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1 | A m e r i c a n  J o u r n a l  o f  A r t s  a n d  C o m m u n i c a t i o n  

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THE INCARNATE BEING PHENOMENON AMONG THE IGALA OF 

KOGI STATE: THE SOCIO-CULTURAL CONTEXT OF WOMEN 

EXEMPTION FROM PARTICIPATION 
 

Sophia Ojochogwu Adofu Ph,D 

Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts, Federal University of Lafia 

Email: sophiaadofu@yahoo.com 

DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15980511 

 

Abstract: This study explored the phenomenon of the incarnate being among the Igala of Kogi State, Nigeria, 

focusing on the cultural and religious dynamics that lead to the exclusion of women from participating in such 

spiritual roles. Through a multidisciplinary approach that includes ethnographic fieldwork, cultural analysis, and 

feminist theory, the paper critically examines the intersections of tradition, gender, and modernity. The study also 

investigated the shifts in perception and practice in contemporary Igala society, highlighting the need for more 

inclusive reinterpretations of cultural heritage. 

Keywords: Incarnate being, Igala, gender exclusion, traditional religion, feminism, ritual purity, cultural 

transformation 

 

Introduction 

The Igala ethnic group, located in the eastern region of Kogi State, Nigeria, has a vibrant culture centered on 

spiritualism, oral tradition, and ancestral worship. Among their spiritual traditions is the belief in the incarnate 

being—referred to in local dialect as "Egwu" or "Ibegwu” which is regarded as a physical manifestation of 

ancestral or spiritual power. These beings are perceived as divine emissaries who maintain moral order, enforce 

social norms, and serve as links between the spiritual and physical realms1. 

The rituals surrounding the incarnate being are deeply embedded in Igala cosmology, with significant roles in 

community festivals, funerals of elders, and spiritual adjudication. However, these rituals are characteristically 

male dominated, with women systematically excluded from participation and initiation. This exclusion is often 

justified through traditional beliefs concerning ritual purity, gendered spiritual roles, and ancestral injunctions2. 

As modernity continues to influence traditional societies, the exclusionary nature of such practices has become a 

subject of critique. Education, urbanization, and religious diversity have increasingly encouraged women to 

                                            
1 I. Okpewho. African Oral Literature: Backgrounds, Character, and Continuity. Indiana University Press, 1992. 
2 K. Yusuf, Women and Traditional Religion in Nigeria: A Historical Analysis. Lagos: Unity Publishers, 2015. 

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question these long-held customs3. This paper investigates the socio-cultural reasoning behind the exclusion, how 

it reflects patriarchal structures, and what changes are emerging in contemporary Igala society. 

Statement of the Problem 

Despite the spiritual significance and communal reverence afforded to the incarnate being phenomenon, its 

exclusionary framework raises critical concerns about gender equity and cultural representation. The problem lies 

in the contradiction between a culture that venerates ancestors and spiritual manifestations yet perpetuates gender 

discrimination under the pretext of tradition. Why are women systematically barred from a practice that claims to 

represent collective ancestral wisdom and moral order? To what extent is this exclusion rooted in cultural logic 

versus patriarchal dominance? This paper aims to interrogate these questions using cultural, anthropological, and 

feminist lenses. 

Conceptual Clarification 

The term incarnate being typically refers to a spiritual or divine entity that assumes bodily or human form. The 

Latin root "incarnatio" means “becoming flesh,” indicating a transition from an immaterial or divine mode of 

being to a material, embodied existence. The Incarnation is "the self-communication of the absolute mystery of 

God in the form of finite existence, climaxing in Jesus Christ" (Foundations of Christian Faith)4. This highlights 

that the incarnate being is not merely a divine appearance but a full assumption of human nature. 

From a philosophical standpoint, the incarnation raises questions about identity, dualism, and embodiment. Søren 

Kierkegaard viewed the Incarnation as a paradox (the Absolute paradox) in which the eternal enters time, and the 

infinite becomes finite5.  For Kierkegaard, this paradox demands a leap of faith, as reason alone cannot reconcile 

the contradiction. Maurice Merleau-Ponty, a phenomenologist, though not writing about religious incarnation, 

emphasized embodiment as the basis of being-in-the-world6. His work is often used to explore how divine 

embodiments might not be alien to human nature, but rather an intensification of what it means to be human. 

In various world religions, the idea of divine beings becoming human is also present. Hinduism speaks of avatars, 

especially Vishnu, who incarnate in various forms to restore cosmic order. A typical example is Krishna Rama. 

According to Anantanand Rambachan, the avatar concept signifies divine intervention in human history without 

compromising transcendence7. 

African Traditional Religions often hold beliefs in spiritual beings manifesting in human or material forms. John 

S. Mbiti notes that “there is no sharp dichotomy between the spiritual and physical; spirits may take form and 

                                            
3 S. O. Adofu. Economic History of Igala Women in Kogi State, 1900-2020. Wukari International Studies Journal 8(1), 

22-32 
4 K. Rahner, Foundations of Christian Faith. 1966. 

5 S. Kierkegaard, Philosophical Fragments. 1844. 
6 M. Maurice, Phenomenology of Perception. 1945. 
7 A. Rambachan, The Limits of Scripture: Vivekananda’s Reinterpretation of the Vedas. 1994. 

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dwell among humans”8. These cross-cultural examples show that the incarnate being functions as a mythopoetic 

symbol of divine nearness and moral action. 

Methodology 

This study adopted a qualitative ethnographic approach. Secondary data sources including existing literature, oral 

history recordings, and historical texts was consulted. Data was analyzed using thematic analysis to identify 

recurring patterns and cultural justifications. Feminist anthropological perspectives were applied to assess the 

power dynamics and gender constructions embedded in the practices. 

Theoretical Framework 

This study is guided by the feminist anthropology framework and the symbolic interaction theory. The Feminist 

Anthropology framework critiques the male-centered bias in anthropological interpretations and emphasizes the 

need to include women's voices and experiences in the understanding of cultural practices. This framework was 

advanced by Moore in 2006. 

Symbolic Interactionism is a theory put forward by Blumer in 1969.  This theory explores how people create and 

interpret symbols in society. The incarnate being is a potent cultural symbol, and its interaction with social actors 

reveals underlying beliefs and power dynamics. 

The Geographical Location of Igala Land 

Igala land occupies the eastern portion of Kogi State, bordered by the River Niger and Benue. The region is 

characterized by its hilly terrain, riverine settlements, and subsistence agriculture. Historically, Idah served as the 

political and spiritual capital of the Igala Kingdom. The area is linguistically homogenous, with the Igala language 

serving as the primary means of communication and cultural expression. 

The Incarnate Being Phenomenon among the Igala 

The Igala are an ethnic group primarily located in the central region of Nigeria, whose complex religious and 

social structures have been the subject of scholarly inquiry for decades. Their indigenous religion, like many 

African traditional religious systems, is characterized by a dynamic interplay between the transcendent and the 

immanent. Within this framework, the notion of an incarnate being, that is, a divine or spiritual presence that takes 

on a tangible, embodied form, plays a significant role. Researchers have noted that in the Igala world view, the 

divine is not distant but becomes manifest in rituals, ancestral figures, and even in the medium of ritual specialists.  

In many African contexts, the boundary between the spiritual and the material is permeable. As John S. Mbiti 

famously observed, African religions “live in the immediate presence of the invisible”9. The divine is immanent 

in everyday life, appearing through nature, ritual practices, and the actions of human agents. This forms a useful 

conceptual background for understanding the Igala model, where divine presence can be understood as having an 

“incarnational” dimension, that is, an active, embodied participation in the human realm10. 

                                            
8 J.S. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy. 1969 
9 J. S. Mbiti. African Religions and Philosophy. Nairobi: Heinemann, 1969. 
10 J. S. Mbiti. African Religions and Philosophy. Nairobi: Heinemann, 1969. 

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Central to Igala cosmology is the belief in a supreme creator or high god, accompanied by a host of lesser deities 

and ancestral spirits. The high god, while transcendent, is seen as the source of a living and interactive spiritual 

realm. This divine realm is populated by forces and beings that are not permanently fixed in an abstract sphere 

but, rather, can interact with humans through various forms. Incarnational manifestations are part of this broader 

conceptualization, where the divine energy or presence temporarily assumes a concrete form for the sake of 

communication or intervention in human affairs. 

Among the most illustrative examples of incarnate being in Igala practice are the roles of ritual specialists11. These 

individuals, including priests and diviners, are often seen as channels through which ancestral and divine 

presences are expressed. In many ceremonies, the ritual specialist may undergo symbolic transformations 

(through costume, dance, and other performative acts) that are interpreted as a temporary “incarnation” of an 

ancestral spirit or deity. Such practices are not seen as mere symbolism but as actual participatory moments where 

the boundaries between the human and the divine blur12. 

Another significant domain in Igala religion is the masquerade as incarnate being tradition. Masquerades, which 

appear during festivals and special events, are understood to be physical manifestations of spiritual forces. The 

masks and regalia are not simply artistic adornments but are imbued with spiritual power, symbolizing the entry 

of ancestral beings or deities into the community. These incarnate figures serve both as intermediaries who 

transmit divine messages and as moral exemplars whose appearance reaffirms communal values and cosmic 

order13. 

Scholars such as Onwuejeogwu14 have emphasized that in Igala society, the personification of the divine through 

ritual forms underscores the belief that the sacred is not confined to an inaccessible realm. The embodied presence 

of ancestral and divine forces in rituals serves not only to validate the spiritual efficacy of the rituals themselves 

but also to reinforce social cohesion and communal memory. This idea aligns with broader anthropological 

observations across West Africa where bodily transformation and ritual embodiment are central to community life 

and identity. 

The incarnate being among the Igala can also be read in theological terms. Some scholars argue that the very act 

of embodiment in ritual functions as a form of divine intervention, a localized analogue to incarnational theology 

in other traditions15. Here, the Igala incarnate being is not a static entity but is dynamically re-created in the 

interactions between ritual practitioners and their community16. This perspective has been compared to notions 

                                            
11  T. A. Miachi. The Incarnate Being Phenomenon in African Culture, 2012. 
12 A. E. Afigbo, Ritual and Society in Igala Culture. Lagos: University Press of Nigeria. 1982. 
13 C. Okoro, Masquerades and Mysteries: The Incarnate in Igala Festivals. Ibadan: Spectrum Books, 1995. 
14 N. Onwuejeogwu, Igala Ritual and Society: An Anthropological Perspective. Enugu: Eastern Nigerian University Press, 

1980. 
15 A. E. Afigbo, Ritual and Society in Igala Culture. Lagos: University Press of Nigeria. 1982. 
16 J. S. Mbiti. African Religions and Philosophy. Nairobi: Heinemann, 1969. 

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of the living presence in other African spiritual systems, where deities manifest not as permanent fixtures but as 

temporary incarnations that renew the sacred connection between the transcendent and the mundane17. 

When compared with other African traditional systems, such as the Yoruba concept of embodied divinity in the 

forms of Orishas or the Edo traditions of ancestral veneration, the Igala model presents both similarities and 

differences. Like the Yoruba, the Igala incorporate the idea that the divine becomes manifest in material forms 

during ritual performances. However, whereas Yoruba Orishas often have well-defined mythologies and cultic 

practices, the Igala approach is more closely tied to ancestral forces and community-centered rituals. This 

comparative perspective enhances our understanding of how incarnational ideas are adapted to local social and 

cultural realities18. 

The concept of the incarnate being among the Igala is a multifaceted phenomenon that underscores the intimate 

and dynamic relationship between the sacred and everyday life. Through ritual specialists, masquerade traditions, 

and the veneration of ancestral spirits, the Igala demonstrates that the divine is not an abstract, remote force but 

an active, embodied presence that intervenes in the social and spiritual realms. Scholarly works like; Mbiti 1969; 

Onwuejeogwu 1980; Afigbo 1982; Okoro 1995, provide robust frameworks to appreciate how these indigenous 

practices resonate with broader African theological and anthropological discourses. The Igala model thereby 

contributes to a richer understanding of incarnational theology as a globally relevant concept, rooted in local 

traditions and community life. 

Socio-Cultural Context for Women Exemption 

The Igala people of central Nigeria maintain a rich and complex indigenous religious system that includes belief 

in divine manifestations, ancestor worship, and ritual embodiment. Within this cosmological framework, the 

incarnate being, an ancestral or spiritual presence that takes form during rituals, particularly masquerades and 

priestly embodiment, is a significant religious phenomenon. However, women are systematically excluded from 

direct participation in many of these rituals, especially in those involving masquerades and the embodiment of 

certain spirits or ancestors. 

This exclusion is not accidental or incidental but deeply rooted in socio-cultural, cosmological, and political 

structures that define gender roles in Igala society19. This discussion examines these underlying factors with 

scholarly references and detailed contextual analysis. Igala religious thought conceptualizes the spiritual world as 

hierarchically ordered, with the supreme deity (Ọjọ) at the top, followed by lesser deities (ẹbọ), ancestral spirits 

                                            
 
17  T. A. Miachi. The Incarnate Being Phenomenon in African Culture, 2012. 
18 J. S. Mbiti. African Religions and Philosophy. Nairobi: Heinemann, 1969. 
 
 
19  T. A. Miachi. The Incarnate Being Phenomenon in African Culture, 2012. 

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(Ibegwu), and human mediators such as priests and masquerade performers. Access to spiritual authority is 

stratified along gender lines, with men positioned as public custodians of ritual power20. 

The rituals involving the incarnate being—particularly masquerades and ancestral invocation—require access to 

esoteric knowledge, which is traditionally passed down patrilineal through secret male societies, such as the Ẹgwu 

and Ibegwu cults. Women are excluded from these societies, not merely by custom but by ontological belief that 

women are “spiritually incompatible” with certain forms of divine presence. The secret societies that control the 

masquerade traditions in Igala land are fiercely patriarchal, and participation is based on initiation and ancestral 

lineage, which women are denied access to21. 

Masquerade festivals, such as those involving the Egwu-Ata, are central sites of incarnational manifestation in 

Igala tradition. The masquerade is believed to be an embodiment of ancestral spirits or the Ibegwu, sacred 

ancestral beings that “descend” during festivals. The performer wears elaborate costumes and masks that 

symbolically transform him into an incarnate being. Women are not allowed to wear masquerade attire, perform 

as incarnate beings, or even in some cases observe certain rituals involving masquerades. This exclusion is based 

on a combination of spiritual purity codes, symbolic gender oppositions, and social control mechanisms. 

Masquerades are considered the physical manifestation of spirits, and it is taboo for women to touch or even come 

close to the masquerade attire, lest they incur spiritual consequences22. The mask itself is sacred and seen as an 

ontological threshold between the human and spirit worlds. In Igala belief, women are associated with fertility, 

biological reproduction, and domesticity, while men are aligned with spiritual warfare, protection, and ritual 

performance. 

Igala society is patrilineal and patriarchal, meaning descent and inheritance pass through the male line. Religious 

and political authority is concentrated in male elders, who also serve as custodians of shrines and mediators of 

spiritual practices. Women, though respected in the domestic and economic spheres, are socially positioned as 

ritual outsiders. Women in Igala culture are structurally confined to the private sphere and are denied roles in 

sacred institutions that deal with the incarnate or ancestral spirits23.  

Women’s bodies are considered to be in a state of cyclical impurity due to menstruation, childbirth, and other 

natural biological processes. These bodily functions are seen as spiritually disruptive in a ritual context, 

particularly when dealing with powerful ancestral or divine forces. The notion that women’s bodily cycles could 

destabilize spiritual order reinforces their exclusion from direct ritual engagement24. Thus, women are not trusted 

to mediate the sacred, not because they are incapable, but because their bodies and roles are socially interpreted 

as ritually unstable. 

                                            
20 A. E. Afigbo, Ritual and Society in Igala Culture. Lagos: University Press of Nigeria. 1982. 
21 N. Onwuejeogwu, Igala Ritual and Society: An Anthropological Perspective. Enugu: Eastern Nigerian University Press, 

1980. 
22 C. Okoro, Masquerades and Mysteries: The Incarnate in Igala Festivals, 1965. 
23 A. E. Afigbo, Ritual and Society in Igala Culture. Lagos: University Press of Nigeria. 1982. 
24 J. S. Mbiti. African Religions and Philosophy. Nairobi: Heinemann, 1969. 

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Interestingly, while women are excluded from directly participating in incarnate rituals, they often play supporting 

or symbolic roles. In some ceremonies, women prepare food, sing, or offer moral instruction, but always at a 

remove from the core ritual performance25. In rare cases of symbolic inversion, female figures may appear in 

ritual texts or oral traditions as embodying spiritual insight or danger, but these are mythic archetypes, not actual 

participants in incarnational ritual. Such figures are often treated with ambivalence, respected, feared, but never 

granted actual ritual authority. 

What Has Changed in These Modern Days 

Contemporary Igala society is experiencing gradual yet significant transformations in the interpretation and 

enactment of traditional institutions, particularly regarding gender roles and the participation of women in sacred 

systems such as the incarnate being institution. Several interconnected factors contribute to this cultural shift. 

The increased access of women to formal education is among the most influential drivers of change. As Igala 

women attain higher levels of education, they are more empowered to critically examine, and question gendered 

cultural norms that have historically excluded them from significant religious and social institutions26. Education 

has broadened women’s intellectual capacity and participation in civic discourse, enabling them to challenge 

patriarchal ideologies with informed resistance27. 

The spread of Christianity and Islam, both of which advocate varying degrees of spiritual equality, has challenged 

the legitimacy of traditional Igala religious structures that endorse male dominance28. These Abrahamic religions 

have, to varying extents, provided theological frameworks for the reinterpretation of indigenous practices, leading 

some adherents to question the exclusivity of male religious authority. 

The global discourse on human rights, especially in the realm of gender equality, has found resonance within 

Nigerian society. The influence of national and international women’s rights movements has emboldened Igala 

women to demand access and inclusion in institutions from which they were historically excluded29. These 

movements have created platforms for local women to articulate their grievances and push for reforms in cultural 

and religious institutions. 

Urbanization and internal migration have exposed Igala populations to alternative social norms and pluralistic 

values. As individuals interact with other cultures, particularly in urban centers, they adopt more flexible attitudes 

toward gender roles. This exposure has led to limited reforms in some communities, where women are now 

permitted to undertake secondary roles in ritual practices—such as singing, drumming, or preparing ceremonial 

                                            
25 S. O. Adofu. The Role of Women in Igala Leadership: A Historical Perspective. Nasara Journal of the Humanities, 

11(1), 2024, 33-41 
26 O. O. Okpeh Jr. “Gender and Identity in the Middle Belt of Nigeria.” Lapai Journal of Humanities, 5, (2,), 2005, 21–45. 

27 C. Nwajiuba. “Education and Gender in Nigeria.” African Research Review, 5(2), 2011, 129–141. 

 
28 J. D. Y. Peel. Religious Encounter and the Making of the Yoruba. Indiana University Press, 2000. 
29 J. Ibrahim, et a.l Federalism and Ethnic Politics in Nigeria. Centre for Democracy and Development, 2004. 

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attire—though they remain excluded from core spiritual functions such as participating in the initiation ceremony 

of the incarnate being30. 

Despite these evolving dynamics, full inclusion of women in the incarnate being institution remains elusive. The 

spiritual and symbolic functions at the heart of the institution continue to be guarded by male elites who draw on 

cultural, ancestral, and metaphysical justifications to uphold their authority31. While women have gained 

peripheral visibility, systemic gender exclusion remains deeply entrenched in the traditional religious fabric of 

Igala society. 

Conclusion  

The incarnate being phenomenon stands as a profound representation of the spiritual and metaphysical depth 

embedded within the Igala cosmological worldview. It encapsulates not only religious symbolism and ancestral 

veneration but also the sociocultural mechanisms through which communal identity, authority, and continuity are 

constructed and sustained. As a central institution within the traditional religious order, it reinforces communal 

cohesion and reflects the sacred dynamics between the visible and invisible realms of existence. 

However, the exclusionary framework that systematically denies women full participation in this institution 

exposes an enduring gender asymmetry. This exclusion is rooted in patriarchal interpretations of tradition that 

have historically privileged male authority over spiritual knowledge and ritual power. In the context of 

contemporary discourses on gender equity, human rights, and inclusive citizenship, such structural 

marginalization stands at odds with the evolving values of equality, social justice, and participatory cultural 

practice. 

While the preservation of cultural heritage remains essential to safeguarding indigenous knowledge systems and 

affirming communal identity, such preservation must not become a rigid reinforcement of oppressive structures. 

Rather, it should be subject to continuous critical reflection, allowing for adaptive reinterpretation that aligns with 

the ethical imperatives of the present. A dynamic and living tradition is one that evolves in response to the 

aspirations and realities of its people, without losing its core essence. Therefore, the incarnate being institution 

must begin to confront its gendered limitations and explore pathways toward a more inclusive and reflective 

future. 

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