Islamic Democratic Discourse: Theory, Debates,
and Philosophical Perspectives

M. A. Muqtedar Khan, ed.
Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2006. 271 pages.

M. A. Muqtedar Khan’s (ed.) Islamic Democratic Discourse: Theory,
Debates, and Philosophical Perspectives examines how Muslim thinkers
have and are trying to formulate systems for good and ethical self-gover-
nance and the necessity, therein, for political discourse. The debates in these
essays, which span a wide range of subjects and periods, are held together
by a common principle: political discourse has a long standing in the
Muslim world. Given that the Muslim world’s conventional image is one in
which autocratic regimes prevail, the significance of this argument, pre-
sented here from its theological, legal, and regional perspectives, is of great
importance.

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For political discourse to be meaningful – that is, for it to be an exercise
in the clarification and exchange of ideas and to lead, in some instances, to
action – requires that it take place both in the public and private sphere. The
public sphere may be more readily recognized as the proper space for
political discourse. However, the slippage of political discourse over to the
private sphere is also of great value in that it indicates two things: first, polit-
ical ideas are recognized as important to both a person’s collective and indi-
vidual sensibilities and, second, while political discourse is expounded in the
public sphere, its ideas are often first worked out and subsequently reflected
upon in the private sphere.

The term public sphere itself may be understood differently by different
people at different times. Which definition is employed – the public sphere
as a venue: for the discourse of governments alone (and here we continue to
focus on discourse rather than refer also to actions); for the discourse of
groups; or for a discourse among governments, individuals, and groups –
will significantly impinge upon our understanding of the term. 

Is the concept of the space in which such discourse is possible differ-
ently configured by an Islamic sensibility as averse to a western sensibility?
Such a question does not argue for the intrinsic difference of peoples, but
merely for their different collective histories. And in our modern period, fol-
lowing the Muslim-majority countries’ intimate interaction with the West,
does and can the principle of difference continue to hold? If the interaction
has not produced a change in ideas and practices in these countries, can we
say that it has, at the bare minimum level, produced a shift of expectation
regarding the possibility of discourse? We see, then, that representations of
space are not static, that they necessarily inform, and, one could argue, con-
trol what form of discourse a society deems permissible.

Islamic Democratic Discourse: Theory, Debates, and Philosophical
Perspectives argues that there is a mental space between Islamic theocracy
and western democracy. And it is here that ideas on an Islamic democratic
discourse need to be developed. The creation of this space is preparatory to
the creation of a social space, for as Khan says: “Once the idea exists, the
form can follow” (p. 166).

This book provides a thorough analysis of the place of democratic dis-
course in Islamic history, in the section entitled “Classical Perspectives on
Islam and Politics,” as well as its significance to our own times, in “Global
Discourses on Islam and Democracy.” The book’s middle section, “Regional
Debates on Islam and Democracy,” provides three area study papers: one on
Malaysia, another on Turkey, and the third on Sudan. Such key terms as

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shari`ah, fiqh, ijtihad, and ulu al-amr, an understanding of which are requi-
site to any finer comprehension of the historical and existing debates, are
clearly brought out in a number of papers. And although this book is the
product of commissioned articles rather than papers submitted to a sympo-
sium, there is an underlying synchronicity in the authors’ approach to the
study of political Islam.

Unlike the Islamists, for whom “literalists” is perhaps more appropriate
than the more often employed “fundamentalists,” the academics in this col-
lection of essays by and large adhere to three interlinked principles: (a) inter-
pretation of the Qur’an is possible and is to be valued; (b) given that change
is the one constant in human experience, interpretation is necessary; and (c),
it must be continually renewed in order to remain appropriate to new cir-
cumstances. One area of study, however, has largely been overlooked: the
relation of Islamic democratic discourse to the private sphere. To ignore, or
rather not to give any weight to this aspect of the discourse is, I think, to fail
to see the co-dependence of these two spheres upon each other. This issue
notwithstanding, much within this book is reflective and calls the reader to
greater reflection. 

In any collection of essays, not all papers can be equal. Papers of note
are Tariq Ramadan’s “Ijtihad and Maslahah: The Foundations of Govern-
ance” and Ali Paya’s “Recent Developments in Shi`i Thought: A Brief
Introduction to the Views of Three Contemporary Shi`ite Thinkers.” Asma
Afsaruddin’s “Obedience to Political Authority: An Evolutionary Concept”
and Özlem Denli’s “An Islamic Quest for a Pluralistic Political Model: A
Turkish Perspective” are, however, worth particular attention. 

Afsaruddin analyses how readings of Qur’an 4:59, which states that
“those who believe, obey God and the Messenger and those in possession
of authority among you (ulu al-amr),” has often led to the misconception
that the Qur’an promotes political quietism. This text has been used in our
own time to explain Muslim societies’ tolerance for despotic rule. Her
analysis, therefore, demands a close reading. Afsaruddin contends that a
correct translation should read “authority among you,” rather than, as some
scholars – and here she points to Bernard Lewis – have posited, “authority
over you.” Her analysis of the political positioning adopted by such early
Islamists as Mawdudi and Sayyid Qutb who, she argues, “resort to an
unprecedented sacralization of religio-political authority,” is equally excel-
lent (p. 50).

Denli’s paper focuses on the Turkish thinker Ali Bulac’s Medina Pro-
ject. For those unfamiliar with Bulac’s work, Denli provides a sound intro-

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duction. Bulac, inspired by the Madinah constitution signed in 622 by
Muslims, Jews, and pagan Arabs, suggests a model in which the state
greatly retreats from the public arena and groups move forward to occupy
that space. Of the contract among the various groups, Bulac says: “Parties to
the contract will be religiously, culturally, ethically, politically or philo-
sophically based legal communities. Each legal community will have reli-
gious, cultural and legal autonomy” (p. 91). He further argues that individu-
als may decide whether to live within a religiously defined or a secularly
defined group and that the constitution would be held in higher esteem than
any religious text, including the Qur’an.

Toward the end of his paper, Denli admits that Bulac’s refusal to follow
the majority principle would make the Medina Project difficult to put into
practice. A more thorough analysis of the fault lines inherent in his project
would have been welcome. Nevertheless, this is a stirring and thought-
provoking paper – as, indeed, are many of the other papers in this collection.

Anita Mir
Sessional Lecturer in Islamic Studies

Birkbeck College, University of London, United Kingdom

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