Pa ge 1 Pa ge 30 American Journal of Arts and Human Science (AJAHS) Examining the Impact of Regional Integration on Peace and Security in East African Community Fawzi Ahmed Abdullah Slom1* Volume 3 Issue 3, Year 2024 ISSN: 2832-451X (Online) DOI: https://doi.org/10.54536/ajahs.v3i3.2867 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Article Information ABSTRACT Received: May 31, 2024 Accepted: July 30, 2024 Published: July 02, 2024 Attempts at regionalization and integration are increasingly viewed as offering chances for guaranteeing peace, stability, and sustained economic growth in the face of Africa’s numerous security concerns. As a result, organizations dedicated to regional integration and cooperation, like EAC, are beginning to take on the role of conflict resolution experts in their particular areas. Therefore, this study’s primary goal was to evaluate how regional integration contributes to African peace and security. In particular, the study was conducted to determine the various missions that EAC members carried out to restore peace and security in member nations, as well as to assess the effects of various policies created by the EAC to address peace and security concerns among member states. Furthermore, this study exclusively used secondary data. From online books, articles, reports, conference papers, magazines other research papers and assess the effects of the various policies that the East Asian Community (EAC) established to address issues of peace and security among its member states. Additionally, the missions that the EAC members carried out to help member states that needed to regain peace and security and were affiliated with the East were reviewed. Furthermore, it was discovered that regional integration had the subsequent implications for security and peace: strengthened domestic peacekeeping forces by means of regional collaboration; provided members with monetary assistance to sustain peace and security; and made it simple to obtain support and assistance from non-member nations in emergency situations. East Africa is now united as a result of the EAC’s formation. But the EAC still has certain obstacles to the advancement of peace and security as well as regional integration. For instance, it was discovered that certain states are not fully dedicated to regional peace and security strategies, and it was also mentioned that a shortage of resources and training is one of the challenges to implementing peace. for these reasons I would recommend that members states pay on time their contribution, members states should be committed to the agenda of the community a finally, states should resolve conflicts between and among themselves. Keywords East Africa, Peace, Security, Regional Integration 1 Pan African University, Institute of Governance, Humanities and Social Sciences, Governance and Regional Integration, Cameroon * Corresponding author’s email: fawziahmedslom@gmail.com INTRODUCTIONS Africa’s nations continue to face difficulties in the twenty- first century due to a range of intricate socioeconomic, political, development, and security risks. The most destructive military conflicts and intra-state warfare, which have significant regional ramifications as a result of internal civil conflicts, become more regionalized (Konadu-Agyemang & Panford, 2006). The critical mass of persistent knowledge and ability for conflict Prevention, management, and resolution, as well as peacebuilding, are still absent from African nations. Hence, varying viewpoints persistently fuel conflicts, leading to the disruption of areas and hindering the progress of investment, productivity, and development. Indeed, economic integration, development, and democratic consolidation goals have been severely hindered by the presence of violent civil wars and numerous security challenges in African nations. According to Bladley and Felicio (2005), peace and security are crucial prerequisites for sustainable development and the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). While the world desperately needs global cooperation due to the COVID-19 pandemic, increased geopolitical tension, economic nationalism, and fear of supply chain disruption are making it more difficult. Economic integration performs a vital function in selling peace and security because the possibility value of interdependence reduces the probability of war. Meanwhile, when trade leads to higher incomes, states are less likely to forgo them to engage in conflict. The notion is that the rise in bilateral trade interdependence is crucial in fostering peace (Basti, 2022). In order to successfully and efficiently participate in the global economy, regional integration refers to the creation of regional connectedness through the development of communication infrastructure as well as regional collaboration, coordination, interdependence, and convergent efforts. (Sidei, 1997). A regional integration and cooperation grouping was established as a result of the challenging shift from post-war recovery to regional economic and security integration in Africa. Because of this, the foundation of the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), which were created in 1951 and 1957, respectively, was the pooling of regional collective resources for prosperity and security. The European Economic Community Pa ge 31 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(3) 30-40, 2024 (EEC) grew to include 25 European Union member states (EU) between 1960 and 2003. The EU is a supranational organization consisting of the European Commission with a parliament and a not unusual place currency, the Euro. Nowhere within the international community are the issues and demanding situations of protection and improvement more distinguished than in Africa. The multiplicity of wars, armed conflicts, and safety threats (from each army and non-army sources) has foisted on academics, coverage practitioners, and improvement and battle interveners the vitality of having interaction with the hyperlink among peace, security, and development (henceforth the ‘nexus’). due to wars, armed conflicts, and safety threats (from both navy and non-navy sources). Understanding the links of the nexus may be viewed from a novel viewpoint and context while examining economic and security integration in Africa. (Balassa, 1965). The truth that integration’s goals of economic growth and development cannot be achieved in a setting of wars, armed conflicts, and persistent political instability in the area is generally highlighted by the inextricable relationship between economic regionalism and security integration. The narrow, conventional academic and policy approaches to development studies, peace studies, and security studies as discrete subjects with little to no link have been challenged by violent conflicts and a variety of security concerns. Africa presents a range of challenges and possibilities for conceptual, policy-relevant, and empirical understanding of the link. (Nwolise, 2006). the subsequent the theory of economic integration states that it is a process that includes actions intended to remove discriminatory practices, such as tariffs, quantitative limitations, and prohibitions on migration across states or across national economies. Political reasons can drive the first step in economic integration, and economic gains can also drive demand. For political unity later on, regional integration is both a political and an economic process (Balassa, 1965). Following World War II, the main drivers of integration progress in the postwar period were its economic benefits. It is crucial to acknowledge that the resolution of numerous significant economic issues is linked to political methods and procedures, such as investigating and taking advantage of regional economic potential, and modifications to the process give rise to political issues. Different levels of regional economic integration exist. The most basic kind is a free-trade area, like the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), where each nation keeps its own tariffs for non-members while eliminating or drastically reducing tariffs and quantitative limitations between its members. (Khan, 2019). In 2012, the EAC proposed the East African Community Security Protocol (EACSP) to promote peace and security. This bill was intended to be ratified by all community members and implemented immediately. The bill attempted to address issues such as cross-border violence, counter-terrorism, Indian Ocean piracy, drug control, and the proliferation of illegal armaments. As a result, the EACSP recommended the following prognoses to resolve security concerns: The community will deploy a well-equipped standing army and establish cooperative security coordination across the community (Karuhanga, 2017). According to the law, once ratified, the protocol would form one defense region, with an attack on one regarded as an act of aggression against all members (Schachter, 1986). Besides, the EASP bill failed to address the core causes of the region’s security challenges. These concerns include all political, economic, and social challenges that prohibit a life free of risk and dread (Hussein, Gnisci, & Wanjiru, 2004). In addition, the EACSP has multiple flaws. First, it is based on a Eurocentric perspective, which means that the subsequent concept of peaceful change is viewed through the lens of the Western security community and so inadequately addresses non-Western peaceful change. Secondly, the East African Community Protocol for Peace and Security fails to consider the perspectives of local communities and indigenous people when making decisions, even within limited frameworks. Thirdly, it fails to consider alternative local definitions of “security” and “community,” especially in the East African region. Thus, to effectively promote the development of a secure community, it is essential for members’ states to focus on strengthening their national institutions. This will guarantee the safeguarding of the fundamental aspects of citizens’ lives while also enhancing human freedom and rights fulfillment. By utilizing a bottom-up approach that builds on people’s strengths and aspirations, in addition to the existing top-down arrangement, the protocol can effectively address the needs and concerns of all individuals involved (Rodríguez-Pose et al., 2003). Statement of the Problem Since the establishment of the East African Community Compared to internal conflicts, intrastate conflicts have increased. The main causes of the terrorism that the region has seen include religious conflicts, cattle rustling, and national elections, all of which are causing increasing amounts of pressure in the area. Another example is the conflict over natural resources in South Sudan and Burundi. The East African Community has put in place mechanisms such as the troops provided by its member nations for nonviolent missions, the hiring of specialists for a variety of roles, and a conflict resolution strategy (Nishimwe & Ndizera, 2020). To achieve the aforementioned purpose, the EAC member nations are needed to collaborate in preventing, managing, and resolving problems. Combating terrorism, stopping genocide, fighting and stifling piracy, and the EAC area. Alongside managing crisis circumstances, lowering the danger of disasters, managing peace support operations, efficiently reacting to emergencies, managing refugees, halting the spread of “illegal small arms and light weapons,” and “combating transnational and cross- Pa ge 32 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(3) 30-40, 2024 border crimes,” they are also required to collaborate. When nations unite to establish a regional bloc, their distinct resources, ideologies, cultural preferences, political inclinations, and economic sectors allow them to gain from the opening of borders with their integrating partners. Regional integration is paramount to solving the problem of peace and security for several reasons. Collective security, conflict prevention, conflict resolution, stability, prosperity, governance, trust, and cooperation are all key elements that regional integration can enhance to address security challenges effectively. (Manyolo, 2013). Strengthening governance mechanisms, building trust and cooperation among member states, and fostering a sense of community are also key aspects of the EAC’s efforts to enhance peace and security within the region. However, further efforts are needed to address emerging security threats, promote inclusive peacebuilding processes, and strengthen regional integration to effectively address the EAC’s problems with peace and security. (Peace and security protocol) The bloc has attempted things in the past, but unsuccessfully. For varying reasons, the region has seen a variety of conflict situations. Conflict is linked to the incompatibility of needs, values, or interests and poses a threat to the bloc’s ability to achieve its most vital goals. It has been linked to the simultaneous spread of small guns and ammunition. The Army of the Lord’s Resistance-led conflict in North Uganda is still ongoing, and tensions along the borders between South Sudan and North Sudan, as well as Somalia and Kenya, are constant. Nibizi, (2018). Objectives 1. To examine the impact of various policies established by the EAC on handling peace and security issues among members’ 2. To assess the effectiveness of EAC-led peacekeeping missions in the region (Burundi, Kenya, South Sudan, and the DRC). Definitions of Key Concepts Regional Integration The concept of regional integration has been given different meanings by different authors in the domains of regional integration, international relations, and diplomacy. Regional simply means what is done at the regional level (what is done by regional actors). Integration is the process of uniting an object’s component elements to form a cohesive whole. In its strictest sense, regional integration refers to the cooperation of regional actors in the political, economic, social, and environmental domains in order to accomplish common objectives. The consolidation of disparate economies is referred to as regional integration. within a specific area or region into a unified entity, with the aim of promoting economic growth within that particular region (De Lombaerde & Van Langenhove, 2006). In different terms, nearby integration succeeds while individuals’ states take initiative in cooperation with the purpose of reaching shared goals that might no longer be achieved by individual states. When those activities are economically oriented in nature, this concept can be named “economic integration “(Muthalika, 1972). According to Haas (1971), regional integration refers to the voluntary blending, merging, and interaction of independent nations with their neighboring countries. This process involves relinquishing some aspects of sovereignty while adopting new methods to resolve conflicts among themselves. Additionally, regional integration is a global occurrence that enhances interactions between different territorial systems and establishes new modes of organization. At the national level, these new organizational models coexist with established state-led institutions. Peace If we argue that there may be a link between peace, security, and development, it is important to illustrate what kind of peace we are referring to, specifically peace for ‘whom’ and for ‘what purpose’. Peace is a contested concept and has attracted different interpretations. In essence, peace can be defined as the state of being free from war, fear, discord, worry, human pain, and aggression, while also emphasizing the importance of harmonious coexistence. Three categories of violence have been identified by Norwegian peace theorist Johann Galtung (1996) as being pertinent to our understanding of peace: structural violence (i.e., intentional policies and structures that cause human suffering, death, and harm); cultural violence (i.e., cultural norms and practices that create discrimination, injustice, and human suffering); and direct violence (i.e., physical, emotional, and psychological). Notwithstanding the potential value of these conceptual frameworks, it is crucial to remember that all cultures and civilizations have diverse conceptions of peace, each of which is based on the unique political and historical circumstances of a given nation, community, or area. For instance, most Africans living in the Great Lakes region believe that peace exists when there is no war or other armed conflict, whereas most people living in Southern Africa believe that peace exists when there are no depressing social and development indicators like poverty and the AIDS pandemic (Freedman & Poku, 2005). The concept of peace includes a number of ideas, including growth, safety, and social justice. This expanded definition of peace is what connects it to growth and security. Security Global security is present in people’s daily lives; for instance, in conversations, international media, accounts of other cultures and events, and various national interest policies. English first used the word “security” in the sixteenth century. It comes from the Latin word “securus.” ‘’ means freedom from anxiety (Thomas & Wilkin, 1999). A reconceptualization. Conflict and development practices the inextricable relationship between peace and security. According to Richmond (2006), while peace is Pa ge 33 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(3) 30-40, 2024 largely regarded as the absence of conflict, the notion of peace has received little attention. Theoretical Review Regional economic and security integration in Africa was considered a security risk until recently. However, what does security mean, and how does it relate to peace? Although a “contested notion,” security is generally understood to be the absence of threats to acquired values, the defense, protection, and preservation of fundamental values, and the sensation of being secure from harm or danger. In a nutshell, security is about conditions and human survival (Buzan, 1991). The threat and use of force have always been at the center of the conventional understanding of security. The state has been highlighted as the main referent object of security in this mostly military understanding of security. The conventional military understanding of security has drawn criticism from a number of academics for failing to take into consideration the growing number of non-military sources that pose a danger to security at the local, state, national, and international levels. Constructivism This hypothesis is predicated on three major concepts. The mutually beneficial connection between regional blocs and their constituent nations, the significance of “normative as well as material structures” (such as institutions), and the function of regional bodies in forming national identities (Reus-Shmith, 2005). Constructivists contend that regional organizations and structures force nations to collaborate across borders, independent of whether or not their own interests are served (Baywh, 2016). Their stance is that the establishment of efficient regional institutions and organizations is necessary to transform the identities, actions, and interests of states, in addition to controlling state conduct. Likewise, nations that are a part of a certain regional bloc adjust suitable regional standards to guide their national laws, policies, and institutional frameworks (Acharya, 2004). Drawing on the aforementioned and considering peace and security within the context of East Africa, significant standards intended to avert security risks have been devised and made legally binding at the regional level with the creation of the EAC Protocol. Institutions that can successfully promote peace and avoid and manage current security risks in the East African area should be at the center of such standards in an effort to put them into practice. Besides, the creation of suitable, functional East African peace and security institutions would promote positive ties between the EAC’s member nations and the subregion as a whole. This is so that, in the event of a security concern, these institutions will progressively step in to restore peace and promote regional integration. Additionally, EAC member states will have the chance to be more proactive and show a greater interest in creating national laws, policies, and institutional frameworks related to peace and security, guided by the enforcement of a revised EAC Protocol through an efficient institutional framework. The Theory of Liberal Intergovernmentalism Based on realist assumptions of an egoistic human nature, intergovernmentalism defines states as the main actors in the international arena. Being rational actors searching for security, cooperation between states occurs where common interests exist. This can develop through alliance-building, band wagoning, balance of power, etc. (Schimmelfennig & Rittberger, 2006). In the 1960s, Stanley Hoffmann offered thoughts of intergovernmentalism with the intention to provide an explanation for the interstate authorities on the EU degree inside a realist framework. Hence, the rational egoist nature of the states was still assumed. The main new feature was the differentiation between high and low politics, where the former refers to foreign policy and national security while the latter relates to ‘softer’ issues such as trade and agriculture. Cooperation within the ‘low’ political sectors would not be a threat to the national states since these areas are not characterized by a zero-sum game. On the contrary, ‘high’ politics, where the national governments would retain their sovereignty, would not be subject to cooperation. This view was widely respected and gained influence as the Union experienced the ‘empty chair crises’ (1965–66) as well as de Gaulle’s veto on British membership (1963–1967). Nonetheless, European integration has during the last decades also deepened within ‘high’ politics, and the development was hence difficult to explain by an intergovernmentalism reading. In 1993, Andrew Moravcsik presented a softer variant of the intergovernmentalism framework. This liberal intergovernmentalism approach was further developed in his book The Choice for Europe (1998) and is also based on the assumption that states are rational actors. Two features are identified and emphasized: the importance of economic interests and the ‘opening of the black box’ of internal policy preparations. “EU integration can excellent be understood as a chain of rational alternatives made via way of means of countrywide leaders. These selections spoke back to constraints and possibilities stemming from the financial pursuits of effective home constituents, the relative electricity of every country withinside the worldwide system, and the role of establishments in bolstering the credibility of interstate commitments” (Moravcsik, 1998). Thus, Moravcsik has realist assumptions as a point of departure but combines them with liberal theory and rational analysis of international institutions (Schimmelfennig & Rittberger, 2006). Empirical Review Wæver (2000) contends that recurrences of events in Africa, particularly in West Africa, have security, peacekeeping, and peace enforcement implications. The concepts of security, peacekeeping, and peace enforcement are therefore contextual and cannot be neglected. Security is an embracing phenomenon that has direct implications for the security of the state and is a very important issue for the survival of any country. Pa ge 34 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(3) 30-40, 2024 There is a tendency for lawlessness to occur, rendering the lives and property of the people insecure. Security is polymorphic in approach. Meaning it may take the shape of a military, ideological, economic, or cultural approach. Balzacq (2005) argued that central to security are law and order as essential needs for society to work smoothly and effectively in a way that no segment of the society is worse off. Security is a social construct (Baldwin, 1997) that is associated with an illocutionary speech act, which, by pronouncement or by labeling a phenomenon, becomes a security issue. However, security goes beyond the act of labeling a phenomenon as a security issue. Security is audience-centered, context-dependent, and power- encumbered; sooner or later, it will become a protection difficulty that calls for intervention. In addition to that, security is about the maintenance of peace and protection of the socioeconomic order from internal and external threats, as well as promoting international and domestic order that minimizes the threat to widely held core values and interests. Security is holistic because it encompasses both state and humanistic points of view about the security of life and property in any society. From the point of view of the nation, protection has entailed securing the sovereignty of the nation. From internal insurrection and external aggression using the instruments of aggression, and, from a humanistic point of view, it entails securing the people from outside assaults as well as from the decimating outcomes of inside changes such as unemployment, hunger, starvation, sickness, numbness, vagrancy, and ecological corruption. And contamination with financial shameful acts in West Africa: From peacekeeping to peace enforcement (ECOWAs). Through fostering security collaboration, ECCAS established the Internal Security Sector to oversee the execution of security goals across the region as outlined in the EAC Regional Strategy for Peace and Security. Successful intergovernmental decisions to enhance security were made possible by this policy. All five of the member countries control and register military and police weaponry in collaboration with the Nairobi- based Regional Center for Small Arms (RECSA). As per the guidelines of the 2002 Nairobi Protocol, partner countries are provided with direct assistance in light weapons. National light weapons control plans are geared towards promoting civil society participation and include a gender mainstreaming component (Niyonzima, 2023) (Impacts of Regional Integration on Peace and Security). Hitimana (2014) conducted a study on the relationship between regional integration, leave, and security in the EAC to find out the impact of EAC integration on security in the East African community. The research design used is descriptive and analytical, while the population is 210, including staff of MAGERWA, officials from the Ministry of East Africa Community, and foreign affairs. The pattern length is 68, decided on from the overall populace the use of purposive and easy random sampling techniques. Data was collected using questionnaires and interviews. Data evaluation changed into finished the usage of frequencies and percentages. The researcher found out that despite the different benefits that accrue from regional integration, various challenges still exist, like leaders who may have different views and intentions about integration, Economies that aren’t robust sufficient to maintain themselves as a nearby block, and distrust among leaders. The researcher located out that the effect of local integration on protection consists of encouraging warfare decision and operating collectively closer to a nonviolent local block. Therefore, the East African community is important in fostering and promoting security in the region, but a lot still needs to be done to enhance it within the region. Assimwe and Ndizera (2020) conducted a study on the East African Community’s (EAC) involvement in utilizing the current border impasse and standoff between Rwanda and Uganda to promote peace and security amongst partner states as a case study. The researchers used a qualitative approach to collect and analyze the data, focusing on the social aspects of the issue. Both primary and secondary data were gathered through interviews and documentation. The study revealed that the EAC has played a significant role in restoring peace and security among member countries, particularly in the Rwanda- Uganda case. However, there are still challenges that the EAC needs to address, such as expediting protocol ratification, strengthening its legitimacy, and improving its ability to resolve conflicts between partner states. Additionally, the EAC lacks a sufficient institutional framework to effectively handle potential disputes and regional security threats. Wanjau (2021) conducted a study on the effectiveness of the EAC Security and Peace Protocol, focusing on the need for institutional reforms. The study utilized a methodological approach, which involved analyzing pertinent books, journals, papers, articles, and online resources. Additionally, a comparative study was conducted to assess the ECOWAS Protocol’s institutional and legal structures, and two case studies were used. The analysis revealed that the EAC Protocol is largely ineffective due to its inadequate institutional framework, which hinders its implementation. To address this issue, the study recommends amending the EAC Protocol to improve its institutional framework by enhancing existing frameworks that include appropriate institutions and positions and developing a proficient fund for peace and security. Nyamwezi (2019) conducted research to look at the difficulties in putting the EAC Region’s peace and security architecture into practice. The study utilized both primary and secondary methodologies and was carried out at the EAC. Headquarters in Arusha. Data from respondents was collected using the questionnaire method. The study revealed several results, such as a lack of a common goal and vision among the partner states of the East African Community (EAC), financial implications, pursuit of national interest, mutual mistrust, partner governments’ unwillingness to follow through on agreements and Pa ge 35 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(3) 30-40, 2024 mistrust, internal strife among EAC member nations, issues with sovereignty and porous borders, and the absence of a response mechanism during times of crisis. It is widely believed and agreed upon that contemporary conflicts in the EAC and its neighboring countries are caused by various factors. The relationship between these factors and conflicts is often complex, with each feeding into the other. One factor is the easy availability of low- cost weapons in the region, which makes unemployed individuals vulnerable to crime. These weapons also enable those with grievances to engage in violent acts. Another factor is the pressure. From global economic forces, which compels resistant governments to implement rapid economic and political reforms by mobilizing support around ethnic or religious differences. This allows them to maintain their power and regain their positions of wealth and influence. Exclusionary modes of governance often compel ethnic groups to resort to violent measures to attain inclusion. In Burundi, the ruling elite comes from one province, namely Bururi, which has led to a sense of exclusion among those who do not belong to this privileged group. This feeling of marginalization has, in turn, fueled violent actions in the quest for greater inclusion. In Kenya, former President Moi favored his Kalenjin group in resource distribution, leading to dissatisfaction. and a loss of privilege among the Kikuyus. Currently, the Kikuyus are uneasy and unhappy about the possibility of losing their current status. The entire region suffers from poverty, which is worsened by the unequal distribution of resources. This has consistently been a major cause of civil unrest. For instance, Burundi has a high poverty rate, with over 60% of the population living below the poverty line. The economic performance of the country has been consistently poor for a long time, and it even regressed between 1993 and 1996. There is a widespread lack of awareness and education in Burundi, as evidenced by the low adult literacy rate, which has remained relatively unchanged since 1995. The country is caught in a vicious cycle of conflict, where poverty, bad governance, and a struggle for control of institutions and resources are all interconnected. Unfortunately, many politicians believe that the solution to these problems lies in acquiring more power and resources for themselves (Chikwanha, 2007). METHODOLOGY This study was conducted in EAC to examine linkage between regional integration and peace and security in Africa. During this study, an author used a case study design. Furthermore, this research solely relied on existing data to assess the correlation between regional integration In East Africa and peace and security. To get secondary data, this research reviewed books, online books, articles, reports, conference papers, magazines other research papers that are related to the East. Finally, this study also used different online sources from academic scholars in the field of international relations, peace and security and other related disciplines. RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS The History of the East African Community (EAC) The integration of East Africa began in the late 17th century, when the first emissary to England was sent. The Secretary for the Colonies in England wanted to have complete control over all of England’s colonies. Hence, they planned to establish a central force to reinforce their economic and political dominance. In 1919, Kenya, Tanganyika, and Uganda, the original state partners in the East African Community, agreed to form a union. However, Tanganyika had a different opinion, which ultimately led to the collapse of the EAC in 1977. Despite this setback, the state leaders continued to search for other ways to reunite the countries and successfully signed a mediation agreement in Arusha, Tanzania, on May 14th, 1984, to divide assets and liabilities (Markley, 2006). After 10 years, on November 30th, 1993, the three countries established a Permanent Tripartite Commission to oversee not only economic matters but also social, political, cultural, and security issues in the region. This commission allowed the countries to be legally committed to fulfilling their common objectives. On April 29th, 1997, in Arusha, Tanzania, the approval of the period’s East African Development Strategy 1997–2000 upgraded the agreement to a treaty. Finally, on November 20th, 1999, the Treaty for the Establishment of the EAC was signed (Kipkoech, 2010). . The 4th summit of the leaders of the countries that were the original members of the East African community took place. These countries include Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Uganda. The headquarters of the East African community is located in Arusha, Tanzania (Markley, 2006). There are fifteen objectives for promoting regional peace and security in the 2006-adopted Regional Strategy on Peace and Security. It also specifies the methods for achieving each of these objectives. The objectives are (J. G. Porto, 2016): 1) Strengthen cooperation and patrols; 2) Promote the sharing of criminal intelligence and other security information among partner states; Thirteen 3) Establish shared communication infrastructure for interstate and border security; 4) Accept the United Nations model statute for mutual aid in criminal cases; 5) Put into practice the protocol to combat the trafficking of illicit drugs; 6) Exchange visits from law enforcement; 7) Swap security personnel’s training courses; 8) Create shared procedures for handling refugees; 9) Create regional disaster relief procedures; 10) Create security protocols to counter acts of terrorism; 11) Implement strategies to stop livestock rustling; 12) Create protocols to stop the spread of illegal small guns and light weapons; Pa ge 36 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(3) 30-40, 2024 13) Create strategies to address security concerns around Lake Victoria; 14) Create a framework for managing and resolving conflicts, and 15) Create a conflict early warning system. The Peace and Security Strategy has a prepared and approved implementation plan. b) Peace and Security Draft EAC Protocol The East African Community (EAC) has developed a Protocol on Peace and Security in order to implement the Strategy for Regional Peace and Security. Its main purposes are to coordinate cooperation and offer a legal framework. Among the things being done are: 14 Light and Small Weapons (SALW) Each and every EAC partner state has ratified the Nairobi Protocol for Light and small arms warfare (SALW) The Nairobi Protocol for the Prevention, Control, and Reduction of Small Arms and Light Weapons in the Great Lakes, Horn of Africa, and Bordering States is ratified by all EAC Partner States. The Protocol makes it illegal to manufacture, possess, traffic, or abuse small guns and light weapons, as well as to fabricate documents in order to commit these crimes. SALW’s markers are being erased, deleted, or altered. Furthermore, Gikonyo (2015) discusses the imports, exports, and transfers of SALW. The five Partner States have destroyed a total of 117,934 small arms and light weapons over the past three years, in addition to 280 tons of ammunition and other ordnance. The Illegal Drug Trafficking Protocol. In 2001, a Protocol on Anti-Drug Abuse was completed. Putting its action plan into practice is a signatory to international treaties on narcotics, and it offers provisions for domestic legislation, law enforcement, mutual legal assistance, reducing drug demand, and institutional arrangements related to execution and implementation (Haverfield, 2007). Draft Conflict Prevention, Management, and Resolution (CPMR) Framework All Regional Economic Communities (RECs) are required to support the Continental Peace and Security Architecture by establishing Conflict Prevention, Management, and Resolution (CPMR) mechanisms. This is one of the foundational requirements for the African Union. Early Warning; Conflict Resolution; Peace Support Operations and Humanitarian Assistance; Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development; and an EAC Peace Fund are all included in the EAC CPMR. A framework that offers an efficient surveillance system to keep an eye on possible conflict hotspots, as well as mandates and rules for engagement and processes, are necessary for conflict prevention, management, and resolution efforts. This affects local, national, and regional levels. A zero draft on CPMR has been created and will soon be brought before Partner States experts for further input. Through the development of good offices and mediation capacities, the EAC hopes to develop a structured capacity for EAC diplomatic intervention in the 16 regional crises under the CPMR. All the components of the framework will be supported by mechanisms that will be developed. The Council of Ministers has approved a draft early warning mechanism for conflict prevention. Its goal is to support the EAC Partner States in anticipating, preparing, and acting quickly to stop, contain, and handle events that could jeopardize the region’s peace and security. Role of EAC in Promoting Peace and Security in EAC Burundi Regional integration in the EAC promotes peace and security in the East African community, including Burundi. In reaction to the mounting issues surrounding the 2015 election process, the international community has increasingly focused on the elections as a potential catalyst for violent conflict or mass atrocities, partly based on prior violent cycles in Burundi. The United Nations and the United States provided additional resources to Burundi’s peacebuilding efforts through the State Department’s Conflict and Stabilization Office and the UN Peacebuilding Fund. In 2015, the European Union put comparable laws into effect. In Burundi’s Election Crisis: Peacebuilding and Conflict Prevention, Jobbins & Ahitungiye (2015) The East African Community has been looking for a way to take the lead in addressing the current issue and has initiated a high-level discussion effort led by Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. At the same time, in accordance with its role in Burundi, the UN has attempted to facilitate tactical-level communication among political groups. The African Union has dispatched human rights observers. Despite these attempts, as well as rising pressure from the US, Europe, and some African countries, there has been little political progress, even as the media reports new fatalities every week and worries of a violent escalation remain. Due to the current impasse, Burundi’s non-governmental peacebuilding groups have adjusted their strategies accordingly. Prominent media institutions, such as the Association Burundians des Radio Diffuseurs (ABR), Search for Common Ground, La Benevolencia, the Observatories des Medias Afrique Central, and the Organization for Media and Communication (OMAC), are actively involved in the media industry, promoting diversity and keeping a close watch on hate speech. This is mentioned in a publication titled “Peacebuilding and conflict prevention in Burundi’s election crisis” from 2015 (Grauvogel, 2016). Kenya Article 2.1 of the Protocol Establishing the PSC states that the Security Council is responsible for preventing, managing, and resolving conflicts (Protocol Establishing the PSC, 2002: 4). The agenda for meetings is set by ongoing war and crisis conditions, which is normally done in consultation with PSC members and proposals submitted by the Commissioner of Peace and Security (Sithole & Asuelime, 2017). The PSC deliberates on the next steps in dispute resolution through formal meetings, briefing sessions, Pa ge 37 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(3) 30-40, 2024 and consultations. According to Williams, the PSC “has taken policy decisions requiring action, whether in the form of mediation, peace operations, or sanctions regimes” (2009: 614). In accordance with its mandate, the PSC secured an agreement to undertake mediation in the Kenyan conflict on January 21, 2008, within an African framework, following meetings with the AU commission (Juma, 2009). Following the agreement for an AU-led mediation, Mwai Kibaki and Ralia Odinga met with President John Kufuor of Ghana, who was then the AU Chair. Williams observes that the PSC’s emphasis on consensus is vital because the “council operates with a significant degree of collective responsibility” (Williams, 2009). As previously noted, the PSC expressed its complete support for the mediation initiative (Juma, 2009: 413). On January 21, 2008, a week before the beginning of the AU meeting, the PSC met at the ambassadorial level in Addis Abeba to consider the scenario in Kenya. The PSC criticized “the gross violations of human rights in Kenya, stressed the need for the parties to extend full cooperation to the mediation effort, and requested the AU commission to follow up and report on the situation in Kenya” (Juma, 2009). This is consistent with the PSC’s declared position as the decision-making body for conflict management. The PSC was able to obtain considerable and long-term pledges to back its decisions from member states via formal statements. Kenya’s presence on the AU agenda demonstrates how seriously the PSC is taking efforts to find a political solution to the country’s problems. South Sudan The Juba Nuer Massacre led to a significant number of defections from the government, as many Nuer officers and army members left the SPLM-IG to join Machar’s SPLM-IO in the following months. Additionally, aggrieved armed groups like the Nuer White Army also pledged their loyalty to Machar’s forces. From December 2013 to April 2014, there was a violent conflict between the SPLM-IG and SPLM-IO in Jonglei, Unity, and Upper Nile states. During this time, cities such as Bor, Bentiu, and Malakal changed control multiple times as both parties launched attacks and counter-attacks in 2018. The civil war caused political disagreements to be seen through the lens of ethnicity, which deepened divisions in the political sphere. After 18 months of mediation and pressure from IGAD, the SPLM-IG and SPLM- IO signed the ARCSS in August 2015. This agreement included a permanent ceasefire, transitional security arrangements, and, most importantly, a power-sharing mechanism. The agreement also aimed to establish a 30-month-long Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU). The TGoNU would work towards achieving justice, implementing constitutional reforms, improving economic and political governance, and promoting reconciliation in society (Authority & Intergouvernementale, 2015). Despite the investigations conducted by the African Union Commission (AUC) in 2014, no evidence of a coup attempt was found. As a result, a group called SPLM-Former Detainees (SPLM-FDs) was formed by those who disagreed with the findings. They are currently demanding the establishment of a new government without Kiir or Machar, whom they believe are hindering peace in South Sudan. According to reports, Machar is allegedly being held under ‘house arrest’ in South Africa to prevent him from reentering South Sudanese politics, which could lead to renewed hostilities. The Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU) has been unsuccessful in stabilizing the country and reducing the occurrence of ethnic violence carried out by government forces (2018). (South Sudan Conflict Insight: Report of the Institute for Peace and Security Studies) Throughout the period after the agreement was made, there were ongoing breaches of the permanent ceasefire agreement, leading to conflicts. The most significant clash occurred on July 8, 2016, resulting in an estimated 300 casualties. President Kiir’s decision to appoint General Taban Deng as the First Vice President was an intentional move to attract other opposition fighters to his side, challenging the legitimacy of the Transitional Government of National Unity (TGoNU) and the effectiveness of the peace agreement. However, this plan did not succeed, as the majority of the SPLM-IO remained loyal to the Machar faction. Since the violent events in July 2016, the army and their allied militias have been targeting innocent civilians, hindering the delivery of humanitarian aid, and removing officials who do not support government policies or have connections to the SPLM-IO. After the outbreak of violence, Machar left the country and was put under house arrest in South Africa until the peace talks in Addis Ababa was between Machar and Kiir on June 20, 2018. Currently, Machar resides in South Africa but has also recently traveled to Kenya, Uganda, and Sudan for further negotiations. (South Sudan Conflict Insight, Report of the Institute for Peace and Security Studies, 2018). DRC Events in the years that followed demonstrated that neighboring Rwanda and Uganda’s stabilization efforts were the most successful in bringing peace back to the eastern Congo. These nations’ interests in defending their borders and reestablishing regional stability drove their actions. They had the backing of the East African Community, which, given the instability of its western borders, had a stake in keeping the region stable. The situation in the eastern Congo has shown that peace can be restored in the region even with EAC cooperation, which mostly concentrates on economic integration and development. Since its founding in 1999, the EAC has taken action to address persistent issues that jeopardize the stability of both the region as a whole and its member states. The success of integration efforts is viewed as Pa ge 38 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(3) 30-40, 2024 contingent upon the stabilization of the region and the reinforcement of peace and security. Prioritized integration processes are thought to succeed or fail based on the actions taken to improve peace and security in the area and stabilize it. The Regional Peace and Security Strategy, which the East African Community endorsed, outlines strategies to end trans-border crime and guarantee the security of people and property. These plans are based on Article 124 of the Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community, which recognizes the importance of peace and security in partner states. The article also outlines comprehensive plans to create a stable and secure environment in the region and support the development and peaceful lives of East African peoples. To develop a regional security strategy and its practical application, the EAC Council of Ministers appointed a group of experts. This strategy, known as the Overview of Peace and Security Strategy, focuses on finding common solutions to regional threats and ensuring the safety of citizens in member states. It was adopted at the Community Council of Ministers in November 2006, allowing for potential stabilization interventions within the EAC (Authority & Intergouvernementale, 2015). According to the strategy, the peace and security sector is constantly adapting to changing risks caused by technological advancements, increasing crime rates, and international political events. The strategy is flexible and can be easily amended to address emerging challenges. Taking into account security risks, the strategy focuses on collaborating to eliminate various crimes such as car theft, drug trafficking, terrorism, money laundering, and more. This includes the Eastern DRC violence and the engagement of the Force Intervention Brigade in 2016 with UN authority. CONCLUSION East Africa is now united as a result of the EAC’s formation. Nevertheless, the EAC is still unable to address certain issues, and as a result, disputes among member nations continue to arise, jeopardizing the organization’s day-to-day operations. The EAC’s worth is being jeopardized by other regional communities. The value of EAC is called into doubt because its members are also members of COMESA and SADC. Can it actually foster security and peace? Some topics are difficult to address because other members are afraid. Consequently, this is a risky approach, and peace and security concerns will always be undermined unless these member states swear loyalty to one of these groupings. The development of the effects of EAC has been very gradual, and expectations have not kept up with reality. There is still a great deal of work to be done in terms of execution. According to the study, practical measures must be taken to get rid of costly or harmful duplicate memberships and rationalize some overlap if regional integration is to result in peace and security. This requirement should also be based on comparative advantage, efficiency, and priority needs. To address these concerns, it is imperative that the advantages and disadvantages of joining integrating organizations with overlapping roles and authority be carefully considered in order to inform the necessary course of action. Obtaining an irreversible commitment that goes beyond simple REFERENCES Aboagye, F. (2016). A Comprehensive Review of African Conflicts and Regional Interventions. African Union Commission and APSTA Secretariat. Nairobi. Acharya, A. (2004). How ideas spread: Whose norms matter? Norm localization and institutional change in Asian regionalism. International organization, 58(2), 239-275. Agbo, U. J., Lenshie, N. E., & Boye, R. R. (2018). 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