Editorial

Islam and Pluralism
Is religious pluralism possible in Islam? This question is theoretically and
historically easy to answer affirmatively. But in perception seen as reality,
it is anything but simple to answer at all. Contemporary attitudes toward
and portrayals of Muslims confuse the debate even further. Attempts to pro-
vide legitimate answers in a nuanced manner are usually considered apolo-
getics and thus dismissed. Yet the case must be made that the Islamic
worldview on religion and humanity assumes religious pluralism.

Anybody periodically engaged in interfaith dialogue or public lectures
on Islam must have heard this question by now. While most are genuinely
interested in knowing the true answer, some have already made their minds
up about Islam’s inability to tolerate other religions. Perhaps one of the
effective answers came through Bill Moyers’ 1990 interview with Seyyed
Hossein Nasr.1 That Nasr answered affirmatively with authority and elo-
quence cannot be denied; however, that few Americans heard his answer is
confirmed by the persistence of this question twenty years later. Signif-
icantly, that even fewer would have believed him is proven by the trouble-
some rhetoric of the current rising Islamophobia.

Moyers’s questions included the following: “By the nature of its theol-
ogy, its own principle of unity, … can Islam coexist with [a] non-Muslim
[world]?”; “Do Muslims envision a world dominated by Islam?”; “One does
not see pluralism and tolerance?”; “Can you [Muslims] tolerate [an] infidel?”2
Nasr responded by affirming coexistence, pluralism, and tolerance and reject-
ing any notion of Muslim world domination. This editorial analyzes “Islam
and pluralism.” But to understand the Muslims’ response, one must accept
some basic facts: Muslim extremists, who have always existed, do not truly
and legitimately represent Islam by their actions or pronouncements. Obvi-



ii The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 27:4

ously they are part of the Muslim world, but in numerical terms they remain
a negligible minority. Moreover, Muslims are not a monolithic group; rather,
they represent many constituents, the majority of which are peaceful and tol-
erant and aspire to live with others in a secure world.3

Pluralism in a Muslim-majority Nation
The archetype of a Muslim-majority was that of Madinah from 622 CE
onward. Although Muslims ever since may have wished or even fantasized
about a Muslim-only world, there has never been (nor is there) a realistic
expectation for that. Some Islamic eschatological narrations predict that
“belief in God” will reign supreme before the end of time, but this is far
from suggesting that everybody will become Muslim. The Qur’an has
always implied that multiplicity of religious communities and, therefore,
pluralism are necessary for God to test their commitment to obeying Him
and doing good deeds in accordance to their respective books. “If God had
so willed, He would have made you [humanity] one community, but He
wanted to test you through that which He has given you [i.e. “books”;
according to al-Tabari] so race to do good: you will all return to God and
He will make clear to you the matters you differed about” (5:48).4 So diver-
sity of religions is expected and pluralism is anticipated.

On the practical level, pluralism signifies different communities of peo-
ple living peacefully and amicably in one geographical and territorial setting.
Muslims, as a matter of attaining peace, must first strive toward pluralism.
This is what the Prophet did in Madinah, which had a substantial Jewish pop-
ulation. Among the first things he did was to get all of Madinah’s inhabitants
to agree to the conditions laid out in the “Constitution of Madinah.” Al-Zuhri
(d. 742), Ibn Ishaq (d. 767), Ibn Hisham, Ibn Kathir (d. 1373), and other his-
toriographers left a detailed record of this document; Julius Wellhausen,
Arent J. Wensinck, W. Montgomery Watt, Robert B. Serjeant, Uri Ruben,
Frederick M. Denny, and other leading western scholars have analyzed it. The
ummah, in this case the inhabitants of Madinah and their allies, is of crucial
importance to understanding Islam’s position to pluralism. 

With respect to this discussion, scholars have identified articles 1, 25,
37, 39, and 40 as relevant.5 The document begins by proclaiming: “In the
name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. This is a writing of Muham-
mad the Prophet between the believers and Muslims of Quraysh and
Yathrib and those who follow them and are attached to them who strive/
fight (jahadu) along with them.” This is followed by the articles:



1. They are one community (ummah wahidah) distinct from other people.
25. The Jews of Banu Awf are a community (ummah) along with the

believers. To the Jews their religion ( din) and to the Muslims their reli-
gion, both to their clients and to themselves, with the exception of any-
one who has done wrong or acted treacherously; he brings evil only on
himself and on his household.

37. Between them, there is help (nasr) against whoever wars against the
people of this document. Between them is sincere friendship and coun-
seling, and honorable dealing, not treachery.

39. The valley of Yathrib is sacred and protected for the people of this
document.

40. The neighbor is as the man himself so long as he does no harm and
does not act treacherously.6

Other articles talk of how no one must help the Makkans or take them
as allies against the signatories to this document. Although Muslims and
many leading western scholars on Islam consider this document a blueprint
for pluralism, people still read in it anti-Jewish sentiment (e.g., reading
dayn [debt] for din [religion] in article 25), insist that the signatories are
somehow unequal, or focus on the ultimate elimination of some Jews who
were believed to have conspired to kill the Prophet and therefore broken it.
Other people still challenge its very authenticity. But why the Prophet to
have drawn up this document if he had no intention of instituting or honor-
ing its clauses? History shows that not only did he honor it, but that he
moved against only those Jewish clans accused of violating it – not against
those Jews who continued to honor it. Practicing Muslims attempt to emu-
late the Prophet’s actions in all of their activities and as closely as they can.

Rubin writes:

The conclusion with respect to article one of the “Constitution” is, there-
fore, inevitable. The article declares that the Muslims of Quraysh and
Yathrib, as well as the Jews, constitute one unity, sharing the same reli-
gious orientation, thus being distinct from all the rest of the people who
adhere to other kinds of faith. It is thereby clear that the new unity is
designed to be based not only on common sacred territory but also on
common faith.7

The fact that this experiment may be portrayed as a failure due to
Muhammad’s ultimate expulsion and killing of some Jews who plotted to
kill him may have temporarily vitiated, Islam’s basic position toward plu-

Editorial iii



iv The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 27:4

ralism has never been altered. This is especially telling when Muslims were
convinced that some of the Jewish tribes violated agreements for pluralism
and thus jeopardized the Prophet’s life. When reading this constitution, one
feels that this “failure” might have been exaggerated. Despite the unfortu-
nate outcome, various Jewish communities continued to live with Muslims
as part of one community, as delineated by the constitution. When the
Prophet died, he owed a Jewish neighbor some money. People must live
together in one location to be neighbors. Neighbors must trust each other in
order to conduct social and commercial transactions. Neighbors must be
comfortable with each other in order to lend money. If all this was true to
the Prophet and his Jewish neighbors, what can stop it from occurring
among the larger community of Madinah? Significantly, how can this prove
that Islam is against pluralism?

In pluralistic societies, the equality of different peoples is a legitimate
question. But while failure to achieve equality is a serious setback, it must
not be used to paint a picture contrary to pluralism. This is true whether the
pluralism is based on ethnic, political, or religious factors. With majority
comes the opportunity to dictate, influence, and control situations. And as
long as other groups are free to act as they choose (in this case religiously)
without persecution or hindrance, pluralism is achieved.

In Islam’s case, the practical application of pluralism over time has a
mixed record. Many caliphs and sultans allowed non-Muslims to live and
practice their religions freely, even making space for them to partake in the
social, intellectual, and political arenas; others restricted their movement and
ordered them to wear special attire. But the overwhelming evidence supports
the fact that non-Muslims who lived under Islamic rule fared relatively bet-
ter treatment than those who lived under non-Islamic rule. 

The discussion of the People of the Book (ahl al-kitab) and protected
people (ahl al-dhimmah) in Islamic jurisprudential literature may be inter-
preted, and usually perceived, as portraying non-Muslims as second-class
citizens. It is unclear how people belonging to non-Abrahamic religious tra-
ditions should be treated. In truth, all these medieval constructions of rules
were based on the bifurcation of the world into dar al-Islam and dar al-harb.
There were, however, other classifications, such as dar al-`adl (the abode of
justice, where Muslims are minority but given their rights) and dar al-`ahd
(the abode of covenant, where the minority Muslims have signed a peace
treaty). 

In the case of the United States, religious pluralism did not come via the
teachings and practices of religious (Christian) institutions. In the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries, different religious groups were persecuted for



their beliefs and practices (i.e., the Pueblo Nation under the Franciscan
Friars in New Mexico, Anne Hutchinson under the Puritan Congregational
Church in Massachusetts, and the Baptists under the Protestants in the
south). Religious pluralism came through political initiatives that guaranteed
the freedom of religions.8

As I mentioned earlier, imperfection should not be used to deny the exis-
tence of pluralism. It is well-known that there is intolerance in America’s
religious sphere. Due to the discrimination, outright Islamophobia, and other
negative realities faced by Muslims in this country today, many of them find
it hard to accept that religious pluralism still exists here; however, many
Americans remain willing to stand with them.

Non-Muslims who face discrimination in Muslim-majority nations also
find it hard to accept Islam’s asserted religious tolerance. Clearly, Muslim-
majority nations need to implement more guarantees for non-Muslims as a
matter of religious obligation, political expedience, and human rights. Sadly,
even non-religious Muslim leaders may violate the religious rights of non-
Muslims to bolster their political standing among their Muslim constituents,
as if persecuting other religions is somehow “Islamic.” Yet, the majority of
Muslims understand that living peacefully with non-Muslims is “Islamic”
and they have been doing so for centuries. 

Hopefully Muslims will remember that the Islamic worldview not only
implies religious pluralism, but that the Prophet’s sunnah actively encour-
ages it. In fact, he was ready to do anything short of sacrificing his life to
achieve this goal. AJISS would welcome any academic papers addressing
the practical aspects of “Islam and pluralism” among Muslim-majority peo-
ples in different geographical areas and historical time periods.

This issue of AJISS opens with Mazen Hashem’s “Asserting Religious
Text in the Modern World: Muslim Friday Khutbahs.” As a trained sociolo-
gist, Hashem’s keen interest in Muslims in this country led him to analyze
two year’s worth of khutbahs. He focuses on three dimensions: how certain
texts assert their authority, the different approaches to contextualizing the
texts, and how texts are interpreted in the face of modern challenges. Ruzita
Mohd. Amin follows with her “A Decade of the World Trade Organization
and the Trade Performance of Muslim Countries.” In her analysis of the per-
formance of the merchandise trade of Muslim countries after they joined the
WTO, she describes their participation in world merchandise trade, highlights
their trade characteristics in general, and discusses the implications of WTO
agreements on Muslim countries. She closes with some recommendations
related to facing this challenge.

Editorial v



The next paper, Sayed Sikandar Shah and Mek Wok Mahmud’s “Cri-
tical Thinking and Its Implications for Contemporary Ijtihad,” briefly delin-
eates the concept of critical thinking and its dynamic role in reconstructing
human thought. They also relate the on-the-ground realities regarding recent
Islamic revival movements and their zeal for reinstituting this process.
Finally, they identify some hands-on strategies for applying critical thinking
in contemporary ijtihad. We close with Sobhi Rayan’s “Ibn Taymiyya’s
Criticism of Aristotelian Definition.” Rayan tackles Ibn Taymiyya’s efforts
to criticize Aristotle’s two “points of definition”: one posited in negative
terms and the other in positive terms. He concludes that while Ibn Tay-
miyya’s main criticism is directed at specific metaphysical elements of def-
inition, such as genus, species, differences, quiddity, and universality, he also
argues that these elements are purely mental and do not necessarily corre-
spond to existence. 

We hope that we have, once again, assembled a collection of thought-
provoking articles for our readers and believe they will be stimulated by the
variety of approaches and ideas posited in them. 

Endnotes

1. “Bill Moyers Rewind: Seyyed Hossein Nasr on Finding Peace in the Middle
East (1990),” www.pbs.org/moyers/journal/blog/2008/02/bill_moyers_
rewind_seyyed_hoss.html.

2. Ibid.
3. For more, see John L. Esposito and Dalia Mogahed, Who Speaks for Islam?:

What a Billion Muslims Really Think (New York: Gallup Press, 2008). 
4. Other verses include 11:118 and 42:8; also see, al-Tabari, Jami` al-Bayan `an

Ta’w il ay al-Qur’an, 10:390-91.
5. Frederick M. Denny, “Ummah in the Constitution of Medina,” Journal of

Near Eastern Studies 36, no. 1 (1977): 42.
6. Ibn Hisham, Al-Sirat al-Nabawiyah (Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-Arabi, 2006),

1:299-300. Denny’s translation with a few modifications, pp. 40-42. 
7. Uri Rubin, “The ‘Constitution of Medina’: Some Notes,” Studia Islamica 62

(1985): 13. 
8. “God in America” TV Program: KLCS on PBS, 8:00-10:00 pm, 4 December

2010.

Zakyi Ibrahim
Editor

zibrahim@fullerton.edu

vi The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 27:4