Book Reviews 

Between Modernity and Post-Modernity: 
The Islamic Left and Dr. Hasan Hanafi's 

Thought: A Critical Reading 

By Kazuo Shimogaki (Japan: The Institute of Middle 
Eastern Studies, International University of Japan, 1988) 
177 pp.

Kazuo Shimogaki 's working paper, number fourteen in the IMES 
series, is a critical essay of The Islamic Left, a so-far one-time-only 
privately produced journal. Three of its five articles are written by Hasan 
Hanafi, a professor at Cairo University, and a summary/translation of 
Hanafi's first and most important article. The essay itself abounds in 
grammatical and typographical errors, while the swnmary/translation is 
done very well. There is enough evidence that Shimogaki has a sharp 
mind, and I anticipate eagerly future works. 

Unfortunately, Shimogaki 's subject matter is not very enlightening, 
even though many reasons are given for the study of The Islamic Left. 
Hanafi is located firmly in a reformist tradition with al Afghani and 
• Abduh. He has all the prejudices of an Egyptian Arab, 1 indulges in end­
less analyses of the "reality" of the Muslim world (with the smug convic­
tion that his gaze is universal), revels in a knee-jerk hatred of Sufism,2
and makes his case for technological boosterism. He also takes for
granted the "backwardness" of the Muslim world, as if the prime accom­
plishment of western civilization (which is the creation of nuclear
weaponry-what else has engaged the wealth and brain power of the
United States as much?) was bungled by Islamic civilization.

Shimogaki attempts to reform Hanafi in light of postmodernity, but 
his own understanding of postmodernity is sketchy (in other words, very 
postmodern). Seeing postmodemity teleologically, Shimogaki writes that 
Hanafi "has not yet reached the newest thought movement in the West, 

'According to him, Egypt is "the center of the Islamic world and the heart of 
Arabism." Hanafi uses the metaphor of the Islamic world as a bird, with the east wing 
being Asia, the we(•wing being Africa, and Egypt its body. 

2
The Islamic Left rejects Sufism and treats it as an enemy" (p. 124) and then its author 

proceeds to list those revolutions of which he approves: the Qaram.itah, the Mahdiyah, 
the Saniisiyah, all of which were Sufistic in nature. He could have listed the Sokoto 
caliphate, "Abd al Qadir in Algeria, Imam Shamil, all of them Sufis, as well as the 
myriad rebellions and peasant revolts led by charismatic Sufi leaders, 



Book Reviews 431 

postmodemity" @. 3). Perhaps, then, Hanafi could be improved upon 
with some postmodem insight. 

Typical of Hanafi's worldview is the modem disparagement of ritual. 
The pilgrimage (hub) becomes reduced to a kind of "intemational con- 
ference," and the other pillars suffer similar fates. One can only recall the 
hmendous outpourings of deep understanding imparted by centuries of 
traditional Muslim scholars. The treatment of theBqhidisagreements 
(ikhzihifi conceming tuyummum, for example, by Ibn al 'Arabi (1165- 
1240) spans a hundred pages and discloses wonderkid truths and insights 
m u n d i n g  each detail involved. Hanafi criticizes a "word-for-word" 
approach to the Qur'an. In contrast, Ibn a1 'Arabi's treatment of scriptm~ 
is to adhere utterly to the literal (and literally "literal," with his deep 
analysis of each letter of a particular verse) texts (nus@) and to treat 
each scholarly opinion as worthy of consideration, discovering truths in 
different positions that one begins to suspect their original authors had 
not pexeived. 

Hanafi seeks an explicit return of Mu'tazili positions, attributing 
"decadence in the Islamic world" as coming from a "predominance of 
Sufism" coupled with Ash'ari positions @. 55). As Shimogaki is trying 
to introduce postmodemism into his critique, one wonders why the 
Mu'tazilah and the Ash'ari positions are not subjected to a postmodem 
analysis. From what I gather, Banafi's endorsement of Mu'tazili posi- 
tions dovetails with modem thinking. Although Newton was an alchemist, 
his contribution to a mechanical world is similar to the Mu'tazili position 
that the universe can be described by rational laws. It is a short move 
from a universe where God-& clock-maker-watches Man discover 
laws of nature to a universe where God is dead and Man plays around 
with his new toy. 

Such modem Muslims as Hanafi are often attracted to Mu'tazili 
thought, since it gives Reason and Rationality big capital "Rs," these two 
being firmly in the domain of Man's control. Ash'ari thought, in contrast, 
tends to put God in the driver's seat, and such S&i scholars as Ibn 
'Arabi take such verses as "Each day he is upon some task (5529) and 
"You did not thmw when you threw, but God threw" (8:17), and "NO 
indeed, but they = in confusion as to a new creation" (50: 15) to describe 
a magical and wonderful world where, as Abii Bakr said, "I have never 
seen anything without seeing God before it." Imnically, those modem 
Muslims who are so enthralled by the West ought to recognize soon that 
had they stayed "behind," in "orthodox" Ash'arism, they would now be 
ahead, what with scientists like Bohm and Prigogine, thinkers like 
Berman and Bateson, and Feyerabend and Roszak "discovering" a 
universe which is not mechanical, not ptedictable, and not manipulatable. 



432 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 11:3 

Shimogaki again passes up the opportunity to inject postmodern 
analysis into his critique when Hanafi talks of the need to view man as 
man "in oder that Muslims transform their civilization from the old 
divine phase to a new human phase, and that they transform the pivot of 
civilization from the knowledge of God to [the] knowledge of man" (pp. 
59-60). To do this, Muslims "have to restore man as distinctive and inde- 
pendent, existing by his essence, and spreading in all places without a 
center" @. 60). This utterly repugnant concept ignores the traditionalist 
and p e d a l i s t  insistence that Islamic civilization is not man-made, and 
that if Islamic civilization were to end tomorrow, human beings could not 
start it up again. To argue otherwise is to deny the divine origin of the 
Qur'an, the entire prophetic project, the moment of tensile, and the 
absolute-not relative-location of truth in al haqq: God. 

But beyond this idiocy, Shimogaki does not identify Foucault's own 
discussion of Man. As Foucault says (and it is hard to abbreviate his 
thought): 

The fimt thing to be observed is that the human sciences did not 
inherit a certain domain . . . which it was then their task to 
elaborate with positive methods and with concepts that had at last 
become scientific . . . . The epistemological field traversed by the 
human sciences was not laid down in advance: no philosophy, no 
political or moral option, no empirical science of any kind, no 
observation of the human body, no analysis of sensation, 
imagination, or the passions, had ever encountered, in the 
seventeenth or eighteenth century, anything like man; for man did 
not exist (any more than life, or language, or labor); and the 
human sciences did not appear when, as a result of some pressing 
rationalism, some unresolved scientific problem, some practical 
concern, it was decided to include man (willy-nilly, and with a 
g m t e r  or lesser degree of success) among the objects of science 
. . . they appeared when man constituted himself in Western 
culture as both that which must be conceived of and that which 
is to be known? 

This concept of Man, for which Hanafi holds out, is precisely the 
problem with modernity and arises from a disciplinary, carceral complex 
of power-knowledge that could quite easily be classified as Pharaonic-is 
this evidence of Hanafi's "Egyptian" background? 

'Michel Foucault, The Order of Things, 344-5. 



Book Reviews 433 

The power of westem civilization comes from engaging each indi- 
vidual in an efficient, effective bureaucratic mechanism4; although an 
"iron cage," such an assemblage offers great potential power for the ones 
who can harness it. When one teads the hadith and the stories of tra- 
vellers, the qualitative differences between our societies are vask where 
we cannot build our own houses without governmental permits, bank 
loans, and lawyers; where we cannot heal ourselves, but must submit to 
aggressive and invasive medical procedures; where we cannot educate our 
own children but must send them to public schools actually designed to 
transfer children's obedience from their parents to the state; we find 
traditional Muslims implementing the Shari'ah by themselves, without the 
fiat of state powers or amirs or caliphs, we find the qai guiding 
disputants to harmony (the process of sulh) instead of locking up crimi- 
nals; we find people following wealth freely instead of nation-states 
setting up enclaves of super-rich citizens and dirt-poor foreign labore=. 

What Foucault does with this modem engagement of the individual 
is locate a tuming point, in typical Foucaultian fashion, in a little-known 
book by J. P. Frank titled System einer vollstaendigen Medicinische 
Polizei, written in 1779. Foucault explains that Frank's work is the f i s t  
public health program, whefe the "care for individual life is becoming at 
this moment a duty for the state."' At the same moment, "the French 
Revolution gives the signal for the great national wars of our days, 
involving national armies and meeting their conclusions or their climax 
in huge mass slaughters." 

We get a "reason of state" that subjects individuals to the sovereign 
state (one can begin to see why an "Islamic state" is a misguided concept; 
a gloss on the phrase is something like "We want a corporate entity that 
is not a creation of God and therefore is beyond His powers; which is 
sovereign, meaning that it answers to no one but itself; which is Islamic, 
meaning it answers to God; but since they aFe incompatible, we will stick 
to a modem nation-state, which legitimizes its Pharaonic chamcter by the 
use of Islamic facades"). Foucault says that "from the state's point of 
view, the individual exists insofar as what he does is able to i n t d u c e  
even a minimal change in the strength of the state, either in a positive or 
in a negative direction."6 Therefore, "What the police see to is a live, 
active, and productive man. Turquet employs a very remarkable expres- 

'Marshall Hodgson has some interesting ideas about this Great Western Traumnutation 
in his The Venture of Islam. 

'Michel Foucault, The Political Technology of Indivihak, 147. 

%id., 152. 



434 The Americau Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 11:3 

sion: he says 'the police's true object is man."" And it is this man as the 
ttue object of "our" attention that is Hanafi's dream pmject. 

Shimogaki does see that Hanafi's criticism of European man only 
satisfies "anti-European sentiments." I was impressed with Foucault's dis- 
cussion of "man" as an object of study, which Shimogaki seems to h o w ,  
where he says thak 

If those arrangements were to disappear as they a p e ,  if some 
event of which we can at the moment do no more than sense the 
possibility . . . were to cause them to crumble . . . then one can 
certainly wager that man would be erased, like a face dmwn in 
sand at the edge of the sea.* 

For me, this idea suggests a moment of hope, where Islam might be uni- 
versally "remembered," not reformed or revived.' 

Shimogaki does a good job of criticizing Hanafi's "elemental" (as 
opposed to "relational") approach, his superficial reading of al Ghazdi 
as the prime cause of irrationalism and Islamic decadence, his rejection 
of Sufism as extemal to Islam, and so on. He hopes that by developing 
a tuwhz?dz?appmch, which is "relational," that Muslim scholars would 
rediscover a new scope for study in a tuwhiWworldview and that there 
might be some interaction with pastmodemists in the West. 

Finally, Shimogaki's conclusion is that The Islamic Lefi is a form of 
tesistanCe, however flawed, working from a quote fmm Foucault that 
"where thee is power, there is resistance, and yet, or mther consequently, 
this tesistance is never in a position of exterioritiy in relation to power" 
@. 103). Shimogaki misreads this central tenet in Foucault's work. What 
Foucault is drawing attention to is the complicity of the victim and the 
oppressor, the intimate relationship power creates between the dominator 
and the dominated. The more I think about it, the more I begin to believe 
that this insight of Foucault is derived from his personal life, immersed 
as he was at one period in the S-M homosexual bars in San Francisco. 
Fmm what I undetstand, the "victim" who is tied up and abused is very 
much controlling his abuser, egging him on, revelling in forcing his tor- 
tuer to beat harder. If this is so, one might speculate that, yes indeed, 
there is a small but v d  portion of the Muslim world in some kind of 

'Ibid., 156. 

%4ichel Foucault, The Order of Things, 387. 

9See "Rememberiug Islam: A Critique of Haberms and Foucault," The Arnericun 
Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 6, no. 1 (1988): 13-36. 



Book Reviews 435 

twisted power play, at once affirming Mulims' inferiority and western 
superiority, saying that we revel in the fact that you need us on the 
lx;>ttom so that you can be on the top. 

I applaud Shimogaki 's use of postmodern thinkers, but these are 
strange bedfellows indeed. And I realize once again that those vocal Mus­
lims who are so enthralled by the military whip of the West, so impressed 
by the engorged size of its missiles, so shocked at its uncovered women, 
are intertwined with their enemy, locked in a strange and ugly embrace. 
Thank God for those many traditional Muslims who refuse to play the 
game, who live the sacralized Islamic life of wudii' and 'umrah, of 
recitation and du 'ah, of sadaqah and neighborlin�. showering neither 
hate nor love on the western world, sacrificing neither this world nor the 
next, and not blaming themselves for the sad plight of so many Muslims 
today: "Those who, when hit with a disaster, say 'Verily we are God's 
and to Him is our return'" (2:156). 

Eric Winkel 
Santa Fe, New Mexico