Mapping Mazrui’s Mind: Assessing the Mazruiana through a Bibliometric Lens Muhammed Haron Abstract Ali Mazrui has left his enormous intellectual footprint in political science in general and African studies in particular. By the begin- ning of the 1990s, his output had been impressive enough to bring about Abdul Bemath’s 1998 compilation The Mazruiana Collec- tion (1962-1997).1 As the years unfolded, Bemath saw the need to update his earlier compilation, which he renamed The Mazruiana Collection Revisited. The 2005 annotated bibliographical text that he painstakingly put together continues to generously serve the so- cial sciences and humanities. This compilation’s latest edition is about to be concluded and will include all of Mazrui’s publications between 2005 and 2014, as well as other edited texts that contain Mazrui’s writings that were compiled posthumously. This article essentially returns to Bemath’s invaluable compilation as well as to Mazrui’s updated resume to study and review from a bibliometric perspective Mazrui’s substantial contribution to the social sciences and the humanities. Put differently, it sets itself the task of undertaking a bibliometric approach that will help map out this scholar’s “mind” by reflecting upon the numbers of peer re- viewed articles alongside his long list of books and book chapter Muhammed Haron is a South African-based associate professor in the University of Botswana’s Department of Theology & Religious Studies, where he teaches religious studies courses; an associate researcher in the University of Johannesburg’s Study of Islam program; and an executive member of the University of Cape Town’s Centre for Contemporary Islam. He has authored, among other publications, The Dynamics of Christian-Muslim Relations (2006), compiled/edited South Africa’s Muslims: Annotated Bibliography (1997), and South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission: An Annotated Bibliography (2009). In addi- tion, he has co-edited Islamic Civlization in Southern Africa (2009); edited a special issue on “Arabo-Islamic Manuscripts” (in Africa) for Tydksrif vir Letterkunde (University of Pretoria, 2008); and edited a special issue on “Muslims in Southern Africa” for the University of Botswana’s BOLESWA: Journal of Theology, Religion, and Philosophy 4, no. 1 (2012). publications. It graphically depicts and analyzes Mazrui’s output in order to show the extent of his contributions toward the knowl- edge production process related to the above-mentioned disci- plines and in particular to that of African studies. KEYWORDS: Academic Writing, Knowledge Production, Biblio- metric Study, Mazruiana Collection Introduction Anyone who reflects upon the development of African studies as a discipline during the past few decades will have to factor in Abdul Bemath’s The Mazruiana Collection Revisited 2 (hereafter Mazruiana: “the body of Mazrui’s scholarly works”3), which is presently being updated. This collection, which tangibly captures Ali Al’Amin Mazrui’s (d. 2014)4 five decades of intellectual interventions, has wonderfully illustrated his enormously conspicuous con- tribution to the social sciences and the humanities. Thus any researcher or scholar wishing to study or explore Africa’s socio-cultural or political terrain is strongly advised to consult these wide-ranging writings. Looking back over the past fifty years (and more), particularly the period that stretches from the publication of his first academic articles in reputable established journals during 1963 up until before the months he died (i.e., Oc- tober 2014), one is awestruck by Mazrui’s vast output.5 All of these were pre- sented and published in various formats ranging from detailed book publications to conference proceedings. While shorter invigorating intellectual pieces appeared in newspapers such as Sunday Nation (Nairobi) and maga- zines such as Transition (Kampala), other more thoughtful academic pieces were circulated in peer-reviewed journals such as Indian Quarterly (New Delhi), International Journal (Toronto), Third World Quarterly (London), Journal of African and Asian Studies (Leiden), and The Journal of Modern African Studies (Cambridge) . Interested scholars who carefully scan African studies6 as a field of inquiry and dip casually into Bemath’s Mazruiana will find ample evidence that Mazrui has left an incomparable legacy that few African scholars of his gen- eration can match. One only has to peruse the first few pages of Mazruiana, which list his book publications,7 some of which he authored and others that he co-authored or co-edited.8 Apart from this extensive list, one may browse the catalogue of academic pieces that appeared in an array of peer-reviewed scholarly journals worldwide. Soon after Mazrui’s death9 a plethora of tributes poured in to underscore his palpable scholarship and its intellectual impact on African studies as such. 20 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:3 Admirers and detractors alike seem to agree that his scholarship was not only comprehensively in-depth, but that it was also extremely expansive, for he dealt with many themes and touched upon subject areas that ranged from political science to language development. Overwhelming evidence shows that Mazrui inspired a generation of scholars within and beyond the academic arena. For example, in his online obituary Kagwanja remarked that Mazrui was among the first generation of African scholars who trained second-gen- eration scholars.10 Considering Mazrui’s enormous scholarly output, one is somewhat con- fronted with a few questions: Where does one start in assessing his contribu- tions? How does one go about evaluating the outputs of a scholar such as Mazrui, whose production of knowledge has been immense? Does one trace his first few articles and see how these led the way to literally hundreds of others, or does one choose a few texts such as The Africans: A Triple Heritage (that was cited 724 times by Google Scholar) and The African Condition: A Political Diagnosis (that was cited 288 times Google Scholar)11 to judge what Mazrui’s critics have to say about his scholarly works? These are but some of the many questions that occupy one’s mind when attempting to write about this scholar’s rich academic output and its overall impact upon the body of knowledge pertaining to Africa. Putting these questions to one side for the moment, it should be stated that this article seeks to offer a bibliometric study that will help map Mazrui’s mind by using a selection of his output, in particular his journal articles, that have been catalogued in Bemath’s significant bibliographic work. The essay looks at Mazrui’s academic output through a bibliometric lens in order to provide another insight into the range of contributions of this remarkable scholar, some- one whom Kagwanja described as “a classic avatar of intellectual controversy” and who reflected a “warrior spirit” throughout his career as an academic.12 Theoretical Frame: Academic Writing, Engaged Scholarship, and Knowledge Production When reflecting upon Mazrui’s intellectual input and commemorative contri- butions to African studies scholarship in general, one should relate these to a theoretical frame, one that factors in his academic writing, the type of scholar- ship he produced, and the degree to which he was involved in the knowledge production process. These processes are inter-connected, and this section will show how each of them relate to one another and, in turn, relates to Mazrui’s output. Haron: Mapping Mazrui’s Mind 21 Academic Writing In assessing Mazrui’s rich scholarship, it behoves one to focus on the question of “academic writing.” This course of action is a critical one within the disci- plinary approaches, particularly within the humanities and social sciences, and is a method that holds an important position when weighing the writings of a scholar or a researcher such as Mazrui. On this point, one may turn to the co- authored work of Murray and Moore, who define “academic writing … (as a) set of conventions … in a research or a published paper in … (various) disci- plines.” They also assert that some scholars say that academic writing “is a narrowly defined set of specialisms and knowledges.”13 These two scholars underscore the fact that academic writing is a demanding task that talented ac- ademics and emerging researchers often encounter. One assumes that Mazrui encountered this as well when he began writing for magazines and journals. These authors highlight that academic writing involves, among other things, paradoxes such as having to deal with the start of a text versus its eventual com- pletion and to overcome the easy parts of writing to the difficult portions of ex- pressing oneself.14 According to them, academic writing is a process that contains “elements of enjoyment.”15 They note that the rationale for writing and publishing is to, inter alia, receive recognition for one’s output, get a sense of satisfaction after one has completed a laborious writing task, and to take up the demanding challenge of contributing to the knowledge production process.16 In addition, they state that while one pursues this to build one’s personal profile and increase the institution’s image, it may also be for altruistic purposes. Drawing upon the ideas of Peter Elbow (b. 1935), a specialist in English studies, they concur that all academics “can write and that they can write well.”17 Here, it may be stated that when Mazrui was pursuing his undergraduate studies at Manchester and completing his masters at Columbia, he had by then experi- enced the “enjoyment” of the academic environment. It may also be argued that in these intellectual surroundings he had the chance to further exercise his cre- ative writings skills, thereby revealing his precocious talent as regards confi- dently expressing his ideas in an attractive, captivating, positive, and empowering manner. As a result of these modes of expressions and writings, which he adopted, he was able to reach audiences far beyond the academy. Bearing in mind Murray and Moore’s thoughts regarding academic writ- ing, it may further be proferred that Mazrui, who was very familiar with the writing process, must have found full “satisfaction in engaging in regular and productive writing,” even though he, like others, viewed this undertaking as “an iterative process with phases of progression and phases of retrogression.”18 Nonetheless one may opine that Mazrui, who followed in the footsteps of ide- 22 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:3 ologues such as Kwame Nkrumah (d. 1972), about whom he penned one of his magazine articles,19 used writing effectively to influence opinions, forward perspectives, offer interpretations, and engage in understanding issues on and associated with the distinct themes that captivated his imagination. Engaged Scholarship As an emerging African intellectual, Mazrui demonstrated that he was at- tracted to the academic arena even before he began his studies at the Univer- sity of Manchester and, later on, at Columbia University. Upon entering these intellectual environments, Mazrui sought to prove that he had acquired the necessary research skills to produce high caliber scholarship. He understood and grasped the chance to be involved in what has, of late, been described as “engaged scholarship,” a type of scholarship that complements other over- lapping types that the American educator Ernest Boyer (d. 1995) identified and discussed.20 According to Glassick,21 Boyer innovatively expanded the concept’s definition by including alongside research that which has been de- scribed as “the scholarship of discovery,” teaching, integration, and applica- tion. This view was echoed by Barker,22 who phrased it slightly differently; the latter stated that engaged scholarship basically consists firstly of research, teaching, and integration, and these were, secondly, set off by “application scholarship”; the latter, he averred, “incorporate reciprocal practices of civic engagement into the production of knowledge.” Being cogniscant of these remarks and when reflecting upon Mazrui’s scholarship, one may safely assert that he belonged to a coterie of (first-gen- eration African) scholars who did not restrict themselves to one discipline, but creatively cut across the disciplines through their scholarly output in an en- gaging and absorbing manner. As Mazrui gained further academic exposure while pursuing his doctorate at the University of Oxford, he became convinced that he had to commit himself to produce what may now be described as “ex- traordinary intellectual (African) scholarship.” He achieved this goal with fi- nesse from the time he was appointed as a young political science lecturer at Uganda’s Makarere University. Although occupied with his teaching respon- sibilities, he nevertheless devoted much of his time to the writing process, which literally continued until his death, at which time he was the director of the Institute of Global Cultural Studies at Binghamton’s State University of New York (SUNY). According Adem and others, Mazrui produced academic writing that was not just creative and innovative, but also presented it in a provocative and en- gaging style. Barker discussed engaging scholarship in some detail and also Haron: Mapping Mazrui’s Mind 23 referred to Boyer, who utilized “scholarship” as a critical academic writing practice that criss-crossed various categories of academic scholarship. Ac- cording to Barker, Boyer reflected on the idea of “engagement” as a form of scholarship that “suggest(ed) a reciprocal, collaborative relationship with a public entity.” Taking this into account and when evaluating Mazrui’s schol- arship, an abundant amount of evidence implies that Mazrui participated in teaching and research not as an aloof ivory tower academic, but rather as a scholar who engaged with issues that were central to Africa’s identity. Mazrui thus taught themes23 (e.g., Pax Africana) and researched topics (e.g., Uhuru-worship24) with which many observers, particularly those outside the academic arena, could readily identify, thereby serving the needs and in- terests of both academics and Africa’s diverse ethno-religious and linguistic communities. On the whole, he represented these communities through his “intellectual honesty” and eloquently discoursed about these and many other matters in his “unconventional” writing style. Mazrui’s engaging scholarship meant that he did not only seek to publish in academic journals, but that he also shared his ideas in newspaper columns, such as in the Nairobi-based Sun- day Nation, and such magazines as the Kampala/Accra-based Transition, with which he was closely associated. These media outlets testify that Mazrui was one of those public intellectuals who used their platforms to encourage en- gaged scholarship and generating relevant knowledge as discoursed about by Boyer, Barker, and Glassick. These, in turn, added to the knowledge produc- tion process, which will be addressed briefly below. Knowledge Production First-generation African scholars such as Mazrui, who participated in the ac- ademic tasks of their institutions, were seriously engaged in academic writing, a reality that may be attributed to their high personal motivation and passionate involvement in the production of relevant knowledge that either related to their disciplines or the geographical contexts from whence they came. These scholars embarked on these academic activities to prove their worth as out- standing scholars and dedicated their efforts to churn out knowledge that would, in turn, benefit their communities and states. Since knowledge production was considered an important process, two inter-related questions that concern one here are: What did “knowledge pro- duction” mean to Mazrui at the beginning of his academic career, and what caused him to make a qualitative difference in his area of expertise (i.e. polit- ical science) and to the broad discipline of African studies? To answer these questions in brief, one may start by simply stating that the production of 24 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:3 knowledge process is a social construct. According social scientists such as Kwesi Prah (1999), this process is embedded in general social realities and specific social conditions.25 Prah drew upon the ideas of Florian Znaniecki (d. 1958), a Polish philosopher and sociologist who was a precursor of the post- modernist school of thought and one of those scholars who advocated the view that knowledge producers tend “to formulate and work their data to suit the expectations of their real or imagined audiences.”26 Prah also quoted the German philosopher Edmund Husserl (d. 1938), who expressed the view that “the subject actively appropriates the objects of knowl- edge through ‘intentional’ activity, (and) directly links society to the process of knowledge production.” Prah, who referred to others as well, demonstrated to what extent “knowledge,” as “a body of information” as well as its produc- tion and its applicability, is always intertwined with the social realities that exist at the time of its production. He pointed out how the process was closely con- nected with the social conditions of its production, ideas that Ken Hyland un- derscored in his Disciplinary Discourse.27 When taking into consideration these remarks and reflecting upon the Mazruiana collection, it is quite evident that Mazrui generated through his variety of presentations (i.e., lectures, keynote addresses, conference papers, magazine publications, and journal articles) an enormous amount of intellectual material. A careful assessment of this aca- demic output indicate that he forged a strong bond between the social realities and conditions that he encountered and the knowledge production process. It may further be pointed out that during the contemporary period, “knowledge production” has assumed a variety of forms due to the construc- tion of diverse disciplines and specific specializations. Interestingly, Mazrui was among those who avoided being boxed in as a political scientist by choos- ing to move beyond his discipline, a reality borne out by the plethora of texts that he jointly edited with specialists from other disciplines. One can argue that Mazrui adopted a trans-disciplinary “knowledge production” approach that ushered in ways of cooperative investigations and research, issues that Brew expressively addressed.28 When one turns to Bemath’s Mazruiana and browses the entries that are accompanied by detailed annotations, it is apparent that Mazrui contributed substantially to the knowledge production process in African studies by adopting an inter-disciplinary approach to the field. That said, here one may venture to comment briefly on table 1 below, which consists of table A (all of the entries that appear in Mazruiana) and table B (the books listed in both Mazruiana and Mazrui’s resume). Before making a few remarks about the book entries, one should note that Mazrui prodiced an astounding 484 magazine articles and papers between 1962 and 2003, a period during which he completed twenty-four films and video record- Haron: Mapping Mazrui’s Mind 25 ings.29 When one compares the number of books he completed by the end of 2003 and 2014, respectively, one observes that the numbers provided by the two sources vary quite considerably. By the end of 2003, according to Be- math’s survey, the number of published books (including his theses) were 31; however, by 2014 this total had increased to 44, due to the addition of 13 books.30 Scrutinizing the two lists, one finds that entry no. 16 in Mazruiana should not have been listed because it was not a book entry as such, but rather a report.31 In addition, when scrolling down the list in the resume, one comes across works that focused on – but were not authored by – Mazrui. Since the focus is on Mazrui’s journal articles, the essay evaluates this output from a bibliometric perspective. Tables 1 A and 1B: Mazruiana and CV (resume) Table 1A: Mazruiana Entries Table 1B: Mazruiana and CV 2014 Entries Types Total Number: Status Total Number: 650 44 Books 31 Single Author 19 Pamphlets 11 Co-Author 3 Papers 386 Single Editor 1 Magazine Articles 198 Co-Editor 16 Films & Video 24 Editors Texts on 5 Recordings Mazrui Evaluating the Mazruiana Journal Articles through a Bibliometric Lens The Bibliometric Method Numerous reasons may be put forward for why Mazrui was so productive. However, prior to any evaluation of his academic journal output, one should ask what understanding does one gain from these contributions when seeing them through a bibliometric lense? In order to answer this question, one has to reflect upon the definition and explanation of what “a bibliometric study” means. In Catharina Rehn et al.’s handbook, the authors quoted librarian Alan Pritchard, who defined bibliometrics as “the application of statistical and mathematical methods to books and other media of communication.”32 How- ever, the Thomson Reuters website33 stated that it is at times called sciento- 26 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:3 metrics, which “turns the main tool of science, quantitative analysis, on itself” and added that it is essentially an “application of quantitative analysis and sta- tistics to publications such as journal articles and their accompanying citation counts.”34 Thelwall, moreover, described it as a measurement of “properties of documents, and of document-related processes.”35 Rehn et al. mentioned that bibliometrics has been used “to assess scientific research through quan- titative studies on research publications.” They further stated that the analyses of these studies are based upon the assumption that in the long run, most scientific discoveries and research results are published in both national and international academic journals, both of which usually have a list of citations that reflect from where the author sourced his/her material for his/her essay. These citations are, in turn, numerically cap- tured by sites such as Web of Science, Scopus, and Google Scholar36 in order to show how many times the article has been quoted or referred to by subse- quent journal articles. For example, when Mazrui published an article in the 1960s or 1970s, one of these sites would identify the author, article, and jour- nal in which the Mazrui quote or reference had appeared. Leaving that aside, this can be further studied through an “evaluative bib- liometric” method,37 an approach that the Dutch researcher Thed van Leeuwen described as “quantitative measurements of qualitative aspects (such as ‘qual- ity’ or ‘reputation’) of the science system.” The latter was quoted by Rehn et al., who further stated that this is based upon the assumption that the number of citations for a journal article can be considered to reflect its impact upon the academic communities. Since this is the case, it paves the way to closely scrutinize the Mazrui’s output in this regard by using the bibliometric method. Mazrui’s Scholarly Contributions: First Four Academic Journal Articles Being one of Africa’s talented civic intellectuals, Mazrui sought ways to ex- press himself and share his ideas to the academic circles that were his target audience, for these circles featured the robust intellectual debates and helped shaped (his) ideas. Having frequented these communities at Manchester, Co- lumbia, and Oxford, one assumes that he strategized by using the available public platforms to present his ideas and thoughts. At the start of his academic career, Mazrui immediately utilized two media platforms to do this: the Kam- pala/Accra-based magazine Transition, which came out regularly throughout the 1960s and the 1970s, as well as the scholarly periodical route. Fully aware that Transition had a wide communal readership, he gladly shared some of Haron: Mapping Mazrui’s Mind 27 his creative writing skills (e.g., poetry and short stories) with it. At the same time, however, Mazrui also desired to use a different and more sophisticated platform that would aim at an academic audience, the scholarly periodical, for he was already embedded in that environment. But before proceeding any further, it is perhaps prudent to define exactly what a scholarly journal is. According to Library and Information Science specialists, this type of periodical is described as an “academic, peer-reviewed, or refereed journal.” Described differently, this type of journal is subjected to a peer-review process during which selected scholars comment on the essay and indicate whether it should be included or excluded from a journal’s vol- ume or issue. Bearing this in mind, it is therefore markedly different from a magazine that is considered a periodical,38 which is neither restricted to a spe- cialized readership (i.e., an academic journal, nor cites sources or generates footnotes, as it is meant for a general audience.39 So when Marzui wrote for these two outlets, he was mindful of their respective readerships. By this time, Mazrui was an experienced writer who had already com- pleted a fair amount of academic writing. Therefore, he encountered almost no difficulty in carrying this task. Drawing upon Murray & Moore’s descrip- tion, one may state that he did not view academic work as a labor of hardship, but rather a labor of love; as a world that was gradually unfolding for him and that laid the foundations for what was still to come. Nevertheless, being a skilled wordsmith, he crafted what may be described as fairly informative ac- ademic articles, ones that instantly caught the eye of his peers. So when Mazrui prepared his essays during his stint at Oxford, he could draw upon the expertise of key academic figures such as British historian Dame Margery Perham (d. 1982) and John Plamenatz (d. 1975), a political philosopher who had mentored him. The end result was that he published essays in four reputable journals: the Washington-based American Political Science Journal (APSJ), with an impact factor (IF) of 3.4; the London-based International Affairs (IA), with an IF that is equivalent to 1.53; the London-based Political Studies, with an IF of 0.93; and The Hague-based Comparative Studies in Society and His- tory,40 with an IF equal to 0.68, respectively. Each of these journals is still re- garded as reputable in their respective fields, namely, political science, international relations, sociology, and history, respectively. This further tells one that Mazrui criss-crossed the disciplines, as pointed out in the previous section, fairly comfortably. When evaluating each one’s IF status, APSJ, which was set up in 1906, was closely followed by IA as the most highly rated jour- nals among this list, as well as others, in which Mazrui published his articles. Each of these appear in Table 2 below. 28 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:3 Table 2: The Peer Review Process: First Four Academic Articles Title of the Essay Journal & Organization Volume Pages Month Citation Establish & Place & & Date Number Impact Factor Edmund Burke and Comparative Society for Vol.5 121- January C: 9 (1) Reflections on the Studies in Comparative No.2 133 Revolution in the Congo Society and Study of (12pp.) IF: 0.677 History Society and (est.1958) History, The Hague African Attitudes to the International Chatham Vol.38 24-36 January C: 16 (0) European Economic Affairs House: The No.1 (10pp.) Community (est. 1922) Royal Institute IF: 1.532 of International Affairs, London Consent, Colonialism, Political Political Studies Vol. XI 36-55 February C: 11 (0) and Sovereignty Studies (est. Association, No. 1 (19pp.) 1952) London IF: 0.939 On the Concept of ‘We American American Vol. LVII 88-97 March C: 34 (2) are All Africans’ Political Political No. 1 (9pp.) Science Review Science IF 3.444 (est. 1906) Association, Washington At least two of the articles, as far as is known, had an instantaneous impact. Mazrui’s text on the British-Irish statesperson Edmund Burke (d. 1797), was slightly edited and appeared in the Detroit-based The Burke Newsletter.41 The second text, “African Attitudes to the European Economic Community,” was first snapped up by a London-based journal that reprinted it in full42; the Amer- ican economist Lawrence B. Krause (b. 1929) had it reprinted in his edited vol- ume during 1964.43 According to Google Scholar, this text was cited sixteen times; the first was during 1964 and the most recent one in 2015.44 Very re- cently, the Burke text was give new life in the reprint of Mazrui’s articles in a book co-edited by Badran et al. during 2014.45 Google Scholar indicated that this text was cited nine times. These citations, excluding Mazrui’s self-citation in 1969,46 reprints, and edited versions implied that his ideas were relevant in terms of the debates that were taking place and compellingly illustrated that his peers were giving them considerable intellectual weight. As a matter of fact, a little over fifty of his other journal articles followed the same pathway; as soon they appeared in journal publications or as chapters in books, they were reprinted by book and journal editors who often found his essays to be germane to the themes that they were covering in their own publications.47 Haron: Mapping Mazrui’s Mind 29 Although the appearance of these articles in major European/American journals was a major feat for Mazrui personally, it was also a significant ac- complishment for African scholarship in general. One may firmly point out that no other African scholar managed to publish four articles within such a short time frame in reputable scholarly journals at such an early stage of his/her academic career. One assumes that if a survey were undertaken to as- sess how many African scholars contributed to these journals during the 1960s, the reasonable conclusion would be that only a handful of them would make the list of notable contributors. Mazruiana: Its Academic Journal Articles This section the essay continues the above discussion by taking a closer look at some of Mazrui’s contributions in academic journals from an evaluative bibliometric study’s perspective: simply counting the number of documents (e.g., books, chapters, and articles) completed within a particular time frame. But prior to reflecting upon these, table 3 presents selected journal articles that have been listed on the Google Scholar site.48 This limited catalogue of samples was selected because Google Scholar ranked them according to the number of citations that appear along each one, from the highest to the lowest. Since these were the first five of Mazrui’s more than 250 listed articles, they were chosen to illustrate the extent to which they have been quoted and dis- cussed by others in their own scholarly output. This essentially underscored the fact that his journal articles were viewed as salient texts that supported their arguments. In some instances they either quoted his ideas or opted to paraphrase them when necessary. Table 3 indicates that his 1975 article entitled “The African University as a multinational corporation,” which appeared in the Harvard Educational Re- view and has an IF of 0.70, received the most attention from researchers. Ac- cording to Google Scholar it was cited 175 times, only twice by Mazrui himself; so in essence, it has been cited 173 times since it was first published. This was followed by his 1997 article, “Islam and Western Values,” that ap- peared in Foreign Affairs, a reputable journal that has an IF of 2.03. Scholars cited it 75 times less than the earlier mentioned article. The third most-cited article, “From Social Darwinism to Current Theories of Modernization,” ap- peared in World Politics, which boasts an IF of 3.125, one that is almost on par with APSJ. Mazrui’s article was cited 94 times according to Google Scholar. The last two in the sampled list share the same number of citations: 61 each. In fact, the one published in Research in African Literatures, which has an IF of 0.00, was cited in a 2016 Bachelor’s thesis, and the other that appeared in 30 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:3 World Policy, which has an IF of 0.11, was quoted in a Spanish-language jour- nal during 2015. In each of these cases, one notes that although Mazrui’s texts were published a while back, scholars still consider his thoughts relevant to the issues that they discoursed about in their essays/articles or theses. Table 3: Selected Journal Articles and Their Citations Title Journal Date , Volume Pages Citations The African University as a Harvard Educa- May 1975 pp.191-210 C: 175 multinational corporation tional Review 45(2) (Cambridge) IF: 0.70 Islamic and Western Values Foreign Affairs Sept-Oct 1997 pp.118-132 C: 100 (Washington) 76(5) IF: 2.03 From Social Darwinism to World Politics Oct 1968 pp.69-83 C: 94 Current Theories of (Princeton) 21(1) Modernization IF: 3.125 The Blood of Experience: World Policy Spring 1995 pp.28-34 C: 61 The Failed State and Journal 12(1) Political Collapse in Africa (New York) IF: 0.11 The Re-Invention of Africa Research in Afri- Fall 2005 pp.68-82 C: 61 Edward Said, V. Y. Mudimbe can Literatures 36(3) & Beyond (Baltimore, IF: 0.00 Maryland) When turning one’s attention to Mazrui’s academic output in scholarly journals between 1993 and 2014, one notes that they reveal some interesting results. But in the process of doing this, the article also undertakes a brief comparative study of his book and book chapter publications, which helps illuminate his extensive and expansive list. It basically shows to what degree his contributed substantially, as an individual author, toward knowledge pro- duction in the social sciences and the humanities. It will first reflect upon his output over this fifty-year period and then assess his output during each decade. Figure 1 (below) contains two simple graphs: the pie graph provides one dimension of Mazrui’s output, and the line graph complements it by offering a slightly different perspective of the results. Since the data is the same, the overlap is evident. When taking both graphs together, one observes that Mazrui published 264 journal articles over a span of five decades. In some cases he published more than once in a specific journal (e.g., East Africa Jour- Haron: Mapping Mazrui’s Mind 31 nal [no IF is available] and Brill’s Journal of Africa and Asia Studies [with an IF of 0.324]) and in other cases only once. It should also be mentioned that even though all attempts have been made to be as accurate as possible, on some occasions an article might have either overlooked or a magazine article mistakenly factored in. As a result of these anamolies, the overall results might not be absolutely accurate. Despite this shortcoming, the results provided below do provide a reasonable insight into Mazrui’s overall output. Figure 1: Mazruiana’s Peer Reviewed Texts The statistics reveal that Mazrui, who officially began his academic pub- lishing career in 1963, set high standards for himself and therefore made a sensibly substantial input during that decade. Looking at its figures, one finds his contributions reached 44, which amounted to 17% for the five-decade period. As one shifts to the 1970s, one observes that Mazrui’s output effec- tively doubled: 76 journal articles as compared to 44 during the previous decade, or 29% of his overall output. Moving to the 1980s, one finds that there was a sharp decline (16%), which was almost equal to the ouput of the 1960s. One reason for this may be attributed to the fact that he doubled his output in other categories, as can easily be seen in the number of both his book chapters and his authored and co-edited books. 32 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:3 The 1990s narrates a similar story: the number of journal articles literally doubled and amounted to 27% of the total output. However by the 2000s Mazrui’s journal article output dropped sharply and reached only 10% of his overall output. It plummeted further during 2010-13, amounted to only 1 per- cent. By then Mazrui had reached the peak of his hectic career and was oc- cupied with lecture tours and book publications. And as a consequence of these academic and other related activities, he became more involved in co- editing works with other scholars, as is tangibly reflected in his updated re- sume as well as in table 1 above. The analyses of the two graphs in figure 1 gave one a fair insight into Mazrui’s active role in producing journal articles over the decades. But what about his output each year, and how did he fare when one scrutinizes his jour- nal article publications on an annual basis? Here the story changes slightly, a subject to which this section turns its attention. The annual output, as re- flected in these graphs, offer a larger and more detailed picture of his output in this regard. Adopting this approach allows one to both compare the annual output and calculate the average outpute produced per year/decade. Figure 2: Journal Publications (circa 1963-2014) ANEMERGINGSCHOLAR: THE1960S. Soon after Mazrui graduated from Manchester University, where he achieved a distinction for his studies during Haron: Mapping Mazrui’s Mind 33 1960, and from Columbia University, where he (on a Rockefeller Foundation Award) completed his MA during 1961, he gave attention to a few academic essays. During 1961-63, this recipient of Oxford University’s Nuffield College Studentship Award set his sights on contributing to different journals that he had come across, one presumes, during his time at the mentioned institutions. According to his resume, he had not as yet been associated with any known established journal editorial board. He was, however, associated with emerg- ing popular magazines, namely, the jointly issued Kampala/Accra Transition and the Kampala-based Mawazo. By then, he had started to contribute regu- larly to the former and, during the latter part of the 1960s, penned for the latter. In addition to this he worked on academic articles aimed at specialized audi- ences, which resulted in the four articles cited in table 2 above. At this juncture, our focus turns to the annual journal output that indicates Mazrui’s status as an emerging scholar. After the publication of 4 academic articles during 1963, 3 more appeared in 1964, and another 2 in 1965 – a total of 9 articles over a three-year period. In 1966, this number doubled that of 1964 and 1965, respectively, and by 1967 the amount almost tripled, for he produced 12 articles during that year, the highest number during that decade. By the end of 1969, his output reached 1 and, cumulatively, for that decade he had 44 articles appended to his name. If one sets aside the decade’s first three years, during which he produced no journal articles, then the av- erage output was just over 5 articles per year. In addition to these contribu- tions, he had four authored books out by the end of that decade, one of which his doctorate: Towards a Pax Africana: A Study of Ideology and Ambition.49 It has been cited 219 times since it first appeared in 1967. A PRODUCTIVE SCHOLAR: THE 1970S: Mazrui proved that he was no ordinary African scholar through his list of publications during the 1960s. For an emerging scholar, this was not only a major realization, but also a clear indication that far more was to come from his talented hands. Indeed, this is what everyone witnessed at the onset of the new decade. He maintained his scholarly momentum throughout 1970s, thereby demonstrating that he was an extremely productive and a highly motivated scholar. Tracking Mazrui’s output for this period, one finds the results revealing. While occupied with writing journal articles, between 1970 and 1973Mazrui was still working at Makerere University as a professor of po- litical science. Due to the changed socio-political conditions that took place in Uganda, he left to join the University of Michigan in 1974, where he con- tinued to produce journal articles. During 1970 he published 9 articles and, 34 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:3 after a slight dip during 1971, regained his energy and had 11 publications to his credit in 1972. His output dropped again in 1973 and 1974, respec- tively, which was understandable due to his migration from Uganda to the United States, where he worked as a professor of political science and a pro- fessor of Afro-American and African studies, positions that he retained until 1991. As Mazrui settled into his new positions in Michigan, he managed to publish articles 8 in 1975 and another 12 during 1976. Although this pace declined by half in 1977, it shot up to 9 during 1978 and then dropped back to 6 during 1979. On average, during this decade Mazrui produced an average of 7 journal articles per year, which showed that he was cogniscant of the fact that his re- search output had had an impact on the readership and, more specifically, in his field. However, these statistics do not reveal the full extent of his produc- tivity. If one adds the publication of his various book chapters and books for that period, then one has a clear indication of why he was viewed as a highly productive scholar. For the record, alongside his 76 journal articles, Mazrui wrote 63 book chapters and completed 12 books (see figure 3 below). In all, he completed 151 pieces of work between 1970 and 1979, and, in 1979, de- livered the prestigious Reith Lectures50 – a rather incredible feat, to say the least. In fact, a comparison of this degree of activity with each of the other decades testifies that he was indeed an industrious and prolific writer. AN ESTABLISHED SCHOLAR: THE 1980S. Throughout the 1980s, Mazrui found himself in stable academic positions and intellectual surroundings that encouraged him to produce important works, among them The Africans: A Triple Heritage. While his admirers warmly welcomed this highly acclaimed nine-part documentary series and book, others critiqued it for its shortcom- ings, such as its bias toward Islam. Although Bemath tracked down only 9 book reviews, one’s educated guess is that there are more.51 In fact, when browsing Google Scholar one observes that it is Mazrui’s most cited text – to date, it has been cited 724 times. Leaving that aside, it was one of the four important book publications that appeared during that decade. The available statistics showed that although Mazrui’s productivity was not as high as it had been throughout the 1970s he nevertheless published quite a few journal articles. Starting on a high note, during 1980 he published 9 journal articles, a number that dropped to 8 in 1981, declined even further to 2 in 1982, rebounded to 6 in 1983, and averaged just above 3 per year for the rest of the decade. One can clearly see the quantitative difference between the 1970s and the 1980s: a nearly 50% drop in output. The same applies to Haron: Mapping Mazrui’s Mind 35 the number of book chapters and books. However, during this period he was tasked with quite a few academic responsibilities, such as editing one of the UNESCO General History of Africa volumes,52 which has only received 22 citations to date. Nonetheless, and despite this decline in output, he was by then an established and recognized scholar. AN ERUDITE SCHOLAR: THE 1990S. Mazrui made up for this during the closing decade of the century by producing 70 journal articles, starting off with 10 in 1990 and then dropping to 4 in 1991. This was the time when he shifted to the State University of New York, Binghamton, where he took up the post as director of the Institute of Global Cultural Studies. Moreover, he was also appointed the Albert Schweitzer Professor in the Humanities and as professor of political science, African studies and philosophy, interpreta- tion, and culture. These appointments indicate that Mazrui was recognized for his existing body of scholarly work and erudition. Returning to Mazrui’s journal publications, he published 12 articles in 1992 and thereafter an average of just more than 6 per annum. When one cou- ples this output with his book chapters and book publications, the statistics reveal that he additionally penned 6 books (some of which were co-edited) and 46 book chapters (see figure 3 below). In other words, the total number of works produced for that period was 122, another remarkable achievement. And yet it did not match the output of the 1970s, his most prolific decade. AN ACCOMPLISHED SCHOLAR: THE 2000S. Mazrui demonstrated over the years –in fact, until his death – that he possessed special skills and talents. Like many other individuals of his time, he started out as an ambitious young man and ended up becoming one of the well-known accomplished scholars in his field. His passion for academic work did not fade when he entered the new millennium; rather, he continued to tackle issues with the same degree of excitement and enthusiasm. Even though Mazrui’s journal output for this decade diminished, he con- tinued to publish prolifically – 26 journal articles, about half of what he saw in print during the 1960s and the 1980s, respectively; however, he had almost the same amount of book chapters. Where he now made his mark was in the book industry, for he wrote one book and co-edited 12 books, or, on average, over one book per year. If one puts all these works together, then he produced 7.3 pieces of work per year. If one breaks it down further, then he published 2.6 articles, 3.3 chapters, and 1.4 books per year (as reflected in figure 3). All of this activity, including his existing body of work up until this decade, 36 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:3 proved that Mazrui was indeed an erudite and an accomplished scholar whose example will be difficult to imitate. Figure 3: Mazruiana: Five Decades of Output. Toward a Conclusion Mazrui was indeed an extraordinary scholar who made his mark in the social sciences and humanities in a very convincing way. Over the past few years, scholars such as Nyang, Kokole, and Adem have highlighted the relevance and importance of his contributions, as well as celebrated his achievements as a productive, erudite, established, and accomplished scholar. In essence, Mazrui was an engaging scholar who eagerly expressed his thoughts and an- imatedly generated academic debates.53 Kokole described him, somewhat tastefully, when he said that “Mazrui … tantalize(d) and excite(d) the intel- lect.”54 His energetic and vigorous intellectual interactions caused numerous scholars to critique him, and hence his description of himself: “My life is one long debate.”55 Mazrui was a master wordsmith, as was so clearly illustrated in his academic writings. For more than fifty years, he dedicated and devoted himself to making a difference in African scholarship – and he did this with elegance and grace. Annually, Mazrui produced journal articles, many of which reflected his polished and stylish presentations. Haron: Mapping Mazrui’s Mind 37 Although from a bibliometrics study perspective this essay did not re- flect upon the quality of Mazrui’s research output by analyzing the extent to which scholars cited them or, more specifically, his scholarly journal ar- ticles, it did provide an overview of his research performance. In other words, it evaluated Mazrui’s quantitative ouput per annum/decade as a method of illustrating his contribution to the knowledge production process in African studies generally. The quantity of the scholarly articles cited of- fered some insight into the way Mazrui’s scholarly shifts became visible and to what degree these touched upon thematic topics. Annually, Mazrui’s overall academic ouput demonstrated that his intellectual input steadily in- creased and, as a consequence, his profile among his peers and various ac- ademic circles became more pronounced. And even in the absence of data, one may argue that his academic output influenced a sizeable number of scholars. The essay thus adopted a bibliometric study approach that tabled and graphically captured Mazrui’s extensive output, thereby tangibly demonstrat- ing that he was among the few African scholars who had, by and large, made a gigantic contribution to African studies. Even though much of the focus was given to his journal articles, the essay also weaved into the discussion the statistics related to his books and book chapters in order to shed additional light on Mazrui’s extensive list of academic writings, his rich engaged schol- arship, and his critical contribution to the knowledge production process. De- spite the essay’s lack of attention to Mazrui’s treatment of topics thematically – some of which had been listed by Bemath’s compilation,56 it essentially mapped Mazrui’s mind using the bibliometric method of inquiry. Endnotes 1. Although Kokole describes Mazruiana to be “fundamentally about Africa and its place and destiny in the wider global system,” I employ the term rather re- strictively as referring to whatever Ali Mazrui had written and whosoever has penned essays about him. See Omari Kokoli’s introduction of his edited text: The Global African: A Portrait of Ali A Mazrui (Trenton, NJ: African World Press, 1998). One may also consult Abdul Samed Bemath, The Mazruiana Col- lection Revisted – Al Mazrui Debating the African Condition: An Annotated and Select Thematic Bibliography 1962-2003 (Pretoria: Africa Institute of South Africa and New Delhi: New Dawn Press, Inc., 2005) and Abdul Bemath, “Ali Mazrui: An Annotated Bibliography, 2003-2014,” in Global African and Uni- versal Muslim: Essays in Honor of Ali A. Mazrui, ed. Seifudein Adem (New- castle: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2014). 38 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:3 2. See note 1. Here, I wish to express my thanks to Abdul Bemath for having shared with me much of what he knows about Mazrui by sharing his writings and his invaluable text. 3. Dunston M Wai, “Mazruiphilia, Mazruiphobia: Democracy, Governance and Development,” in Omari Kokole, ed., The Global African: A Portrait of Ali Mazrui (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press Inc., 1998), 37-76. 4. Sulayman Nyang, Ali Mazrui: The Man and His Works (Brunswick, ME: Brunswick Publishing Co., 1981) and Adem, Global African and Universal Muslim are serious reflections on Mazrui’s life as a scholar. Shorter assessments, such as Winifred Akoda’s “The Contributions of Ali Mazrui to African Historical Scholarship,” International Journal of Humanities, Social Sciences and Educa- tion 2, no. 6 (2013): 65-69, have also celebrated his scholarship. 5. One should consult Ali Mazrui’s comprehensive online resume. The one that still appears on SUNY-Binghamton’s website is somewhat dated (i.e., 2012), and the one that appears on Jamal Mazrui’s personal website has been updated (2014) but remains incomplete. 6. Here reference is made to Mario Azevedo, ed., Africana Studies: A Survey of Africa and the African Diaspora (Durham, NC: North Carolina Academic Press, 1998) and Maria Grosz-Ngate, John Hanson, and Patrick O’Meara, eds., Africa, 4th ed. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2014), both of which provide various studies associated with the continent. However, one must also consult various bibliographical compilations, such as Africa Bibliography, produced an- nually by the Cambridge University Press, the International African Bibliogra- phy published regularly by De Gruyter, as well as the AfricaBib.org database that records and lists the intellectual output of scholars such as Ali Mazrui. These are, of course, besides Bemath’s The Mazruiana Collection, which has since been updated and will appear shortly. 7. See Bemath, 1-24. 8. One will note that his updated resume on Jamal Mazrui’s site that many manu- scripts are currently being edited by Mazrui’s colleagues and await publication. 9. Here one may refer to Seifuddin Adem’s tribute: “Ali A Mazrui (1933-2014): A Great Man, a Great Scholar,” Tydskrif vir Letterkunde (University of Pretoria) 52, no. 1 (autumn 2015): 222-26; Peter Kagwanja “Manifestly, Professor Ali Mazrui had a rendevous with greatness,” in Daily Nation (online: www. nation.co.ke) 18 October 2014, and Adekeye Adebajo, “The Prophet of Pax Africana,” Sunday Independent (online: www.mini.iol.co.za) 19 October 2014. 10. See Kagwanja, “Manifestly,” 2014. Also consult Thandika Mkandawire, African Intellectuals: Rethinking Politics, Language, Gender, and Development (Chi- cago: University of Chicago Press and London: Zed Books, 2005); Ali Mazrui, “What Is an Intellectual? What Is His Role in the African Revolution?” East Africa Journal (Nairobi) 6, no. 4 (1969): 11-17; and Ali Mazrui, “Intellectuals in African politics present decline and future recovery communication” 5, no. 2 (1980): 289-28. Haron: Mapping Mazrui’s Mind 39 11. See https://scholar.google.co.za/scholar?hl=en&q=Mazrui%2C+Ali&btnG =&as_sdt=1%2C5&as_sdtp=. 12. Kagwanja, “Manifestly,” 2014. 13. Rowena Murray and Sarah Moore, The Handbook of Academic Writing: A Fresh Approach (New York and Maidenhead, Berkshire: Open University Press Mac- Graw-Hill Education, 2006), 11. Cf. Rowena Murray, Writing for Academic Journals, 2d ed. (New York and Maidenhead, Berkshire: Open University Press MacGraw-Hill Education, 2009). 14. Murray and Moore, The Handbook of Academic Writing, 6. 15. Ibid., 30. 16. Ibid.,15. 17. Op cit. 18. Ibid 19. Ali Mazrui, “Nkrumah: The Leninist Czar,” Transition 6, no. 26 (March 1966): 9-17. Bemath noted in Mazruiana that this article solicited a range of responses in the mentioned magazine, to which Mazrui characteristically responded with an essay entitled “Nkrumah Revisited: A Reply to Critics,” 223 (entry 414). 20. Ernest Boyer, Scholarship Reconsidered: Priorities for the Professoriate (Prince- ton: The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, 1990), 16-17; Ernest Boyer, “The Scholarship of Engagement,” Journal of Public Service and Outreach 1, no. 1 (1996): 11-20. 21. Charles Glassick, “Boyer’s Expanded Definitions of Scholarship, the Standards for Assessing Scholarship, and the Elusiveness of the Scholarship of Teaching,” Academic Medicine 75 (2000): 877-78. 22. Derek Barker, “The Schlarship of Engagement: A Taxonomy of Five Emerging Practices,” Journal of Higher Education Outreach and Engagement 9, no. 2 (2004): 124-37. 23. See Bemath’s “Select Thematic Bibliography,” 320-33, which identifies several of the themes that Mazrui addressed over the years. 24. Consult A. A. Mazrui, “On Heroes and Uhuru-worship,” Transition 3, no. 11 (November 1963): 23-28. This was expanded into a book-length text with a slightly amended title: On Heroes and Uhuru-worship: Essays on Independent Africa (London: Longmans, 1967). Also see Jitendra Mohan’s review essay, “A Whig Interpretation of African Nationalism,” Journal of Modern African Studies 6, no. 3 (1968): 389-409. These were catalogued in Bemath on p. 21 (entry num- ber 28) and p. 228 (entry number 427), respectively. 25. Kwesi Prah, ed., Knowledge in Black and White: The Impact of Apartheid on the Production and Reproduction of Knowledge (Cape Town: Centre for Ad- vanced Studies of African Society, 1999). 26. Ibid., 21. 27. Ken Hyland, Disciplinary Discourse: Social Interaction in Academic Writing (London: Longman, 2000). 40 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:3 28. Angela Brew, The Nature of Research: Inquiry in Academic Contexts (London: Routledge, 2001). After underlining the fact that academic research is narrow, she therefore called for reflexivity and critical questioning (see p. 20). Also see Angela Brew, “Conceptions of Research: A Phenomenographic Study,” Studies in Higher Education 26, no. 3 (2001): 271-85. 29. In the absence of a review and notwithstanding Mazruiana as an outstanding bibliographical contribution, for some reason Bemath did not clearly clarify some of the terms that he used. For example, he should have explained what he meant by “papers” and distinguished between Section Three, “Publications: Major Academic Articles and Select Conference Papers” (pp. 37-229), and Section Four, “Publications: Magazines and Newspapers” (pp. 231-310). As a bibliographer, I am of the view that he should have defined these terms in his Preface or perhaps at the beginning of each section, for he sometimes in- cluded magazine entries in Section Three instead of Section Four and vice versa. 30. Mention should be made of the fact that this total does not include the long list of material, listed toward the end of Mazrui’s updated resume, that has not yet been edited and published. 31. See p. 12 (entry number 16). 32. Catharina Rehn, Carl Gornitzki, Agne Larsson, and Daniel Wadskog, Biblio- metric Handbook for Karolinska Institute (Stockholm: Karolinska Institute, 2014). Also see A. Pritchard, “Statistical Bibliography or Bibliometrics,” Journal of Documentation 25, no. 4 (1969): 348-49 and T. N. van Leeuwen, “Second generation bibliometric indicators: the improvement of existing and develop- ment of new bibliometric indicators for research and journal performance as- sessment procedures”- Unpublished Dissertation (Leiden: Rijks Universiteit te Leiden, 2004). 33. See http://thomsonreuters.com/en/products-services/scholarly-scientific-re- search/scholarly-search-and-disco. 34. Anon, Whitepaper Using Bibliometrics: A Guide to Evaluating Research Per- formance with Citation (Alexandria, VA: ThomsonReuters, 2008) online: www.thomsonreuters.com. 35. Mike Thelwall, “Bibliometrics to Webometrics,” Journal of Information Science 34, no. 4 (2007): 1-18. Thelwall quoted this definition from C. L. Borgman and J. Furner, “Scholarly Communication and Bibliometrics,” Annual Review of In- formation Science and Technology 36 (2002): 3-72. 36. Consult http://researchguides.uic.edu/c.php?g=252299&p=1683205: Google Scholar: http://scholar.google.com/. Scopus: https://www.scopus.com/, and Web of Science: https://www.webofknowledge.com/. 37. Thelwall distinguished between evaluative bibliometrics from relational biblio- metrics; see his “Bibliometrics,” 2-3. 38. Numerous online study aids provide basic information about periodicals. Some of this information has been culled from the Los Angeles City College Library Haron: Mapping Mazrui’s Mind 41 42 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33:3 site that, in turn, drew its information from Olin Library Reference, Research & Learning Services, Cornell University Library, Ithaca. 39. Even though magazines do cater to a general audience, of late many of those in circulation have specific reading groups. Two examples will suffice: motor ve- hicle magazines for car enthusiasts and cooking magazines for those who enjoy trying new dishes. Cheryl LaGuardia with Bill & Linda Sternberg Katz, Maga- zines for Libraries, 17th ed. (New York: Bowker, 2009). 40. Interestingly, although Mazruiana does not include Mazrui’s “On the Concept of ‘We are All Africans’” that appeared in American Political Science Review (1963), it appeared on Mazrui’s updated 2014 resume (see p. 35 and pp. 48-49). Also consult Bemath, Mazruiana, 227-29 (entry numbers 424-428) and 309-10 (entry numbers 622-26). Moreover, one notes that Chaly Sawere only mentioned two significant journal articles and one magazine article published during Mazrui’s years at Oxford’s Nuffield College (see p. 270). Chaly Sawere, “The Multiple Mazrui: Scholar, Ideologue, Philosophor, Artist,” in Kokoli, ed., The Global African, 269-89. By then he had prepared and published the articles that appear in Table 2. 41. See The Burke Newsletter 5, no. 1 (fall 1963). 42. Overseas Quartely (September 1963). 43. Mazrui’s text appears as chapter 5 in L. B. Krause, The Common Market: Progress and Controversy (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1964). It is here important to note that in both Mazruiana (see entry 425 p.228) and the up- dated 2014 resume (pp. 35-36), the following journal title appeared: Revista Brasileiro de Relacoes Internacionais [RBRI]). However, it is not clear whether this journal or the institution (Centro Brasileiro de Relacoes Internacionais [www.cebri.org ]) to which it belongs was a joint publisher of Krause’s edited work or whether Mazrui’s text appeared as a reprint in RBRI. Unfortunately, the two issues of volume 6 (1963) and those of volume 7 (1964) are unavailable online. An inquiry was forwarded to the Center, but at the time this essay went to print no reply had been received. 44. Visit https://scholar.google.co.za/scholar?q=mazrui+african+attitudes+to+euro- pean+economic+community&btnG=&hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5. 45. Ali Mazrui, African Thought in Comparative Perspective, ed. Ramzi Badran, Sei- fudin Adem, and Patrick Dikirr (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars, 2014), 167-79. 46. Visit https://scholar.google.co.za/scholar?q=mazrui+burke&btnG=&hl=en&as_ sdt=0%2C5. 47. According to my rough calculations, extracted from Mazruiana and Mazrui’s resume, about fifty articles were republished in this manner; some first appeared as journal articles and were then reprinted as chapters in books and vice versa. 48. See https://scholar.google.co.za/scholar?hl=en&q=Mazrui%2C+Ali&btnG=&as _sdt=1%2C5&as_sdtp=. 49. Ali Mazrui, Towards a Pax Africana: A Study of Ideology and Ambition (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, and Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967). 50. See Bemath, 281-84 (entry numbers 543 and 546-50). 51. Ibid., 9 (entry number 10). 52. See Mazrui’s co-edited text with Christophe Wondji, General History of Africa: Africa since 1935 (Berkley: UNESCO, 1993). 53. Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, “Ali A Mazrui on the Invention of Africa and Post- colonial Predicaments: ‘My Life Is One Long Debate,” Third World Quarterly 36, no. 2 (2015): 205-22. 54. Omari Kokoli, ed., The Global African: A Portrait of Ali A Mazrui (Trenton, NJ: African World Press, 1998), 10. 55. Ibid., 8. 56. See Bemath, “Selected Thematic Bibliography,” 320-33. Haron: Mapping Mazrui’s Mind 43