AJAHS 3433.indd Pa ge 1 Pa ge 56 American Journal of Arts and Human Science (AJAHS) An Examination of the Effects of 2M Channel Airing Turkish Soap Operas on Moroccan Audiences: 2009-2019 Mbarek Oukhouya Ali1* Volume 3 Issue 4, Year 2024 ISSN: 2832-451X (Online) DOI: https://doi.org/10.54536/ajahs.v3i4.3433 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Article Information ABSTRACT Received: July 05, 2024 Accepted: August 12, 2024 Published: October 30, 2024 This paper attempts to shed light on the media effects of the 2M channel on Moroccan audiences viewing dubbed Turkish soap operas (TSO). In particular, the study limits its scope to 2009-2019 period of broadcasting. It is noted that the viewing process is a prerequisite for social change and media effects. This consideration of direct exposure hastens the effects and infl uences in the audiences’ lives. Not all media effects of TSO are detrimental to the Moroccan audience and government. No sooner had the audience fi nished a dubbed Turkish serial than the 2M started broadcasting a new one. Additionally, to examine this decade, the paper invests structured interviews and mail surveys to collect data. The study treats the research fi ndings with content analysis and discourse analysis. Presumably, it is noticeable that females are the majority of viewers. Accordingly, the research fi ndings are manifold. The study’s research fi ndings seriously alert the media analysts and Moroccan cultural authorities concerned with Moroccan audiences susceptible to the TSO increasing dangers and insidious menaces. These foreign infl uences are disseminated through the ignorance, recipient, and Moroccan female lifestyles. Therefore, the result discussion necessitates an awakening paradigm shift in Moroccan cultural policy. In conclusion, the paper calls for an invigorating Moroccan public screen. Moroccan soap opera alternative likely replaces Turkish soap opera since Moroccan audience counts in millions alongside religious diplomacy as a form of soft power. Keywords Audience, Effects, Morocco, Social Change, Turkish Soap Opera 1 University of Sidi Mohamed Ben Abdellah, Morocco * Corresponding author’s email: mbarekoukhouyaali@gmail.com INTRODUCTION Media is a leading engine of social change in modern societies, of which Morocco is an integral part. The most- watched Moroccan TV channel is the 2M channel, owing to its landmark broadcasting of dubbed Turkish soap operas. Upon broadcasting Turkish drama, a number of viewers satisfy their visual pleasure and gaze, in particular the female gaze. Since women are confi ned to home freely or forcibly, the dubbed Turkish drama addresses Moroccan women-induced lifestyles and condoned modes of thought. For example, photogenic characters in serials are made as yardsticks to judge beauty, body shape, dress, hijab, family gatherings, nuclear and extended family changing values, and conception. Buccianti (2010) believes that “Turkish series carry a certain identity and cultural values that are amplifi ed by several elements” (p. 4). Finally, these media effects have extended to Moroccans living abroad, strengthening their attachment to Moroccan culture and religion. Moroccan media effects infl uence Moroccans living abroad via religion [religious diplomacy] media [foreign languages of broadcast news and translation] corresponding to Moroccan audiences via viewing dubbed Turkish soap operas in the country. LITERATURE REVIEW Moroccan audiences viewing Turkish soap operas have experienced watching for a complete decade, as the study scope states: 2009–2019. Marshall McLuhan’s phrase is pertinent: “The medium is the message.” In Turkish, politics, history, tourism, legacy and suchlike is pictured via Turkish drama. Accordingly, the Turkish landscapes and photogenic faces, persons, and characters, as well as the medium of soap opera, are convoluted and intertwined. That means everyday exposure to media necessitates an infl uence on the audience with special media effects. Any tangible output is contingent on the media’s input: visually entertaining contents. A researcher argues that “The Moroccan 2M had followed the trend and started airing telenovelas in Moroccan colloquial in the summer of 2009” (Buccianti). One of the obvious effects of soap operas manifests in the Moroccan audience fantasising about Istanbul and self-dissatisfaction, which are engraved in their memory and experience. A research study claims, “Television... plays an important role in representing the past for its viewers, and in doing so, it is a major agent in the production of national and social memory” (Keightley & Pickering, 2013). Therefore, the fi lming locations of Turkish soap operas aired on the 2M channel from 2009 through 2019 and to the present day are exclusively shot in Turkey. Viewing Process The act of viewing is multi-dimensional. For instance, “remembering is the means by which we turn around on interdependencies in our temporally structured experience” (Keightley & Pickering, 2013). Indeed, Istanbul has increasingly enticed Moroccan tourists, according to the Ministry of Turkish Tourism and Culture’s 2019 board statistics. Here, a pivotal question poses itself. Why do government-sponsored media Pa ge 57 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(4) 56-62, 2024 broadcast culturally foreign content soaps? Aslan attempts to respond with her statement. She argues, “What is the government’s advantage out of this? Each household is a child of the state and the government. If there is no family, can there be a nation? If there is no nation, can there be a state?” (Aslan, 2015). The audience is contingent upon viewing content designed or selected by the government. In plain English, this viewing is a link between the audience and Turkish soap operas through the 2M channel. Furthermore, a Moroccan researcher said, “Television has become, with the help of satellite channels, the only means of entertainment for the average Moroccan” (Hidass, 2010). Basically, viewing generates understanding and interpretation of the contents. Through these two processes, the viewer tends to confi rm, oppose, or consume for entertainment purposes. Aslan cited Atatürk’s saying, “Happy is the one who calls himself a Turk” (Aslan, 2015). The average Moroccan viewer consumes passively and heavily to be like an ideal Turk onscreen. This statement alerts Turkish soap opera viewers to Turkization and estrangement. There is a potential for Turkish soap opera exportation to foreign cultures and nations. To pave the way for the Turkish mission, politics took the lead. A researcher states, New Moroccan-Turkish relations can be started from 2005. On this date, Prime Minister Erdogan visited Morocco and some agreements were signed between the two countries. Through this visit, mutual direct fl ights between Morocco and Turkey were initiated (Demir, 2017). The prime minister blazes a trail for the Turkish commodity infl ux through free trade agreements put into effect in 2006. Subsequently, the Turkish soap opera importation followed in 2009. Tangibly, the fruit of the bilateral free agreement is the Turkish policy of visa-free requirements for Moroccan citizens. As to media effects, the 2M channel dubs Turkish soap operas in Moroccan dialect prior to broadcasting in prime time throughout the year since 2009 to this day. With these media effects, Moroccan society responds insidiously to social change signals and seeds. Media and Experience Human experience is signifi cantly infl uenced by extensive exposure to media products. As Pickering (2008) articulates, “the production of culture is inseparable from the culture of production” (p. 59). This implies that the creation of cultural expressions is inherently linked to the culture of their production. While each concept may be developed and analyzed independently, they are collectively understood and utilized within cultural imagery. Researchers Keightley and Pickering (2013) suggest that “It is sometimes convenient to imagine that since the past is reconstructed in social remembering, there must in principle be an endless creativity to the ways in which past experiences can be mobilised and made relevant in the present” (p. 55). The reconstruction of the past is meaningful within social remembering. Experience, a critical concept in cultural studies, of which media studies are a vital part, refers to the daily accumulation of self-awareness and personal and popular interpretations of received or undergone events. This includes insights into products, works, or understandings. People often trust those with experience and value experience-based knowledge as a model to follow. As Pickering (2008) explains: “Experience can certainly be regarded as evidence of distinctive forms of social life and integral to everyday encounters and relations, but understanding how it is so is never straightforward. It is just as much about what we make out of what happens to us, and for many, that is where its value really lies” (p. 19). This quote uncovers further link between media content and exposure experience. Media and experience are instrumental in social and everyday life. Media and Memory There exists a strong connection between media and memory. Firstly, media, whether consciously or unconsciously, infl uences human memory, often leading to distortions. Media, with its various channels, serves as one of the primary sources of information that feeds into memory. Practically speaking, memory functions in two capacities: as a subject of investigation and as a tool for investigation. Moreover, researchers have made an intriguing assertion linking media and memory, encapsulated by Edgerton’s phrase, “television is a historian.” According to Keightley and Pickering (2013): Television plays a crucial role in representing the past to its viewers and, in doing so, acts as a signifi cant agent in the creation of national and social memory. Therefore, developing methods to investigate and analyze this phenomenon is vital for those interested in the role of memory in contemporary societies (p. 79). Media is an agent of national and social memory. Through Turkish soap operas, Moroccan national and social memory are instilled and reshaped. MATERIALS AND METHODS The research paper meticulously adopts quantitative and qualitative methods. In fact, the study instrumentalizes a mail survey and interview with a view to collecting the research data. The probing questions targeted the lived experiences [18 questions] and accumulative memories [14 questions] of respondents as loyal viewers of the dubbed Turkish soap opera. These memory and experience concepts are dually a topic of investigation and research interests for the sake of audience analysis. To this end, the research study reiterates the pivotal argument that viewing is a precondition to conducting interviews as well as to respondents fi lling out the mail survey. Indeed, the interview capitalises on structured and unstructured questions. However, the mail survey centres on multiple- choice and yes-or-no questions. Pa ge 58 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(4) 56-62, 2024 Mail Survey A survey is a collection of structured questions designed to gather information, opinions, and attitudes on one or more subjects. A mail survey, specifi cally, is recommended by Mangione (1998) under certain conditions: (1) when the sample is geographically dispersed, (2) when the research sample has a high level of engagement with the topic, and (3) when the questions are closed-ended (p. 1). Consequently, a mail survey is advantageous as it is electronically designed, responsive, time-effi cient, and familiar to Moroccan respondents. The research sample includes 150 respondents fi lled in the mail survey belonging to varied disciplines, ages, living conditions, social status, locations, and gender differences as well. Interview Interviews are structured question-and-answer exchanges, described as an “interchange of views between two persons conversing about a theme of mutual interest” (Brinkmann & Kvale, 2015). They aim to assist researchers in addressing unresolved issues or questions that arise from questionnaires or observations. According to Kumar (2011), “Qualitative methods are characterized by fl exibility and freedom (emphasis added) in terms of structure and order given to the researcher” (p. 159). Interviews exemplify qualitative research due to their inherent freedom and adaptability. They are expected to minimize potential assumptions and misunderstandings in research. Pickering (2008) asserts that “In interview situations, participants can reveal themselves as producers of meanings and texts, as well as consumers who engage in certain practices and hold certain attitudes” (p. 84). These considerations have widened the scope for insights into the Turkish soap opera’s effects on Moroccan consumers. In conclusion, the data collection diffi culty lies in a shortage of offi cial documents and annual reports issued by governmental institutions charged with media effects like HACA. The data analysis and interpretation incorporate themes of experience and memories from the Moroccan audience for the purposes of investigation. Content and audience analyses, grounded in pragmatic approaches, underpin the research fi ndings. The primary objective is to thoroughly assess the impact of Turkish soap operas broadcast on 2M on the penetrability of the Moroccan viewing audience. Various research instruments are employed to ensure a high level of reliability, objectivity, and validity in the research. Indeed, the genres of Turkish soap operas aired on 2M are subtly engaging, seductive, and educational, particularly in their portrayal of man-woman family relationships as a microcosm of society. Consequently, television leverages viewing as a prerequisite for the effective transmission of social change determinants and practices, thereby illustrating media effects. Interdisciplinary Approach Cultural studies, including media studies, challenge traditional academic norms. By integrating interpretation, cultural studies have expanded media studies methodologies, allowing researchers to address previously unconsidered questions and explore new areas such as media moving pictures content. Schwaab introduces the concept of ‘unreading,’ which De Valck and Teurlings (2013) describe as “a form of reading that is guided by experience instead of interpretation” (p. 11). This concept is valuable for data analysis and results discussion. ‘Unreading’ emphasizes knowledge beyond traditional methods, infl uenced by deconstruction, intertextuality, and multi-accentuality. It encourages researchers to prioritize everyday life in televised soaps over other pictorial elements. This approach focuses on the viewing audience’s experiences, particularly concerning Turkish soaps and their portrayal of daily issues according to the Moroccan audience. Audience reception and interpretation subtly affect everyday life, and ‘unreading’ reveals prevalent interpretations beyond offi cial discourse and cultural norms. This method targets specifi c details of common people’s awareness, often dormant due to extensive media exposure. Presenting Research Findings The research sample consists of 150 Moroccan respondents about Turkish soap opera viewers and infl uenced ones. The respondents and interviewees are vital sources of information in this study. The following are the research fi ndings obtained. Dubbed Turkish Soap Operas between 2009-2019 Kara Sevda, translated as Blind Love (Hob A’ama), is a Turkish soap opera that embodies the classic trope reminiscent of Romeo and Juliet. This drama and romance series consists of 74 episodes, initially released in 2015 and continuing until 2017. Produced by Ay Yapim and directed by Hilal Saral, the series is fi lmed entirely in Istanbul, Turkey. The narrative revolves around Kemal (Burak Ozcivit) and Nihan (Neslihan Atagul), whose deep emotional bond transcends their confl icting social classes. Despite Nihan’s luxurious lifestyle, her love for the impoverished Kemal remains unwavering. However, their dreams are tragically cut short before they can be realized. Kurtlar Vadisi (Valley of Wolves) is another prominent series fi lmed in Istanbul, Turkey, focusing on the Turkish Mafi a. Spanning 97 episodes from 2003 to 2005, this soap opera delves into themes of guilt, blame, legality, and legitimacy. The series incorporates elements of patriotism, referencing the Kurdish rebellion, and explores the dark, unspoken aspects of Turkish society. Through its narrative, Kurtlar Vadisi fosters a sense of nationalism and discursive neo-Ottomanism among its viewers. Hayat Şarkısı, translated as Song of Life (Lahn al- Hayat), aired between February 9, 2016, and June 26, 2017. Filmed in Istanbul, Turkey, the series comprises 57 episodes, blending family, drama, and romance genres. The plot centers around a forbidden love trope, depicting Pa ge 59 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(4) 56-62, 2024 a heroine’s relentless pursuit of love despite the man’s indifference, ultimately shattering her dreams of marriage. Yaralı Kuşlar (Wounded Birds), released on April 1, 2019, is a drama series produced by Stellar Yapim and fi lmed in Istanbul, Turkey. According to IMDb, the story revolves around a brother, sister, and her love, all striving to protect each other from various threats. Each character is emotionally wounded, destined to endure suffering while seeking solace. Guney Kuzey, translated as North South, is a romance, drama, and action series fi lmed in Istanbul, Turkey, and produced by Ay Yapim. Consisting of 80 episodes, it aired from September 7, 2011, to June 26, 2013. The plot highlights the contrasting personalities of two brothers: Kuzey, the brave and fearless North, whose anger is his greatest adversary, and Guney, the passionate, hardworking, and enduring South. Their confl icting traits create tension within their brotherhood and blood bond. Emanet, translated as Deposit (Amana), was released on September 1, 2014. According to IMDb, this drama series comprises 13 episodes and was fi lmed in Cappadocia, Turkey, produced by Gold Film. The plot revolves around a forbidden love that leads to the tragic demise of an innocent family. Beni Affet, translated as Forgive Me and dubbed as Samhini, is a drama series produced by Focus Film Production. Originally spanning 1456 episodes, it aired from 2013 to 2019 on the 2M channel, with 1728 dubbed episodes, each lasting 35-45 minutes. Soz, translated as The Oath, premiered on April 3, 2017. This action, drama, and romance series comprises 84 episodes, fi lmed in Istanbul, Turkey, and produced by Tims and B. Productions. The storyline follows Yavuz, a professional Turkish soldier, and his fi ancée in Istanbul. Amidst a terrorist operation, another character, Bahar, attempts to assist Yavuz’s fi ancée. Subsequently, Yavuz returns to Karabayir, with Bahar determined to deliver something belonging to the soldier. Dubbed Turkish Soap Operas from 2009-2019 Over the decade from 2009 to 2019, numerous Turkish soap operas (TSOs) have been aired on the 2M channel, enjoying loyal viewership. Among these, “Beni Affet” (2011) (“Forgive Me”/”Samihini”) stands out as the most watched, achieving a viewership rating of 36.7%. This statistic, corroborated by Centre Interprofessionnel Audience Des Medias [CIAUMED] , further shows a signifi cant audience share of 74.6% in 2019. Another notable TSO, “Hayat Şarkısı” (2016) (“Life Song”/”Lahn Lehayat”), garnered a 17.3% viewership, indicating its growing popularity. “Kurtlar Vadisi” (“Valley of Wolves”) also resonated well with Moroccan audiences, securing a 16.7% viewership. Art researcher Jamal al-Verdi asserts that “Kurtlar Vadisi” is among the most popular series in the Arab world, including Morocco (Anadolu Agency, 2018). In contrast, “Kara Sevda” (“Forbidden Romance”) attracted a 12% audience share. This series, depicting the love story between a poor young man and a rich girl, continues to capture Moroccan interest (Anadolu Agency, 2018). “Emanet” (2014) (“Deposit”) also maintained a steady viewership of 12%, focusing on the custody battle over a child named Yusuf. However, “Yaralı Kuşlar” (2019) (“Wounded Birds”) struggled to captivate the audience, achieving only a 3.3% viewership. Similarly, “Kuzey Güney” (“South North”) had a modest viewership of 2%. These soap operas have collectively garnered millions of views over the past decade. The success of TSOs in Morocco can be attributed to the dual process of adaptation and the perceived cultural and religious proximity to Turkey, which is not felt with Western cultural products (Rafi , 2020). Dubbing plays a crucial role in this adaptation, creating an imagined connection to Turkey as a fellow Muslim country, despite Turkey’s secular stance. Gender Representation Research fi ndings are interesting and alarming in reality. Initially, female viewers constitute 80 percent, while males shape 20 percent as regards gender representation of the audience. Further, the living country of the audience in question is mostly Morocco, with a percentage of 68 percent in comparison with 32 percent living abroad. Additionally, the audience viewing Turkish soap operas daily reached 80 percent. Moreover, weekly viewers make up 14.7 percent of the audience. Another segment of the audience views soap operas every fortnight with a percentage of 2,7 percent, but the rest is about monthly viewers. Surprisingly, the majority of viewers invest a complete hour in watching a soap opera aired on Moroccan 2M, the most watched TV channel, every day, with a percentage of 32,7. Another category of viewers dedicates two hours every day, with a percentage of 32. The third audience category represents 16,7 percent, allocating 30 minutes to viewing Turkish soap operas as a daily habit. Only 10 percent of the audience viewing Turkish soap operas enjoys 15 minutes. Last but not least, 10 minutes of viewing are part of the audience, with a percentage of 5,3. Surely, without exceptions, the fi lming locations of all Turkish soaps aired on 2M since 2009 to 2019 are exclusively Turkish. In conclusion, these fi ndings are helpful in understanding media effects and consumption in Morocco. RESULTS & DISCUSSION These fi ndings are interesting in light of a lengthy discussion debating the factors behind such fi ndings to encompass likely media effects. Space and gender gap, emigration and Moroccan audience, women and employment, Islam of Turkish soap opera, and Turkish soap opera and social change are discussed below in this order. Space and Gender Gap The study showcases the gender gap in urban and rural areas. Accordingly, the study records that females are more consumers, fewer workers, underemployed, Pa ge 60 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(4) 56-62, 2024 and planners of family viewing. Therefore, the female- dominated audience is unescapable in this research area. It is confi rmed that “More than half of all residents (65%) live within cities. Every seventh resident lives in Casablanca alone” (Worldata, 2023). According to World Bank statistics, the rural population decreased from 13,633,603 million in 2009 to 13,434,809 million in 2019 (World Bank estimates, 2018). This data indicates an increase in urbanization and a decline in the rural population. Despite the migration to cities and urbanized areas, the government is striving to halt this exodus through electrifi cation and water expansion networks. The aim is to prevent the spread of shanty towns and address serious social issues, referencing the “sociology noir” from the Chicago School. Emigration and Moroccan Audience The 2M channel has been able to reach and satisfy the bulk of Moroccans residing abroad. So surprising is the concept that emigration is a means to an end in Morocco. A study reports, “The Kingdom’s budgetary plans (1968–72) proposed emigration as a means of solving the under- and unemployment problem, a policy that would simultaneously provide an increase in foreign currency through remittances” (Sorensen, 2004). With reference to the theory of uses and gratifi cations, media consumers’ beliefs about the media’s offer are contingent upon the gratifi cations of the individuals. Kaya and Drhimeur (2023) argue that- European states have long failed to provide political opportunity structures to devout Muslims in diaspora leading them to align themselves with the alternative political opportunity structures offered by the sending states to answer their needs for political identifi cation. This has provided Turkey and Morocco with an opportunity to spread their infl uence within their respective diasporas and a tool to make their religious-based foreign policies more effi cient. (p. 321) Viewing grows the audiences of the Turkish soap operas bringing about adverse effects. Monthly viewers keep abreast of the storylines because of monolingualism, knowing that the Arabic dialect is not the mother tongue of all Moroccans. This requires an interpretation to follow the storylines of the attractive soaps. A Moroccan sociologist, Ahmad Sharak, argues that “Turkish TV series capturing the attention of Moroccan viewers is proof of their success in plots, character development, and attracting audiences” (Anadolu Agency, 2018). Clearly, in the absence of a Moroccan alternative, Turkish soap operas ensconce themselves on the Moroccan screen. Women and Employment Lopez-Acevedo et al. (2021) argue that “78.4 percent of Moroccan women between 15 and 65 years old were neither employed nor looking for a job” (p. 2). Even if this is the status quo of the Moroccan gender market, western countries have strived to end this female-based quandary. A sociology scholar states, “In most Western countries, the women’s liberation movement of the 1960s and 1970s aimed to decouple women and home” (Duyvendak, 2011). Unlike then, the current situation is witnessing unsatisfactory changes. A study argues that, This gender gap is more pronounced in urban areas, where the male activity rate is over three times higher than the female rate, compared to rural areas, where the male rate is only just over twice as high as the female rate (Berahab et al., 2017, Canuto & Kabbach, 2023). Women’s access to the job market is still weaker than men’s dominance. A research study states, “Women devote seven times more time to domestic activities than men. In addition, the survey reveals the low participation of women in professional life in comparison with that of men who devote four times more time to professional activities” (DEPF et OCP Policy Centre, 2017). Actually, the study highlights the space distribution between Moroccan men and women, whose homes are confi ned. Indeed, women’s lifetime is bigger seven times than men’s, whereas men’s professional lifetime is bigger four times than that of women. It is likely a consideration of Moroccan patriarchal culture and man’s onus for providence that perpetuates these imbalances in domesticity and the profession gap. Finally, these facts can account for the docile bodies, in Foucault’s terms, that consume Turkish soap operas for hours. Islam of Turkish Soap Opera The landslide of Moroccan viewers advocates the Islam of Turkish soap opera characters, actors, and actresses irrespective of their roles, shows, and acts by 81,3 percent. This visualised Islam exhibits emancipation and women’s freedom from social shackles, as well as propagating gender equality. Sufi sm, as an Islamic mysticism or asceticism, enroots its principles in the Turkish-Morocco country’s religion. A professor argues that “young men and women fi nd in the Sufi principles of “beauty” and “humanity” a balanced lifestyle that allows them to enjoy arts, music, and love without having to abandon their spiritual and religious obligations” (Ghambou, 2009). For instance, ‘Purdah’, ‘Burqa’, and ‘Niqab’ are by no means evidently highlighted in Turkish soap opera, perhaps to meet a hidden agenda. An interviewee, a university professor, argues that “the essence of broadcasting dubbed Turkish soap operas is the deradicalization of Moroccan women” (Sadiq, 2023). This quote pinpoints the primary role of liberating women as they unleash Moroccan family values of tolerance, emancipation, and openness. This approach to Islam, engulfed in Turkish soap operas, is cherished by Moroccan female-dominated audiences. The total number of Moroccan tourists in Turkey only reached 3034 in 2009, but in 2019, it exceeded 234,264 visitors. Surprisingly, after the COVID-19 crisis, 2022 broke the record to reach the total of 251,708 Moroccans. This ranked Morocco as Africa’s fi rst African country, with Turkey as their fi rst destination. Even if soaps do not discuss religious issues explicitly, they show their Pa ge 61 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(4) 56-62, 2024 favourite style of religion. In a word, so long as Turkish Islam exists in harmony with the Moroccan State’s Islam, they both intersect in Sufi integration in religious affairs. Turkish Soap Opera and Social Change Turkish soap operas have instigated social change in Morocco via media effects. As discussed above, Moroccan Islam confi rms Turkish Islam in Turkish soaps. The family code or personal status code has been amended following the infl uence of Turkish soap operas. Initially, “The Moudawana family code gives more rights to females and makes it harder for males to escape their fi nancial and legal obligations toward their wives and families” (Mekkaoui, 2011). Moroccan culture explicitly rejects the notion of manhood in the context of a man beating his wife, as violent acts are neither encouraged nor justifi able. The law refl ects this cultural norm, wherein “Women and girls are protected by the Law on combating all Forms of Violence against Women, Law No. 1-13,” as translated by the UN Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia. However, the concept of “marital rape” is not addressed. In contrast, rape, in the absence of a spouse’s consent, is criminalized under “Article 48 of the Penal Code, which defi nes rape as sexual intercourse between a man and a woman without her consent” (UNESCWA). This implies that declared consent negates the crime of rape. According to Medium, “Some academics who study Turkish media say the storylines and portrayal of traditional gender roles may even encourage rape culture. It has been said that ‘Fatmagul’s Fault,’ about a village girl who is gang-raped but marries the man who watches the rape” (Nawa, 2017). This narrative confl icts with Islamic teachings and Moroccan culture. International laws often disregard their secular foundations, imposing international concepts over local ones regardless of religious and cultural differences. Elizabeth (2016) contends that, “Media vehicles made it very easy for partners to cheat today, which is a major cause for the increase of the divorce rate in the USA”. Similarly, Morocco exemplifi es societies infl uenced by media effects (El Fethouni & Hamelin, 2016). This study testifi es that Morocco is also contaminated by a foreign culture, language, and foreign product, Turkish soap operas. CONCLUSION Turkish soap operas aired on 2M channels from 2009 to 2019 have signifi cantly infl uenced Moroccan audiences, particularly women. Moroccan content has often failed to meet audience expectations, leading 2M to supplement with high-quality Turkish dramas. While these soap operas initially fi lled a TV content gap, their adverse effects have raised concerns among Moroccan viewers. The impact of media is multifaceted, affecting psychological, social, religious, cultural, and psychotherapeutic aspects. Since the 2000s, Turkey’s soft power strategy has targeted Morocco for its market potential. The infl ux of foreign values has complicated the Moroccan audience’s cultural landscape, challenging traditional sources like culture, TV, education, and society. Effective audience engagement requires critical consumption skills to safeguard local cultural integrity against potential threats. REFERENCES Anadolu Agency. (2018, December 4). Turkish TV series a hit on Moroccan screens. Daily Sabah. https://www. dailysabah.com/arts-culture/2018/12/04/turkish- tv-series-a-hit-on-moroccan-screens Aslan, S. (2015). Nation building in Turkey and Morocco. Cambridge University Press. Brinkmann, S., & Kvale, S. (2018). Doing interviews (Vol. 2). Sage. Buccianti, A. (2010). Dubbed Turkish soap operas conquering the Arab world: social liberation or cultural alienation? Arab Media and Society, 10(2), 428. https://econpapers.repec.org/paper/ocpppaper/ pb12-23.htm Centre Interprofessionnel Audience Des Medias (2022). https://ciaumed.ma/ Demir, H. (2017). Turkısh - Moroccan Relatıons in Last decades. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention, 6(6), 73-75. Duyvendak, J. (2011). The Politics of Home Belonging and Nostalgia in Western Europe and the United States. University of Amsterdam. El Fethouni, Y., & Nicolas, H. (2016). The Effect of Media and Economics on The Change of Divorce Rate in Morocco. Ifrane: Al Akhawayn University. International Journal of Academic Research and Refl ection, 4(3), 2016. Elizabeth, T. (2016). Media, Curricula, & Socioacademics. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard Graduate School of Education. Ghambou, M. (2009). Sufi sm as Youth Culture in Morocco. Washington Post, 3. Hidass, A. (2010). Radio and television in Morocco: New regulation and licensing for private channels. Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research, 3(1-2). IMDb. (2023). https://www.imdb.com/?ref_=nv_home Kaya, A., & Drhimeur, A. (2023). Diaspora politics and religious diplomacy in Turkey and Morocco. Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, 23(2), 317-337. Keightley, E., and Pickering, M. (2013). Research methods for memory studies. Edinburgh University Press. Kumar, R. (2011). Research methodology: A step-by-step guide for beginners (3rd ed.). SAGE Publications. López, G., Devoto, F., Morales, M., & Roche, J. (2021). Trends and Determinants of Female Labor Force Participation in Morocco: An Initial Exploratory Analysis. World Bank Group. http://hdl. handle. net/10986/35303 Mangione, T. W. (1998). Mail surveys. In L. Bickman & D. J. Rog (Eds.), Handbook of applied social research methods (pp. 399–427). Sage Publications, Inc. Ministry of (Turkish) Tourism and Culture. (n.d.). https:// www.ktb.gov.tr/?_Dil=2 OCP Policy Center et la Direction des Etudes et des Pa ge 62 https://journals.e-palli.com/home/index.php/ajahs Am. J. Arts Hum. Sci. 3(4) 56-62, 2024 Prévisions Financières. (2017). Égalité de genre, politiques publiques et croissance économique au Maroc Pickering, M. (2008). Research Methods for Cultural Studies. Edinburgh University Press. Sorensen, N. N. (2004). Migrant remittances as a development tool: The case of Morocco. Danish Institute for Development Studies (DIIS). United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (UNESCWA). (n.d.). UNESCWA. https://www.unescwa.org/ Morocco: country data and statistics. (n.d.). Worlddata. info. https://www.worlddata.info/africa/morocco/ index.php#google_vignette