The Jundishapur School: Its History,
Structure, and Functions

Mehmet Mahfuz Söylemez
Abstract

Located in the region of Alam (modern Khuzistan), Jundishapur
was founded by the Sassanid emperor Shahpur I in 260. This
city was home to the Jundishapur school (madrasah), one of the
most important science centers in history, that harmonized with-
in itself classical Greek philosophy, Indian culture, and the
Persian scientific heritage. This fact becomes clear when one
looks at its rich curriculum, which ranges from medical science
and pharmacology to philosophy. This complex consisted of
several sections, such as a medical school (bimaristan), a phar-
macology laboratory, a translation bureau, a library, and an
observatory. It also had a deep influence on Islamic culture and
civilization through its professors, who, in the early years of
`Abbasid rule, began to settle in the capital city of Baghdad and
eventually established a similar school modeled on their school
in Jundishapur. From that point on, these professors made a sig-
nificant contribution to Muslim medical science and philosophy.

Introduction
The city of Jundishapur was not always the desolate place that it is today.
In its prime, it was one of the world’s most important science centers. From
its earliest days, this institution functioned according to the statement
engraved upon its portal: “Knowledge and virtue are superior to sword and
biceps.” However, its real brilliance only existed during the early days of
the `Abbasid dynasty. From the reign of Harun al-Rashid (d. 809) onward,
the `Abbasid rulers made it an official policy to bring scholars trained at

Mehmet Mahfuz Söylemez has a Ph.D. in Islamic history and currently teaches Islamic his-
tory at Gazi University, Faculty of Theology, Çorum, Turkey.



Jundishapur to Baghdad. For instance, Baghdad’s bimaristan (medical
school) and bayt al-hikmah (House of Wisdom) were established by
Jundishapur’s professors and graduates. In this article, we will investigate
the Jundishapur school. But before doing so, let’s examine the city.

Jundishapur city, founded in 260 by the Sassanid emperor Shahpur I,
was located in Khuzistan (called Ahwaz in early Muslim sources).
Although it fell outside the geographical borders of Mesopotamia, it was,
nonetheless, influenced by Mesopotamian civilization. Shahpur I defeated
the Roman army near Edessa (present-day Urfa) and settled the captured
Roman soldiers, among them Emperor Valerianus as well as the refugees
from Antioch, in this newly founded city.1

Despite its official name of Wah ez Andu Shahpur, the city was known
by its inhabitants as Gunda-Shapur. Ever since its founding, it had been one
of the important Sassanid cities. Fifty years later, Shapur II proclaimed it
the capital city of the Sassanid Empire.2 When Shapur II’s successor moved
his court to Madain (Ctesiphon), Jundishapur retained its importance and
remained the administrative center of the Khuzistan district.3 However, it
gradually surrendered this function to Sus, a city located a couple of posts
away that, with the passage of time, not only became Khuzistan’s adminis-
trative center, but also the empire’s second capital. Thus, just like the
Roman Empire, the Sassanid Empire had two capital cities: Madain for the
summer and Sus for the winter.4

Even though it was no longer Khuzistan’s administrative center,
Jundishapur remained a center of science and culture, and was recognized as
such by Khusraw I. Its administrative structure was similar to that of modern
federal states. For instance, its local governors were elected by the native res-
idents.5 Thus, we can say that it provided as much freedom and opportunity
for its residents as did Athens, its contemporary, in every field. 

The city’s population consisted of various ethnic and religious elements,
two features to which it owed much of its fame. No doubt, its earliest resi-
dents were Roman, for the city originally had been built for the captured
Roman emperor Valerianus and many of his defeated soldiers.6 After the
seizure of Antioch, its residents were removed and settled in Jundishapur.7
We do not know the exact number of the exiles or whether they were
included in the population figure mentioned above. However, with the peo-
ple settled by Shahpur II and Khusraw I, we can say that the city had a rel-
atively sizeable population. Among these people were the scholars of the
Academy of Athens, who made their way to Jundishapur in 529, right after
Emperor Justinian closed their academy.8 The city’s second largest ethnic

2 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:2



component was the Pahlawis. We have no adequate information about their
numbers, but we can estimate that they eventually became the city’s largest
ethnic group. 

Another ethnic group was the Syriacs. We do not know their number,
nor do we have any information about exactly when they settled in
Jundishapur. But since the war between Shahpur I and Valerianus took
place in the densely Syriac-populated region, some of Jundishapur’s Syriac
population possibly settled there while the city was being built. We believe
that a considerable number of them came to Jundishapur in the fifth cen-
tury AD, because some of the Syriac settlers were medical doctors from
Urfa, which was home to the leading medical centers of that time. 

The followers of Nestorius (the Nestorian Christians), the bishop of
Constantinople, whom the Catholic church branded as heretics at the
Council of Ephesus (431), also settled in Edessa. After Emperor Zenon (d.
c. 491) expelled them in 489, many of them scattered throughout the
Sassanid Empire and settled particularly in Nusaybin,9 while some moved
on to Jundishapur.10 The Urfa school was one of the leading Nestorian cul-
tural and intellectual centers. After it was shut down, its heritage was trans-
ferred to Jundishapur, an infusion that allowed Jundishapur to achieve a
higher intellectual level. 

The Syriacs, most of whom were Christian, represented the city’s most
civilized class after, of course, the Romans.11 They also played a prominent
role in the city’s cultural history, since most of their families (e.g., the
Syriac Buhtishu` family) were engaged in medical science during the late
Sassanid times in Iran and during the Umayyad and early `Abbasid peri-
ods.12 In addition, they initiated the first translation projects.

An Indian community also lived in Jundishapur, apparently having set-
tled there during the late Sassanid period. According to the sources,
Khusraw I dispatched his vizier Barzawayh to India, from which he
returned with the chess game, Baydaba’s Kalima wa Dimna, some medical
books,13 and possibly some Indian families.14 This supposition is supported
by the existence of Indian scholars at Jundishapur, such as Mankah, who
translated Sanskrit texts into Pahlawi and conducted research on poisons.
His Kitab al-Sumum (The Book of Poisons) was used as a textbook in the
Jundishapur medical school for years to come. Mankah’s translations and
scholarly writings were later translated into Arabic. Harun al-Rashid once
asked him to come to Baghdad, at the request of the Barmaki family. In
Baghdad, Mankah translated the famous Indian doctor Sustura’s work into
Arabic for Khalid, a member of the Barmaki family. It is related that this

Söylemez: The Jundishapur School 3



translation was used later by Jundishapur’s doctors and professors.15 The
fact that Jundishapur and India were connected by a trade route also sug-
gests that both scholars and traders had settled in Jundishapur. 

The Khuzis were another ethnic component of the city. As noted by al-
Maqdisi, the population of the Khuzistan region, and especially the resi-
dents of Jundishapur, Sus, and Askar, was made up of Khuzis.16
Supposedly the remnants of the Alamis, the Khuzis are thought to have set-
tled in the city immediately after its founding. Giving their nation’s name
to their homeland, the Khuzistan region, the Khuzis were considered an
independent nation that was distinct from the Arabs, Persians, Jews, and
Syriacs, even though there is some dispute over their language.17 As in the
case of Shiryashu` bin Kutrub of Jundishapur, Khuzi scholars used Syriac,
instead of their native language, in their scholarly endeavors.18 This sug-
gests that they adopted Syriac as a literary language because they had no
literary language of their own. Perhaps this is why the Khuzi language dis-
appeared soon thereafter. 

In our own day, the Persian dialect spoken around Khuzistan contains
some loan words from Khuzi, the only remaining traces of that particular
language. The Khuzis might have used Syriac because it was the liturgical
language of the Nestorian church, just as the Muslims, particularly the
Persians and Turks, used Arabic as the language of religious literature
instead of their native language. The Khuzis, who called Jundishapur “Nilat”
or “Nilab,”19 constituted another intellectual class of the city. Among them,
we can mention Shiryashu` bin Kutrub and Shapur bin Sahl.

We know that the Lurians lived in Jundishapur and its neighboring dis-
trict during the second Islamic century, and that they played a major role in
destroying it.20 This fact suggests that the Lurians had settled in Jundishapur
and the neighboring district at an earlier time. The region located to the
southeast of Dizful and Shushtar, near which Jundishapur’s ruins remain,
was known as the “Sahara of Lur” during the early Middle Ages.21 Though
the Lurians had not lived in Jundishapur and the neighboring district, the dis-
tance between the region (Luristan) and Jundishapur was only a couple of
posts.22 Therefore, we can say that there was a strong socioeconomic and
commercial relationship between the two.

Almost all of Jundishapur’s residents were multilingual. One also
needs to keep in mind that along with Pahlawi, Greek, and Syriac, such lan-
guages as Lurian, Hebrew, and Khuzi were spoken in the markets. These
multilingual peoples of various ethnic and religious backgrounds managed
to coexist in peace, developed good relationships with each other, and pro-

4 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:2



vided history with an enviable example of peaceful and tolerant social
interaction. Now, I will examine the famous scientific institution that these
people built.

The History of the Jundishapur School
There are different views as to when this school was established. While
some scholars claim that it was built at the same time as the city, others
assert that it was founded during the reign of Shahpur II. Although the
existing evidence does not allow us to correlate the date of the school’s
founding with that of the city, one can easily say that the scholarly activities
for which Jundishapur was famous began at a very early time. As stated by
Manfred Ulmann, Jundishapur’s population contained numerous Antiochan
scholars and artisans, among them medical doctors and philosophers, as
well as the captured Roman emperor Valerianus. Therefore, we can assume
that Jundishapur entered upon a cultural and intellectual flowering, espe-
cially in the positive sciences (e.g., physics, chemistry, biology, mathemat-
ics), at that time.23

Although Jundishapur had been acquainted with the positive sciences
since its foundation, it only became known for its knowledge of them at
a much later date. If we believe Ibn al-Nadim, we can say that the city
became famous for medical sciences and philosophy only after
Théodoros, the Greek philosopher and medical doctor, moved there.24
Théodoros, who was no ordinary physician, served as a royal doctor to
Shahpur II and composed several books on medical sciences, one of
which was eventually translated into Arabic. Shahpur II held Théodoros
in respect, built a church for him in the city, and assigned some Christian
captives to serve him.25

Théodoros’ very scholarly pursuits provide grounds for the claim that
the Jundishapur school was built at the time of Shahpur II. Among the
scholars who share this opinion are the famous Orientalist George Sarton,
Muhammad Muhammadi (who relied upon Sarton), and Seyyed Hossein
Nasr.26 Nasr claims that Shahpur II not only enlarged and adopted
Jundishapur as his capital city, but that he also built therein a large school
that included a medical school.27 Likewise, Nakhai claims that it took 7
years to build the school and that it was inaugurated by Shahpur II. Shortly
after that event, about 5,000 students from Persia, Rome, Greece, Syria,
Arabia, and India enrolled in the school, a development that transformed
Jundishapur into an important regional center of medical science.28

Söylemez: The Jundishapur School 5



Although there is insufficient proof to support the above claims, the
fact that the scholars who came from regions to the west during the reign
of Khusraw I were settled in Jundishapur suggests that a school already
existed in that city. If this were not the case, why would he settle them
there? Settling these scholars in Jundishapur and having the city’s school
rebuilt should have caused Khusraw I to be known as the school’s first
builder. 

Khusraw I’s interest in philosophy made him famous in the West. The
scholars at the Academy of Athens made their way to Jundishapur after
their academy was closed, in 529, by Emperor Justinian. Khusraw I wel-
comed such celebrated scholars and philosophers as Damascius, Siplicius,
Eulamius, Priscianus, Isidore, Hermias, and Diogenes.29 After settling
them in Jundishapur, he provided them with whatever they needed to con-
tinue their scholarly pursuits and teaching. These scholars reconstructed
and revitalized the city’s schools and enjoyed great freedom in their stud-
ies.30 A champion of scholars, the emperor himself took a great interest in
their activities and engaged in philosophical discussions and debates with
them. Furthermore, he recorded both these discussions and the philoso-
phers’ answers to his questions in many books, one of which was trans-
lated into Latin and incomplete translation of which has survived to our
own time.31

After defeating Justinian, Khusraw I, who followed Neoplatonic philos-
ophy, stipulated in the peace treaty that all of the philosophers living in
Jundishapur would be allowed to return to their homelands whenever they
wished.32 Just after this agreement, the scholars taking refuge in Jundishapur
availed themselves of this chance to go home. However, the students they
had educated during their 4-year sojourn in Jundishapur ensured that the
school would remain a hallmark of education. 

In ancient times, there was no clear-cut distinction between philosophy
and medicine. The belief maintained by such philosophers as Galenos
[a.k.a. Galen] – that a medical doctor should be a philosopher at the same
time – was quite common. Since Khusraw I held the same view, he paid a
great deal of attention to the medical sciences and transformed the
Jundishapur school into one of the Sassanid Empire’s most important med-
ical centers. At least once a year, a medical congress was convoked and led
by the school’s head doctor (dorostbed).33 One should keep in mind that this
congress, in which the emperor himself participated, was attended by doc-
tors from other countries as well. Such an event enabled them to exchange
knowledge about medical inventions and methods. 

6 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:2



The Jundishapur school was well-known in the East and in the West,
as well as among the mostly nomadic Arabs of that time. Students came
from the Hijaz to acquire a medical education at Jundishapur and then
returned to their homelands to serve their people. One of these men,
known during the pre-Islamic period as that land’s greatest philosopher
and physician, was Harith bin Kalada.34 After him, his son Nadr became
one of the Hijaz’s most celebrated doctors.35 Jawad `Ali says that Nadr
bought some books in Iran, where he acquired his medical education, and
read them out to the Quraysh tribe.36 Qifti relates that Nadr had held an
important position in Jundishapur, but that he went back to Ta’if because
he was so homesick. He eventually became one of the most famous doc-
tors of his time.37

After Khusraw I, the Sassanid Empire experienced several serious set-
backs. On the one hand, it was defeated several times by Byzantium, and,
on the other, became embroiled in ruthless dynastic struggles. During this
period, many institutions were either damaged or destroyed. Surprisingly,
the Jundishapur school survived until the empire’s collapse. After the Arab
Muslims conquered Iran,38 they quickly realized the importance of this
educational institution and sought to maintain its previous splendor.39 They
preserved all of the city’s institutions (e.g., its hospital, library, medical
school, and temples) and provided jobs for the doctors who had been edu-
cated at Jundishapur. For example, Ibn Isal al-Tabib al-Nasrani served as
Mu`awiyah’s royal doctor, and Abu Hakam Damascene and Tayazuk were
also employed.40

The school lost its previous splendor under the `Abbasids, because its
doctors migrated to the capital city, Baghdad, where they found jobs in the
newly founded institutions. For a while, the Jundishapur school strove to
survive by means of its own revolving fund, but eventually could not com-
pete with Baghdad and crumbled.41

Sections of the Jundishapur School
Having familiarized ourselves with the school, I will now examine its sec-
tions: the medical school and hospital (bimaristan), the pharmacology lab-
oratory, the translation house, the library, and the observatory.

The Medical School and Hospital
We have no information about the bimaristan’s physical structure, nor do
we know exactly where it was located in the city, because no archeological

Söylemez: The Jundishapur School 7



excavation has taken place in the region so far. Therefore, we must be con-
tent with explaining how it operated. The archeological research to be per-
formed in Shahabad village, the site of Jundishapur’s ruins, will both shed
light on the city’s design and architecture as well as enable us to describe
the school. 

The bimaristan was directed by a head doctor known as a dorostbed or
an Iran dorostbed. This doctor was not only the director of the school, but
also the head of the bimaristan. Ibn Muqaffa, who recorded some informa-
tion about Barzawayh, its famous head doctor, translated the above Persian
title into Arabic as ra’s al-atibba’ al-fars (i.e., the head of the Persian physi-
cians).42 A dorostbed was regarded as the country’s wisest and leading
physician. At the same time, he was the emperor’s personal doctor and the
court’s head doctor. 

A dorostbed enjoyed extensive authority in the bimaristan and was
responsible only to the emperor. He had the absolute authority to use the
bimaristan’s revolving fund, appoint and dismiss staff members, and to take
other actions that he considered necessary. As was seen under the Sassanids
(i.e., the case of Barzawayh) and, later on, under the Muslims (i.e., the case
of Jabrail), these doctors sometimes intervened in the empire’s political
affairs.

A considerable degree of specialization is evident in the Jundishapur
bimaristan. According to the sources, every doctor was authorized to treat
the diseases in which he specialized. If a given case required more than one
specialist, the doctors applied a method that bears a striking resemblance to
the modern medical practice of consultation. This system was applied by
Jabrail and other doctors in the Baghdad bimaristan, which was patterned
after the Jundishapur bimaristan.43 The hospital also had dormitories for its
patients and offered medical service 24 hours a day. The sources inform us
that there was also a sort of rotation system similar to what we see in our
hospitals today.44 In addition, many doctors of different ethnicities and reli-
gions worked together in the hospital. 

THE CURRICULUM. Although we have no direct information as to how many
years the Jundishapur school’s education program lasted, we can make a
reasonable guess: approximately 3 years. We base this on the fact that the
education program followed by the Nusaybin school,45 which is known to
have influenced the Jundishapur school, lasted for 3 years. In addition,
other schools in the Muslim world that were modeled after the Jundishapur
school offered 3-year education programs. The first year of education was

8 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:2



similar to today’s preparatory class. Students studied mathematics, geome-
try,46 logic,47 and other courses. Mathematics and logic were two basic
classes of the first year.48 In the later years, students were taught such books
as Hippocrates’s eleven books, Galenos’ nine books, and Discorides’ Kitab
al-Hashashish (The Book of Hashishes).49

The students had to study these three fields because they needed to
know how to prepare medicines and, if required, set up their own hospitals.
How, it was asked, could a doctor who was ignorant of mathematics estab-
lish the correct proportions of the ingredients needed to make the necessary
medicine, or a physician who was ignorant of geometry build his own hos-
pital? As for logic, it was considered one of the foundations that would
ensure correct and scientific thinking.50

In addition to logic, philosophy was also taught, for both the
Jundishapur medical school and the other medical schools modeled upon it
were deeply influenced by Galenos, who held that a medical doctor should
be a philosopher at the same time. Furthermore, his treatise on this issue
deeply influenced the doctors of that era and encouraged them to study phi-
losophy.51 A cursory look at these doctors’ biographies will show that all of
them were interested in philosophy, and that some of them even established
philosophical systems. We ought to note that the school’s scholars and stu-
dents paid so much attention to Hippocrates’ works that Jundishapur
became known as “the city of Hippocrates.”52

THE LANGUAGE OF INSTRUCTION. Researchers disagree as to which language
was used as the language of instruction in the Jundishapur school. Some
maintain that it was Aramaic or Greek, while others say that it was Pahlawi.
For instance, Ahmad `Isa Beg, departing from the city’s large Syriac popu-
lation, asserts that a sizeable number of courses were conducted in Syriac.53
The existence of professors of Greek origin and their teaching, mostly med-
icine and philosophy, has led some scholars to believe that the language of
medical sciences was Greek.54 Moreover, the fact that the Persian teachers
were mainly interested in pharmacology has led to the claim that this part
of the students’ education was most likely conducted in Pahlawi.55

It is known that Khusraw I’s vizier brought some books and scholars
from India, and that these scholars taught in Jundishapur’s schools. But
whether they taught in Sanskrit or Pahlawi is in dispute.56 What causes
researchers to think that these Indian professors taught in Pahlawi is the fact
that the pharmacology books translated into Arabic include Pahlawi terms,
rather than Sanskrit or other Indian-language ones. According to the

Söylemez: The Jundishapur School 9



researchers who support the latter claim, if the Indian professors taught in
Sanskrit, it would be logical to expect that some Sanskrit terms would have
survived in them.

I think that this debate over the language of instruction can be resolved
only by focusing on the courses taught. As mentioned above, teachers in
Jundishapur taught such courses as logic, philosophy, medicine, geometry,
and pharmacology. In the medical classes, Hippocrates’ and Galenos’ books
were usually taught. Though some of their books were translated into Syriac
and Pahlawi, others remained in their original Greek. This fact raises the
possibility that students studied the original Greek texts. Many people in
Jundishapur knew at least some Greek, because it had been used in the city
from the beginning of the Sassanid period. This view is supported by the fact
that Greek was used in inscriptions that have been dated to the time of
Ardashir, the founder of the Sassanid dynasty.57

The city’s demography shows that many members of the elite were
acquainted with Greek culture and language.58 Given this fact, we can say
that the Jundishapur medical school’s language of instruction was mainly
Greek. Besides, the fact that many medical books were translated from
Greek into Syriac at the time of Khusraw I – Jundishapur’s teachers were
also among the translators – demonstrates a serious demand for Syriac-
language textbooks. This means that Syriac might have been used in some
sections of the school. Most probably, those students who knew Greek stud-
ied the above books in the original Greek, while everyone else used the
Syriac translations. As for Pahlawi, we can say that it was possibly used
mainly in pharmacology, for the books in this field were either composed
in or translated into Pahlawi. 

In conclusion, the language of instruction at the Jundishapur school
seems to have depended upon which field one was studying. For example,
medical education was offered largely in Greek but occasionally in Syriac.
Relying upon the abundance of Pahlawi words in the later Arabic transla-
tions of pharmacological texts, one can safely say that Pahlawi was used
especially in pharmacology.59

THE STUDENTS. We have no information about the exact identity of
Jundishapur’s students or of their number and living conditions. However,
we do have some information about these matters in the Nusaybin school,
a contemporary of Jundishapur. We think that this information can be
applied to Jundishapur, because this school was founded by the very teach-
ers who were expelled from Edessa and then settled in Jundishapur.60

10 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:2



Hussein Sultanzade informs us that there were about 800 students, that
they had to obey certain rules, that they had to obtain permission to go any-
where, that the courses lasted all day, that the students lived in small cells
in groups of ten, and, finally, that the program of education lasted for 3
years.61 Taking this information into account, we can accept Nakhai’s claim
that the school accommodated approximately 5,000 students from many
lands. The fact that the students accompanied their teachers on patient vis-
its62 demonstrates that the student dormitories were near, or next to, the
bimaristan and that they interacted with the patients while pursuing their
theoretical studies. Some sources say that the students took care of the
patients by turn. Thus, there seems to have been a rotation system similar
to the one we see today in modern hospitals. All of this means that the stu-
dents practiced what they learned in the classroom. 

We ought to touch on the claims made by Edward Browne, who
uncritically accepts Qifti’s information. Relying upon Yuhanna bin
Masawayh’s dismissal of Hunayn bin Ishaq from the Baghdad bimaristan,
Browne asserts that Jundishapur’s scholars avoided imparting their med-
ical knowledge to foreigners.63 But one can hardly derive such a conclu-
sion from Ibn Abi Usaybi`a’s account or the quotation provided by
Browne himself. On the contrary, even though Hunayn was from Hira, he
was allowed to enter the bimaristan, where he worked as a pharmacist and
attended Ibn Masawayh’s classes. This invalidates the above-mentioned
claim. 

However, Hunayn was not an ordinary student. His inquisitive char-
acter and unceasing questions finally disturbed Yuhanna so much that he
told Hunayn to stop studying medical science and, like other Hirans,
attach himself to the trade of precious stones. But this should be consid-
ered nothing more than an angry statement, for the Jundishapur school
trained many foreigners, among them Harith bin Kalada al-Thaqafi.
Harith, a pagan Arab from Ta’if, spent many years in Jundishapur study-
ing medical sciences and eventually established himself as a skillful
physician. As a result, he was allowed to enter the court of Emperor
Khusraw Parwiz. 

If the people of Jundishapur had taken a hostile attitude toward for-
eigners, why would they have allowed Harith to stay with them? In addi-
tion, although Hunayn was not originally from Jundishapur, he was a
Syriac Christian. It is known that the Syriacs supported each other, as is
common with ethnic minorities even today. In addition, Ibn Abi Usaybi`a’s
words regarding Hunayn’s biography that the people of Jundishapur

Söylemez: The Jundishapur School 11



refused to teach their medical arts especially to the merchants hints that this
was a special situation.64 In spite of this all, Browne reckons Hunayn to be
one of Jundishapur’s translators.65 This also demonstrates the invalidity of
such a claim.

The city’s spirit of scientific liberty is also seen in the fact that many
Nestorian Christians, Mazdakite Iranians, and Hindu or Buddhist Indians
studied together peacefully. This indicates that the students did not study
theology, and that their professors treated them equally, regardless of their
ethnic or religious background. In this respect, we can say that the
Jundishapur school, despite its being 1,500 years old, could compete with
modern institutions of education. 

EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES. Those students who completed the 3-year
medical program had to take a comprehensive examination before they
graduated. Those who passed it were given the certificate that attested to
their qualifications to work as physicians throughout the land.66 Muham-
madi says that this qualifying examination was quite difficult and that only
the most competent candidates could pass it.67 As al-Razi reported, the
Jundishapur hospital system was adopted and preserved by other institu-
tions in the Muslim world. According to his accounts, the qualifying exam-
ination was twofold. The candidate was first tested on the preliminary sci-
ences (e.g., the importance of surgery and human physiology knowledge,
logic [syllogisms in particular], and literature). If he passed this text, he was
then tested on the knowledge of the field in which he had specialized.68

All physicians who had graduated from the Jundishapur school were
well-respected by both the Sassanid rulers and the subsequent Muslim
rulers. Given this, they were in high demand by both groups and served
mostly as imperial doctors.69

The Pharmacology Laboratory
The school also featured a pharmacology laboratory. Ibn Masawayh, one of
the school’s leading pharmacists, is practically the only person who wrote
anything about this section. Under the `Abbasids, he was brought to the
Baghdad bimaristan to direct its pharmacology laboratory.70 The handbooks
(vade mecum) related to medicine are important proofs of the high level of
knowledge and competence attained by the pharmacologists. Composed by
the physicians of Jundishapur themselves, these books were known as
akrabazin in the medical literature of that time. They have been used for

12 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:2



centuries as reference books in the various bimaristans and pharmacies in
the Muslim world.71

Dar al-`Ilm (The House of Knowledge) or
Dar al-Tarjamah (The House of Translation)
As pointed out above, the Jundishapur school also contained a section that
devoted itself to translation. Known as the dar al-`ilm in the late sources, it
was adjacent to the bimaristan. In fact, many translators also were physi-
cians in the bimaristan.

The information provided by Ibn al-Nadim confirms that the translation
movement begun under the Sassanids was not confined to the scientific
activities conducted at Jundishapur – especially in later times. He relates that
Ardashir and his son Shahpur I sent officials to India, Byzantium, and Syria
to acquire books that would later be translated into Pahlawi. Given that these
accounts are accurate, this movement goes back to ancient times.72 Al-
Mas`udi calls attention to this matter and concludes, as do I, that the views
of Aristotle and Plato were popular mainly because of these translations.73

Despite these earlier Pahlawi translations and the exclusive use of
Pahlawi in all state correspondence and Mazdakist scriptures until
Khusraw I, Pahlawi could not become a language of science. Later on,
however, the Nestorian church made a huge contribution to Pahlawi’s
transformation into a literary language. It seems that the Nestorian church,
which had a well-organized network throughout the empire, attached great
importance to Pahlawi and tried to make the clergy learn it. Of course, this
was part of their investment in Christian missionary activities. Some
records from that time prove that Pahlawi developed into the religious lan-
guage of the Nestorian church, which operated throughout a vast territory
that extended into southern India.74 Thanks to its efforts, Pahlawi became
such a rich and developed language that it could express complex ideas
and be used to write scientific books. Arabic also became a language of
science due to the Nestorians’ efforts. Given this, it should be no surprise
that these Christians produced the first Arabic translations of Pahlawi
texts. In addition, they were the first ones to coin technical terms and use
them in Arabic. 

It may be claimed that the Nestorians engaged in this activity to further
their missionary prospects. Or, perhaps they did this in an attempt to defend
the Christians scattered all over the Muslim world and to ensure an envi-
ronment in which they were free to live and practice their faith. After the

Söylemez: The Jundishapur School 13



Sassanid Empire collapsed and Mazdakism was replaced by Islam,
Pahlawi, the Sassanid language of religion and science, was replaced by
Arabic, the language of Islam and Islamic science. In the Islamic era, noth-
ing was really written in Pahlawi, and Pahlawi texts were seldom pre-
served. Therefore, only Arabic translations of these texts, which are quite
poor, have survived until our own time.

During Pahlawi’s period as a language of science, many books were
translated into it. Almost every researcher in this field, especially Ulmann,
places special emphasis on this issue and says that most of the translations
made during Khusraw I’s reign were related to medicine and philosophy.75
However, they offer no satisfying information about the translators’ names.
Of these translations, Ulmann cites the following ones: Cassianus Bassus
Scholasticus’ (sixth century AD) books on agriculture, Vettius Valens’ (sec-
ond century AD) books on astrology, Ptolemy’s Al-Majist, and Galenos’ Peri
Antemballomenon (Adab al-Adwiyah [The Ways of Preparing Medicines]).76

Translations from Sanskrit also appeared during this period, among
them Shanak’s Kitab al-Sumum (The Book of Poisons), which was trans-
lated into Pahlawi with the aid of Abu Hatim al-Balkhi. Afterwards, the
same book was translated into Arabic through the intermediacy of `Abbas
bin Sa`id al-Jawhari. This book, which explains medicines and poisons,
was published much later as Kitab al-Shanak fi Sumum wa al-Tiryaq (The
Book of Shanak on Poisons and Medicines), together with its German
translation (Berlin: 1934).77

The Library
According to Sultanzade, the Jundishapur school’s library contained thou-
sands of books written in different languages. Both students and teachers
used these books,78 some of which were brought to the library by the
Neoplatonist philosophers who moved from Urfa (Rakha) to Jundishapur
after their own academy was closed. Muhammadi notes that some of the
translations made at the time of Khusraw I were quoted from these books.
In addition, they were used as reference books in education.79

In addition to the clerks who maintained and took care of the books, a
class of scribes (koshtah daftaran) was entrusted with copying books on
medicine, astronomy, and philosophy. In his Mu`jam al-Buldan, Yaqut al-
Hamawi says that the city of Rayshahr was known for its book copiers.80 As
Muhammadi points out, these scribes most likely had some kind of rela-
tionship with the Jundishapur school and its library, because Rayshahr was

14 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:2



located in Khuzistan (viz., near Jundishapur).81 Rayshahr was probably cho-
sen to perform this task because it produced paper or papyrus.

Finally, we note that many of the library’s books were taken to Baghdad
after its bayt al-hikmah (House of Wisdom) was established, and that the
scholars working there relied upon them heavily for their first translations. 

The Observatory
The school’s observatory82 functioned not only as a place for observing
astral bodies, but also as a place where astronomy and mathematics were
taught.83 Although it was established as a continuation of the dar al-ta`lim
(House of Education), it fulfilled a greater function and strongly influenced
later astronomical research.84 For example, Wajizak, a book on astronomy
that was composed by Bozorgmahr, Emperor Khusraw I’s vizier, was avail-
able during the Islamic era. Another one of his books, Kitab fi Masa’il al-
Zic (The Book on the Matters of Zigzag), was used as a textbook in
Isfahan’s schools even under the Safavids.85 But we cannot say the same for
research conducted by the Alexandria school. 

Above all, the Jundishapur observatory collaborated with the Baghdad
observatory, which had been modeled after it, and with the observatory
located on top of Mount Qasiyum in Damascus. The zigzags were drawn
by relying upon the measurements made in each of these three observato-
ries.86 We should add that Abu Ma`shar Muhammad bin Ja`far al-Balkhi,
one of the most famous Muslim astrophysicists, drew his zigzags87 by rely-
ing upon the measurements made in the Jundishapur school.88

The Graduates of Jundishapur in Baghdad
The interaction between Baghdad and Jundishapur dates back to the estab-
lishment of the `Abbasid dynasty. As related by the sources, in 765 the
`Abbasid caliph al-Mansur was afflicted with a stomach illness. He asked
Rabi`, his vizier and court secretary, to summon the court physicians. When
they failed to cure him, he ordered them to find a more skilled physician.
Upon being informed that Curcis, the dorostbed of Jundishapur’s medical
school, was the most skilled doctor of that time, al-Mansur summoned him
to Baghdad. At first, this well-known physician did not want to go; how-
ever, he could not resist the insistence of Jundishapur’s luminaries, includ-
ing that of the governor and the archbishop.89 He eventually went to
Baghdad, accompanied by his students Ibrahim and `Isa bin Shahla, who
stayed there permanently as court physicians.90

Söylemez: The Jundishapur School 15



This event led to the creation of a strong relationship between
Jundishapur and Baghdad, as well as to the transmission of Jundishapur’s
centuries-long medical tradition to Baghdad. The achievements of
Jundishapur’s scholars contributed to the dissemination of its fame in
Baghdad. For example, in 810, Harun al-Rashid decided to establish a hos-
pital in Baghdad modeled after that of Jundishapur. Jabrail bin Buhtishu`,
who was then serving as a head doctor in the hospital, was put in charge of
this task. In addition to establishing this new hospital,91 Jabrail imported
doctors, teachers, and pharmacologists from Jundishapur and put them to
work.92 He installed Dahishtak, a professor in Jundishapur’s medical
school, as manager of Baghdad’s medical school. However, Dahishtak
resigned after complaining about the hospital’s low budget, and was
replaced by his brother Mihail.93 But Mihail also resigned shortly thereafter
and returned with his elder brother to Jundishapur. Subsequently,
Masawayh, father of the famous philosopher Yuhanna bin Masawayh, was
appointed head doctor. 

Undoubtedly, Jundishapur’s scholars made a significant contribution to
the blossoming of technical and philosophical sciences in the Muslim
world. For example, in order to transmit Pahlawi, Indian, and classical
Greek scholarship and culture to the Muslim world, they established a bayt
al-hikmah near the Baghdad hospital and modeled it after Jundishapur’s
dar al-`ilm.94

In this institution, many scholars, both professors at Jundishapur and
their students, translated works into Arabic. For example, al-Mansur’s court
physician Curcis translated Pahlawi, Syriac, and Greek books into Arabic.95
Max Mayerhof notes that these translations were done not only by those
Jundishapur scholars who settled in Baghdad, but also by those who
remained in Jundishapur. He further claims that members of the latter group
produced the earliest translations.96

In addition to translating numerous works, these scholars also taught
and trained students. The most important and largest teaching sessions
established by Jundishapur’s scholars was that of Yuhanna bin Masawayh.
Some of his students, among them Thabit bin Qurra, Kusta bin Luka,
Hunayn bin Ishaq, Ishaq bin Hunayn, and Hajjaj bin Yusuf bin Matar, later
became known as the first Muslim philosophers. Most of these students,
who were from Harran, first mastered Greek and Syriac and then started to
translate Hippocrates’ and Galenos’ works into Arabic. No doubt, these
translations provided a foundation for the development of Muslim philoso-
phy and medical science. 

16 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:2



The scholars of the Jundishapur school established a bayt al-hikmah
and managed it for many years. They assigned the books to be translated
and completed a sizeable amount of the work by themselves. While carry-
ing out this task, they benefited a great deal from the tradition of translation
started by Khusraw I , the wise Sassanid ruler. Some of the texts that were
to be translated into Arabic had already been translated into Pahlawi and
Syriac by Sassanid scholars. The existence of numerous Pahlawi books in
the bayt al-hikmah’s library can be explained by the translation activities
led by Khusraw I.97 In addition, the fact that the Barmaki family of Daylam,
which was seriously interested in Greek philosophy and science, seized
control of Baghdad boosted the engagement of Jundishapur’s scholars in
translating books dealing with the positive sciences into Arabic.98

In addition to their services in translating books on medicine, pharma-
cology, philosophy, and logic, Jundishapur’s scholars made a significant
contribution to the development of medical sciences by writing innovative
medical books. For example, such works as Curcis’ Kitab al-Kunash, ̀ Isa bin
Chaharbakht’s Quwa al-Adwiyah al-Mufradah, and Shahpur bin Sahl’s Al-
Akrabazin (considered the first encyclopedia of medical science and phar-
macology) enjoyed a long usage as reference books in the Muslim world’s
medical schools and pharmacies. Yuhanna bin Masawayh’s Nawadir al-
Tibbiyah was used as a textbook for centuries.99 Moreover, his Dagha al-
`Ayn, which deals with diseases of the eye, served as a source for later stud-
ies.100 In addition, if they had the economic means to do so, the doctors of
Jundishapur hired scholars to translate medical books for them.

Among the active translators and sponsors of translators were the fol-
lowing people:

• Shirashu` bin Kutrub hired translators who worked in Baghdad’s
bayt al-hikmah. For instance, he requested Hunayn bin Ishaq to
translate Galenos’ Fi al-Firaq, a book that discusses the different
views about the subject of “genus.”101

• Yuhanna bin Masawayh hired Hunayn to translate the following
Greek books into Syriac: Fi al-Izam,102 Fi Nadb,103 Fi al-Buhran,104
Kitab fi ma Waqa`a min al-Ikhtilaf fi al-Tashrih,105 Kitab fi Tashrih
Alat al-Sawt,106 Kitab fi Tashrih al-`Ayn,107 Kitab fi Harakat al-
Sadr,108 Kitab fi al-Sawt,109 Kitab fi al-Adwiyah al-Mufradah,110 and
Kitab fi al-Akhlaq.111

• Yahya bin Masawayh, who translated Kitab fi Tartib al-Adwiyah.112

Söylemez: The Jundishapur School 17



• Hunayn, who translated Galenos’ Fi al-Istiqsat `ala Ra’i Bukrat
into Syriac at Buhtishu` bin Jabrail’s request.113 He also translated Fi
Quwa al-Tabi`iyah,114 Fi `Ilal wa Fi Ta`rif `Ilal al-A`da’ al-Batin-
iyah,116 Fi al-Imtila’,117 Kitab fi Marat al-Sawda’,118 Kitab fi Afkar
Aristotales fi Mudawat al-Amrad,119 Kitab fi Tadbir al-Amrad al-
Haddat `ala Ra’i al-Bukrat,120 Kitab fi al-Hillat li Hifz al-Sihha,121
Tafsir Galenos li Kitab al-Fusul,122 Kitab fi Tajrubah al-Tibbiyah,123
Kitab fi Mihnet Afdal al-Atibba’,124 and Kayfa Yata`arraf al-Insan
Dhunubahu wa `Uyubahu.125

• Jabrail bin Buhtishu`, who translated Fi al-Nadb,126 Fi Asnaf al-
Hamiyat,127 and Fi `Ilaj al-Tashrih.128

• Yuhanna bin Buhtishu`: Of these translations, Hunayn mentions
Kitab fi Adwiyat al-Muqabilat li al-Adwa’.129

As pointed out earlier, the Jundishapur school consisted of several sec-
tions. Likewise, Baghdad’s bayt al-hikmah complex, which was built on
the Jundishapur model, also consisted of several sections. Most likely, the
medical section was included in the complex.130 The fact that the bayt al-
hikmah and the Baghdad hospital were administered by Jundishapur-
trained scholars makes this assumption quite likely. Likewise, Jabrail and
Yuhanna were the managers of both the bayt al-hikmah and the hospital.
So, we can infer that although these two institutions were not the same,
they were built within close proximity of each other. 

The teachers at the Jundishapur school were well compensated by the
`Abbasid rulers. For instance, Jabrail bin Buhtishu` was paid 10,000
dirhams per month, was provided with paper and cloth, and was given a
considerable amount of good-quality textiles. In addition, he received an
additional 50,000 dirhams per year at the beginning of Lent and was given
special gifts on Christian holy days.131

In his article, which seems to have been written without seeing Ibn Abi
Usaybi`a’s `Uyun al-Anba’ (one of the most important reference books in
the history of Islamic medical science), A. Habib Khan notes that the
`Abbasid caliphs invested huge amounts of money in the medical sciences.
However, he states that the head doctors received a salary of only 1,000
dinars per year.132 Yet, as stated above, Ibn Abi Usaybi`a relates that the
doctors, especially the head doctors, were paid far more than that. In addi-
tion, although the title of Khan’s article is “Early Hospitals in [the] Muslim
World,” the author provides no information about the first medical school
that the Jundishapur doctors set up during the reign of Harun al-Rashid,

18 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:2



and only traces Muslim medical science back to the early years of Islam.133
In contrast to this claim, the sources are almost in complete agreement that
if the hospital set up by Walid in Damascus is exempted, the earliest
Muslim medical school was founded in Baghdad by the famous doctor
Jabrail bin Buhtishu` at the request of Harun al-Rashid. 

Conclusion
To sum up, the story of Jundishapur began with the battle in which the Sas-
sanids defeated the Romans and captured Valerianus, the Roman emperor,
and many of his soldiers. The founder of Jundishapur, Shahpur I, settled
them, along with Antiochan migrants and refugees, in Jundishapur. This
marks the beginning of the city’s intellectual flourishing. The Neoplatonist
philosophers who came later revived and reconstructed Jundishapur’s edu-
cation and research institutions and made an important contribution to its
becoming a regional intellectual center. 

Consisting of five sections (viz., a hospital, a house of translation, a
library, a pharmacology laboratory, and an observatory), the Jundishapur
school preferred knowledge and virtue over everything else. As a result, it
fulfilled an important mission by extending and developing scientific
knowledge, which is part of humanity’s shared heritage. Even after
Baghdad’s establishment, its teachers continued to settle in Baghdad.
Although their continued immigration led to Jundishapur’s decline and
eventual disappearance, its accumulated knowledge and experience con-
tinued to flourish in Baghdad. In addition, this brain drain from Jundisha-
pur boosted the rise and development of Muslim philosophy.

Endnotes

1. For further information on the foundation of Jundishapur and its first inhabi-
tants, see Mehmet Mahfuz Söylemez, Bilimin Yitik Sehri Cündisapur
(Jundishapur: The Lost City of Science) (Ankara: Arastirma Yayinlari, 2003),
24-28, 43-55.

2. Edward G. Browne, Tibb-i Islami, trans. into Farsi by Mas`ud Rajabniya
(Tehran: 1351 AH), 53; Mahmud Najmabadi, Ta’rikh-i Tib der Islam – pes ez
– (al-Zuhur-i Islam ta Hamlah Moghol) (Tehran: Tehran University Press,
1375 AH), 50; Muhammad Muhammadi, Farhang-i Irani pish az Islam wa
Athar-i an dar Tamaddun-i Islami wa Adabiyyat-i `Arabi (Tehran: 1374 AH),
231; Badiullah Debirnejad, “Jundishapur der celesat-i munazare-i danish-
mendan,” Honer ve Mardum (Tehran: 1351/1972), 119-20:8.

Söylemez: The Jundishapur School 19



3. Ali Sami, “Gundashapur,” Honer ve Mardum (Tehran: 1349/1970), 90:10;
Husayn Karacanlu, “Jundishapur,” Dairetu’l-Ma’arfi-i Tashayu’ (Tehran:
1375 AH): 5:474.

4. See Muhammed Yahya Hashimi, “Davru Jundishapur fi sakafat al-
`Arabiyah,” Al-Dirasat al-Adabiyah (Beirut) 2, no. 2 (spring 1960): 190.

5. See Hussein `Ali Mumtahin, “Nahdat-i `Ilmi wa Adabiyi Irani dar Ruzigar-i
Kusraw Anushirwan,” Barrasihay-i Ta’rikhi (Tehran) 10, no. 56 (Farwardin-
Ordibahisht 1354 AH): 136.

6. See Hussein Nakhai, “Pishine-i Ta’rikh-i Shahr-i Gondi Shapur,” Berresiha-i
Ta’rikhi (Tehran) 16, no. 2 (June-July 1978): 1. Al-Tabari claims that Shahpur
besieged and conquered Antioch shortly after Nusaybin and took the Roman
emperor captive there. Afterwards, he took the emperor and the other captives
to the newly founded city of Jundishapur and settled them there. However, al-
Tabari does not relate the number of prisoners. Consult Al-Tabari, Ta’rikh al-
Rusul wa al-Muluk (Beirut: 1987), 2:140.

7. Ibn Athir relates that when Shahpur conquered Antioch, the Roman emperor
was there and taken captive. Then, he and most of the city’s residents were
deported to Jundishapur. See Ibn Athir, Al-Kamil fi Ta’rikh, translated into
Turkish by Ahmet Agirakça (Istanbul: 1991), 1:351. However, in fact,
Valierianus was captured during the battle that took place near Urfa. So,
Antioch was conquered by Shapur I after Valerianus had been taken prisoner. 

8. See Muhammad Muhammedi, “The University of Jundishapur,” Journal of
the Regional Cultural Institute (Beirut) 2, no. 3 (1969): 157.

9. See Henry Corbin, Islam Felsefesi Tarihi – Baslangiçtan Ibn Rüsd’ün
Ölümüne Kadar, trans. into Turkish and notes added by Hüseyin Hatemi
(Istanbul: 1994), 51.

10. See Max Mayerhof, Islam Medeniyeti Tarihinde Fen ve Tip, trans. into
Turkish by Ömer Riza Dogrul (Istanbul: 1935), 7-8; Sami, “Gundasapur,” 7;
Muhammedi, “The University of Jundishapur,” 157.

11. See Hashimi, “Davru Jundishapur,” 189.
12. Najmabadi, Ta’rikh-i Tib, 66.
13. For more information, see Muhammedi, “The University of Jundishapur,”

154; Seyyed Hussein Nasr, Science and Civilization in Islam (Cambridge:
1987), 189.

14. See Najmabadi, Ta’rikh-i Tib, 66.
15. Ibid., 70; Sami, “Gundashapur,” 8.
16. Ibn al-Bashari al-Maqdisi, Ahsan al-Taqasim, ed. by Muhammad Mahzumi

(Beirut: 1987), 310.
17. See Ibn Hawqal, Surat al-Ard (Beirut: n.d.), 230.
18. See Ibn Abi Usaybi`a (d. 668/1268), `Uyun al-Anba’ fi Tabaqat al-Atibba’,

ed. by Nizar Rida (Beirut: n.d.), 283.
19. See Dinawari, Akhbar al-Tiwal (Cairo: 1960), 46.
20. See Nakhai, “Pishine-i Ta’rikh-i,” 140.

20 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:2



21. See G. Le Strange, Cografya aI-Tarikhi serzeminhayi khilafati tarikhi, trans.
into Farsi by Mahmud Irfan (Tehran: 1337/1959), 258.

22. Al-Maqdisi, Ahsan al-Taqasim, 321.
23. See Manfred Ulmann, Islamic Surveys II (Edinburgh: 1978), 17.
24. Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist (Egypt: n.d.), 422; Dhabihullah Safa’, Ta’rikh-i `Ulum-i

`Aqli der Tamaddun-i Islami (Tehran: 1329 AH), 22; Najmabadi, Ta’rikh-i Tib,
72.

25. For further information, see Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 421; Najmabadi, Ta’rikh-i
Tib, 72.

26. Sarton bases his claim on the information that the famous Greek doctor of
Shahpur II, Théodosius, taught medical sciences in Jundishapur. See Muham-
medi, “The University of Jundishapur,” 154.

27. See Nasr, Science and Civilization, 189.
28. See Nakhai, “Pishine-i Ta’rikh-i,” 143.
29. Mehmet Bayraktar says that these scholars left Athens for Jundishapur in 529

and returned to Athens in 533. Thus, they spent around 4 years in Jundishapur.
See Mehmet Bayraktar, Islam Felsefesine Giris (Introduction to Islamic
Philosophy) (Ankara: 1988), 40.

30. One of Damascius’ works, which he composed during his stay in the East, has
survived until today. See Mumtahin, “Anushirwan,” 139.

31. This book was translated into Latin as Prician Philosophi Solutions corum de
quibus dubtavit chostrotes persarum at an unknown date. A copy of this trans-
lation is recorded under number 1314, found among the Latin collections in
the Paris Saint-German Library. This work was also published as
Dubitationes et Solutiones (Paris: 1890).

32. Najmabadi, Ta’rikh-i Tib, 74.
33. Hussein Sultanzade, Ta’rikh-i Madaris-i Iran ez Ahda Bastan ta Ta’sis-i

Dar al-Funun (Tehran: 1364 AH), 31; Muhammad Muhammadi, Farhang-i
Irani pish az Islam wa Athar-i an dar Tamaddun-i Islami wa Adabiyyat-i
`Arabi (Tehran: 1374 AH), 234. This custom was preserved in the Baghdad
bimaristan, which periodically held medical and philosophical conferences.
Nahide Bozkurt says that these conferences were held once a week during
Ma’mun’s reign. See Nahide Bozkurt, Mutezile’nin Altin Çagi – Me’mun
Dönemi (The Golden Age of the Mutazilites: The Period of al-Ma’mun)
(Ankara: 2002), 121.

34. For more information on Nadr bin Harith, see Ibn Qutayba, Al-Ma`arif, ed.
by Tharwat `Uqqasha (Egypt: 1992), 288; Ibn Abi Usaybi`a, `Uyun al-Anba’,
161.

35. See Ibn Abi Usaybi`a, `Uyun al-Anba’, 167; Browne, Tibb-i Islami, 43;
Ahmad `Isa Beg, Ta’rikh Bimaristanat fi al-Islam (Dar al-Ra’id al-`Arabi),
(Beirut: 1981), 63.

36. See Jawad `Ali, Al-Mufassal fi Ta’rikh al-`Arab qabla al-Islam, vols. 1-9
(Baghdad: 1993), 8:320. 

Söylemez: The Jundishapur School 21



37. See Qifti, Jamal al-Din Abu al-Hassan `Ali bin al-Qadi Yusuf, Kitab Akhbar
al-`Ulama’ bi Akhbar al-Hukama’ (Egypt: 1326 AH), 111; Ibn Abi Usaybi`a,
`Uyun al-Anba’, 161.

38. The actual conquest of Jundishapur is an interesting story: After conquering
Sus, Abu Sabra led his army toward Jundishapur and surrounded the city.
During the barricade, the city gates were suddenly opened and the people of
the city, as if nothing extraordinary was happening, went about their daily
activities. The people soon informed the bewildered Muslim soldiers that they
had been given protection. But the army’s commanders told the people that
they did not give such protection. The people then brought to the commanders
an arrow, which had been shot to the city from the Muslim front, upon which
was written that they had been given protection. The commanders denied any
knowledge of this arrow and avoided giving them protection, despite the peo-
ple’s insistence upon the truth of their story. After an investigation, the Muslim
commanders discovered that the arrow had been shot by Mukaththaf, a
Muslim slave. They then claimed that any protection given by a slave was
meaningless. However, the people insisted that they had had no knowledge of
whether the arrow had been shot by a slave or a master. Moreover, since the
Muslims had extended their protection, they had to honor their promise. After
discussing the problem, the Muslim commanders decided to inform Caliph
`Umar of the situation. Upon being informed of this event, the caliph ruled:
“The slaves of the Muslims are included in themselves.” This established that
protection, even if given by a slave, binds all Muslims. For more information,
see Ibn al-Jawzi, Al-Muntazam fi Tawarikh al-Muluk wa al-Umam, 12 vols.,
ed. by Suhayl Zakkar (Beirut: 1995), 147; Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi al-Ta’rikh
(trans. into Turkish by Ahmet Agiracka) (Istanbul, 1991): 2:505-06; Yaqut,
Mu`jam al-Buldan, 2:171; Himyari, 173-74.

39. See T. J. De Boer, The History of Philosophy in Islam, trans. into English by
Edward R. Jones (New Delhi: 1983).

40. For further information, see `Isa Beg, Ta’rikh Bimaristanat, 63.
41. For more information on the scholars from Jundishapur who worked in

Baghdad, see Söylemez, Bilimin Yitik, 108-28.
42. See Muhammedi, “The University of Jundishapur,” 154.
43. Najmabadi relates that these doctors always came together to discuss dis-

eases. See Najmabadi, Ta’rikh-i Tib, 90.
44. See Nurullah Kisai, “Adab wa Amuzash-i Pazashki der Iran-i Islami,”

Majalla-i Maqalat wa Barrasihayi Danishgah-i Tehran Danishgada-i
Ilahiyat wa Ma`arif-i Islami (Tehran), nos. 49-50 (1369/1411): 103.

45. See Sultanzade, Ta’rikh-i Madaris-i Iran, 33.
46. In geometry, the main textbook was Euclid’s book, which was later translated

into Arabic as Usul al-Handasah.
47. In the logic class, principally Aristotelian logic was taught. Aristotle’s book

of logic was translated into Pahlawi during the Sassanid period, and the first
Arabic translation was made from this Pahlawi translation.

22 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:2



48. See Nicholas Rescher, The Development of Arabic Logic (Pittsburgh:
University of Pittsburgh Press, 1964), 16-17.

49. See Suleiman Kataya, “Al-Ta`lim al-Tibbi `inda al-`Arab,” Al-Bahith (Paris),
nos. 4-5 (1979): 118.

50. Ibn Sina’, who was also a physician, says the following about logic: “That is
because logic is a tool that prevents our mind from falling into error while
attaining the true conviction (i`tiqad-i haqq) by giving the reasons and meth-
ods in our conceptions and confirmations. … Except being supported by God,
human nature cannot dispense with the help of this tool in making progress.”
Ibn Sina’, Al-Najat, 3 and 5; Mesut Okumus, Kur’an’in Felsefi Okunusu: Ibn
Sina Örnegi (The Philosophical Reading of the Qur’an: The Case of Ibn
Sina’), (unpublished study, Çorum [2003], 30).

51. This treatise, considered to be very important, was translated into Arabic sev-
eral times during the early `Abbasid period. First, Ayyub al-Rakhawi trans-
lated it into Syriac, and then Hunayn bin Ishaq retranslated it into Syriac for
his son. Later on, he translated it into Arabic for Ishaq bin Sulayman. At rough-
ly the same time, `Isa bin Yahya also translated it into Arabic. More recently,
Mahdi al-Muhaqqaq translated it into modern Farsi and published it as Mutun
wa Maqalat der Pazashkiyi Islami (Tehran: 1995). For Galenos’ views on this
subject, see Nübahat Türker-Küyel, “Bilimin Felsefeye Dayandigi görüsü ve
Galenos” (“Galenos and the View That Science Relies upon Philosophy”),
Türkiye I: Felsefe, Mantik, Bilim Tarihi Sempozyumu Bildirileri, ed. by Kenan
Gürsoy-Alparslan Açikgenç (Istanbul: 1991), 301.

52. Browne, Tibb-i Islami, 56; Najmabadi, Ta’rikh-i Tib, 73.
53. See `Isa Beg, Ta’rikh Bimaristanat, 62.
54. See `Ali Sami, “Gundashapur,” Hunar wa Mardum (Tehran), no. 90,

(1349/1970): 7.
55. Najmabadi, Ta’rikh-i Tib, 73.
56. Sami, “Gundashapur,” 7.
57. For more information on these inscriptions, see Söylemez, Bilimin Yitik, 25-28.
58. Jundishapur did not have a homogenous population, a feature that eventually

made it famous. Almost all of its inhabitants were multilingual. In addition to
Pahlawi (the official language), Greek and Syriac were used as literary lan-
guages. We should also mention Lurian, Hebrew, and Khuzian. The city’s
polyglot population coexisted and interacted peacefully, and made their city
a unique center of culture and science. See Söylemez, Bilimin Yitik, 43ff.

59. See Browne, Tibb-i Islami, 55
60. See Sami, “Gundashapur,” 7.
61. See Sultanzade, Ta’rikh-i Madaris-i Iran, 33.
62. See Kisai, “Adab wa Amuzash-i Pazashki,” 107.
63. See Browne, Tibb-i Islami, 57. Qifti is the source of this information, used by

Browne, for Qifti said that the doctors of Jundishapur reveal their knowledge
to no one who is not one of them.

Söylemez: The Jundishapur School 23



64. For further information, see Ibn Juljul, Abu Dawud Suleiman bin Hassan al-
Andalusi (d. 377), Tabaqat al-Atibba’ wa al-Hukama’ (together with Ishaq
bin Hunayn’s Ta’rikh al-Atibba’ wa al-Falasifah), ed. by Fuad Seyyed
(Beirut: 1985), 54; Ibn Abi Usaybi`a, `Uyun al-Anba’, 258.

65. See Browne, Tibb-i Islami, 59; Bernard Lewis also considers Hunayn to be a
Christian doctor of Jundishapur. See his Tarihte Araplar, trans. into Turkish
by Hakki Dursun Yildiz (Istanbul: 2000), 184.

66. See Sultanzade, Ta’rikh-i Madaris-i Iran, 32.
67. See Muhammadi, Farhang, 233.
68. For further information, see Kataye, “Al-Ta`lim al-Tibbi,” 120.
69. The doctors of Jundishapur enjoyed great prestige, particularly under the

`Abbasid dynasty. For example, see al-Jahiz, Al-Bukhala’, ed. by Taha al-
Hajiri (Cairo: n.d.), 102. 

70. See Söylemez, Bilimin Yitik, 119.
71. Ibid., 118-19.
72. Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 333-34; and see Ismail Hakki Izmirli, Islam’da Felsefe

Akimlari (Istanbul: 1995), 62; Safa, `Ulum-i `Aqli, 17; Bozkurt, Mutezile’nin
Altin Çagi, 116; Nurullah Kisai, “Iran,” Diyanet Islam Ansiklopedisi (DIA)
(Istanbul: 2000), 22:427-28.

73. See Mesudi, Abu al-Hasan Ali bin al-Hasan bin Ali (d. 346/957), Murucu’z-
zeheb ve me’adinu al-cevher, 4 vols. (Qom: 1984), 1:210.

74. For more information on these records, see `Ali Asghar Hikmat, Naqsh-i Parsi
ber Ahjar-i Hind, 9-10; Muhammed Muhammedi “How The Pre-Islamic
Literature Passed to the Arabs,” Berresihayi Tarih 27, no. 1 (Tehran 1396): 6.

75. For further information, see Ullman, Islamic Surveys II, 17.
76. Ibid., 17.
77. See Sami, “Gundashapur,” 9-10.
78. See Sultanzade, Ta’rikh-i Madaris-i Iran, 32.
79. See Muhammadi, Farhang, pp. 232-3.
80. See Yaqut al-Hamawi, Shihabuddin Abi `Abdillah bin `Abdillah (626/1229),

Mu`jam al-Buldan, 5 vols. (Beirut: 1979), 3:112-13.
81. See Muhammadi, Farhang, 238.
82. Noting that the measurement was made in the Jundishapur observatory, Philip

Hitti implies that this institution was not very developed. See Hitti, Islam
Tarihi, 1:572.

83. See Reynold A. Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arabs (Cambridge:
1965), 17; Muhammadi, “The Universty of Jundishapur,” 158.

84. Mumtahin, “Anushirwan,” 154.
85. Ibid., 156.
86. See Sigrid Hunke, Avrupa’nin Üzerine Dogan Islam Günesi, trans. into

Turkish by Servet Sezgin, (Istanbul: 1972), 98-99.
87. Zij, the Arabized version of the Pahlawi word zik, means “zigzag.” See Hitti,

Islam Tarihi, 1:570.

24 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:2



88. For further information, see Mumtahin, “Anushirwan,” 154-55.
89. Ibn Abi Usaybi`a, ̀ Uyun al-Anba’, 183; Sami, “Gundashapur,” 8; Najmabadi,

Ta’rikh-i Tib, 52-53. 
90. Ibn Abi Usaybi`a, `Uyun al-Anba’, 184
91. See Ziya Kazici, Islam Müesseseleri Tarihi (Istanbul: 1991), 243 and 257;

Arslan Terzioglu, “Bimaristan,” DIA (Istanbul) 6 (1992): 164.
92. Najmabadi, Ta’rikh-i Tib, 94. 
93. Muhammedi, “The Universty of Jundishapur,” 156-57.
94. Bayt al-Hikmah was designed after the model of the Jundishapur school. See

Bozkurt, Mutezile’nin Altin Çagi, 121.
95. See Safa, Ta’rikhi `Ulum-i `Aqli, 22-23; Muhammedi, “The University of

Jundishapur,” 156.
96. See Mayerhof, Islam Medeniyeti, 11.
97. See Abdulhusayn Zerinkub, Tarikh-i Iran ba`d az islam (Tehram: 1343 AH),

516.
98. For further information, see Hashimi, “Davru Jundishapur,” 191.
99. See Muhammedi, “The University of Jundishapur,” 162.
100. Ibid., 163.
101. This work was translated into Syriac by Ibn Shuhada’, a translator from

Karkh, before Hunayn. However, because it was a very poor translation,
Hunayn compared the Greek copies of the text and then translated it into
Syriac (at the request of Shirashu`) and then into Arabic (at the request of
Abu Ja`far Muhammad bin Musa). Hunayn bin Ishaq, Risala-i Hunayn,
217-18.

102. Sergios had already translated this work into Syriac. Hunayn rendered it into
Syriac along with his own notes and explanations. Hunayn also translated it
into Arabic for Abu Ja`far Muhammad bin Musa. Ibid., 220.

103. Ayyub al-Rahawi had already translated part of this book for Jabrail bin
Buhtishu`. Hunayn translated the full text into Syriac at the request of
Yuhanna bin Masawayh. Afterwards, Hunayn translated the first chapter into
Arabic for Muhammad bin Musa. Later on, Hubaysh completed the Arabic
translation drawing upon Hunayn’s Syriac translation. Ibid., 224.

104. This book was first translated by Sergios into Syriac and then Hunayn revised
it at the request of Yuhanna. Afterwards, he translated it into Arabic at the
request of Muhammad bin Musa. Ibid., 225.

105. At the request of Yuhanna, this work was translated into Syriac and then sum-
marized by Hunayn. Afterwards, Hubaysh (one of Hunayn’s students), trans-
lated it into Arabic. Ibid., 227.

106. This work was translated into Syriac in the pre-Islamic period. Afterwards, at
the request of Yuhanna, the translation was either revised or completely
redone. Ibid., 230.

107. Ayyub al-Rahawi had already translated this book into Syriac. However,
Yuhanna requested that it be retranslated into Syriac. Ibid., 230.

Söylemez: The Jundishapur School 25



108. Istaf bin Busayl translated Galenos’ work from its original Greek into Arabic.
Afterwards, at the request of Muhammad bin Musa, Hunayn revised the
Arabic text. Then, Yuhanna bin Masawayh asked Hubaysh to translate it from
Arabic into Syriac. Ibid., 231.

109. Vizier Muhammad bin `Abd al-Malik had this work translated from its orig-
inal Greek into Arabic. Later on, Yuhanna requested Hubaysh to translate it
into Syriac by relying upon his teacher’s Arabic translation. Ibid., 231.

110. Yusuf al-Khuzi translated the first chapter of this work into Syriac.
Afterwards, Ayyub al-Rahawi translated the full text. Hunayn then summa-
rized and translated it for Salamawayh. Then, at Yuhanna’s request, he revised
the text’s second chapter. Ahmad bin Musa asked him to translate the whole
text into Arabic. Ibid., 234.

111. Hunayn translated this work into Arabic at the request of Muhammad bin
Musa. Afterwards, Yuhanna had it translated into Syriac, while relying upon
Hunayn’s translation. Ibid., 252.

112. Sergios had already translated this work into Syriac. Afterwards, Hunayn
translated it into Syriac for Yahya bin Masawayh during the reign of Caliph
Mutawakkil. Afterwards, Hubaysh translated it into Arabic for Muhammad
bin Yahya. Ibid., 242.

113. Ibid., 221. 
114. Hunayn relates that he translated this from its original Greek when he was 17

years old and that this was his second translation. Ibid., 222.
115. Being translated twice into Syriac by Sergios, Hunayn translated it during his

youth for Buhtishu`. Afterwards, Abu al-Hasan `Ali bin Yahya had it trans-
lated into Arabic. Ibid., 222.

116. Sergios had already translated this work into Syriac twice, once for Teyador,
the archbishop of Karkh, and once for Yasu`. However, Hunayn retranslated
it because the earlier translations were so poor. Then, Hubaysh translated it
into Arabic. Ibid., 223.

117. Hunayn translated this work into Syriac for Buhtishu`. Later on, Stephanos
translated it into Arabic. Ibid., 234.

118. Ayyub al-Rahawi translated it from Greek into Syriac for Buhtishu`. Then,
Stafanos translated it into Arabic for Muhammad bin Musa. Ibid., 238.

119. Ishaq bin Hunayn bin Ishaq translated this book, as well as Aristotle’s views
on medicine, into Syriac for Buhtishu`. Ibid., 241.

120. Hunayn translated this work into Syriac for Buhtishu` and into Arabic for
Muhammad bin Musa. Ibid., 241.

121. Yusuf al-Rahawi first translated this work into Syriac. Hunayn states that this
book was retranslated due to the poor quality of the previous translation.
Afterwards, it was translated twice into Arabic, once by Hubaysh for Muham-
mad bin Musa, and once by Ishaq bin Hunayn for `Ali bin Yahya. Ibid., 243.

122. Ayyub al-Rahawi translated this work, then Hunayn, at the request of
Buhtishu`, revised it. Ibid., 244.

26 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22:2



123. Ibid., 249.
124. Ibid.
125. At the request of Buhtishu`, Hunayn commisioned Tuma al-Rahawi to trans-

late this work, after which he revised the text. Ibid., 251.
126. Ayyub al-Rahawi translated the first several chapters of Galenos’ book for

Jabrail bin Buhtishu`. Ibid., 224.
127. Having been previously translated by Sergios, Hunayn then translated it into

Syriac for Buhtishu`. Hunayn relates that this was the first translation he had
done, and that he was still a child at this time. Later on, he revised and per-
fected it. Afterwards, he translated it into Arabic for Muhammad bin Musa.
Ibid., 224-25.

128. Ayyub al-Rahawi translated this work for Buhtishu`, and Hunayn revised the
translation for Yuhanna bin Masawayh. Ibid., 227.

129. Ibid., 243.
130. See Aydin Sayili, “The Emergence of the Propotype of the Modern Hospital

in Medieval Islam,” Studies in the History of Medicine 4, no. 2 (New Delhi:
1980): 114-15. Narrated by Aydin Sayili, this information was repeated ver-
batim by Nowsheravi in his article. Ibid, 55-56.

131. For more information, see Ibn Abi Usaybi`a, `Uyun al-Anba’, 198-99.
132. See A. Habib Khan, “Early Hospitals in the Muslim World,” Studies in the

History of Medicine 7, nos. 3-4 (New Delhi: 1983): 198.
133. For further information, consult ibid., 197-208.

Söylemez: The Jundishapur School 27