The Rebirth of Uzbekistan: Politics, Economy,
and Society in the Post-Soviet Era

Resul Yalcin 
UK: Ithaca Press, 2002. 349 pages.

It is very difficult to avoid the conclusion that instead of getting involved
in the broader democratization process, the new post-Soviet states of
Central Asia have resisted such trends. At present, many of them, including

Book Reviews 103



the Republic of Uzbekistan, are considered the most authoritarian states in
the world. The Uzbek authorities’ savage and bloody suppression of a mas-
sive people’s protest on May 13, 2005, shocked the international commu-
nity. After the Soviet Union’s disintegration, Uzbekistan became the only
Central Asian state with a prepared long-term strategy of economic reform.
However, the overwhelming incompetence of the Uzbek leadership and the
prevalent corruption among Uzbek officials caused the Uzbek model of
market economy, outlined by President Islam Karimov in the initial period
of reform, to fail.

At first glance, it might seem rather ostentatious to claim that this book
is a first attempt to study systematically the political, economic, social, and
cultural changes that have taken place in this country for the last decade.
Indeed, since the Soviet Union’s collapse, hundreds of books and research
articles on the current situation in the post-Soviet Muslim states have been
published. However, as Bogdan Szajkowski’s “Foreword” suggests, the
author conducted his research with an acute and critical eye for facts and
details (p. ix), which makes this book the first truly comprehensive study of
contemporary Uzbekistan. 

The first chapter looks at Central Asia’s history, the period prior to its
annexation by the Russian Empire, and (very briefly) the decades of the
late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century prior to the Bolsheviks’
takeover. The following chapters examine the main developments during
the Soviet period and investigate the roots of Uzbekistan’s totalitarian
regime. The author stresses that from the beginning, the Uzbek government
ignored the idea of a pluralist democracy. For example, the first manifes-
tations of an independent Uzbekistan, the student protests at the capital’s
university in mid-January 1992 that, apparently, were triggered by the lib-
eralizing spirit of the time and raised slogans of democratic political oppo-
sition, were brutally crushed. 

The Law on Political Parties, which came into force in December 1996,
introduced a multi-party political system. At the same time, the Uzbek party
system held the prospective parties in check. Yalcin writes that in the first
stage of multi-partisanship (1991-93), Uzbekistan had three parties and one
political movement. By late 1993, two of them, the Erk Democratic Party
and the Birlik Movement, were banned and most of the opposition leaders
were exiled (pp. 54-56). Some prominent opposition figures were impris-
oned and some simply disappeared from the political scene. 

At present, with the exception of the People’s Democratic Party of
Uzbekistan (PDPU) that is the successor of the Communist Party of Soviet

104 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:4



Uzbekistan, the political system includes the Homeland Progress Party, the
Adolat Social Democratic Party, the People’s Unity Movement, and the
Fidokorlar National Democratic Party. However, all parties except the
PDPU are viewed as “puppets” because they exhibit no real difference in
their ideologies and their stance regarding the regime’s legitimacy.
Moreover, none of them is willing to compete with the PDPU. Having inef-
fective structures, they are unable to propose realistic solutions for socio-
economic problems, a situation that is replicated in their publications’ lack
of analysis with regard to social change and the processes of political and
economic reform. At the same time, all of them publish the “historical”
speeches of President Karimov and official documents that are far from
everyday reality.

Undoubtedly, Islam plays a tremendous role in the Uzbek national
revival. The author states that Karimov actively supported the revival of
Islam as an Uzbek cultural landmark. At the same time, the Uzbek leader-
ship is greatly concerned about the destabilizing character of an “Islamic
rebirth,” which is why all Islamic movements are now underground. In view
of the current situation in Uzbekistan, the author’s prediction of an increase
in Islamic activism can be accepted. This is particularly true among young
people who live in a condition of social uncertainty, for an Islamic awaken-
ing movement will proliferate along with growing socioeconomic problems.
The author holds that it is unlikely that Islam will become a political factor
in the near future. However, this point of view is far from reality, given that
the absence of opportunities for free and open debate on political issues, not
to mention the lack of a genuine secular opposition, seem to be factors that
convert Islam into a political force. 

Recent events have caused real opposition movements to appear, ones
that can lead the country out of its crisis. One such movement is the
Sunshine Uzbekistan Coalition, which seeks substantial change and reform
in order to establish a society based on the idea of democratic capitalism.
Yalcin’s book highlights that the Uzbeks were, for many centuries, a nation
with a great aptitude for commerce and trade. Unfortunately, the current
regime has frustrated the nation’s ability to create a vibrant and effective
economy. In my opinion, the book’s optimistic message is that the real
rebirth of Uzbekistan is just beginning.

Vladimir Mesamed
Faculty of Humanities, Institute of Asian and African Studies

The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel

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