The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Wl. 5, No. 2, 1988 289 Book Review Toward Islamic Anthropology by Akbar S. Ahmed, International Institute of Lhinic Thought, H e d o n , Virginia, 1986, pp. m. In his short book, Tavard LFIamic Anduopdog, Alrbar Ahmed addresses two scholarly communities: anthropologists, whose train@ is based, as he says, on the study of classic sociologid \IvoTfiF by Wstern Europeans, and educated Muslim readers whose view of society is based on their study of the @fan and classic mrks in Wamic jurisp?pdenoe and philosophy. Being a member of both communities himself, professor khnaecf is sensitive to the issues that they face. He makes a sincere plea for dialogue between these two communities and puts firward some intr@ing recommendations for resolving the disputes tbao divide them, Ahmed begins with a discrmsskm d “the science Ofm&mplogy.’’ This to a n h o j d o g y for h e readas epistemalqpd position, that afithropology is “a h n c h a€ empirical, E) is bath send& a& in b-rnmy - sicience” (p- W) w w . hrmt,Ahmed-W“If Bkmi E!A’HM$ A.Cl is indeatan t.” (p. 56) midism of bath earlier M d i m schdmlup andi Ahmed‘s tm belime that “the ethqpphx, like the cast! d w b t in a nihilistk way am %e reality aaepahktm Muslim Wk idso a d-& miffimatimdthe scientific 2110 ‘The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 5, No. 2, 1988 aMtus of mthopdogy, one that runs counter to some of the recent fashions d fads in the discipline. Ahmed’s 6Vefview of anthropology @p. 13-50) is a useful introduction that ~ M W S hewily on the perspectives of British structural-functional afithpologfB& such as John Beattie and Raymond Firth. It is clearly written a i d provideB gmki summary for non-specialists of some of the many trends in the? field. Like my summary, however, it neglects some major figures and m n t developmnts. It is hardly accurate to claim that “contemporary anthropoki@ hs produced no major recent work” @. 31) and so d i s m i s s kjou~-~I&~, Jack W y , L&i-Strauss and S a h l i n ~ . ~ Ahmed is correct, however, il.1 decl&bg that the discipline is in a state of crisis @. 31). He quite properly poiiib out that &t? cause of this crisis is the inadequacy of the approaches that kumpean dnd American anthropologists established during the first half of this ct!&.~i-j’. These approaches proved unable to account for socio-cultural chaiqge @. 491, ~ f i encrusted with the intellectual vestiges of colonialism, @. 25-28) and wee flawed by ethnocentric and Orientalist biases which led to disbfkd ariW6pological descriptions of non-European societies (p. 53-55). Prdbskor A b e d also addresses the more specific question of how anthiopbgists have studied Muslim societies. He cites numerous examples of biased writ@, in which anthropologists refuse to credit their Muslim subjects \ivith any interest in justice, peace or orderly social life. The most eprehensible fllQstrations are taken from Crone and Cook’s Hugurism and Jeffrey’s Pmgs lri d Well, both of which are written in a very belligerent tone md which deserve Ahmed‘s sharp criticism. (pp. 51-55) Generally Atitk.lepl’s shaip skiticism. @p. 51-55) Generally Ahmed succeeds in making a s w l e pint: when an anthropologist describes his informants (Muslim or hot) in a Way that they would find extremely offensive, there is something kroN with the d&cription. Some important truth or insight has been missed. ibes the etiquette of the Baluch as “hollow” and says that their “bthlate lib” is full of “deceit” and “suspicion” (in Ahmed, p. 54), he has clearly Med to understand the human dilemmas with which the Baluch must d d l . Uii& great stress most human beings may resort to deceptions of taridus kinds, which, of course, leads to suspicion; but they also struggle to sustairi the l&ef ideals of community, hospitality and brotherhood when the coiiditiohs bf tlieir life make this at all possible. By recording only their f&il&es b r e a l k their ideals, Barth denigrates this struggle and provides a one-sided a d distorted view of Baluch life. This negative attitude contrasts , (Cambridge: Cambridge University vage Mind, (CambridF: Cabridge Mind, (Chicago: Univenity of Chicago ew Yo&) Aldine publishiog C o w , The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 291. with some of the more tolerant views which my own held. They said, al-ji‘ k$r, “Starvation is a N meant that hunger will him to steal or cheat. who commits them in such circumstances should be In accord with the insights into human psycho1 such as the preceding one provide, Ahmed proposes anthropology. By this he means “the study of Muslim and non-Muslim] scholars committed to the universalistic humanity, knowledge, tole to the larger historical and ideological out that most of the negative myths about Muslim societies of women” and the supposed “tyranny, anarchy, and d politics.” (p. 5 8 ) Scholars concerned w to provide new, more obje Ahmed suggests that field workers co “tribes,” but on a larger unit of political At this level the local representatives of Islamic institutions and educational systems can be bette also presents a list of projects which he feels anthropology for Muslims and would Muslim societies by anthropologists. One of the most that “the ethnographic and anthropological content from the writings of the great Muslim writers b] . . . extracted and compiled in a discrete set of volumes.” (p. 67) Its only flaws are some minor mistakes in copy editing: sentences (ex. p. 39, paragraph 3) and some incorrect Wolf 1951 not Wold; p. 71, J. Beattie not H. Beattie). heartily recommend it to both anthropologist and to learn more about the discipline. All in all, this is a valuable book, well-argued and att,mctiv