Civil Society and Women Activists in the Middle East:

Islamic and Secular Organizations in Egypt

Wanda Krause
London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2012. 288 pages.

While much of the literature related to women and democratization in the Mid-
dle East neglects the role of women in this process, Wanda Krause persuasively
argues that the grassroots activism of Middle Eastern women plays a vital role
in democratizing the region. Krause contends that this scholarly neglect is a
result of the literature’s (1) prioritizing the state (over civil society) and secu-
larism (over religious groups), (2) ignoring the feminine (at the expense of the
feminist) and the practical (at the expense of the political), and (3) relegating
women’s concerns, like family issues, to “the private sphere and overlooked
as having any meaning to the public” (p. 49). She further criticizes this literature
for what she considers its orientalist attitude, which often manifests itself as
excessive attention to women’s dress, segregation, polygamy, and female gen-
ital mutilation (FGM) and thus constructs a passive and oppressed image of
Muslim women. To fully understand the role of Middle Eastern women, Krause
urges scholars to focus not just on the government’s formal structures, but also
to pay attention to civil society and investigate how beliefs, values, and every-
day practices both expand it and advance democratic values. 

Focusing on Egypt, the author carefully details the political, economic,
and historical experiences of Egyptian women. She identifies poverty and il-
literacy as the most oppressive problems. Discriminatory laws and norms, un-
derrepresentation in politics, and the patriarchal interpretation of Islam have
exacerbated these problems. Although reforms have improved women’s rights
– the 2004 reforms raised the marriage age to 18 and banned FGM – discrim-
ination is still present in other areas of the law: women are not allowed to ex-
tend Egyptian citizenship to their husbands and children, lenient sentences are
given in honor killings, discriminatory divorce laws are unchanged, and such

Book Reviews 109



abusive practices as travelers’ and ‘urf¥ (unofficial) marriages continue. Coptic
women face further discrimination because of their religion.

In this authoritarian and discriminatory context, private volunteer organ-
ization (PVOs) work to advance women’s rights. Egypt has about 30,000
PVOs – one-third of the total number of such associations in the Arab world
(p. 132). Krause selects five secular and five Islamic PVOs to study them in
detail (The book includes meticulous, if lengthy, descriptions of the difficulties
of her field research.). 

These organizations contribute to the expansion of civil society and thus
democratization by empowering women (p. 115). Women in these organiza-
tions do not articulate a democratic theory, but their practices, which cultivate
“toleration, trust, reciprocity, cooperation, and compassion,” are crucial in
building democratic foundations (p. 123). These values are “likely to lead to
a more inclusive, transparent, and tolerant society” that supports (the devel-
opment of) democracy (p. 125). She argues that “The state cannot operate as
a democracy without a democratic culture” (ibid.). These organizations es-
sentially weave the fabric of democratic culture. 

They also implement democracy-in-practice. Krause details how volun-
teers and staff deliberate, vote, negotiate, build consensus, and socialize
women to a pluralist and inclusive mindset: “They foster ‘civility,’ which en-
compasses tolerance, cooperation, trust, and reciprocity” (p. 126). Krause is
not blind to the problems within these organizations; she notices that an au-
thoritarian ethos also occasionally appears (p. 131) and notes that the rank-
and-file volunteers appeal to sh´rŒ (consultation) to check it (p. 129).

Furthermore, these organizations empower women. According to the au-
thor, poverty, ignorance, and illiteracy are the greatest concerns in Egypt and,
as in other developing countries, women are empowered if these problems
are addressed. Since these problems are tied up with various social, economic,
ideological, religious, and political structures, feminist rights-based activism’s
excessive, if not exclusive, focus on rising women’s statute vis-à-vis the state
and men is too narrow – if not misplaced – in working to empower women.
Both secular and Islamic PVOs target these oppressive structures in an over-
lapping and complementary manner, rather than just focusing on the political
(pp. 157-59). The work that Egyptian women have done in the civil society
sphere to target the multifaceted oppressive structures has yielded significant
and sustainable political outcomes (p. 151). Taking a broad definition of
power, Krause argues that even realizing that one is not powerless and recog-
nizing the oppressive forces are forms of power, as this awareness often leads
to sociopolitical activism and the expansion of civil society.

110 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 30:2



One idea that figures prominently in her analysis is khayr (doing good
deeds in divine service). Grounded in Islamic moral ethics, this is the belief
that since God created them, people are dignified beings and an individual
should therefore strive for a dignified life for oneself, family, and community.
Any action toward these ends is khayr (p. 173). According to Krause, this
logic enhances the role of women immensely because it elevates them from
being agents of physical reproduction to being agents holistic reproduction:
It asks women to strive for an improved life for themselves, their families,
and communities.

Krause innovatively argues that mobilizing for doing khayr is not a protest-
oriented or rights-based action that demands receiving rights and holding others
accountable, but a duty-based action that demands giving out of one’s love of
God and holding oneself accountable to God (pp. 174-76). As such, doing
khayr is endless and transformative ( viz., it emphasizes women’s agency).
Last, it is also democratizing because “the act of giving one’s time, money, or
other resources” produces civility in society by facilitating “a political culture
of generosity” and sharing (p. 177). Although khayr is essentially an Islamic
moral teaching, it has such a powerful appeal in Egyptian society that even
secular organizations frame much of their activism as “doing khayr” (p. 181).

Not all women’s activism is done through formal PVOs. Krause argues
that Egyptian women’s activism on the Internet and through social media has
been significant. The digital revolution, combined with ongoing state scrutiny
and oppression, has caused women to turn to cyberactivism. Besides estab-
lishing a forum for women to voice their discontent, blogging influences the
priorities of women’s PVO networks. For example, online chatter about sexual
harassment has caused several groups to become more active in combating
it. As the Arab Spring showed, social media was critical and women activists
were particularly visible in this forum (p. 219).

This is an important and timely book for both gender and Middle East ex-
perts. Scholars of social movements and Islamic politics will also find it useful.
The book offers an important critique of feminist literature’s conceptual and
methodological shortcomings in studying Middle Eastern women. The concept
of khayr is particularly powerful in linking Islamic moral teachings to activism
and the development of civil society. More generally, as Krause illustrates,
khayr is a moral teaching with significant sociopolitical implications that can
provide a better vantage point to scholars when studying Muslim societies and
social movements than previously provided by political Islamists.

Turan Kayaoglu
Associate Professor of International Relations, Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences

University of Washington, Tacoma, WA

Book Reviews 111