Review A13icle Islamic Revivalism in Recent Western Writings This article revolves atound certain presuppositions, themes, and thmries related to a selected number of westem writings on Islamic nxur- gence in the m&m Arab world. In this regard, I purport to examine the following claims: 1) Islamic resurgence is a widespread traditional, cul- tural, and political phenomenon in modem Islam; 2) some westem (and even Muslim) studies of Islamic TesuTgence have touched only the surface and, therefore, their methodological orientation has been inadequak, 3) as a facet of modem Islam, Islamic resurgence has reinterpreted the Islamic tradition in a creative and unique way; and 4) although the major leaders of the Islamic movement have placed philosophy outside the pale of Islam, one is tempted to study Islamic resurgence as a philosophical expression of modem and contemporary Muslim Societies.' In order to show the theoretical inadequacy of the writings on Islamic tevivalism, I would like to discuss four Fecently published studies: Emmanuel Sivan, Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Poli- tic?; W. Montgomery Watt, Islamic Fundamentalism and Moderniq; Leanard Binder, Islamic Liberalism: A Critique of Development Ideolo- gied; and Ronald Nettler, Past Trials and Present Tiibulation~.~ In Radical Islam, Sivan proposes the following two ideas: First, to have a better understanding of the thinking of modem Islamic resurgence, especially that of Sayyid Qutb," one has to study the influence exerted 'Sayyid Qutb criticizes philosophy in general and argues that it lacks inspiration and a sense of praxis "We must make it clear, however, that we do not desire to seek the truth of the Islamic concept merely for the sake of academic knowledge. We have no desire to add still another book to the shelves of Islamic libraries under the heading of 'Islamic philosophy.'" Sayyid Qutb, The Islamic Concept and Its Characteristics, trans. Mohammed M. Siddiqui (Indianapolis: American Trust Publications, 1991), 5. 'New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990. 3J..ondon and New York Routledge, 1988. 'Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988. 'New Y a k Pergamon Press, 1987. 'See the author's recent article on Sayyid Qutb Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi', "Discourse, Power, and Ideology in Modem Islamic Revivalism." The Musfim World, 81, nos. 3-4 (July-October 1991): 283-98. Abu-Rabi': Islamic Revivalism in Recent Western Writings 417 on Qutb's language and thought by Ibn Taymiyah (d 1328) and Abu al A'la al Mawdudi (d 1979). Second, Islamic revival is basically d e f d v e and antimodern. In addition, the modemity-jdhiZz>& polarity (read as modemity-tradition polarity) pmvides the most adequate approach to study the dynamics of modem Islam.' Sivan takes a political-theological approach in his discussion of the history of Arab societies during the past three decades. In other words, his objective is to analyze the connection between "political Islam" and society in selected Arab countries, especially Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. In my opinion, the book is highly reductionist and selective and does not portray adequately the historical dynamics b e e n religious institutions, ideas, and personalities on the one hand and Arab society on the other. Sivan uses a variety of terms to refer to the phenomenon of Islamism: radical Islam (p. l), Islamic revival (p. 3), Islamic militancy (p. l l ) , and fundamentalism (p. 67). In the fitst chapter, "The Mood: Doom and Gloom," Sivan asserts that Muslim "fundamentalists" are a pessimistic gmup of people because they abhor current social and political realities. This aversion to reality has translated itself into a radical political movement that aims at FeSttuc- turing the status quo. Thus, Sivan reduces IsIamism to mere politics: Islamic revival-while activist and militant-is thus essentially defensive; a sort of holding operation against modemity. And though it has no doubt a sharp political edge, it is primarily a cultural phenomenon. Its very strength pmeeds fmm this alliance of political and cultural protest. (p. 3) As is common in Western writing on Islam, the term "modemity" is used often. Sivan says that western modemity,S in its economic and intel- lectual dimensions, presents a special challenge to Muslims: "Western investment means the integmtion of the Islamic world into the system of the multinationals, which is totally alien to Muslim concepts of interests, 'Many scholars follow this approach during their investigation of Islamic resurgence. See: Issa Boullata, Trends atid Issues in Modern Arab Thought (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990); Gies Keel, The Revenge of God: The Resurgence of Islam, Christianity and Judaism in the Modern World (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994); and AW- allah Labdaoui, Les nouveuus intehctuels urube (Paris: L'Hannattan, 1993). *On modemity, coasult the following: Marshall Bennan, AIL That Is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity (New York Simon and Schuster, 1982) and Antbony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity (Staufork Stauford University Press, 1990). 418 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 11:3 insurance, taxation, and so on" (p. 10). Then he offers a major conclusion without providing enough historical evidence and introduction: "Islam thus comes out badly bruised from the encounter with modernity" (p. 14). In my opinion, the author fails to ptovide an adequate historical analysis that takes into account the problematic of colonization in the Muslim world in its different manifestations: military, economic, cultural, political, religious, and concept~al.~ Sivan does not consider colonization to be a problematic at all. In his view, it is the Muslim rejection of modernity that is the crux of the matter: The picture that emerges is not one which scholars studying Islamic society would tend to refhte. Modernity has indeed made important gains, especially in recent decades. Islam, although more resilient than other traditional cultures, has seen its position greatly eroded. (p. 15) The second study is W. Montgomery Watt's Islamic Fundamentalism and Modernity. In this book, Watt argues that the traditional Islamic worldview is incompatible with the conditions and demands of western He contends that the modem Muslim mind is still deter- mined by the epistemological rules of the early phase of Islam-what Mohammed Arkoun might call the classical Islamic phase." Watt offers only a quasitheoretical teading of the subject of Islam and modernity. Although modernity is one of his key analytic concepts, he does not define it clearly or portray adequately the dynamics of western hegemony over the Muslim world and its current consequences. The author further maintains that the traditional Islamic outlook, which was formed in the early phase of Islam against the backgtound of the Qur'an, hadith, and co11seflsus, is based on the following premises: the unchang- ing nature of the world, the finality and superiority of Islam, and the idealization of Muhammad as the perfect model that Muslims must follow. In reconstructing the epistemological foundations of this outlook, %humhid Ahmad, a contempormy Islamic thinker, insists that colonialii is the single most hportant factor in the metamorphosis of modem Muslim societies. See Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi', ed., Iskunic Resurgence: Challenges, Direction, and Future Per- spect'ws: A Roundtable with Khwshid Ahmad (Tampa: The World and Islam Studies Enteg.ise, 1994), especially chapter three. '@W. Montgomeq Watt, Iskunic Fundamentalism and Modernity (London and New Yorlc Routledge, 1988). "Mohammed Arhun, Essais sur la Pensee islamique (Park Maisonaeuve & Lxuwe, 1984), especially chapter eight. Abu-Rabi': Islamic Revivalism in Recent Western Writings 419 Watt argues quite explicitly that there is no place in Muslim thinking for development or for social and economic progress and advancement. He justifies the above view by saying that apart from the particular dangers inherent in the idealization of early Islam, there is a general danger, namely, that the commu- nity becomes so obsessed with recreating something past that it fails to see and deal with the real challenges and problems of the present. @. 22) It is clear that Watt treats the complex and rich history of Islamic epistemology in a monolithic fashion. He is far less successful in his attempt at the teconstruction of the Islamic theory of knowledge than, let us say, both Fazlm Rahman" and Mohammed Arkoun, to whom he refers As for "religious revivalism," Watt argues that Islamic resurgence has d t e d from the 'ulama's desire to enhance their power and social pres- tige @. 43). This thesis, in my opinion, misreptesents the formation and growth of modem Islamic movements, which should be understood, to a large extent, as a mction to the westem colonization of the Muslim world. Although he declares that one of the great evils of the present day is "the unscmpulous exploitation of the Third World by westem multi- national corporations" (p. 102), he does not show how this exploitation has affected the formation of the whole process of Islamic 1.esurgence. Watt's endeavor to present a true picture of the conflict between Islam and modernity is highlighted by his failure to grasp the complex composition of Islamic epistemology and its successive transformations through the system of the Shari'ah (Islamic law). He argues, for instance, that the traditional Islamic image "is making it difficult for Muslims to adjust adequately to life at the end of the twentieth century" (p. 71). Is it not the role of theology in any religious system to constantly adapt its main presuppositions to the exigencies of the changing world? In conclusion, Watt fails to integrate the historical reality of the west- em exploitation of the Muslim world into a coherent system of analysis. At times, his analysis takes a highly descriptive form that lacks a dynamic reflection on the process of modem history. Furthermore, as indicated above, Watt's approach incorpotates the idea of the superiority quite often. *See Fazlur Rahman, I s h and Modernity: Tr&nnation of an Intellectual Tra- dition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982) and Akbar Ahmed, Postmodernism Md Ishm (London: Routledge Press, 1992). 420 'Ihe American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 11:3 of westem cult- over Islamic culture. It is time for Third World thinkers to take a critical stand towards this legacy of the West, we,stemi- zation, and modernization in the Muslim world Leanard Binder's Islamic Liberalism: A Critique of Development Ideologies is the most sophisticated western study of the relationship between Islam and society in the modem Arab world to appear in the United States recently. Binder maintains that liberalism is not only rational, univemd, and politically feasible, but that it is the only altema- tive to the political and moral predicament of the l'hird World, especially the Muslim world. Binder claims that his main goal in writing on "Islamic liberalism" is to help Muslim intellectuals p d c e "6 liberal Islamic discursive formation which poses a challenge to the existing s c r i p t d s t and h d a - mentalist alternatives." Modern Muslim theologians and thinkers are aware of the Sttaussian distinction between political philosophy and poli- tical theology. According to Leo S t r a ~ s , ' ~ political theology is made up of those teachings that are based on divine revelation, whereas political philosophy is limited to what is a c d b l e to the UNlsSisfed human mind Westem political philosophy rejects any divine intervention in the his- torical and political pfocess. Political philosophy, as advanced by Binder, is based on the idea that a democracy is the best context for political action. Therefore, according to this view, the main assumptions, trends, and manifestations of political philosophy are sustained by a democracy. Binder contends that liberalism, as a political philosophy and western ideological formation, is viable in the cOntempOraty Muslim world, espe- cially in the Middle East. He points out that political liberalism can exist only where and when its social and intellectual prerequisites exist. . . . These preconditions already exist in the Middle East."14 Political liberalism tests on the fundamental assumptMn of the State-digion separation. Although the latter has been a de fucto reality in many Middle East societies for some time, Muslim theorists of con- temporary state and politics still have not appropriated it. "See Leo Straws, What is Political Philosophy? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988). "Leanard Binder, Islamic Liberalism: A Critique of Development Ideologies (Chicago: Univdty of Chicago Press, 1988), 102. Abu-RabV: Islamic Revivalism in Recent Western Writings 421 Clearly, Binder does not question the inhemt notions of superiority underlying modernization theories. He argues that modemization themy is only "an academic transfer of the dominant, and ideologically signi- ficant paradigm employed in reseatch on the American political system." Classical as well as contemporary American modemization theories have begun to take into account the impottance of Islam as a cultural system and an ideological social phenomenon only mcently. For a long time, the only factots considered were education, urbanization, media exposUte, and economic productivity. As a result, modemhation thmrists, including Binder, have failed to present an adequate formulation of the relationship between Islam and society in the postcolonial phase. In one sense, Binder "atomi~es"~' Islam to such an extent that he holds the comfortable notian that "Islam in its various forms, and categories, and applications, is only a part of Middle East culture, and by itself accounts for little." Such an inaccurate statement makes one doubt the coheRnce and vitality of any "liberal project" in an Islamic context. Another of Bider's implicit assumptions is that westem libendism has been a major cause behind the transition of the modem Arab world from "a closed society" to "an open society." He contends, along the same lines as the famous "open society" theoretician Karl Popper,16 that the main characteristics of a "closed society" ale defined by its organic ties, tribal and collectivist mentality, lack of individuality, and religious rigidity. The open (liberal) society, on the other hand, is marked by indi- viduality, freedom of expression, rationalism, social mobility, and a critical appraisal of social teality. In other wonk, accoding to Binder, libe&m has assisted modem Arab society in maintaining a degree of tolerance and openness to outside influences. Furthennore, the transition from a "closed" to an "open" society Sig- nals a total breakdown of tribalism and religious rigidity. Thus, for Binder, any re8ction against liberalism in the modem Arab world, either in the form of "Islamic fundamentalism" or antiwestem nationalism, is, in fact, a teaCtion against social and economic pmgress and the scientific cultute of westem civilization. Therefore, one can theorize that Binder's political project for the Muslim Middle East is superimposed fmm the outside, since it fails to express the aspirations of Muslims as people. '%I one of his major shdig on modem Islam, Hamilton Gibb argues that the Arab-Mmic mind is &amistic. coasult Hamilton GI&, M d m Trends in Isfum (Chicago: Univdty of Chicago Press, 1947, especially chepter 1. '% Popper, Z%hc Open Society und Its Enemies, 2 vok. (Rinceton: Rinceton Uni- versity Fxeq 1%2). 422 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 11:3 The fourth book is by the Canadian scholar Ronald Nettler. In Past Trials and Present Tribulations," Nettler's objective is to portray the Islamic doctrinal dimension of Muslim-Jewish relations. He argues that Muslims have developed a sophisticated and rich doctrine of hat14 for Jews (including modem-day Israelis) since Muhammad founded the first Islamic state. Of course, his assumptions are bounded by an interest, context, and subjectivity. It seems that his objective is, in essence, to justify Israel's hegemonic and colonialist natm. As his context is that of Israeli scholmhip, which is antagonistic to both Arabism and Islam, his persanal interest would be to show that the real problem is not between Christendom (Europe) and Judaism, but between Islam and Judaism. Nettler does not draw any analytical distinction between Judaism, Zionism, and Israel.'8 He considers Zionism to be the product of Judaism and Israel the culmination of both. U n d e W in this light, if Muslims oppose the Israeli occupation of Palestine, they oppose both Zionism and Judaism. It is this contention of many specialists on Jewish history that Zionism and the Jewish Holocaust have to be understood against the social, economic, political, and nationalist chauvinistic European back- gmund of the nineteenth and early twentieth centurie~.'~ "he European persecution of the Jews not only culminated in the Holocaust but also in the creation of Israel. The writer is oblivious to this significant historical phenomena and, instead, considers the West to be the true liberator of the Jews when it supported the creation of the state of Israel. It is clear that Nettler cannot see the anomalous consequence that the creation of Israel has brought upon Palestinian society: its total disintegra- tion and the dispersal of its people. Instead, he discusses the alleged "darker side of Jewish life under Islam, which redefined the erstwhile conception of Islamic 'toleration' as having been more pmblematic than could before have been imagined @. ix). With no historical evidence in "Ronald L. Nettler, Past Trials and Present Tribulations: Muslim Fundamentalists' View of the Jews (New Yak Published for the Vidal Sasoon International Center for the Study of Anti-Semitism, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem by Pergamm F'ress,1987). '*One of the best books on the subject is Benjamin Bei-Hallahmi, Original Sins: Reflections on the History of Zionism and Israel (New York Olive Branch Press, 1993), especially chapter 4. this regard, see the following books by Marc H. Ellis: Ending Auschwic: The Future of Jewish and Chriwian LI$Z (Louisville: WesmimtedJohn b o x Ress, 1994); TowardaJnvish Theology offiberation (Maryknolk Orbis Books, 1988); Beyondlnno- cence and Re&mption: Confronting the Holocaust and Israeli Power (New Yorlc Harper and Row, 1990); and Isma'il Rap al Faruqi, Islam and the Problem of Israel (Islamic Council of Europe, 1990). Abu-Rabi': Islamic Revivalism in Recent Western Writings 423 hand, Nettler rushes to prove the "evil Muslim treatment of the Jews."u' Nettler aims at proving his thesis of "Muslim animosity to Jews" by tmting some of the works of the leading Egyptian Muslim thinker, Sayyid Qutb (d. 1966). He accepts uncritically the argument of W i l f d Cantwell Smith that the modem period of Islamic history . . . begins with decadence within, intrusion and menace without; and the worldly glory that reputedly went with obedience to God's law only a distant memory of happier days.z1 He argues, in an absolute manner, that the West has nothing to do with the "decline" of Islam in the modem world. Modem Islam, in the writer's view, suffers from a fundamental malaise and therefore the only justi- fiable explanation has to be sought within the Islamic religion. Nettler proposes that the leaders of modem Islamic resurgence, and in particular Sayyid Qutb, propagated an "emotional h a t d which (is) uniquely modem as part of Muslim thinking on the Jews" @. 51). To him, this supposed Muslim hatred is a metaphysical a priori: it is fixed, absolute, and unchanging, and beyond the rules of history. Nettler does not treat Qutb's ideas in their totality and as a comprehensive dynamic. Instead, he singles out one dimension of his thought: his stand on Zionism and Israel.22 To better understand Qufi's ideas, one has to relate them to the influence of foreign powers on the leading members of Egyptian intel- ligentsia during the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s. Early in his professional career as a man of letters in the late 1930s, Qutb wrote a number of articles on colonialism and westernization, both of which he linked to the British attempt to create a state for the Jews in Palestine. Nettlet never refers to these significant phases in the region's history-colonialism and the creation of Israel. Rather, he treats the Qutbian "doctrine of h a t d towards the Jews" in an absolute political and historical vacuum. %any Israeli writem nowadays are mpgating this theme. In this regard, see the following major article by the Israeli schofar, Hatma Rahman, "The Conflict between the Prophet and the Opposition in Madina" Der Islam 6, no. 2 (1985): 26@97. *'See W. C. Smith, Islam in Modem History (Princeton: Princeton Univdty Press, 1962), 1. =For a compxehemive aualysis of Sayyid Quws ideas on impeaialism and Israel, consult the author's study Ihe InfeLlectuul Origins of Islamic ksurgence in tlre Modern Arab WorM to be published by State University of New York Ress. 424 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 11:3 Qutb’s philosophy, which is succinctly summarized in his main works Social Justice in Islamz3 and Islam and the Battle between Islam and Capitalism,24 placed him at the center of Egyptian intellectual life during that periad. He was never a neutd interpreter of events, but an engaged theologian, philosopher, and social thinker. His social commit- ments equaled his political and theological concerns. It was quite natutal for him, therefore, to respond, analytically at least, to one of the main dangers being faced by the Muslim world western colonization and its culmination in the creation of Israel.= To a large degree, Qutb’s theoreti- cal formulations were shaped by those practical concerns. It is important at this juncture to stress that a number of well- researched studies, done mainly in Eutope, treat the subject of Islamism in its cultutal and theological, and not only political, dimensions. One study is that of Olive Carre’s Mystique et politique: kctur revolutionnuire du Coran par Sayyid Qutb, jiere mwulmane radical,26 which is an indis- pensable contribution to our understanding of the Qur’anic principles and cantents of what has been termed the “Qutbian discourse“ (the thought- structure of Sayyid Qutb). Cme, who bases her study on a thomugh analysis of the principal themes of Sayyid Qutb‘s major work of exegesis, FiZikil a1 Qur’dn,” adopts a comparative method of analysis. For instance, he keeps referring to the major exegesis done by the Syrian Rashid Ri&i,2* Tafiir a1 Mandr, and its impact in term of method and terminology on Qutbian tafiir. The main difference between Ri&’s TaBir and Qutb’s Zikil is that Ri& presented a traditional Qur’anic commentary that was in line with traditional Islamic exegesis. Qutb, who %ee Sayyid Qutb, a1 ‘A& a1 &irnci‘z>uhfial Is& (Cairo: 19487). Translated %Sayyid Qutb, a1 Ma‘rakah bayna a1 I s h wa a1 Ra’smdijvah (Cairo: 1953). as SocialJustice in Islam (Washington, D C 1952), by J. Hardy. =For an elaboration on this theme, see John L. Esposito, Islamic Threat: Myth or 2601ive Carre, Mystique etpolitique: lectur revoiutionnaire ak Coran par Sayyid Qutb, nSayyid Qutb, FiPlrsI al Qur’dn b the Shade of the Qur’an] (Beirut: 1974). Reality? (Oxfont Oxford University Press, 1992). fiere musulmane radical (Park Editions du Cherf, 1984). %&was bomin what know Lebanon. He died m 1937 in Ey€-rbecoming one of the most intluenthl disciples of Sbaykh Muhammad ‘ A M ( 1905). See AlM Houreni’s excelleat a d y s k of part of Ri&s life: Albert Hourat& Islam in European ’Ilronght (New York Oxford Umvedy Press, 1991). A recemt impOaeat book is Emad Eldin Shahin, -ugh Muslim Eyes: M. Rmhiil RW and the West (Herdan, V A The Inkmatid Mtute of Islamic Thought, 1993), especially chapter one. Abu-Rabi’: Islamic Revivalism m Recent Western Writings 425 came from a secular background of learning, did not follow in the foot- steps of traditional exegesis, because he was more effective than Rid5 in relating the Qur’anic fact (aZ &@ah aZ Qur’inijd)29 to the exigencies of modem life. Qutb’s main goal, as Carre shows throughout her study, is to free the Qur’anic text from the obscurantism and scholasticism of those ‘ulama who emphasize the doctrinal at the expense of the social and the ethical at the expense of the political. Qutb’s interpretation is based primarily on philological understanding, the primary social and political situation of the verses (conditions of the revelation), and the present meaning that can be derived from the above. As such, his theoretical reflections gain a new significance: far from mtricting himself to philology and past meaning, he is concerned about the relevance of the Qur’anic text to the P-t. Carre explains correctly that Qutb’s method rests on a number of interdependent principles: theology, philosophy, sociology, politics, and hermeneutics. In addition, experience plays a significant part in his methodological construct. ”herefore, the e x e o n s related by Qutb should be understood as part of a whole stteam of coflsciousness em- nating from the historical experience of this type of religious f i g m in a highly diversified intellectual context. Hence Qutb’s formula of Qur’anic knowledge is understanding through experience and reflection. We wit- ness the intetsection of the personal and the epistemological from his early work and so cannot escape easily from the methodological problem- atic he construed. He was not objective or subjective: he was pragmatic and idealistic at the same time. His justification was governed by specu- lative idealism and social pragmatism. Here, we are umcemed with Qutb’s theological, Social, cultural, and ideological fonnulatiom as they appear in the ZilZZ. We believe that these formulatim are the culmination of mature intellectual dkctions that began before he joined the Muslim Brothethood in 1952. Therefore, Qutb’s pre-Zikfl ideas have a direct relevance to what we are tqing to study in the ZilZZ. In other words, his ouevre has to be consided in its totality before any sound judgement on its value can be reached. What we have in mind is two significant goals: to study his Qur’anic weltanschau- ung (i.e., the ontology of his thought) and to discuss his basic concepts in relation to the larger issues and pmblem that have pRoccupied %ntheelabomticmofthistenn,seehi&J-ings, whatIs&$sm?(LmdaexIsiamic Texts Society, 1993) a d his Symbol ArclPetypc: A st& of the Meaning of E*isrcnn (Landan: Quinta Ensentia, 1991). 426 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 11:3 modern Arabic-Islamic thought: revival, westernization, tradition, the role of the intelligentsia, sacred and pmfane theories of knowledge, and, in gened, the place of religion in the modem world. In her discussion, catre argues that "The author, Sayyid Qutb, does not interest us himself. But some elements of his life ate uniquely utilized in order to comprehend certain fragments of discourse that make up the Zilal" @. 19). The ZihZ has fumished the theoretical framework of think- ing and behavior for Islamic movements, not only in Egypt but thmugh- out the Arab world and in some [non-Arab] Muslim countries as well. In many passages of the ZihZ, there is clear evidence that Qutb borrowed from the thought of two major Indian Muslim thinkers: Nadwi and Mawdudi. Carre attempts to lay down the principle themes of the Zih l : ques- tions of Qutbian method and discourse; the normative foundations of Islamic society; the political f o m of an Islamic stak, questions of peace and WW, jdhihjmh vs. Islam; the People of the Book, especially Jews and Christians; the proper Islamic econOmic system and social struc-, the family structure and the role of women in society. One can see mdily that the themes of the ZihZ revolve around doctrinal, philosophical, and social issues and questions. Based on the above theoretical consideration, I would like to investi- gate, albeit briefly, the main themes and arguments of the modem Islamic discouse, especially that of resurgence. The following are some of the underlying presuppositions and claims of this method: Fir& Since the emergence of Islam, the interpretation provided by various scholars of this religious phenomenon has given rise to different discourses. Moreover, within the Arabic language, the words used and the meanings of the words used often change from one discourse to another. Second: These discourses have been conditioned by the concepts, mental formations, econoIILic conditions, and political attitudes of their particular historical situation. Therefore, in rendering a judgment on somebody's work, one has to pose questions about the historical conditions in which that discoutse was produced. Third: One has to study the different Islamic discourses of modem Islam in relation to the West. Fourth: The West, as a conceptual category, should be defined both his- torically and philosophically. Abu-Rabi': Islamic Revivalism in Recent Western Writings 427 Fifth: This ptoposed comprehensive method should elaborate on the pos- sible connection between ideology and discourse?o What is the relationship between modem Islam and the West? Some- body may object to this formulation: how can we equate a themlogical construct with a purely political or geographic construct? The initial stage of this inquiry, however, is a matter of definition. What is the West? What is Islam? What is the West? In dealing with the modem West, we have to dis- cuss five salient movements: the Renaissance, the Reformation, the Indus- trial Revolution (i.e., the process of industrialization), the Enlightenment, and the post-Enlightenment. I want to stm here that these movements are, in essence, philosophical movements. The philosophical underpin- nings of the Renaissance were rationalism, humanism, and secularization. The Refomtion led to the tesurgence of individuality and the annihila- tion of the communal Christian spirit. What is Islam? It is impossible, of c o r n , to give a precise linguistic meaning to the term "Islam" For analytical putposes, one could talk of this universal religious phenomenon in the following terms: Islam as metaphysics, Islam as civilization (it means different things to different people), and Islam as the "other." I would venture to argue that the history of the modem Muslim peoples has been highly intertwined with that of the West. And, therefore, modem Islam cannot be understood except in relation to the modem West and all of the movements that constituted it, be they philosophical, cultural, economic, political, or military. We can delineate three moments or phases in the interaction between modem Islam and the West: Fir& The military conquest of Muslim land by the western powers. Mus- lims were militarily and politically weak. Their only response was to seek refuge in Islam as the reservoir of their strength. This led to the invention or creation of tradition. In addition, the Europeans said that their mission was that of civilizing the pagan Mohammadens. Second: The translation of European hegemony into a cultural and reli- gious system This phase is distinguished by the building of westem %For an extensive d y s k of these ideas, see lbmhim Abu-Mi', "Reflections on the Islamic Renaissance in the Modem Arab World: Some Methodological Questions," Islamic Culture, 63, no. 3 (July 1989): 42-59 and "Secularization, Islam and the Future of the Arab World A Derivative Discourse," Peupks Mediterrmeens, no. 60 (July- September 1992), 177-9 1. 428 The American J o d of Islamic Social Science 11:3 educational, cultural, and legal institutions that began to replace the tradi- tional Islamic ones. This is the phase of westernization. Thid Post-colonialism. One distinguishing featwe of this is the rise of both nationalism and religious revivalism. What are the main premises of "resurgent Islam?" The following m some basic characteristics: First: Islamic msurgence emphasizes the role of reason in Muslim legal theory and calls for a d s s a n c e of Islam in the modem world on the basis of a reactivation of ijtihud in the religious and legal sciences. The Muslims can achieve the ideals of Islam as a religion, as a Shari'ah, and as a state by opening the door of ijtihud. Furthermore, the neglect of ijti- had caused some Muslims to become ignorant of Islam and othes to become attached to westernization and atheism. Second: Islamic revivalism calls for the rekonstruction of the idea of authority, or of the Islamic nation, which involves the gradual "recon- struction of the Muslim ummah" and building a comprehensive system of Islamic law, government, education, and ethics in the m&m world. The reconstitution of the ummah in the modem world would be possible if there were a "return" to the original sources of Islam. Third: It calls for the rec~ns t ru~t i~n of the sources of knowledge. The Qur'an and the Sunnah are the only sources recognized. The moral, doc- trinal, and linguistic superiority of the "grand ancestors" or the Compan- ions of the prophet fumish the sole criterion by which new ethical and social rules would be judged. Therefore, Islamic theory of life is characterized by simplicity and d o c h l unity. Many came to define religious reform as a triple unifica- tion of doctrine, law, and ethics. B h , who was greatly influenced by Ri&, acted as a caliph in exile, The Muslim Bmthethood was founded in 1928 by Hasan al "On Hasan al Batma see Musa al Husaini, Z%e Moslem Brethren: Tlte Greatest Charles Wendell, Five Tracts of Hman al-Banna (Berbley: University of California Ress, 1978); Wid Ha- al Madkhal ild Da'wat al lRhwriir a1 Muslim& (Ammsn: 1979); Ibriihfm O m , al Fikr al Siycbili al I- Hasan al h t u i (Caito: 1992), and Rif at al Wid, Hasan al BanncS: K q f i wa L i d - ? (Cairo: 1984). of Modem fsiamic Mowmcnts -$e ( irut: Khayat's College Book Cooperative, 1954); Abu-Rabi': Islamic Revivalism in Recent Western Writings 429 the supreme rnujtuhid of the community, a political and spiritual leader, and the interpreter par excellence of the rules of the Shari'ah. From its inception, a1 B d s movement sought to find the "Islamic solution" to the problems associated with education, economic organiza- tion, and social justice in society. It advocated an Islamic nation that did not featme a separation between religion and state. Next, it proposed an Islamic educational system whose goal was to create the "Muslim indi- vidual, the Muslim house, the Muslim nation, and the Muslim govern- ment." Third, it created an economic infrastructure based on Islamic prin- ciples to solve social injustice. In the midst of this heritage, so weighty with c o ~ u e n c e s , the mis- sion of the Ikhwin was to free the Islamic fatherland from all foreign domination and to help a free Islamic state arise in the Islamic fatherland. B d considered it the duty of each Muslim to help build such a state, "for as long as this state does not emerge, the Muslims in their totality are committing a sin." In addition, they should work to reform the educa- tional system, wage war against poverty, ignorance, disease, and crime, and create an exemplary society that would deserve to be assoCiated with the Shd'ah. In conclusion, the above discussion has raised a number of questions that still await answets. One way of passing judgment on the nature, growth, and c m n t dispensation of Islamic murgence is to study the theological and cultural underpinnings of this phenomena in addition to its political impact. Ibrahim Abu-Rabi ' Pmfessor of Islamic Studies Hartford Seminary Hartford, Connecticut