




































AMERICAN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 14(1) (2023), 33-42 

 

33 

 

SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 

AIJSSR VOL 14 NO 1 (2023) P-ISSN 2576-103X   E-ISSN 2576-1048 
 

Available online at https://www.cribfb.com 
Journal homepage: https://www.cribfb.com/journal/index.php/aijssr 

Published by CRIBFB, USA 

USA INVASION IN AFGHANISTAN AND ITS IMPACT ON 

CENTRAL ASIA                     
 

 Duman Zhekenov (a)1    Bakhtyar Gul Ahmadzai (b)      
 

(a) Associate Professor, Al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Kazakhstan; E-mail: duman.zhekenov@gmail.com 
(b) PhD Student, Al-Farabi Kazakh National University; Kazakhstan; E-mail: bakhtyarsalihzai123@gmail.com 

 

 
A R T I C L E I N F O 

      
 

Article History: 
 

Received: 29th July  2023 
Revised:  27th September 2023 

Accepted: 1st October 2023 

Published: 23rd October 2023 

 
Keywords: 

USA Presence In Central Asia, USA 

Policies, Central Asia Importance, 

Regional Security, Afghanistan, 

Central Asia, Extremism, Economy, 

Sovereignty 

 
      JEL Classification Codes:  

 

      N40 

 
        

 
A B S T R A C T 

 
This study Examines the effects of the warfare in Afghanistan, which has resulted in immense casualties, 

change of political power. The political aspects of American presence in Afghanistan and its effects on 
the Central Asian region are the main subjects of our research. The goal of the study is to comprehend 

the complex relationship that emerged after 9/11 attacks and the American invasion. We use qualitative 

and descriptive-analytical techniques to evaluate the effects of American presence on the Central Asian 

nations. Our analysis focuses on assessing the effects on the economy, security, and sovereignty of the 

region. Afghanistan's crucial role in determining the geopolitical dynamics of the area has an impact on 

Central Asia, which has historically served as a crossroads for world powers. Our finding address 

important issues pertaining to the strategic goals of the United States in Central Asia. We shed light on 

how they affect regional sovereignty, economy, and security. The dynamics of Afghanistan have continued 
to influence interactions and conflicts in Central Asia, magnifying the engagement of international and 

regional forces as well as the activity of fundamentalist groups. The stability of Central Asian nations is 

being put under further stress by the growth of extremism. In conclusion, our research reveals the complex 

interactions between American participation in Afghanistan and the stability and growth of Central Asia. 

We provide a comprehensive analysis of how the U.S. presence has impacted Central Asian dynamics, 

illuminating its wider security implications for the region and the world. 

 
 

© 2023 by the authors. Licensee CRIBFB, USA. This article is an open access article  distributed 

under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license  

(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).  

 

INTRODUCTION 

For a very long time, the Central Asian region has been considered an important "territorial union." This region, which 

includes the autonomous nations of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, straddles the 

intersection of Eurasia and the heart of Asia. Despite having a distinct cultural, historical, and social character, Afghanistan 

is strikingly similar to its Central Asian neighbours. A complex mix of social, political, and geopolitical influences has 

shaped Afghanistan's history. Afghanistan served as a battlefield in the infamous Three Anglo-Afghan Wars because of its 

advantageous location halfway between the British and Russian areas of influence. Despite these difficulties, Afghanistan 

was able to maintain a substantial amount of sovereignty and autonomy despite the turbulent tides of imperialism thanks to 

its exceptional geographical location and the Afghanistan was able to maintain its neutrality during World War II despite 

the upheavals of the 20th century, which strengthened its position as a buffer state of utmost importance to its neighbours. 

Superpowers have often expressed interest in it due to its strategic location, which has prompted a number of interventions, 

including the infamous Soviet invasion. A strategic consideration for the USSR in Afghanistan was the country's extensive 

borders with the Soviet republics of Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan. This resulted in a significant military 

intervention, which caused untold destruction and casualties as well as the start of a civil war in Afghanistan. 

Parallel to this, the USSR's growing influence in Afghanistan unnerved the US, which is why the US decided to 

fight it by inventing and funding the Mujahidin through Pakistan's ISI. This signalled the start of a clandestine proxy conflict. 

Pakistan's Ex-Prime Minister Zia-ul-Haq hoped for international assistance for Afghan resistance because he feared a Soviet 

invasion of Balochistan. Saudi Arabia and the United States entered the battle, heavily supporting and training the Afghan 

opposition. This time period would go on to be seen as a turning point in the history of the worldwide Islamic jihad, with 

                                                      
1Corresponding author: ORCID ID: 0000-0001-5292-5070 

© 2023 by the authors. Hosting by CRIBFB. Peer review under responsibility of CRIBFB, USA.  

https://doi.org/10.46281/aijssr.v14i1.2102 
 

To cite this article: Zhekenov, D., & Ahmadzai, B. G. (2023). USA INVASION IN AFGHANISTAN AND ITS IMPACT ON CENTRAL ASIA. American 

International Journal of Social Science Research, 14(1), 33-42. https://doi.org/10.46281/aijssr.v14i1.2102 

http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)
https://doi.org/10.46281/aijssr.v14i1.2102
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5292-5070
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3149-1896


Muriithi & Muathe, American International Journal of Social Science Research 14(1) (2023), 33-42

  

34 
 

Zia-ul-Haq playing a major part. 

Afghanistan was significant due to its advantageous geographic location, despite its weak economy and lack of 

inherent economic worth. Following the sad events of 9/11, the US joined the scene, not just in Afghanistan but also in Iraq 

and Syria, advancing narratives focused on minority rights, women's rights, and human rights as a new strategy for 

establishing domination. For its military intervention in Afghanistan, the United States outlined six main objectives, 

including enhancing political stability, promoting economic and social development, reducing terrorist threats, 

implementing regional and donor strategies, and integrating U.S. government actions. But despite twenty years of 

involvement, these goals are still mostly unmet. The effects of American involvement in Afghanistan are seen throughout 

Central Asia, as the country's instability encourages more people to migrate to Tajikistan and Uzbekistan and raises security 

worries there. Taking advantage of the chance, China has escalated its involvement in the region to demonstrate its 

expanding power. U.S. engagement has an effect on trade and commerce routes through Afghanistan to South Asian nations. 

After 9/11, the United States put together an anti-terrorist coalition to drive out the Taliban and strengthen the warlords of 

the Northern Alliance and their networks. As a result, the U.S. invasion has had a significant impact on security, economics, 

trade, sovereignty, foreign investments, and Central Asian republics' views of the united republics and finally USA and 

NATO withdraw from Afghanistan and Taliban come back to power 

 

LITERATURE REVIEW 

The analysis of the foundational research's strengths and flaws in the literature review section sets the stage for this paper's 

contribution in light of current advancements. A thorough analysis of the important sources has been done, and this section's 

organisation is logically organised to support the study's objectives. In order to maintain coherence and relevance, each 

paragraph offers an analysis of just one source. 

 

The 9/11 Attacks and U.S. Occupation of Afghanistan 

An important period in modern history was the time after September 11, 2001, and the ensuing American occupation of 

Afghanistan. notable insights into these incidents have been offered by a number of notable publications and academic 

articles: In "Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 

10, 2001" by Steve Coll, a thorough historical account of American involvement in Afghanistan prior to the 9/11 attacks is 

provided. Coll's meticulous account dives into the intricate network of covert operations and tactical manoeuvring that set 

the stage for the subsequent events.The National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States' "The 9/11 

Commission Report" provides an in-depth analysis of the 9/11 attacks, from its preparation through the American reaction. 

This in-depth report has been a crucial tool for comprehending the complexities of the tragedy.The difficulties the US faced 

in Afghanistan after September 11, 2001 are discussed in detail in Jack Fairweather's book "The Good War: Why We 

Couldn't Win the War or the Peace in Afghanistan". In his study, Fair weather evaluates the dynamics and effects of 

American participation in the region after 9/11. 

 

Importance of Central Asia for Superpowers 

Global heavyweights have always been interested in Central Asia due to its strategic location and resource abundance. The 

sources listed below offer important details about this occurrence: The "New Great Game: Blood and Oil in Central Asia" 

by Lutz Kleveman provides a historical perspective on the geopolitical struggle for dominance in Central Asia known as the 

"Great Game." The work of Kleveman charts the development of outside interventions in the area. China's rising presence 

in Central Asia, motivated by its energy needs and the strategic importance of the region, is examined in Martha Brill Olcott's 

(2000) article "China's Energy Strategy in Central Asia: A New Silk Road?" Understanding the current Central Asian power 

relations requires reading this essay in its entirety.The historical struggle between superpowers for influence in Central Asia 

is deftly described in Peter Hopkirk's "The Great Game: The Myth and Reality of Espionage." The groundwork for 

understanding the region's long-lasting relevance is laid by Hopkirk's work. 

 

USA Intentions and Excuses in Central Asia 

It is crucial to comprehend American goals in Central Asia and the justification for its activities. In his article "Central Asia 

and the Rise of the New Great Power Contest," Richard Weitz examines the region's altering geopolitics, taking into account 

both American presence and strategic goals. The New Great Power Contest in Central Asia: Washington, Moscow, and 

Beijing by Jeffrey Mankoff explores the connections between the US, Russia, and China as well as the power dynamics in 

the region. This source offers insightful information on how the global situation is changing. "Democracy Without Freedom 

in Central Asia: The Case of Kazakhstan" by Putz (2018) focuses on the difficulties in developing democracy in the region 

and illuminates the intricacies of American efforts to advance political reform. 

 

USA Presence in the Region and Impact on Central Asia 

The American presence in Central Asia has had a significant impact. The impact of the American military presence on 

regional security is examined in "The US in Central Asia: Resolving Security Issues" by Siddharth Varadarajan. This site 

provides a thorough review of the effects of American engagement. The developing nature of American involvement in 



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Central Asia and its effects on the region are examined in Roy Allison's "The United States and Central Asia: A New Great 

Game?" The work of Allison offers a complex knowledge of the local dynamics as they change. The complicated 

geopolitical landscape of Central Asia and the role of external parties, particularly the United States, are explored in Arkady 

Dubnov's "A New Great Game in Central Asia? Ambitions and Rivalries". This information is essential for comprehending 

the complexities of modern regional politics. The literature analysis concludes by offering a thorough account of the 

historical, geopolitical, and strategic background of the American involvement in Central Asia. It serves as the starting point 

for this study's analysis and hypothesis-building process. 

 

MATERIALS AND METHODS 
This article's goal is to provide a thorough study of American actions in Central Asia following the events of September 11, 

2001, and to throw light on the country's future ambitions for the area. The following theories serve as the foundation for 

this study: 

Due to its geopolitical importance, wealth in natural resources, and influence of neighbouring countries like Russia, 

China, and Iran, the U.S. has strategically engaged with Central Asia. 

The United States has influence in the region as a result of historical, cultural, and religious relationships with 

Central Asian nations. In this study, sampling is based on a thorough examination of the historical and modern records 

already in existence. The collection draws from a wide range of primary and secondary sources that present many points of 

view on American foreign policy in Central Asia. 

This study's sample size includes a wide range of primary and secondary sources, enabling a thorough investigation 

of the topic. The reliability and accessibility of the sources chosen determine the study's power and precision, ensuring a 

solid basis for analysis. The focus of the study is on American strategies, deeds, and relationships in Central Asia. The 

evaluation of political, economic, and security elements is one measure, as are the effects of these policies on regional 

dynamics. Covariates include environmental variables, historical occurrences, and geopolitical issues that could affect 

American actions. 

This study uses a historical and scientific research approach in order to give readers a comprehensive grasp of 

American policies and how they affect Central Asia. The integration and analysis of primary and secondary sources are 

highlighted by the historical methodology. Data analysis experiments have been conducted on both historical and modern 

data. 

In order to thoroughly analyse U.S. actions in Central Asia, this research employs a historical methodology and 

incorporates a multitude of primary and secondary data. The availability of reliable sources and the incorporation of various 

viewpoints strengthen this study. The research makes a significant contribution to the fields of Central Asian and U.S. 

studies and its allied disciplines since it focuses on American policies, their influences, and their future plans for the Central 

Asian region. 

 

DISCUSSIONS 

US Invasion in Afghanistan and its Impact 

9/11 attacks and USA presence in the region and Afghanistan 

On September 11, 2001, 19 militants associated with the Islamic extremist group al Qaeda hijacked four airplanes and carried 

out suicide attacks against targets in the United States. Two of the planes were flown into the twin towers of the World 

Trade Center in New York City, a third plane hit the Pentagon in Arlington, Virginia, just outside Washington, D.C., and 

the fourth plane crashed in a field in Shanksville, Pennsylvania. Almost 3,000 people were killed during the 9/11 terrorist 

attacks, which triggered major U.S. initiatives to combat terrorism and defined the presidency of George W. Bush (Angerer, 

2023). In 2001 an international coalition led by the USA invaded Afghanistan to destroy terrorist organization Al-Qaeda 

when the Taliban refused to hand over Osama bin Laden. British forces went in alongside US troops. At the height of the 

conflict there were more than 130,000 NATO troops on the ground (IWM, 2023). The US interests in Central Asia in general 

and Afghanistan in particular is comparatively of recent origin (Mihalka, 2008). Afghanistan Oil and gas is not the reason 

the US has attacked Afghanistan, but Afghanistan has long had a key place in US plans to secure control of the vast and 

landlocked oil and gas resources of Central Asia (Prakash, 2003). 

NATO Allies went into Afghanistan in 2001. From August 2003, NATO led the UN-mandated International 

Security Assistance Force (ISAF), which aimed to create the conditions whereby the Afghan government could exercise its 

authority throughout the country and build the capacity of the Afghan national security forces, including in the fight against 

international terrorism. ISAF was completed in December 2014 when the Afghan National Defense and Security Forces 

assumed full responsibility for security across their country. 

Under the current circumstances, NATO has suspended all support to Afghanistan. Any future Afghan government 

must adhere to Afghanistan’s international obligations; safeguard the human rights of all Afghans, particularly women, children 

and minorities; uphold the rule of law; allow unhindered humanitarian access; and ensure that Afghanistan never again 

serves as a safe haven for terrorists (NATO, 2022). 

According to a trove of confidential government interviews with diplomats, military officials and aid workers who 

played a direct role in the conflict. Instead of bringing stability and peace, they said, the United States inadvertently built a 

corrupt, dysfunctional Afghan government that remains dependent on U.S. military power for its survival. Assuming it does 

not collapse, U.S. officials have said it will need billions more dollars in aid annually, for decades. Speaking candidly on 



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the assumption that most of their remarks would not be made public, those interviewed said Washington foolishly tried to 

reinvent Afghanistan in its own image by imposing a centralized democracy and a free- market economy on an ancient, tribal 

society that was unsuited for either (Whitlock, 2019) . 

Throughout, U.S. policy was guided by a number of myths. One was that the Afghan strongmen, warlords, and 

militia commanders the United States chose as allies in ousting the Taliban could help to provide security and stability, despite 

their records of abuses. In fact, the opposite proved to be the case. Persistent human rights abuses by warlords were a source 

of insecurity, and worse, over time, they fueled widespread resentment, undermined efforts to foster good governance at the 

local and national levels, and helped the Taliban obtain new support and recruits. In late 2001, after Northern Alliance forces 

ousted the Taliban from the north, their militias – some led by men holding office today – carried out systematic attacks on 

Pashtun villages, raping women, summarily executing civilians, and stealing livestock and land (Gossman, 2021) . 

For two decades, Americans have told each other one lie after another about the war in Afghanistan. The lies have 

come from the White House, Congress, the State Department, the Pentagon, and the CIA, as well as from Hollywood, cable 

news experts, journalists, and the broader culture. 

One of the first things the U.S. did after gaining effective control over Afghanistan following the Taliban’s ouster 

in 2001 was to set up secret torture chambers. Beginning in 2002, the CIA tortured both Afghans and foreign prisoners 

flown to these torture rooms from all over Central Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. The worst torture chamber was 

nicknamed “The Darkness” by the prisoners sent there, who suffered such complete sensory deprivation that they did not 

even know they were in Afghanistan. They were chained in solitary confinement with no light and music blaring constantly. 

They were hung by their arms for as long as two days, slammed against walls, forced to lie naked on tarps while gallons of 

ice water were poured over their bodies. At least one prisoner died in CIA custody after being left shackled in frigid 

temperatures. No one was ever held to account for the American torture regime in Afghanistan (Risen, 2021). 

In February 2020, after more than a year of direct negotiations, the U.S. government and the Taliban signed a peace 

deal, the so-called Doha Agreement that set a timeline for the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan. Under the 

agreement, the United States pledged to draw down U.S. troops to approximately 8,500 within 135 days and complete a full 

withdrawal within fourteen months. In return, the Taliban pledged to prevent territory under its control from being used by 

terrorist groups and to enter into negotiations with the Afghan government. However, no official ceasefire was put in place. 

After a brief reduction in violence, the Taliban quickly resumed attacks on Afghan security forces and civilians. Direct talks 

between the Afghan government and the Taliban began months after the agreed-upon start of March 2020; however, the 

negotiations faced multiple delays and ultimately made little progress. Violence across Afghanistan continued in 2020 and 

2021 as the United States increased air strikes and raids targeting the Taliban. The Taliban, in turn, attacked Afghan 

government and ANDSF targets and made significant territorial gains. In April 2021, U.S. President Joe Biden announced 

that U.S. military forces would leave Afghanistan by September 2021. The Taliban, which had continued to capture and 

contest territory across the country despite ongoing peace talks with the Afghan government, ramped up attacks on ANDSF 

bases and outposts and began to rapidly seize more territory. In May 2021, the U.S. military accelerated the pace of its troop 

withdrawal. By the end of July 2021, the United States had completed nearly 95 percent of its withdrawal, leaving just 650 

troops to protect the U.S. embassy in Kabul. 

In the summer of 2021, the Taliban continued its offensive, threatening government-controlled urban areas and 

seizing several border crossings. In early August, the Taliban began direct assaults on multiple urban areas, including 

Kandahar in the south and Herat in the west. On August 6, 2021, the Taliban captured the capital of southern Nimruz 

Province, the first provincial capital to fall. After that, provincial capitals began to fall in rapid succession. Within days, the 

Taliban captured more than ten other capitals, including Mazar-i-Sharif in the north and Jalalabad in the east, leaving Kabul 

the only major urban area under government control. On August 15, 2021, over two weeks before the official U.S. withdrawal 

deadline, Taliban fighters entered the capital Kabul and took power. Afghan President Ashraf Ghani subsequently fled the 

country and the Afghan government collapsed. Later that same day, the Taliban announced they had entered the 

presidential palace, taken control of Kabul, and were establishing checkpoints to maintain security. 

The speed of the Taliban’s territorial gains and collapse of both the ANDSF and Afghan government surprised 

U.S. officials and allies—as well as, reportedly, the Taliban itself—despite earlier intelligence assessments of the situation 

on the ground. Following the Taliban’s take-over on August 15, 2021(Center for Preventive Action, 2022). 

Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) The report says the US exit from Afghanistan 

resulted in the Taliban regaining control of the country (Dar, 2014). 

 

Importance of Central Asia for Super powers 

In the geopolitical and geo-economic scenario, the strategic position and ownership of a state or region remains challenging 

issue as evident from the evolving strategic scenario of 21st Century international politics. These are the most influencing 

factors to invite the attention of greater powers in times of war and peace. 

The locational significance of a region or a state is an important aspect of strategic affairs in various interventionist 

policies in order to enlarge political influence across the borders. The concept of strategic significance emerged since late 

19th century as an important discourse in conceptualizing the international political developments and is still dominating 

factor in strategic scenario of international politics. The contemporary international politics is revolving around the 

https://www.hrw.org/report/2015/03/03/today-we-shall-all-die/afghanistans-strongmen-and-legacy-impunity
https://www.hrw.org/report/2015/03/03/today-we-shall-all-die/afghanistans-strongmen-and-legacy-impunity
https://www.hrw.org/report/2015/03/03/today-we-shall-all-die/afghanistans-strongmen-and-legacy-impunity
https://www.hrw.org/news/2002/03/20/sins-taliban
https://www.hrw.org/news/2002/03/20/sins-taliban
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/29/world/asia/us-taliban-deal.html
https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/02.29.20-US-Afghanistan-Joint-Declaration.pdf
https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Agreement-For-Bringing-Peace-to-Afghanistan-02.29.20.pdf
https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Agreement-For-Bringing-Peace-to-Afghanistan-02.29.20.pdf
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/afghanistan-us-taliban-peace-deal-signing/2020/02/29/b952fb04-5a67-11ea-8efd-0f904bdd8057_story.html
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/14/world/asia/taliban-cease-fire-step-afghanistan.html
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/03/04/world/asia/afghanistan-taliban-violence.html
https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/national-security/taliban-keep-close-ties-al-qaeda-despite-promise-u-s-n1258033
https://www.militarytimes.com/flashpoints/2020/01/27/the-us-is-bombing-the-hell-out-of-the-taliban-as-munitions-dropped-reaches-nearly-10-year-high/
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https://www.nytimes.com/2021/05/25/us/politics/us-afghanistan-withdrawal.html
https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/PRESS-RELEASES/Press-Release-View/Article/2708638/update-on-the-withdrawal-of-us-forces-from-afghanistan-july-26-2021/
https://apnews.com/article/afghanistan-us-troop-withdrawal-ac5f7fc24364ac46020cce8bee581815
https://apnews.com/article/afghanistan-us-troop-withdrawal-ac5f7fc24364ac46020cce8bee581815
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/06/03/afghanistan-war-taliban-helmand/
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/05/08/afghanistan-taliban-attacks/
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-57773120
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/08/01/taliban-attacks-afghanistan/
https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/8/6/taliban-capture-afghan-provincial-capital-zaranj-nimruz
https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/08/08/taliban-kunduz/
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https://apnews.com/article/afghanistan-taliban-kabul-bagram-e1ed33fe0c665ee67ba132c51b8e32a5
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https://apnews.com/article/joe-biden-afghanistan-taliban-5934ef05b0094d0189b5d900d2380179
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https://www.aljazeera.com/podcasts/2022/9/12/the-talibans-afghanistan


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geopolitics, geo-economics, strategic positions and possessions of vital resources rather than ideologies. States are more 

concerned with the national interest and promotion of national influence to meet the criteria of power. The elements of power 

are positioned in different geographical locations of the world and makes geopolitics and geo- economics more relevant with 

the international politics. Subsequently, the geopolitics as ‘position’ and geo-economics as ‘possession of vital resources,’ are 

the essentials of power politics and are strategically significant to sustain the life of scientific states of 21st Century. Heartland 

concept, post-Cold War, Global Chessboard and post-September 11 scenario. It is believed that Eurasia to be a part of the 

World Island, and Central Asian states as core of the Mackinder’s designs, strategic and economic relations that will influence 

the world affairs, should be referred to as geopolitical and geo-economic, or together as strategic because their significance 

is global in nature. However, keeping in view the methodological reasons and research limitation, the study will be specific 

on geopolitical position and geo-economic resources of Central Asia and will analyze the growing strategic significance of 

the region for major powers (US, Russia, China and India) in the 21st Century (Aljazeera, 2022). 

Great game, a political attitude adopted by great powers to achieve geo-strategic and geo-economic benefits in the 

Central Asian and the Caspian region. The main thrush hold of current strategic and economic relations in the region are 

Afghan crisis. Throughout the nineteenth century, Great Britain was obsessed by the fear that one of the other European 

powers would take advantage of the political decay of Central Asia. From 18th century till date great powers are vulnerable 

to bump with each other to have hold on the central Asia. A new force after disintegration of USSR is trying and mending 

its shoulders to have control over central Asia. This economic hub is politically very important where almost all great powers 

from British to Russia, US and China have interest prone to collision. In such circumstances other regional states like Saudi 

Arabi, Iran and Turkey, nuclear states like Indian and Pakistan have sway in the region in order to have major control over 

the gigantic economic resources which can flow through their countries (Ali, 2020). 

The great game has led numerous evaluations which involved five republics of central Asia as chessboard where 

international players are trying to win according to their interests. This game started earlier by British with Russian cold 

war in the region for dominance but with course of time other new players like China and US led Europe united to counter 

the Russian and the rising influence of China . The ground was provided by local rulers who always for their own comforts 

tied themselves with the world powers and never tried to emerge as power bags themselves. Their resources were and are 

utilized by world powers due to ruling dynasties or parties incompetence’s. In the 19th century, local Afghan rulers, their 

palace rivalries and dynastic conflicts increasingly squeezed the Afghan empire to its present borders. Court rivalries and 

family disputes on power provided plenty opportunity to outside enemies to understand the weaknesses of regional rulers. 

To take benefits of rivalries and conflicts, both the British in India and the Russians sought to bring Afghanistan under their 

control in order to have sway on Central Asia. This Anglo-Russian rivalry (called the Great Game) earlier resulted in two 

wars, the First Anglo-Afghan War (1838-1842) and the Second Anglo- Afghan War (1878-1880) in which British face stiff 

resistance and crushing defeats. But still the result was, the British secured control of Afghanistan’s foreign relations (Gillard, 

2023). 

After 9/11 the security concern increased much when US got militarily involved in this region. In this concern 

Russia got involved with its full strength to counter the interests of US and declared the formation of 11000 strong Rapid 

Reaction Force to bring them in action at the time of need if its sovereignty or sovereignty of any member organization is 

threatened (Smith, 2009). 

To counter any external threat The Shanghai Cooperation Organization reappeared as “Shanghai Five” of China, 

Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan in 1996 to solve all disputes internally and make a bond of tight security. 

The basic aim of the SCO is security of the region in order to fight the common enemy US and terrorism including organized 

crimes, extremism, and illegal drug trafficking and weapons trade (Krzysztof, 2002). 

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is a multi-national, cooperative regional institution in post-Soviet 

Central Asia. A leading institution in a region that encompasses over 60 percent of the world’s land mass, more than one-

third the world’s population, nearly 45 percent of the world’s energy reserves, and a combined economy that nearly equals 

the United States (U.S.) gross domestic product, the SCO has significant influence over the world’s economy and security. 

Moreover, the SCO is an organization exclusive of America, which may potentially threaten 

U.S. security and interests (McClellan, 2013). 
The most significant consequence is that Central Asia ceased to be a unified region. Before the events of 9/11, 

Central Asia was regarded as a unified area in both geographical and geopolitical terms. The development of the region was 

mostly determined by the dynamics of five states – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, and 

also by their interactions and mutual influence. As for today, from a geopolitical point of view, the region of Central Asia 

apart from the five former Soviet republics, includes Afghanistan, Xinjiang and parts of Mongolia. Therefore, the fact that 

after 9/11 many Western experts started using the term Central Eurasia is not accidental. However, from the geopolitical 

point of view this once unified region has become splintered. The states of the region found themselves in different political 

camps (Karin, 2004). 

Washington admittedly seeks energy access for U.S firms on a competitive basis, it knows full well that it cannot 

completely supplant Russian or Chinese interests in the region. Rather, in keeping with the geopolitical imperative of 

preventing any imperial revival in Eurasia, America simply wants to prevent Russia or any other foreign power from 

dominating Central Asian energy markets. Consequently, Washington has championed pipelines like those of Kazakhstan 



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38 
 

and Turkmenistan to China and the projected TAP and Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) line to India 

(Blank, 2008). 

 

USA intentions to Central Asia 

The United States was among the first countries to recognize the five Central Asian countries when they became independent 

amid the 1991 dissolution of the Soviet Union (Congressional Research Service, 2021). 

Central Asia is a critically important region for a number of United States strategic objectives. Although the region‟s 

importance to the United States increased dramatically after the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001, U.S. interest in the 

region was certainly not a new phenomenon. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the United States sought to help 

the newly independent countries of Central Asia develop both politically and economically. The United States also had 

important security interests in the region, though U.S. focus at the time centered on the removal of Soviet-era nuclear 

stockpiles in Kazakhstan rather than the threat of terrorism and militant Islam. After the terrorist attacks of 9/11, Central 

Asia became a major focus for the United States as it began its initial offensives in the Global War on Terror to unseat the 

Taliban in Afghanistan. It quickly (and relatively easily) established military bases in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan 

in order to more efficiently conduct its military campaign in Afghanistan. Yet recent developments in the region have many 

analysts concerned about a diminishing role for the United States in Central Asia (Dunn, 2009). 

The case for rebooting U.S policy 

 As the United States continues on a glide path toward a substantially smaller military footprint in Afghanistan, 

Central Asia’s importance as the gateway to Afghanistan will decline in America’s strategic calculus. 

 Central Asia’s first quarter century of independence was marked by a geopolitical orientation toward the West. 

The United States helped the five Central Asian states establish their independence and sovereignty. America fulfilled its 

promise of partnership at that crucial stage, and these states have been important partners to the United States at critical 

times. 

 Central Asia is on a different trajectory now. The region is in the midst of a major geopolitical shift that will 

diminish its ties to the Euro-Atlantic community and will elevate China’s influence in and importance to Central Asian 

states. For the foreseeable future, Beijing and Moscow will be the region’s principal economic, political, and security partners 

due to China’s preeminent regional economic power and Russia’s residual presence. 

 These developments portend declining American presence in and influence over the region—and greater difficulty 

in transforming Central Asian states into democratic, free-market economies knitted together by regional economic 

integration. 

 Advancing Washington’s priorities in this new environment will require significant changes in U.S. policy 

(Rumer, Sokolsky & Stronski, 2016). 

Even if a U.S. military base does eventually open in Central Asia, it won’t change the balance of power on the ground. 

There are no interests that require Washington to have a long-term policy on the region. Moscow and Beijing, on the other 

hand, have no choice but to closely follow regional developments, since their own security depends on them. Furthermore, 

China is not just an important economic partner now, but is actively moving to institutionalize its relations with the 

Central Asian states (Umarov, 2021). 

Later on 7 January 2002, speaking at Bagram airbase near Kabul, visiting US Senator Joseph Liebermann also 

indicated a significant shift in Washington’s policy, we learned at a very high and painful price the cost of a lack of 

involvement in Central Asia on 11 September and we are not going to let it happen again. 

U.S. experts agree on the need for Washington to rethink its strategy for Central Asia in light of its withdrawal from 

Afghanistan but are divided on what shape that new strategy should take. 

Until 2001, few Americans knew this remote region. But it played a key role in U.S. military operations in 

Afghanistan, with Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan hosting air bases and helping the coalition transport critical goods. U.S. 

Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Lesslie Viguerie said Central Asia is still strategically important, despite the U.S. exit 

from Afghanistan. “Many things have changed over decades, but our overarching goals remain the same: sovereignty, 

independence and territorial integrity,” Viguerie said (Imamova, 2022a). 

Martha Brill Olcott in Carnegie center said, the main reason why democracies have not developed in Central Asia 

is that the region's leaders don't want them to. However, the region's rulers would like us to believe that the failure of 

democracy-building in the region is a good thing, not a bad one. They portray their populations as unready for democracy, 

politically-immature and capable of being swayed by extreme ideologies. In addition, they say that their people respect 

strong rulers and like them and that as traditional Asians they are ill-disposed to democracy. 

Putz and American writer ,write in the diplomat in article that Kazakhstan recorded a decline, to 6.71, in part due 

to worsening civil society conditions — harassment of activists, journalists, lawyers, social media users, and religious 

communities — and negative changes in the realm of judicial systems.  

Democracy requires free and credible media. This was among the critical messages that U.S. Acting Assistant 

Secretary of State for Global Public Affairs Elizabeth Kennedy Trudeau delivered during a recent visit to Central Asia. 

Trudeau visited Uzbekistan, Washington's strategic partner, and Kyrgyzstan, which the Biden administration sees as "the 

light of freedom" in Central Asia despite continuing setbacks and a wave of recent detentions of activists and civil society 

https://freedomhouse.org/report/nations-transit/2018/kazakhstan


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39 
 

figures (Imamova, 2022b) 

From other side Russia also warn central Asia and write, Five Republics of Central Asia and Georgia seem to have 

turned a deaf ear to Russian concerns about the US military intrusion into their strategic space. To meet this American threat 

in the Central Asian region, Moscow is for the time being trying to consolidate its relations with Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan 

and Tajikistan. Apparently, it has reconciled itself to a long term US military presence in Georgia, Uzbekistan and 

Kyrgyzstan. 

 

USA presence in the region and Impact on central Asia 

When US launched War on Terrorism in Afghanistan by US and her allies, Uzbekistan was the frontline state among Central 

Asian Republics to support America. Its willingness to open its borders to US troops and its permission to launch attacks on 

the Taliban from its military bases helped it to boost its fragile economy but on the other hand the extremist groups got 

reactivated (Maynes, 2003). 

The U.S has started to persuade the governments of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan to allow its military bases on the 

territory of these Central Asian countries. 

First of all, this enabled the American military to conduct special operations in Afghanistan and deliver "over-the- 

horizon" missile strikes there against reconnaissance targets using long-range Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV), according 

to Frontier Post. 

Earlier, Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Colin Kal, during a hearing in the US Senate Armed Services 

Committee, hinted that, if necessary, in order to establish bases in the Central Asian region, the Pentagon would bribe the 

leadership of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. 

Moscow, in turn, strongly opposes America's military presence in Central Asia, which for Russia is important for 

organizing its strategic defense (ANI Asia, 2022). 

These five republics have achieved impressive economic results with relatively high growth rates over the last few 

years based on natural resources underpinned by rising global prices for those exports. The reason for the high growth rates, 

Central Asia became attractive to the European Union (EU) and the U.S, as well as other Western countries and the People’s 

Republic of China (PRC) as providers of energy and natural resources (Luong & Weinthal, 2002). 

US can assist Central Asia in strengthening its role as a connector for the East and West. Rich in oil, gas, and energy, 

the US can focus on globalizing these markets by increasing foreign investments and diversifying the region’s private sectors 

(Allaf, 2022). 

The five Republics - Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan - do not trust the 

Americans or NATO to secure the region after 2015, because of their collective failure to secure peace inside Afghanistan 

(Maynes, 2003). 

Super powers are searching for Oil and Gas in central Asia, but Central Asian countries doesn’t trust super power 

countries, because these countries are suspicious about the super power colonialized mentality. 

Central Asia is situated between Russia and China. Granted, these two Great Powers are not as powerful as the 

United States on a global scale. Yet since the aforementioned “linkages” between the “Stans” and the West are tenuous, the 

Central Asian republics essentially perceive Russia and China as superpowers. The historical and contemporary “linkages” 

between Russia and the “Stans” (ranging from national, cultural, and linguistic to political, economic, and military) are 

extensive and the infrastructural projects associated with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) harbor significant potential 

for Beijing to amass much greater “linkages” with the “Stans.” All of the Central Asian republics seek to limit Moscow and 

Beijing’s leverage, but existing “linkages” coupled with geographic realities undercut the ability of the “Stans” to effectively 

offset Russian and Chinese influence (Sullivan, 2019). 

The article gives a thorough summary of the geopolitical relevance of Central Asia, especially in light of 

superpowers like China, Russia, and the United States. The influence of US presence in the region and the changing 

dynamics among these key players are also covered. To encapsulate the main findings: 

 Geopolitical Significance of Central Asia: The article highlights the region's strategic significance, pointing out 

that major international powers have taken notice of it because of its advantageous location and plenty of natural 

resources. 

 The "Great Game": This article's recurring topic emphasises the rivalry of major powers—including the US, 

China, and Russia—for influence in the Central Asian region, both historically and currently. 

 Impact of US Presence: The article highlights the US's substantial involvement in Central Asia, especially in the 

wake of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. To assist with its military activities in Afghanistan, the United States built military 

bases in a number of Central Asian nations. 

 Change in Geopolitical Alliances: It is noted that China and Russia are progressively taking the lead as the region's 

main political and economic allies. This is causing a change in the geopolitical landscape of Central Asia. The 

article makes the argument that as Central Asian nations deepen their connections with China and Russia, American 

influence may eventually wane. 

 Interests in Resources and Energy: The essay emphasises how crucial Central Asia's abundant natural 

resources—such as oil, gas, and energy—are in drawing in big nations like China and the United States. 

 Difficulties with Democracy: The article discusses obstacles to the growth of democracy in the area, such as 

https://www.business-standard.com/topic/tajikistan
https://www.business-standard.com/topic/uzbekistan
https://www.business-standard.com/topic/tajikistan
https://www.business-standard.com/topic/uzbekistan


Muriithi & Muathe, American International Journal of Social Science Research 14(1) (2023), 33-42

  

40 
 

restrictions on the freedom of the media, civil society, and human rights. It implies that local authorities oppose 

democracy and spread myths about how unprepared their people are for democratic rule. 

 Security Concerns and Regional Organisations: In order to handle challenges like organised crime and 

counterterrorism, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and other regional organisations have been 

formed.  

In conclusion, the paper offers a thorough examination of the strategic significance of Central Asia as well as the changing 

relationships between the key regional powers. It sheds light on the intricacies of Central Asian geopolitics by highlighting 

the historical background, resource interests, and threats to democracy in the area. 

Examining the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks and the role of the United States in the region, the article explores a 

complicated web of geopolitical relationships.  

The first section of the article sets the historical context, highlighting the resurgence of geopolitical tensions in 

Central Asia following the 9/11 attacks and the pivotal role played by the United States in these developments. 

The consequences of the American invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 are then covered. It demonstrates how the U.S. 

intervention increased the dominance of warlords in the Northern Alliance and caused great misery, especially for the 

Pashtun people. 

In anticipation of financial assistance for progress and democratic changes, the essay emphasises the prospects that 

the coalition led by the United States against terrorism offers to Central Asian Republics. It describes how China and Russia 

reacted with concern to this development. 

It outlines the worries of Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan in particular, who are neighbours of 

Afghanistan. Although prior peaceful relations are also acknowledged, the concerns posed by military invasions, drug and 

weapon trade, refugee flows, and water sharing issues are acknowledged. The article focuses on the strategic goals of the 

United States, including access to oil and gas resources, as well as the tactics it uses in Central Asia. It draws attention to 

how sceptical and resistant Central Asian nations are to American influence. 

The U.S.'s inability to accomplish its objectives in Afghanistan and the Taliban's potential return in 2021 are 

highlighted. According to the article, following this setback, officials in Central Asia lost faith in the United States. Given 

that Central Asia received financial assistance from the United States and other foreign countries, it highlights the financial 

consequences of American involvement in the area. 
 

CONCLUSIONS 

After 9/11 attacks on pentagon and world business center in America Afghanistan once again fell in geopolitical game after 

Russian invasion which the US is the main actor. The United States invaded to Afghanistan in 2001 in the name of self-

defense war, and give power to north alliance warlords and Mafia and they rule Afghanistan for 20 years, killed, bombed, 

take the lands of Pushtun, took all Afghanistan resources, mines, all foreign aids in the name of terrorist with the help of 

USA .Pushtun who are near 70% population of Afghanistan suffer during these 20 years because of the north alliance, 

warlords and Mafia. The attacks of 9/11 and launching US-led anti-terrorist coalition, provided opportunities to the Central 

Asian Republics states to eradicate Islamic Radicalism. Central Asian Republics were hoping US economic assistance will 

come to central Asian countries and it will boost economic development and democratic reforms in the region. After taking 

the military air bases America become the biggest player in the region. So China as well as Russia was not happy about the 

closeness of the USA in the central Asia region. So Russia and China with some central Asian countries made Shanghai 

Cooperation Organization (SCO) and its defense bloc to NATO specially for America.There is an idea the attacks didn’t 

carried by al Qaeda it was just drama of America government to gain some international interests, but still it’s not proved 

who did it and for what, Osama Bin Laden leader of Al Qaeda was member of CIA in 1984 and he fought against soviet 

Russian hand to hand with America in Afghanistan, American killed him in Pakistan in very strategic and military place of 

Pakistan.The US Invasion in Afghanistan had huge impact on central Asian region , The neighbours of Afghanistan 

especially Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan intensify the threats of military incursions, drug and weapons trading, 

refugee flows and water sharing ,but in Afghanistan history Afghanistan was always peaceful with northern neighbors it mean 

central Asian countries ,always live in peaceful life and never had problem ,but some time Tajikistan is interfering in 

Afghanistan internal Issues and supporting Tajik ethnic in Afghanistan against Pashtuns. Afghanistan have share water with 

Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan but still they are all using peacefully the water.US invasion to Afghanistan is an 

opportunities to US to fulfill its interests in Central Asian regions. Taking US military bases in central Asia show it can find 

easily place make air bases it mean by power , money or diplomacy US can convince central Asian countries to find the 

place for themselves and implement its hegemonic plans and policies.After US has failed to achieve its goals in Afghanistan 

and Taliban back to power in 2021 August after Taliban and America Doha agreement, because they didn’t support Ashraf 

Ghani government and fake Human right, women right and democracy, these things are just way to achieve US national 

interests, Central Asian leaders lost they are trust on USA after lost in Afghanistan war.USA presence in region effect on 

economy because USA and international community provide economic aid for central Asian region. Russian and China also 

interested in central Asia, US is trying to interfere in central Asian region by the name of democracy and freedom ,US 

always talking about the regime of central Asian countries ,US says its authoritarian governments . Interests of USA in 

Central Asia is strategic location oil and gas wealth, but central Asian people and governments are fear of china influence, 

Russian are not trusted and they don’t like American supremacy and hegemonic mentality.After two decades of US-led 

intervention in Afghanistan the country is same like before 9/11 the same group of Taliban are in power and this power 



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41 
 

shifted by Americana in Doha Agreement. America keep Afghanistan unsecure and poor to find soldiers for Daesh to make 

central Asia unsecure ,some proof shows that American forces carry some Daesh members from south of Afghanistan to 

north Afghanistan border with Central Asian countries ,US want to create problems for Russia and China. Long-term peace 

in Afghanistan will depend equally on the country’s regional neighbours and the Central Asian States. Pakistan CIA which 

is the source of insecurity in the Region and the real source of insecurity, should pressure by Russia, China to not insecure 

the region any more not support Jihadi and terrorist groups. All the Central Asian Republics and Afghanistan should become 

united to keep outside powers like US out from entering in this oil and gas, lithium, rich region. The most important indicator 

relates to the patterns of friendship and hostility: border disputes, Ideological conflicts, political tensions over water resources 

and cultural and historical characteristics the joint ultimately led to the security affiliation between Central Asian should 

solve. Central Asian Governments must use some regional, international actors Also regional mechanisms of cooperation 

and security, the organization Shanghai cooperation, the United Nations and the invitation of the international community, 

new laws Adjust the office to counter Islamic extremism and terrorism. Also from Regional mechanisms including the 

Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Economic Union Eurasia that is one of the possible solutions to confrontation The 

US in the Central Asian region. Central Asian countries and regional countries including Russia, China should support the 

converting the situation in Afghanistan by supporting the peace practice in Afghanistan. 

Afghanistan to be permanently joined by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and to help this country Construction 

because Afghanistan have necessary capacity in regional convergence, central Asia gain benefits in the space of interaction 

and cooperation in the region and Strengthen Afghanistan. 

 

 
Author Contributions: Conceptualization, D.Z. and B.G.A.; Methodology, D.Z.; Software, D.Z.; Validation, D.Z. and B.G.A.; Formal Analysis, D.Z. 

and B.G.A.; Investigation, D.Z. and B.G.A.; Resources, D.Z. and B.G.A.; Data Curation, D.Z.; Writing – Original Draft Preparation, D.Z. and B.G.A.; 

Writing – Review & Editing, D.Z. and B.G.A.; Visualization, D.Z.; Supervision, D.Z.; Project Administration, D.Z.; Funding Acquisition, D.Z. and B.G.A. 
Authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript. 

Institutional Review Board Statement: Ethical review and approval were waived for this study, due to that the research does not deal with vulnerable 
groups or sensitive issues. 

Funding: The authors received no direct funding for this research. 

Acknowledgement: Not applicable.  

Informed Consent Statement: Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study. 

Data Availability Statement: The data presented in this study are available on request from the corresponding author. The data are not publicly available 

due to restrictions. 

Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest.    

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                 

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