributed to the production of iron. Fon Sanggu thus had these attributes which consequently 

linked him dead or alive to the Taavisa iron works site. With the demise of Fon Sanggu, the burial 

process in principle followed a particular sequence as follows: The corpse had to be cleaned and 

rapped in an expensive handmade royal loin called kilanglang and the current crown put on the 

head. Other items assembled included a cup, round neck gourd, a royal wreath, a new bamboo 

throne, a hoe, Nwerong walking stick, hind legs of a sheep, a common royal loin, cam wood and 

a piece of Indian bamboo. Items to construct a hut included: local nails, bamboos, local ropes and 

grass for thatching. A slimy concoction of leaves and wine was prepared (the same as that to install 

a new foundry) and a leopard skin and entrails of a sacrificed ram or goat equally used (Chem, 

1987:16-18). 

The grave area was aspersed with this concoction of paraphernalia. It was dug to contain 

two chambers lined with normal royal loin. Only authorized persons saw the corpse which was 

taken to the grave and seated on the wooden throne by title holders playing the ritual double headed 

gong and the Fon’s feet arranged to rest on the leopard skin. The Indian bamboo was put in a cup 

forced into the right hand of the corpse and held by his personal page outside. A creeping stem 

(koonteh) tied to the right hand and held by a virgin outside near the grave. The late Fon was called 

by his real name as the crown was removed and replaced by a new Nwerong cap of rank and file. 

The grave was filled obligatorily in seven intervals accompanied by chanting the war victory 

chorus (Nsii). Through the hole created by the Indian bamboo wine was subsequently poured 

through it during ancestral sacrifices by his successors. A hut was constructed on top of the grave 

(Chem, 1987:9). In principle these were the expected processes carried out at the refuge grave site 

at Taavisa; but given the context of insecurity, this cannot be ascertained.  However for fear of 

misfortune that may befall the tribe, it is probable that persons in charge would have done all to 

respect the basics. It is likely that these were carried out, given the visible outside structure of the 

hut above the grave which is a replica of those in kovifem. 

                                                           
6I witnessed an initiation rite at the smithy of the present day head of the Nso’ iron works producer and another one 

to reinstate an abandoned smithy of Faay Chin in Nkar. As contemporaries of the old iron industries these items were 

all put into use in a ritualistic ceremony.  
7 Interview with John Laayeh, Aged 55 (Black Smith), Nkar, 07/06/2021. 



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Symbolism and Context of the Taavisa Slag Heap 

The Mbohlong flat land to the north next to the Taavisa slag heap is an ideal and strategic position 

to have a clear view of all of the lowland and valleys of kikaikom to the Oku Ngongbaa forest, 

Meluf, Melim and the land inhabited by the Nkar Fondom from Kiyan to Kimbo’ and Shisong. 

The south west monsoons of the rainy season bring refreshing air directly to this escarpment and 

it was an ideal place of relaxation and rest. Given that this was not the first time the Fon of Nso’ 

took refuge at Taavisa, it is evidenced that this spot had three of his rest hamlets which were spread 

all over the Fondom and which was a customary practice.8 Such rest houses could allow him to 

have a retreat or rest during visits or missions far beyond his southern borders. In any case, when 

such hamlets were built, it was referred to as a palace. Having died here with no possibility to 

transfer the corps to Kovifem under Chamba occupation, there was no option than to bury Sanggu 

at Taavisa rest palace. 

 
Plate 5. One of the three rest hut Foundations Visible in Taavisa 

Source: Field work photograph taken by author on Saturday 20th March 2021. 

 

Three relic foundations of his rest hamlets measuring 4 square meters (see the yellow 1 

meter ruler on the front right corner). Foundations are still very visible; though gradually 

dismantled by farm work as plate 5 depicts. 

Secondly, extensive land was available at neighboring Ruun (Fon woo Gwan) and Tsenla 

with status of Fons who all had royal cemeteries which could be used as a last resort for burial of 

Fon Sanggu. Given that only genealogically related sovereigns are buried in royal cemeteries in 

these Fondoms and in the Grassfields, the only option was the slag heap site.9  Foundries surely 

existed at Taavisa which like in other parts of the Grassfields, was in a quiet forest grove, away 

from settlement (even till date) but within a hearing perimeter of the nearest houses. Taavisa 

foundries were restricted areas and were virtually shrines. Sexual activity was restricted during 

smelting. Foundry material was mystically protected from being stolen or polluted and thus an 

appropriate spot with sanctity for the Fon to be buried there. There is the possibility that the 
                                                           
8Earlier raids for slaves or warfare by the Chamba in the early 19th Century made former Fons to regularly take 

refuge at Taavisa and Ngongbaa forests.  
9 Given that as refugees the Fon could not live in the open air and with a slag heap presence, foundries and their huts 

were erected in this vicinity even if it was temporal for rest and iron working. 



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foundries in Taavisa fell in the category which belonged to the Fon for the production of iron bars 

used in the fabrication of sacred objects. This was plausible when we consider the closeness of his 

rest huts with the square shape as opposed to rectangular forms seen in the foundries at Taavisa. 

These huts were most likely constructed by Fon Ndzefon his predecessor. These factors combined 

made the Taavisa slag mount ideal for the burial of Fon Sanggu. There are three spots for sacrifices 

at Taavisa: Mbolong at the center of the slag heap has stones which have the form of monoliths 

partially affixed to the ground and adorned with peace plants around the rest huts. Below the slag 

heap is another spot which has a fig tree. This possibly marks the southern limits of the kovifem 

dynasty zone of influence or boundary in the 18th Century; given that the Tsenla lineage which at 

the time had an independent clan head with status of a Fon is just two kilometers away. The third 

has the shape of a partial land slide, which according to the land lord (TaaNgven Shuufaay 

Kuiylah), this spot harbors the deity of Taavisa.10 

 

CONCLUSION 

The Taavisa slag heap is a reflection an area where in the past large scale iron smelting  took place 

either by an old stock of Grassfield occupants, the aboriginal Nkar or later by the Kovifem Nso’ 

dynasty. Much of the old slag possibly was recycled on the spot or transported elsewhere by the 

later 18th Century iron workers and in the last decades by road works enhancing laterite earth roads. 

Given the abundance of ferruginous oxides spread all over the upper plateau of the Grassfields and 

Kaolin available for making tuyeres in the stream valleys with its sixty-two plus relic furnace 

foundations it is an indicator of an iron working agglomeration of an era yet to be determined. 

Surviving iron working relics are very similar to those of the Babungo and Oku of the 18th Century 

centers. Till date, a relic forest remains in Kovifem indicative of the forested environment which 

would have provided charcoal needed by the iron industry. Aboriginal clans who integrated with 

the Nso’ by agreements; together with Ngonso’s people provided the necessary labour needed for 

this industry. Though recurrent evidence in the kovifem dynasty points to a knowledge of iron 

works, the importance of the Taavisa iron working site remains distinct.  

The fact that the Nso’ are documented to have been importers of iron products from Oku, 

Nkar and Ndop at the close of the 19th Century buttresses this view. The Taavisa case therefore 

stands unique and points equally to the view that, even though the Nso’ migrated from Tikari with 

the knowledge of smelting iron, their neighbours of the north in Binkar or Nkar to the South may 

have been producers of iron ware in much greater quantities.  This therefore probably accounts for 

the imperative to seize and monopolize the Taavisa source of iron ore from the Nkar clan, in order 

to sustain it efforts to expand its territory by use of weapons fabricated in this site or to defend 

itself against Wiyaa, Bamun, Chamba and Fulani invaders. It also enabled the Nso’ to occupy Nkar 

and her southern immigrant Fondoms of Kwa’nso’, Kiluun, Ndzeen and Ndzerem at the close of 

the 18th Century to the early 19th Century. Taavisa therefore stood out as an observatory, 

strategically situated for future expansionist ambitions to subdue southern Fondoms and integrate 

them to the Kovifem dynasty. 

Lastly, the burial of Fon Sanggu and slain members of the royal family on the gentle slope 

cleared of its slag residue adds a new element to symbolism attached to the African smelting 

industry. Besides secrecy in protecting knowledge of iron working, associated myths, use of local 

paraphernalia, magic, sexual prohibitions, restrictions to women and non tribes men, Taavisa slag 

heaps demonstrate continuity clearly, in the 18th Century, from old aboriginal Nkar to occupant 

                                                           
10 Interview with Shuufaay Kuiylah of kikaikela’ki, Age 62 (land lord of Taavisa or TaaNgven), Kikaikelahki, 

24/03/2021.   



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Nso’ smelters. Taavisa equally exposes a mythical element when an old iron working site was 

turned into a royal cemetery and consequently into a shrine of the kingdom. The association of a 

late Fon to a slag heap buttresses the link that ties the powers of a sovereign, to his control and 

manipulation of iron production processes in his kingdom. In the same vein, there was the 

attribution of some foundries to the exclusive authority and control of the sovereign ruler for 

production of his Sacra items or repairs to avoid contamination or pollution. This site with possibly 

a palace foundry thus produced special iron bars which were taken to specialised smithies which 

had the prerogative to produce or repair the Royal iron walking stick, double headed ritual gong, 

palace knives, hoes, cutlasses, diggers, hammers and Kwifon (regulatory society) Sacra. Taavisa 

continued with its routine smelting but certainly mutated to have a special status. When 

corroborated with the closeness of Sanggu’s rest hamlets and final burial on a scraped section free 

from smelting debris; with respect to the burial and post burial traditions elucidated above, his 

person and institution were no doubt directly linked to this site, even though there was no other 

alternative. This therefore reveals that Taavisa was not only an old iron working site first under 

the Nkar and later Nso’ dynasties but that it became a shrine as it held a royal cemetery. 

Further research will allow us see the smelting capacity of other smelting sites found in the 

Kovifem polity, evaluate how networking existed amongst these sites and the place or strength of 

the Taavisa smelting site in relation to any existing sites. This can allow us have a full 

understanding of the importance of Taavisa in the Nso’ kingdom. 

 

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INTERVIEWS 

Laayeh, John. Aged 55 (Black Smith), Nkar, 07/06/ 2021. 

 

https://www.jstor.org/stable/124783
https://www.jstor.org/stable/124783


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Shuufaay Kuiylah of kikaikela’ki. Aged 62 (land lord Taavisa  (TaaNgven), Kikaikelahki, 

24/03/2021. 

 

Yaa Fanka Shella. Aged 35 (Queen mother and Participant to annual rites on the grave site and 

land marks at Taavisa), Kimbo’, 18/03/2021. 

 

Yaa wo Kuiyla. Aged 72 (Occupant of the farms with Sanggu’s grave and huts) Taavisa, 

13/03/2021. 

 

GLOSSARY 

Faay: lineage or family head 

Fe’em: small bamboo grass thatched huts with two flank roofing built over the grave of a Fon 

(King) 

Kwifon or Nwerong: regulatory society; also called Ngumba or Tifo in other tribes in the 

Grassfields of Cameroon 

Jihad: wars organized Usman Dan Fodio and Madibo Adama in the case of Cameroon with the 

Objective to forcefully convert people to Islam 

Manjong: the tribal military structure 

Mntar: the aboriginal clans also called the Visale 

Taakilam: a foundry leader or head 

Kilanglang: an embroider fabric reserved for use by royals 

Kikeng: peace plant (dracaena deistelina) 

Kiwoy: a slimy concoction of paraphernalia when mixed with palm wine (kosteletzsya) 

Koonteh: a creeping plant used as royal paraphernalia during the burial rites of royals 

Kwifon or Nwerong: a traditional regulatory society of commoners 

Nsii: a war victory dance performed by warriors 

Ngirri: a traditional society of royals and princes to second and third generations plus 

Ogun: name given to the god of iron amongst the Yoruba tribe of Nigeria 

 

 

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journal. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative 

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