American Journal of Interdisciplinary Research and Development ISSN Online: 2771-8948 Website: www.ajird.journalspark.org Volume 41, June- 2025 62 | P a g e THE TRADITION OF HASHAR AND RELATED OBLIGATIONS IN THE PERIOD OF THE UZBEK KHANATES Ulugbek Kuchkarovich Ismoilov Senior Teacher of the Department “Pedagogy and Psychology” of Toshkent-Perfect University, Republic of Uzbekistan Abstract This article provides information about the types of forced labor used in practice in connection with agricultural work in the Turkestan region during the Uzbek khanates - shoemaking, hashar, etc. In particular, the conditions of shoemaking, factors calling for hashar, conditions and methods of organizing hashar are discussed in more detail. Keywords: Shoemaking, hashar, barshina, Land-mosque, bonded labor, forced labor, labor obligations, notes. Introduction In the history of the peoples of Central Asia, during the Uzbek khanates, various forms of labor obligations played a significant role in solving socio-political and economic issues. In particular, the obligation to work voluntarily or for free on the farms of rulers or representatives of higher authorities, officials and elders was called hashar. Tenant farmers, in addition to working on the landowners' land in exchange for a quarter of the harvest, had to participate in free hashar on the landowners' farms. In some cases, women also participated in hashar work. LITERATURE REVIEW In the history of Central Asia, in the Middle Ages, information about hashar, one of the types of forced labor imposed on the population, and its consequences, is provided in medieval manuscripts, including the memoirs of Ruyi Gonzalez de Clavijo, the works of Mahmud ibn Wali, Sharafuddin Ali Yazdi, Abdurazzaq Samarkandi, and others [1]. During the former Soviet Union, this topic was studied by A.A. Semyonov (1929), Gafurov B., Prokhorov N.N. (1940), N.A. Kislyakov (1940,1941,1954), P.P. Ivanov (1954), I. I. Petrushevskny (1949), Iskandarov B.I. (1958), A. Zhuvonmardiev (1965), N. Makhmudov (1966), M.A. Abduraimov (1961,1970), A. Madzhlisov (1967); Troiskaya A.L. (1969), B. A. Akhmedov (1982), and others [2]. During the years of independence, studied by H.N. Bobobekov (1996), P. Ravshanov (2006), Sh. Vohidov, R. Kholikova (2006) and others [4]. American Journal of Interdisciplinary Research and Development ISSN Online: 2771-8948 Website: www.ajird.journalspark.org Volume 41, June- 2025 63 | P a g e RESEARCH METHODS The article is based on generally accepted historical methods - historicism, comparative- logical analysis, sequence, and objectivity. It describes hashar, one of the types of forced labor imposed on the population in the Middle Ages in the history of Central Asia, and its consequences. RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS In the history of the peoples of Central Asia, during the Uzbek khanates, various forms of labor obligations were called by different names when solving socio-political and economic issues. For example, hashar, kala, mardikor, chorikor, etc. Hashar had the same importance as mardikor, the only difference being that there was no official compulsion here, with the announcement of this or that construction, people themselves started working so as not to lose the favor of their masters. Castle (Arabic). This term refers to the labor force and funds collected from the population for the construction and maintenance of fortresses, and “hashar” is also similar to “begor. According to a series of decrees issued by Navruz Ahmadkhan and Muhammadyorkhan in the 17th century, “mardikor (worker), kal’a, savsan, boytut and kurukboniy shall not be taken..."[4], “kal’a” was an obligation of large landowners in Fergana in the 16th-18th centuries to provide labor during the construction years. P.P. Ivanov also expressed the opinion that the terms hashar, begor, kal’a meant the obligation to provide labor [5]. One of Ubaydullah Khan's decrees on the exemption of the household of the feudal Uzbekhoji from all taxes and duties at the beginning of the 17th century indicated the following forms of forced labor: 1) mardikori (work on the irrigation system, reservoirs and cleaning of houses); 2) begori (work on the construction of new buildings and the repair of old ones); 3) hashar (agricultural work such as plowing, harvesting, transporting and threshing grain); 4) takfirot (other types of work necessary for the landowner); 5) jufti gov (providing a pair of working bulls). The latter task meant that the obligation to work applied not only to people, but also to working animals, since without them it was impossible to plow the land, transport grain to the threshing floor and thresh it. In Eastern Bukhara and the Western Pamirs, in addition to partnership, labor leasing was also preserved. The peasant was obliged to work for the landowner for several days during the season, perform field work, clean ditches, repair and build the owner's buildings, etc. Khashar (help) was also a widespread form of barshina. On a predetermined day and hour, all the surrounding peasants were obliged to go out into the field and perform the work assigned to them in the form of “help”. Khashar was especially widespread in Eastern Bukhara and the Western Pamirs, where the wealthy elite skillfully used the patriarchal remnants, the darkness and oppression of the peasants for their own benefit. American Journal of Interdisciplinary Research and Development ISSN Online: 2771-8948 Website: www.ajird.journalspark.org Volume 41, June- 2025 64 | P a g e Bonded dependence was especially widespread in Eastern Bukhara, where patriarchal- tribal relations were strongest. The ruling class there often used kinship relations for its own benefit. Under the guise of helping relatives, large and medium-sized, and sometimes relatively small landowners ruthlessly exploited landless and poor peasants, mainly annual laborers or “koshchi”. The lands of large landowners, that is, beks, landowners and others, were cultivated using the barshina method - using khashar. Peasants were forcibly mobilized by officials to work during planting, harvesting, etc. The peasants received nothing for their labor. In addition, contrary to custom, the organizers of the khashar - the rich and officials - also refused to provide the participants with traditional oshar, that is, food. Khashars were usually held at the peak of work in the fields, when there was a need for urgent plowing or harvesting, which caused great hardship to the peasants. However, the poorest peasants, fearing persecution from the landowners and the rich, did not dare to refuse to participate in them. The existence of such hashar labor is also indicated in the documents of the Kushbegi Chancellery Fund. Mulla Isamatdin, the judge of the Sherabad region, reported to the amir that the peasants forced them to work on their lands, complaining about the bek and the landowners. However, voluntary hashar has long since turned into forced labor. Only agricultural hashars in Kara-Teghin take up to 15 days a year from the population of the villages closest to the bek's center. According to the Korategin Beklig, when farmers were engaged in barshchina, they were required to plow the lands of zamindars, beks and landowners, eshans and other privileged classes with their own working animals and tools for 10 days in the spring. Peasants in secluded lands worked on their master's lands: 7 days in the summer to weed crops, 7 days in the fall to harvest, and 2-3 days to thresh grain. In addition, at the same time, they prepared firewood for the owner throughout the heating season by means of hashar and harvested hay for the livestock for the winter [4]. In the southeastern part of Bukhara - in Hissar, Kulob and other principalities - the dependence of the working people on the landlords reigned. A significant part of the peasants was the "private property" of officials and scholars. For example, in the territory of Qala-Lyabiyob, the large emir official Abbas Khoja had the private property of Fayzabad, Daroi-Mazar, Gali and other villages with 270 households. The peasants of these villages were obliged to work on the land of their owner without paying any fees and were at his complete disposal [7, 8]. In the Kokand Khanate, along with the leasing of "share lands", hashar works were also widely used, and they were served not only by the villages included in the territory of the Land-mosque, but also by the peasants living around it. In the Kokand Khanate, hashar was held annually on “shared lands”: peasants served them on a mandatory basis, often with livestock (horses and oxen), agricultural equipment, and carts. For the hashar, lists of settlements were compiled in the khan’s office, and peasants went to work in shifts according to these lists. Each peasant had to work three days a year. The hashar was held American Journal of Interdisciplinary Research and Development ISSN Online: 2771-8948 Website: www.ajird.journalspark.org Volume 41, June- 2025 65 | P a g e in a rotating manner, and this was recorded in the “note” sent to the places called for hashar [6]. Mass hashar work was carried out with strict organization. People from the villages who came to the hashar - hasharchis, sometimes in the archive documents - laborers - black laborers, worked in groups under the leadership and control of the masters and elders of their own village who came to work with them. In addition, this work was managed and supervised by the khan's officials who managed the land-mosque lands: quartermasters (inaq), tax collectors (sarkar) and tribute collectors (amlokdars) [7]. The archive has preserved a reprimand to the khan about the negligence shown by Tursun Muhammad inaq during the big hashar in cultivating the fields in the land-mosque. An unknown person addressed the khan, who, together with another person, supervised the field work of the farmers who were conducting the hashar. This reprimand made a great impression, because it is preserved in the archive both in the original copy and in the conclusion placed on the back of the act of the farmers who conducted the hashar. The document was probably compiled by Muhammad Sadiq's son Eshmuhammad, who was a tribute collector in the "shared lands" and tried to help the khan in every way. The document states that all those who came to the hashar lived in huts with their leaders. One of the main leaders of the affairs, Tursun Muhammad, lived in the city, came to work late and left early, entrusted all matters to his secretaries - mirzas, and his people were cold and indifferent to the work. The objection also states that Tursun Muhammad received unknown persons who came with letters and gifts. Letters and gifts were received differently, and he, in turn, gave gifts to people who came with an unknown purpose. The volume of hashar work can be learned from the information in the record of the work of 11 Safar 1290 (April 10, 1873), when 2860 unskilled workers (laborers) and 351 cart drivers were employed in agricultural work in Land-mosque. The copy of the memorandum attached to the record shows that the farmers were called up for hashar farming work on the lands of Land-mosque by a supreme decree. The “Memorandum” states that people called to work should be accompanied by a faithful companion. In this, both laborers on foot and farmers with horses and carts were called to the hashar. On the 8th of that month, 500 unskilled workers - laborers and 64 horse-drawn carts - overturned carts worked in the fields of Land-mosque, and on the 7th of that year, 900 laborers and 33 horse-drawn carts worked. On the 29th of that year, 620 laborers and 71 carts worked. In the copy of the “Memorandum” attached to the record, laborers are ordered to go to work with a hoe. According to information, in the month of Safar 1290 (April 1873), 5,404 people and 567 carts worked on the cultivation of the Land-mosque lands. In the months of Rabi I and II of 1291 (April-May 1874), 9,039 foot laborers, 1,346 horse- drawn carts, and 229 pairs of oxen worked in the fields of Land-mosque. “On the 18th of Rabi I and II, agricultural and farming work was completed.” The peasants were summoned to the hashar with a special “notice” — a patta. Their form is the same. Several American Journal of Interdisciplinary Research and Development ISSN Online: 2771-8948 Website: www.ajird.journalspark.org Volume 41, June- 2025 66 | P a g e examples of such “notices” have been preserved in the archives. They indicate the names of the villages that must participate in the hashar, how many people are needed, horse- drawn carts, oxen, etc. Each “notice” states that the peasants can leave after three days of work. The "Reminder" was addressed to the village administration (amin and aksaqal), who were ordered to accompany their people during a number of busy hashars and supervise their work. CONCLUSION The documents that have come down to us about the organization of the hashar work show that the names of the people who came to the hashar every day were strictly recorded, included in the list. This is understandable, because those who did not go to the hashar were fined. It was collected based on the amount of land - 1-2 coins per day for each missing worker to clean the ditches or irrigation networks. So, in Nahrpay, the banks were washed away and the water blocked the road. The costs of repairs were distributed among the farmers depending on the area of the land. 11 coins were collected from each ditch. In Narazim, 1 coin was collected from the laborers who did not come to the hashar, and in other regions - 2 coins, 220 coins. REFERENCES 1. National Archive of Uzbekistan. I– 126th Fund, List 1, 6344, 6345, 6346, 6347th volume 2. National Archive of Uzbekistan, I-126th Fund. List 1, 1268th volume, sheet 76. 3. А.Ф.Губаревич-Радобылский, Экономический очерк Бухары и Туниса. С- Петербургъ: Типография В.Каршбаума, дворцовая площадь, д. М-ва Финансовъ, 1905 г. 4. Гафуров Б., Прохоров Н.Н., «Падение Бухарского эмирата» (к 20-летию советской революсии в Бухаре (1920-1940 гг.) Сталинабад. Госиздат Таджикистана – 1940 г. 5. А.Жувонмардиев XVI –XIX асрларда Фарғонада ер-сув масалаларига доир. Тошкент “ФАН” 1965, Бет - 38 6. П.П. Иванов Хозяйство Джуйбарских шейхов, стр. 7. Кисляков Н.А., Ишан—феодал Восточной Бухары. М.—Л.,1940. «Труды Таджикской базы», вып. ИХ. 8.Кисляков Н.А. Очерки по истории Каратегина. Душанбе, 1954. 10.Искандаров Б.И. Из истории Бухарского эмирата. (Восточная Бухара и Западный Памир в консе ХИХ века). Москва, «Издателство Восточной литературы», 1958 г. 11.Маджлисов А. «Аграрные отношения в Восточной Бухаре в ХИХ начале – ХХ века». Душанбе – Алма-Ата – 1967 г. 12.Троицкая А.Л. «Материалы по истории Кокандского ханства ХИХ века (по документам архива Кокандских ханов). Москва, Издателство «Наука» - 1969 г.