The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 257 The ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria Salah ElDin ElZein ElTayeb Introduction This work is concerned primarily with the activities of the Algerian ‘Ulama in the social and religious field. The most organized activities of Islamic reformism in Algeria started in 1931 with the establishment of the Associa- tion of the Algerian ‘Ulama. The ‘Ulama declared the ultimate goal of their Association to be only religious and cultural. The subsequent Islamic renaissance which they instituted in Algeria concentrated on the independence of the Muslim Creed, and social and cultural revivalism. The objective was to reform the practice of Islamic religion along the lines of the Islam of Suh- jiyuh and not the Islam of Sufi sects. This was pursued by attacking the negative aspects of a1 vzwiiyuh (Sufi centers) and by encouraging the spread of a1 tu‘Zim a1 hurr (the ‘Ulama type of education). The most significant role of a1 butha1 dini (religious reformism) was that it ventured to prepare the Algerian masses for the violent conflict with France. Had it not been for this movement, the Algerian masses would have remained under the influence of the saints whose followers supported and consolidated the French colonial administration. In the following pages, the question will be posed as to how the liberation of Algeria was facilitated by the Algerian religious renaissance, which managed to liberate the con- sciousness of the masses. As a result, the Algerian masses were prepared morally and psychologically for political liberation from France. The Origins of Islamic Renaissance In Algeria The origins of the Islamic renaissance in Algeria were directly linked to the Suluflyuh movement, which flourished in ul Mushriq a1 Arubi during Salah ElDin ElZein ElTayeb is a Professor in the Department of Politics, King Saud Univer- sity, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. 258 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 the nineteenth century. The thought of the SuZu$yzh movement was established in Algeria by the Old lhrbans. They were the traditional indigenous Algerians who studied mainly Arabic and Islam in Algerian native schools and pro- ceeded for further education to ul Mmhriq ul Arubi. They absorbed all the ideas and views of the Suhjtyuh movement during their further training in Cairo and Damascus. When they returned to Algeria, they started preaching these ideas in their private native schools. The Algerian ‘Ulamal were the product of their schools and the Association of Algerian ‘Ulama was the organization that was concerned with the diffusion of Sulajtyuh movement ideas. In this respect, the Association of reformist ‘Ulama in Algeria did not mnstitute a novelty in Islam, which had known several reformist movements throughout its long history. In fact, the Prophet himself had prepared the Muslims for these successive reformist movements when he declared that “My community will have a renovator each hundred years.” This had proven to be true in that the Prophet was successively followed by many reformers, among them being Ibn Hanbal, al Ash’ari, Ibn Hkm, al Ghazill-, and Ibn Bym-yah. Besides these individual reformists there were another three Islamic reformist movements which included SufismA in the eighth century, the i s l i i h B in the thirteenth century, and the SaZu$yzhc in the nineteenth century. The Algerian Islamic reformism was established and developed within this vast and deep Sulajtyzh movement that the Islamic world witnessed at the end of the nineteenth century. Egypt was the most active center of the Sala- &zh movement. The three personalities who founded this movement were J d al Din al Afghh- (1838-1897), Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905), and Rashid RiQa (1865-1935). The reformist ideas of the Suhflyuh were discuss- ed in the Journal of al ‘Urwah al Wiithqfi (Intimate Friendship) established ‘Inasmuch as ’ilm was knowledge of traditions and of resultant canon law and theology, the ‘Ulama-as custodians of that tradition-were canonists and theologians. See H.A.R. Gibb, and J. H. Kramers, Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam (Leiden, 1961), p. 599-600. N-s A . B . C. Sufism and the adjective Sufi are both derived from tayiiiwwuf, which is the act of devoting oneself to mystic life. Isla was an attempt to purify Islam from dogmatic innovations not in accordance with traditional sources (zqiil) of faith and from innovations that represented ways of life different from those of the Prophet. Sulafiyuh was an attempt to say that Islam, properly understood, was compatible with the modem world. It was an effort to say that Muslims, if they interpreted their religion correctly and then lived by it, could rebuild strong, effective societies in the modem world. Salah ElDin ElZein Ellbyeb ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 259 by al Afghani, and QI Maniir, which was established by Ri@. The first Algerian Islamic reformists were influenced by the ideas advocated in these two jour- nals, which were available in Algeria toward the end of the nineteenth cen- tury.~ The Salamh movement in Algeria was started by al Amir Abd al Qidir (1807-1883), who joined the Society of a1 Urwah a1 W~hqah after he was expelled from Algeria (A1 Uwah a1 mthqah was the name given to both the j o u m l and the society, which were established by al ‘Afghani in Egypt). He was followed by Abd al Halim Ibn Simiiyah and Muhammad Ibn al Khudjah, who used to read a1 Maniir regularly. However, the direct influence of the Salajtyuh movement in Algeria was attributed to Muham- mad Abduh, who visited Algiers in 1903. He addressed the Algerians in Belcourt Mosque, where he commented upon Sirah al ‘Asr (the hundred and third surah of the Qur‘an). The Muslim reformist ideas of Abduh were con- cerned with education and emancipation. In this regard, ‘Al Murad stated that Muhammad Abduh proposed that Muslim Algerians follow the road of education and emancipation. He thought that was the only possible way to safeguard the future of the new society that had been shaped by reformist school principlesz. The political reformism of the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama, a1 i.yrii(z a1 siyiisi, was also heavily influenced by Abduh. This indicated that Muhammad Abduh was the real godfather of Algerian reformism with regard to its religious and also political aspects.3 In connec- tion with colonial politics, Abduh advised the Algerians not to discuss the politics of the French Government. He stated this in his letter to Abd al Hamid Ibn Simiiyah. The most organized activities of Islamic reformism in Algeria were started in 1931, with the establishment of the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama.4 zSee Murad, ‘A. “l’enseignement Politique du Muhammad ‘Abduh a m Algerien” (Orient, I%*, 28, p. 720. 3After Muhammad ‘Abduh died, his disciples in Algeria, especially Muhammad Ibn al Khudjah and Muhammad Ibn al Qa’d ‘MI had codinned that they were influenced by him and belonged to his school of reformism. See al Tilibi, Amir, Zbn Bdis, Haycituhu w thruhu (Ibn Bdis , His Life and His Influence), (Damascus, Dar al Yaqqh al Arabiyah, 1%8), p.35. 4Murid, A& Le Reformisme Musulman en Alcerie de 1925 a 1940; Essai d’tlistoire Reliqieuse et Sociale, (Paris, 1967) Mouton. The classical work on the history of Islamic reformism in Algeria was the work of ‘Ali Murid. Nadhir, Alpad, “Le Reformisme Musulman en Algerie,” These de doctorat (3e cycle), Paris, IV, 1968. Being unaware of the existence of Murid‘s work, Amad Nadhir has also attempted the same topic. The tm works of MuraSd and Nadh3 were concerned with the history and theological arguments of Islamic dormism while it concentrates on the socio-political aspects and their role in the liberation of the consciousness and minds of the Algerian masses D. It is important to note that a1 Shih5b was in total agreement with the ideas of Rashid RiQa which were expressed in a1 Maniir especially in connection with the subject of the religious party. . 260 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 The ideas of Islamic reformism were very significant for Algerian national ideology and its transformation from assimilation to nationhood. In fact it would be very difficult to claim objectivity or give proper explanation t~ the transformation of ideology without examining the role played by Islamic reformism in Algeria. This point of view was echoed by Lucien Lafage when he stated that “When one attempts to study the process of maturation of the modem nationalist movement that led to the independence of Algeria, one must examine thoroughly the role played by the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama. If this role has been neglected, then the study would certainly be unobjective and inaccurate.5 According to Ernest Gellnerj, it is more im- portant to know why the soil was so ready for this seed, than to know just who did the sowing, and how, when, and why this seed prospered. In other words, it was important to focus on the structural basis of Islamic reformism in Algeria. Without taking this structural basis into consideration, it would not be possible to explain the institutionalization of the SuZuJyuh movement in Algeria and the failure of the French policy of assimilation. In connection with the flourishing of Islamic reformism in Algeria, ‘Ali Murld argued that there were internal and external factors for this. The internal factors were concerned with the Muslim community, where the ideas of Islamic gathering and a religious party were central to the con- sciousness of Muslims. The external factors were related to the influences of the -ah mosque in Tunis and al Azhar in Egypt. Most of the Algerian ‘Ulama who established the reformist Association in Algeria had graduated from institutions such as ‘Abd al Hm-d Ibn Bldis (Zaytiinah), m a d Taw- fiq al Madari (Zaytiinah) al Tayyib a1 ‘Uqbi (al Azhar), and Bashir al Ibrl- hImI (al Azhar). The date of the establishment of the Association was also significant. In 1930, the French imperialists in Algeria celebrated the hun- dredth anniversary of French Algeria. The celebration was very humiliating to the indigenous population in Algeria7. Even the reformists themselves recognized the fact that France had facilitated the job for them by the psychological errors that it made during the celebrations. In this regard al MadanT stated that “all the Algerians have watched with bitterness how the colonists celebrated the conquest of Algeria and the defeat of the Algerians.” The colonists’ celebrations manifested their belief that Algeria became French and it would remain French forever. On the other hand, indigenous Algerians interpreted the celebrations as a severe insult to themselves, to their history, %ee w e , Lucien, “Le Benbadisme et les Culema Reformistes DAlgerie.” Memoir %ee Gellner, Ernest, “The Unknown Apollo of Biskra: The Social Base of Algerian ’Mercier, Gustave, Le Centeuire de Ulgerie, (Alger, 1931), 2 vol. presented in the CHEAM on 21.12.64. Puritanism,* Government and Opposition, Vol. 9, No. 3, Summer, 1974. Salah ElDin ElZein Ellhyeb ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 261 religion, and language. In this respect, the hundredth anniversary of Algrie F m a i s e antagonid Muslim Algerians and helped the struggle against French :olonial administxation in the country*. This indicates that there were several objective factors for the establishment of Islamic reform in Algeria. These objective factors would negate the assumptions of Augustine Berque, who claimed that Islamic reformism was a desperate endeavor of an incapable bourgeoisie to adapt to the new situation. This paper will focus primarily on the rekrmist program of the ‘Ulama which included its doctrine of religious reformism (bath dini) , cultural reformism n a w h thaqii$yuh), and political reformism (is@ siyiisi) . The reason behind this is to show how Islamic refor- mism managed to morally and psychologically prepare the Algerian masses for violent conflict with France. The Reformist Program of the ‘Ulama 1. The Religious Renaissance During the nineteenth century, Islam in Algeria was dominated by cor- rupt practices. The influence of the Sufi brotherhoods over the Algerian masses was very great to the point that Islam itself was identified with their prac- tices. Ibn B5dis himself admitted this fact and had written that no one in Algeria thought Islam to be other than maraboutism.9 The Sufi sects were so widely spread that there were three hundred and forty nine ziiwifi (Arabic pl. zawiiyzh) and two hundred and ninety-five thousand muqacidam (one who administers the revenues and shares them with the other members of the marabout family). Even the religious men who were opposed to Sufism adopted their practices and their interpretation of Islam. The Sufis asserted that there was a dynamic character in the “science of hearts.” This science traced its itinerary (safir) to God, a journey marked by a dozen stages (mqiimiit) and steps (ahwd). Sufism was primarily based on the postulate that the fervent practice of worship engendered in the soul graces (fawiitid), and immaterial and intelligible realities. The Sufi believed the “science of hearts” (Ilm al quliib) would procure for the soul an experimental wisdom (m‘ri$zh), which implied the assent of the will to the graces received (a postulate rejected by the Mu’tazilis, who were content with a theoretical psychology). The most fundamental and intrinsic Sufi sects in Algeria included a1 @’i@ a1 2h- wiyah (Ahw-yah sect), a1 [ayah a1 Darqawiyah (Darqawiyah sect), and al @’ifah a1 Tijaniyah (lijaniyah sect). These sects were not limited to Algeria 8al Madm-, A. T., Kit& a1 Ja&r (me Book of Algeria) (Cairo, 1963), 2nd ed., p. 166. 9Al Shihiib. March, 1938. 262 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 only and they existed in other Arab countries as well. The Algerian ‘Ulama thought it was their duty to reform the corrupt practices of Islam in Algeria. These corrupt practices were related to the ceremonies of the marabouts, which were half profane and half religious. These ceremonies represented the essence of Algerian religious life at the time. In his novel, l’lmmoruliste, Guide drew a good picture of one of the ceremonies that took place in Biskra. He stated that Biskra was a center, among other things, of prostitution. The girls were drawn (or were supposed to be drawn) from Awlid Na’l tribe. The flocks of these Awliid Na’l roamed two holy streets, where the holy men had their lodges, and the Awlid Na’l themselves were much in evidence there. They took part in many of the local ceremonies, half profane, half religious. The most venerated holy men were to be seen in their companylo. The Algerian ‘Ulama were opposed to these ceremonies which were held in the name of Islam. In fact, as Gellner main- tained, even Guide was at first startled with the conspicuous presence of such profanity in the holy streets. What was more interesting was the fact that local piety did not view these profane aspects badly. There were two basic ideas related to the manner in which rehgious reformism could be achiev- ed. Bashir al I b r m - advocated the idea of concentrating on the educational field and the training of a solid group of ‘Ulama to undertake the job of preaching the faith among the masses. This group had to be well trained in yiil ul din (fundamentals of religion) so that the members could counter the beliefs and activities of the Sufi. On the other hand, Ibn Biidis thought that the ‘Ulama should be involved directly in attacking the bases of Sufism such as bidu‘ and innovations in Islam. The Association of the ‘Ulama ac- cepted the ideas of Ibn Bidis at fust but later on they adopted the two techni- ques simultanbusly: attaclung the bkkz‘on one side and spreading their educa- tional system on the other. As a result, the ‘Ulama’s first measures were aim- ed at reforming the degenerate and superstitious Islam of the marabouts or holy men.E “Gellner, Ernest, ‘The Unknown Apollo of Biskra,” op.cit., p. 281. E . The name marabout is given, especially in North Africa, to a Muslim saint or to his descendants. The usual name in Algeria for a saint is muriibit; in Morocco, however, it is less used than its equivalents jiilih, wuti, and particularly suyyid. The saints of far-spread reputation in Algeria are the patron of Tulmiisin, Sidi Bii-Madyan (Abii Madyan al Ghawth); the patron of Algiers, Sidi Abd al FbhmSn al Tha‘dibi; and the saint of Miliana, Sidi Ahmad b. Yusuf. In regions where only Berber is spoken in Algeria; the marabout is known by the name Agurrum. Salah ElDin ElZein ElTayeb ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 263 Ibn Bidis declared that the objective of the Association of the ‘Ulama was to reform the Islamic religion along the lines of the Islam of kZujiyuh and not the Islam of Sufi sects and bids: He maintained that the Association was content to devote itself to the two duties of ul umr bi ul ma’riif wu ul nahi ‘an ul munkar.11 In commenting on this program he stated, “Our ma- jor objective is to awaken our compatriots from their deep sleep and educate them to the principles of their religion which are quite human and free from all wild dreams and the inventions of impostors.”u In the first issues of ul Sun& ul M & e * , he also emphasized the objectives of his religious reforms by stating that people should adopt al Sunnah al Nabawiyah A1 Muhammadiyah (opposite of bidu. It meant ways of life similar to those of the Prophet)n. The Islam of Sulu$yuh was considered by the ‘Ulama to be the genuine Islam advocated by the initial sacred texts of the Qur’an and com- pleted by the practice of the Prophet and ul s&f ul~iilih. This was manifested in the fundamental bases of the doctrine of the ‘Ulama, where bid2 was at- tacked vigorously.14 The ‘Ulama denounced the dogmatic innovations that were not in accordance with traditional sources (usid) of the hith and de- nounced ways of life different from those of the Prophet. In this respect they stated that, “This Association is concerned with eradicating the bad social habits such as gambling, the drinking of alcohol, idleness and all that is pro- hibited by is lam."^ The saints of Algeria identified Islamic religion with the totality of beliefs and practices which they inherited from their ancestors. According to this point of view, even gambling and drinking of alcohol were thought to be part of Islamic religion. In fact, Islam had strongly denounced these practices and the ‘Ulama considered them &riim (forbidden by the sacred law). The Algerian people used to appeal to the marabouts to fulfill their requests. It was believed by the Algerians that the marabouts or the Agurrum possessed burukah (in this case defined as miraculous power) and hence their requests could be fulfilled by the saints due to the possession of this bur&, or miraculous power. This was considered heresy by the ‘Ulama, who believed that people should appeal only to God and hence de- nounced the notion of “ghawth“ (appeal to religious saints). They emphasiz- ed that, “Let it be known that if any creature pretended that it could par- ticipate with God in the exercise of His power over the people, then that “See letter of Ibn Bidis in addressing the General Assembly of the ‘Ulama, a1 Shihiib, September, 1937. S h i m . July, 1932. nAl Sunnah al Ma@nwndyzh. No. 1, November, 1932. “See Article W of The Fundamental Bases of the Doctrine of the ‘Uiama; see also Sijil Jam fyah al ’ulama (The Record ofthe Association of the Algerian zrlama), Algiers 1937, p. 61. %ee Contribution of llristoire Contempomine de CQlgerie: la Politique &s Culemas Algenens 19fl-19fl~BuLletin du Comite & Ulgerie Francaise, 1934, p. 274-281. 264 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 creature was committing an act of polytheism which was considered as heresy in Islam.” The notions of ‘‘ghuwth” and ’diwiin’ were also acts of polytheism.l6 In line with this, the ‘Ulama denounced the practice of set- ting up qubbah (white domes) on the tombs of dead men and of burning candles to saints. These qubab (pl. of qubbah) were generally surrounded by huwsh (little circular walls round the qubbuh) in order to demarcate the sacred territory (&mn). In order to appeal to the saints, the believers were supposed to pay a pious visitation (ziyiirah) to these sacred territories. The Algerian people (especially those who lived in the rural areas) regarded these tombs as places of pilgrimage and they used to immolate animals to the dead people which these tombs contained. ZdGt ul zarud was the name given by the Algerians to these practices. Al Ibrlhimi noted that Zdiit a1 zurad, which declined in Algeria after the Second World War, had been revived by the colonists. Each colonist in Algeria built a tomb in his farm so that it would be considered a sacred place by the rural masses and hence would be pro- tected against them.” To put an end to this, ‘Ulama considered ZdGt ul zurad a heresy and they violently attacked the sacrifice of animals with pious intention to the tombs and the beseeching of dead people. They declared that such practices were dominant j? izsr a1 Jiihiliyah (the time before the emergence of Islam when the people were supposed to be living in darkness) and were negated by Islam and the mission of the prophet Muhammad (SAAS) . The ‘Ulama divided the Algerians into two camps with regard to these prac- tices: those who were ignorant and to whom they undertook the task of ex- plaining the proper Islam of the Prophet, and the others, who performed these practices out of obstinate opposition (rnuZnaduh). The second group were considered heretics and impostors. All the practices of the Sufi sects were considered by the ‘Ulama to be within the realm of bida‘ (innovations) so they condemned them. In this connection the ‘Ulama stated that, “The Institution Congreganiste (marabouts confraternity) is an innovation that ig- nores the principles of Islam. It is based on the excessive devotion to the shaykh, or the director of the confraternity, and the constant submission to serve him and his family. Thus, the devotion to the shaykh has resulted in the exploitation and the oppression of the people.”ls This demonstrates that the monastic community of the marabouts was legitimized by excessive devotion to the shaykh. The marabouts, men or women, have come by their sanctity in every possible way, some during their lifetime for their knowledge, their devotion, their ascetism, their power to work miracles (kariimah), sometimes even for their more or less mystic madness (majdhiib). Others have come 16Article XIV of The Fundamental Bases of the Doctrine of the ‘Ulama op.cit. I7Al BaTji’ir, No. 64, 1949. ‘8Article XVI of The Fundamental Bases of the Doctrine of the ‘Ulama, op. cit. Salah ElDin ElZein ElTayeb ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 265 into prominence by miracles and apparitions after their death. For these reasons the masses believed in the marabouts and their kariimuh. The social standing of the marabout families was significant in the maghrib at the end of the nineteenth century. Their members often acted as arbiters, protected travellers, settled dif- ferences between tribes or ethnic pups . The ‘Ulama responded to this situation by condemning the attachment of the masses to the worship of saints. AZ bath aZ dini (religious reformism) in Algeria was based on the dialectics between two phenomena: the phenomenon of naqii‘is which was represented by the Sufi sects,and the phenomenon of@’iZ, which would make the peu- ple accept the facts of life and the inevitable change within society. A third element of intellectual nature and organizational capability was needed so that the phenomenon of fadzi’il would dominate that of nuqii’is. This third element was the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama, which devoted its ef- forts to counter the colonial policy of consolidating the Sufi sects. On the other hand, French colonialism supported the Sufi sects in order to under- mine the efforts of the ‘Ulama.19 This explains why, in the modern national struggle, the saints generally found themselves on the side of the Frenchp or at any rate, objects of hostility of the nationalists. It was true that modem national opposition to European colonization was inspired by puritans rather than saints. This is why the French colonial administration in Algeria was very suspicious of the activities of the ‘Ulama and it believed that they were supported by al Mmhriq aZ2mbi. Since the ‘Ulama were not in a position to take any political or social measures against French colonialism, they con- centmted their efforts on liberating the consciousness of the masses and declared the ultimate goal of this Association to be religious and cultural only. In accord with this they declared that “The Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama is a religious and cultural body which is basically confined to the preaching of Islam, to defend its principles and diffuse its culture. Its in- fluence over the Algerian people is the expression of the solid religious, spiritual, intellectual and cultural links that tied it to the masses. These strong links, on the other hand, qualified the Association with the natural right of spealung on behalf of the Algerian people and of demanding the respect of Islam and Arabic by the French colonial authorities. In this manner, the 19In contrast, the British in Sudan established a “Board of ‘Ulama” to try, unsuccessfully, to counteract Sufi sects and Mahdism. Ibrahim, Abdullahi A., Ihe Ma- Conflict, Sudan Research Unit, Occasional Papers, No. 3, (Khartoum; Uy, 1968); University of Khartoum, see also Republican Brothers, a1 Din MI Rijd a1 Dln ‘bi a1 ‘Usur. (Religion and the History of Sudanese ‘Ulama, (Khartoum, July 1975). mllner, Ernest, “Sanctity, Puritanism, secularua ‘ tion and Nationalism in North Africa: A Case Study.” Archives a’e Sociolocie des Religions, 1963, W . 15, p. 71-86, 266 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 Association was able to perform its religious duties and to fulfill its moral obligations toward indigenous Algerians.”zl In addition to the l i h t i o n of the consciousness of the masses, Al Ibm- also concentrated on the liberation of their minds. In this respect, he was concerned with the concept of thought rectification. Through the ‘Ulama educa- tional system, the minds of the Algerian people could be liberated from the deception of the marabouts and the French colonial authorities. He thought that the liberation of the minds was the basic condition to the total liberation of their b0dies.u This objective was pursued by attacking the negative aspects of a1 zawiiyah and by advocating the spread of a1 taEm a1 ?turn (the ‘Ulama type of education), which will be discussed later on in connection with a1 nah& a1 thuqiiy7yah (cultural reformism).= The ‘Ulama wanted to reform these zawiiyah so that they could be proper institutions for the spread of Islam and Arabism. Ibn Biidis also emphasized this point in his article “Nahnii wa al Zawiiyah’’) where he maintained that they wanted to reform a1 zawiiyah and not to destroy them.% This issue was very sensitive to the extent that it split the Association of the ‘ U l a m a . 2 5 The contest between the two groups was very intense to the extent that Shakii Arsl5n had denounced the Algerian ‘Ulama for being divided into traditionalists, reformists, and Mhiibists. He wished that they were not educated since the result of their education was to be divided into several groups. The division of the ‘Ulama was manifested over another crucial reformist tool which was the separation of the Muslim cult from the French state. 2. The Independence of the Muslim Creed The bias of French colonial administration in Algeria to& the tradi- tional ‘Ulama and the saints was manifested over the issue of the Independence of the Muslim creed. The French Government in Algeria controlled the ad- 2bUemoire sur la sepamtion du culte et & 17% presente par CQSsociation des Uhna aWgerie a lksemblee Algerien. 22Al Baq@’ir, No. 2, 1947. 23For the ‘Ulama attack on the negative aspects of a1 Zawijah see a1 Mazikah bay a1 Turuqlyah wa a1 ’ulama (the s t r u d e between the ‘Ulama and the Saints) in the Recod of the Association of the Algerian Uhna, op.cit., p. 25. 24Ibn Bidis article, “Nahnfi wa al Zawiyah (The ‘Ulama and the Centers of Aggomeration) was given to the writer by Dr. ‘Am& al Taibi, head of the Department of Islamic Philosophy at the University of Algiers. 25The traditional ‘Ulama were not wholeheartedly behind reforming a1 mwijah. They split from the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama in September 1932 and established Jam- ‘iyah Uhna a1 Sunnah (The Association of Sunnah ‘Ulama). It was said to be a reactionary organization and was dominated by Mawlfid Hi@i and ‘Umar Isma’il. Salah ElDin ElZein Ellayeb ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 267 ministration of all al musiijid (mosques, the singular is musjid) in the coun- try. All the administrative posts within al musiijid such as imiim, Khatsb, wii’iz, qiiri: and muhdhdhin were given to the traditional ‘Ulama and the saints. According to Islam, the musjid is considered a state institution. It was inherent in the character of Islam that religion and politics could not be separated. The same individual was ruler and chief administrator in the two fields, and the same building, the musjid, was the center of gravity for both politics and religion. If the French Government in Algeria was a Muslim Government, it would have been acceptable to the Association of the ‘Ulama that it wuld control the administration of al musiijid. But since this was not the case, the ‘Ulama protested against this intrusion. They were especial- ly alarmed with what came to be known as “Circuhire Michel.” Michel was the General Secretary for Indigenous Affairs in Algiers and the General Com- mander of the Police Force. He issued a circular on February 16,1933, demand- ing that the Mufti of Algiers and the police force keep an eye on the activities of al musiijid.26 In this regard the ‘Ulama stated that, “The Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama considers itself to be responsible to God and to the Algerian nation for all the Islamic institutions in the country. The Muslim p p l e are the only authorized body to appoint and dismiss the administrators of a1 musiijid.n The Algerian ‘Ulama also protested against the control of Hub& (also known as awqgf) by the French Government. They considered this intrusion a demolition of the principal of liberty of faith and liberty of conscience. They thought that since the Muslim people were the ones who prayed in a1 musiijid, it was natural that they should choose the people who would lead them in the prayers. It was also logical that they should choose the judges who would interpret the Islamic law, especially in connection with inheritance and rules of marriage. The report emphasized that genuine Islam was the one that was understood by the Algerian ‘Ulama and not the French Government or its ’allies,’ the saints. In addition to this, the ‘Ulama demand- ed the independence of Muslim creed by separating from the French Govern- ment in Algeria. The Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama suggested the for- mation of a High Islamic Congress (Majlis Ishrni A la) to be entrusted with the job of the separation of the Muslim creed in Algeria In May, 1950, the Algerian ‘Ulama submitted another report to the French Government in Algeria in connection with the separation of the Muslim creed. This report stated that there were three religions in Algeria: Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, the last of which was the religion of the majority. It %ee Carret, Jacques, “Le Probleme de 1Wependence du culte Musulman en Algerie”, =Taqrir Majlis Id imh Jam‘iyah a1 ‘ulama ila a1 Hukkmah a1 Jazii’iriyah (The Report AjXque et h i e , No. 9, 10 trim, 1957, p. 50. of the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama to the Algerian Government), August, 1944. 268 The American Journal of Isiamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 noted that the first two religions were absolutely independent and totally respected while the third (the religion of the majority) was completely con- trolled. The ‘Ulama asked the French Government whether their conscience would tolerate this odd situation. They thought that the French Government was a secular Government and they wondered why it interfered in particular with Islam. The ‘Ulama emphasized that it was an illusion to consider the Islamic religion dangerous to them. In this regard they stated that, “There are several colonies and protectorates in the world where Islam is absolutely independent such as India, Iraq, Syria and Egypt. The colonial governments in these countries are not threatened by Islam. This demonstrates that the fear of the French Government in Algeria from Islam is an illusion.”a Even the advocates of the assimilation of Algerians into French culture such as Faralpit Abbas were opposed to the control of Islam by the French Govern- ment. In reference to this question, Farahat declared in his ’Manifeste’ of 1p43 that the Algerian problem was essentially of religious and racial nature. In order to resolve this problem, he demanded the immediate independence of Muslim creed and the application of this principle of the separation of the Church from the State.29 The Algerian ‘Ulama were very frustrated by the fact that the Jews and the Christians were absolutely free in preaching their faith while the Muslims were totally controlled. The Algerian Muslims who wanted to go to Makkah for hajj (pilgrimage) had to ask permission from the French Government. Any protest against French colonialism or the open declaration of one’s love for one’s country was considered a crime that would prevent one from making the pilgrimage. A1 IbrdGm- maintained that the ‘Ulama were in direct contrast with French colonialism in defining the meaning of a crime. He stated that the ‘Ulama considered the drinking of alcohol and illicit love (which was tolerated by French colonialism) as being a crime while the French Government in Algeria considered the hatred of colonialism and the feeding of Algerian patriotism (which was encouraged by the ‘Ulama) a crime too. He also wrote an article on the three religions in Algeria a1 adycin a1 thahthuh ji a1 Jazii’ir.30 He demanded equal treat- ment by the Government for the three religions which existed in Algeria. Most of the editorials of a1 &Is$ir which were written by al Ibra-m- were devoted to the issue of the separation of Islamic religion from the French Government.31 These editorials concentrated on the liberation of the Hubiis 2aMudhakkimh fi Qacjiyah Fa1 a1 DTn 5rm a1 Huluimah (Memorandum in Connection 29Le Manifeste du peuple Algerien, 10 fevrier, 1943. 3oAl Bas+&, No. 13, 1947. 31Al &Is$ir, No. 58, 1948; No. 81, 1949; No. 103, 1950; NO. 75, 1949; NO. 83, 1949; No. 87, 1949; No. 88, 1949; No. 89, 1949; No. 104, 1950; No. 105, 1950; No. 106n, 1950; No. 108, 1950; No. 109, 1950; No. 122, 1950; No. 137, 1951; No. 138, 1951; No. 149, 1951; With the Separation of Religion From the Government), May, 1950. Salah ElDin ElZein FdTayeb 'Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 269 (they are also known by the name of awqiifin al Mmhriq a1 Mi!), the liberation of a1 musiijid, the liberation of Islamic law (Shuribh), the libera- tion of pilgrimage (hajj), of fasting ( s u m ) and the nomination of Muslim administrators such as imam, wii'iz and m u W h i n . Al I b r m - was very aggressive in addressing the French Government, especially when compared with the requests of Ibn BCdis in regard to these issues. All the efforts of the 'Ulama in connection with the independence of the Muslim creed were in vain. It should be noted that article fifty-six of the 1947 statute refened in particular to the independence of the Muslim Creed in Algeria. It stated that "The independence of the Muslim Creed from the state is assured in the same manner as the independence of the other creeds. This has been specifically mentioned in the law of December 9,1905, and the decree of September 27, 1907.32 However, the principle of the separation of the Muslim Creed was to be put into pmctice immediately. The questions related to the administration of flubiis were left to the Algerian Assembly to resolve. Since the Algerian Assembly was dominated by the colonists, the principle of separation remained only on paper and was not practically implemented. This meant the continuation of the frustration of the Algerian 'Ulama and the inevitability of their coming into direct conflict with the French colonial government Over the total liberation of their faith. The reformist 'Ulama in Algeria were very concerned with a1 bath al dini which they pursued throughout the attack on the marabouts, the reform of the corrupt religious practices and the struggle for the independence of the Muslim Creed. The reformist program of the 'Ulama was not limited only to al h t h a1 dini. It also included a1 nahda a1 thaqiijiyzh (cultural refor- mism) and A1 I$& al S y k i which will be discussed later in this paper. social Revivalism Education (a1 tar&y&h) was considered by the Algerian 'UIama as the fundarnenti4 basis of s o d refm. The 't.hma believed that manners originated h m within the i n d i v w , thedm, they enrphasized the aspect of having pureheartsin regard bo social reform. They thought that if in- dividuaIs had ptrre hearts, this w d d lead to clmging their conscience and hence all the hsthtiuns within society d d be changed. The conception of wid lxsmmsm - h t h e Mge&3n'tttm was idealist and they were very 270 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6 No. 2, 1989 concerned with the heart and the conscience of the individual. Accordmg to this idealist point of view, if the individuals were reformed, the institu- tions would be reformed and it follows automatically that the whole society would be reformed as well. This would highlight the role of the Algerian ‘Ulama as engineers of human souls and would explain why they were so concerned with a1 tarbiyah. They believed that through a1 tarbiyah they could manage to formulate al insiin a1 kiimil (the perfect person) and the whole society would be reformed if it consisted of perfect people. It appears that they were also in line with the modern Islamic reformists such as Muham- mad Ibn Abd al Wahhiib, J d al Din al Afgha-, Muhammad Abduh, and Muhammad Iqbd who thought that the social degeneration of Muslims was connected with the neglect of Islam and the separation between Muslims and the facts of the Qur’an. Ibn Mdis emphasized this by declaring that “The most essential thing in educating ourselves and other people is the correction of belief (ti&$ a1 hqidah) and the construction of manners ( w - m a1 akhliiq) because the outside appearance of human beings is the true reflection of their inner heart and conscience.33 He also believed that the utility of people to their society should be judged by their utility to themselves. Any individual who is incapable of improving his status and that of his relatives would certainly be unable to help the members of his society. According to Ibn Bidis, education was supposed to be the spearhead toward the correc- tion of belief and the construction of manners. In order to reform Muslims socially, he thought he should start with educating the ‘Ulama first. He con- sidered the ‘Ulama to be the heart of the Muslim community and it would not be possible to reform the Muslim community without reforming its heart fmt.w He placed strong emphasis on the analogy between the heart (being the ‘Ulama) and the body (being the Muslim community) to indicate the im- portance of the ‘U€ama to the Muslim community. Then he deduced from this analogy that if the heart was sick, one would expect the whole body to be ill and vice versa. Ibn Bidis also emphasized that the ‘Ulama would not be reformed without reforming their type of education first. In other words, education was considered by him to be the cornerstone in reforming the ‘Ulama first, who would then reform the Muslim community. Above all, education itself would not be reformed unless it copied the type of education formulated by the Prophet in subject and content. The Prophet Muhammad (!+US) was considered the ideal teacher for the Muslim community and his type of education was considered to be the genuine basis of social revivalism. The sayings of the Prophet (the Hadith) affmed by Ibn Muslim referred to the fact that the Prophet was originally a teacher to the Muslim 33Al ShihrIb, March, 1931, p. 115. %A1 S h i m , bid, p. 117. Salah ElDin ElZein ElTayeb ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 271 community. Ibn Muslim declared on behalf of the Prophet, “I was basically sent as a teacher.” The education of the Prophet would socialize the Muslims and hence it would be possible to formulate the ideal Islamic community. In regard to the method of education, Ibn Biidis advocated unity between thought and action or theory and practice (a1 jam‘ b a y a1 fikr wa a1 bml) . In reference to priorities, he believed that knowledge (‘ilm) should come before action (hl) and he warned against acting without sufficient knowledge. Nevertheless, it would not be possible to aspire to social reform without main- taining the unity of thought and action. This fact would explain why he was concerned with technical education in addition to m o d preaching.35 1. The Objectives of Islamic Education The Algerian ‘Ulama were influenced by the principles of Islamic education. These principles included four major objectives: the religious objective, the social, the mental, and the material. Ibn Biidis, in particular, tried to compromise between these objectives and the social stage of Algerian society in his time. This background has played a significant role in shaping the methods of his education. As a result, he aimed at a synthesis between the individual and social life of the Algerians, bearing in mind the Prophet Muhammad ( W S ) as the ideal example and imitating his practice as a springboard to the ultimate goal of any Muslim. Therefore, one of his principal educational objectives was the completeness of individual and social life (kamiil a1 byah a1 fardiyah wa a1 ijtimii‘iyah). This indicated that he was aiming at the perfkt human personality, which was supposed to be completely perfect in regard to physical fitness, mental capability, and moral aspects. In this connection Ibn Biidis stated that, “Human perfection is dependent on knowledge, will, power and work, the latter being the foundation of noble manners and reputable behavior. Man’s life from its beginning to its end, is based on these three elements: will, knowledge and work. These three are, in their turn, dependent on another three: work is dependent on the body, knowledge on the mind, and will on the behavior. Sound knowledge and strong will are the products of wise behavior, useful work and robust body. Therefore, mankind must care for and look after these three: the mind, behavior and body. The mind should be fed on knowledge, the behavior of the holy Prophet should be approximated, and strength should be given to the body by balancing diet, avoiding injury and working.”36 All the educational objectives of the Algerian ‘Ulama could be traced to one ultimate 35Al Shihiab, No. 49, August, 1926. 36Al Shan’hh, July 17, 1933. m The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 goal which was a1 mhqlah a1 ijtimii‘iyah wa a1 thaqiijiyzh (social and cultural revival) which was considered the basis of a1 w r a h (civilization). The ‘Ulama believed that the first step toward a1 &z&mh was the formation of the complete human being, then the joining of these complete human beings in a net of social interactions in order to satisfy the social aspects of these individuals. Muslims could not develop and be strong without an organized group to instill in them knowledge and moral strength. The basic precondition of a1 mh&h (renaissance) to Ibn S d i s was the formation of this leading group, which was supposed to lead the Muslim community toward a1 &z&imh. His educational objectives were designed to form this group, which was the Algerian ‘Ulama. In this regard he stated that “The Qur’an is taught to our students and we direct them to study it from the first day and every day in the hope that the Qur’an would mould them in the same manner as it did their ancestors. These students of Qur’an would be the leaders of the Algerian nation in the future and all the aspiration of the Algerian nation would be put into practice by them.% The efforts of Ibn BSdis and the Algerian ‘Ulama helped to infuse social revival, on one side, and to preserve the Algerian personality as being Muslim and Arab on the other side. The efforts of the ‘Ulama in preserving the Algerian personality will be discussed later on. A1 tarbiyah (education) was the fundamental basis of this social revival. It was supposed to formulate the ‘Ulama, who would undertake the task of a1 m w h (renaissance) in regard to the Muslim community and lead them toward a1 h&mh (civilization). 2. Al M d j i d wa a1 Zawrlyah The formulation of the potential Algerian ‘Ulama took place in the mosques. The Algerian mosques were very sigmficant as institutions of learning where the ‘Ulama used to teach Islamic principles and Arabic language. A1 masjid, mosque or place of worship, from S a j d (to prostrate oneself) is considered by Muslims as a &yt Alliik (House of God) and the sanctity of the mosque originates from this belief. As a consequence, Muslims also believed that it was their duty to teach the faith of God (Islam) and the Words of God (Qur’an) in the mosques. The Algerian ‘Ulamd used a1 masiijid for pmchmg their principle~.~8 Besides the religious activities of the mosques (the teachmg and recitation of the Qur’an), there were also praises of God 37AI fiihiib, No. 49, August, 1926. 38See section one and two of Article 4 of 21 Qiiiuin al As&i li Jam‘iyah a1 7Jluma” (The Fundamental Basis of the Association of tbe Algerian ‘Ukma), which declared that one of the objectives of the Association was the teachutg of Islamic principles in the mo.qum. Salah ElDin ElZein ElTayeb ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 2?3 which were classed as dhikr. These activities were particularly cultivated by Sufism. Each individual of the different staff of a1 majid, such as the imam, khatib, qiig, wii‘iz, qiiri: and muhdhdhin took part in preaching the Muslim faith and educating the Muslims.39 A1 zuwiiyiih were also utilized by the Algerian ‘Ulama as centers of religious, cultural, and social activities. Ali Murad emphasized these activities of a1 zuwiiyuh by stating that, “A1 zuwiiyuh were generally established far from the towns and far from the turmoil of mundane life. They have been concerned with the different aspects of religious life. One could rightly emphasize that each ziiwyuh represented a school. The essential function of the marabout’s school was the teaching of Qur’anic texts. The marabout’s schools were also concerned with teaching the youth of the different tribes the fundamental basis of Islamic education. However, the social role of a1 ziiwyuh depended mainly on the personality of its chief, the marabout, and on the personality of that of his assistant, the muq&m.40 This indicated that a1 zuwiiyuh had a positive role to play in regard to social reformism. It had been stated previously in connection with a1 bu lh a1 dins (the religious renaissance) that the Algerian ‘Ulama had attacked vigorously the negative aspects of a1 zuwiiyuh such as being centers for the activities of the marabouts. On the other hand, the ‘Ulama utilized them as institutions of learning and centers of religious and social activities. Each ziiwiyuh acted as a proper school for the teaching of the Qur’an and Arabic language. It happened that there were many zuwiiyuh in the region inhabited by the Algerian Berbers. In this connection a1 zuwiiyuh were very significant in spreading Islam and Arabic language among the Algerian Berbers. Irrespective of the ethnic divisions in Algeria, i.e., Arabs versus Berbers, a1 zuwiiyuh played the role of integrating all the Algerians through Islam and Arabism. Both Arabs and Berbers had to learn the principles of Islam and Arabic language. A€pnad Tawfiq al MadanT emphasized this fact by stating that “Some of the Sufi sects and a1 zuwiiyuh have a historical significance which could not be denied by anybody. They helped greatly in spreading Islam and Arabic language especially among the Berbers in the region of A1 Ziiwiiwii a1 Amiidhiki~ii.”~’ Al Madani had particularly mentioned the following four zuwiiyuh as being the most important: Ziiwiyah Sidi Abd al RaIpniin al Batiili, Ziiwiyah Shaltika (near Akbii town), Ziiwiyah Ibn Abi Diiwiid (in A1 Zawiiyah region) and fmally Ziiwiyah Sidi Manyir (in Jarjarah region). The French colonial administration in Algeria had been aware of 39See the “role of the Mosque as a Religious Centre” in H.A.R. Gibb and J. H. Kramers, Mud Ali, Le Reformisme Musulman en Algerie de 1925 a 1940: Essai d‘histoire 41See A.T. al MadanT, Kit& al Jaza’ir (The Book of Algeria), (Cairo: 1963), 2nd edition, Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam, op.cit., p. 335. religieuse et sociale, op.cit., p.67. p. 350-351. 274 The American J o d of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 the activities of the ‘Ulama and what was going on inside the mosques and the other meeting places such as a1 zawiiyah. It could predict in advance the dangerous consequences of these activities for French colonialism in Algeria. The French authorities decided to act immediately in order to stop the germs of the ‘Ulama from spreadmg a l l over Algeria. The French colonial administration placed every possible obstacle in their way so that the ‘Ulama could not teach in a1 m i i j i d or preach in a1 zawijah. The Governor of Algiers issued a decree42 attacking the activities of the ‘Ulama and preventing them from preaching in the mosques. He described the ‘Ulama as being agitators and condemned them as being agents of some Arab and Muslim countries. The ‘Ulama protested strongly against the decree and demanded absolute liberty in regard to the preaching of Islam. Two urgent demands were sent by trustworthy men to the Governor-General in Algiers, to the Prime Minister in France, to the Minister of Interior, to the president of the Senate and to the President of the Legislative Assembly in Paris. The first demand was related to the immediate opening of the mosques for the ‘Ulama and the second was concerned with the absolute liberty for Algerian Muslims to open their own Qur’anic They also submitted another protest memorandum to the French Administration in Algeria which stated that ”one of the major objectives of the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama is the teaching and preaching of the Algerian people. This teaching and preaching could only take place in mosques. We are very alarmed with the decree of the Governor of Algiers and we demand the freedom of preaching and teaching in mosques.”u This protest was followed by a third one to the president of the French Republic directly which emphasized the right of the Algerians to learn their religion and language and referred to the decree that prevented the ‘Ulama from carrying out their duties. The memorandum to the president of the French Republic declared, “Religious education in this Muslim country is likpidated with the closing down of the mosques and thousands of Muslim youth are eager to learn their Islamic religion, but they are unable to do so because of the fact that the mosques are closed in their faces. To learn and teach Islamic religion is a natural right for nine million Algerian Muslims but unfortunately, they are deprived of this right.”45 Ibn Biidis also referred to these obstacles in his annual report that was presented to the General Assembly of the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama in 1935. He was quite resentful of the fact that the doors of the mosques were closed “The decree of the Governor of Algiers was issued on February 18, 1933. It specifically stated that the Algerian ‘Ulama were strictly forbidden to teach or preach in the mosques. For the actual text of the decree see a1 Shariizh, No. 1, 17 May 1933, p. 4. “See the journal of a1 Sr a1 Saw, No. 11, November, 1933, p. 8. @Ibid., p. 8. “See al Ibrahiml;M.B., ‘Uyiua al Ba.&r, Z%e Eyes of a1 Ba&r, (Algiers: 1976), p. 77. Salah ElDin ElZein ElTayeb ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 275 in front of the ‘Ulama and the Association could not pursue its objectives. He appealed on behalf of the ‘Ulama to the French administration in Algeria to allow the Association to carry out its mission of preaching the faith in the mosques. He declared that “In the name of the Algerian ‘Uama, I declare to the higher authority the protest of the Association against the closing of the mosques and the prevention of the ‘Ulama from preaching in them. In the name of the ‘Ulama I protest against the prevention of the Ummah from learning its religion and the prevention of the Association from carrying out its objectives through legitimate means.”* The French Government did not respond to the requests of the ‘Ulama and it continued to prevent them from using the mosques, which were put under the supervision of the Governor- General in Algiers. Hence the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama decided to establish its own mosques and appeal to the Algerian Muslims to contribute to this sacred goal. The response of the Algerians was quite enormous, and it was reported that over ninety mosques were built by the Association of the ‘Ulama in the big towns and the villages of Algeria during 1933.47 Since the Algerian ‘Ulama were limited in number, the Association decided that they should keep mobile roving from one town to another throughout Algeria. The mobility of ‘Ulama ( t u j u w l ul Vluma) from one town to another is recognized by Islam as one of the important methods for spreading the faith and teaching its principles. In this connection Article 5 of al qiiniin al uski (the fundamental basis) proclaimed that, “The Association was bound to use all the means which it considered to be useful for spreading its principles. One of these effective means was that the ‘Ulama should travel from one place to another in order to preach to the Algerian~.”~~ The visit of the Algerian ‘Alim to a town was considered a significant historical event by local Muslims. All the people of the town concerned (and even from the nearby regions) would gather in the biggest square to listen to the speeches of the visiting ‘ A h . Throughout his stay in the town concerned, the people would discuss the content of his speeches and show their contempt for the abuses of French colonialism in Algeria. By this method, the ‘Ulama were able to mobilize all the Algerians on the basis of Islam and Arabism. French officials intervened again and prevented the Ulama from travelling within Algeria. Each ‘Alim was confined to his native town, was prevented from preaching in its mosques, and was put under constant observation by the *See the annual report presented by Ibn Bidis to me General Assembly of the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama) on Sunday, September 15 1935, in the Record of the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama, op.cit., p. 74; see also a1 @+TrI‘ir, No. 83, Sept., 1937. Osee Majallah a1 Majma‘al llml a1 Hmbi, lhe Journal of Ambic Scientific Conjluence, (Cairo), No. 21, p. 146. 48See Article 4 of the Fundamental Basis of the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama , op.cit. 276 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 police and the security forces. If he wanted to move from one town to another for a personal reason, such as a death of one of his relatives, he had to seek permission from the police of the town. In most cases, acc0xh-g to the writings of the ‘Ulama themselves, this permission was refused. The Clubs of the ‘Ulama In addition to their own mosques, the Algerian ‘Ulama also established their awn clubs. Section 4 of Article 4 and Article 6 of a1 qiiniin a1 usiisi referred in particular to the establishment of social clubs in order to educate al shubiib a1 Jazii’iri (the Algerian youth) through public lectures and open discussions. The Algerian community, a1 mujtumu‘ ul Juzii’iri, was divided into three groups by the ‘Ulama: the small school children, the youths, and the grown-up people. The ‘Ulama aimed at mobilizing all these three groups. The small pupils were recruited in the Association’s private schools; the grown- up people were recruited in the mosques; but the ‘Ulama could not invigorate ul shubiib (the youth) since they did not attend either their schools or their mosques. A1 shabiib a1 Juz’iri (the Algerian youth) were usually attracted to nightclubs. These nightclubs were the ones in which strong drinks were sold. All the facilities of gambling were provided in these nightclubs. The majority of a1 shbiib al Jaziitrf would waste their nights drdung and gambling in these clubs. The French Colonial administration in Algeria encouraged the opening of such clubs while the ‘Ulama were very resentful of them. The consequence of this resentment was that the ‘Ulama decided to establish their own alternative- social clubs. The basic objective behind the establishing the ‘Ulama social clubs was to be in a position to recruit and socialize ul sh~biib.~~ The clubs were considered educational institutions and they were designed in a particular manner so as to perform the same functions that were carried out by the mosques and the private schools. Any community would need the constructive effort of its youth in the process of its development. The Algerian nation could not be expected to flourish if its shabiib (youth) were left to waste their nights in drinking and gambling. The ‘Ulama started their mission of preaching among the Algerian youth within their social clubs which was concerned with the protection of Algerian youth against corrupt manners and practices, especially during the period of adolescence. They suggested that the only safeguard for Algerian youth was for them to follow the teaching of Islam. They emphasized to Algerian youth the role that was expected of them by the Algerian nation. They advised them to prepare 49AI Z?a+y&r, No. 270, 1954, p.1. Salah EilDin ElZein Ellayeb ‘Ulama an0 Islamic Renaissance in Algeria themselves for leading the Ummah (nation) in the future. The ‘Ulama explained to the youth the dangerous consequences of the French colonial policy of assimilation and warned them against imitating the French manner of life. The Algerian ‘Ulama believed that Algeria is a Muslim and an Arab country. They indicated to Algerian youth that they should hold to Islamic and Arabic culture in order to reject the policy of assimilation. Besides the cultural activities within these clubs, the ‘Ulama also introduced most of the popular games. They were particularly concerned with sport and scout activities. Due to these activities, the social clubs of the ‘Ulama became very popular among Algerian youth. This fact did not please the French coloNal administration in Algeria, which decided to discourage the activities of the ‘Ulama among the youth. In 1938, the French Minister of Interior issued a decree forbidding the ‘Ulama from selling any soft drinks al mashriibiit al mub&ah within their social clubs without his consent.% By this decree, the Minister of Interior wanted to weaken these clubs financially by depriving them of the profit which they used to get from selling the soft drinks. In addition to this, he wanted to discourage the Algerian youth from going to these clubs, since they could not find even tea or coffee to drink. Bearing these two reasons in mind, the decree was an attempt to keep the Algerian youth away from the influence of the ‘Ulama. The ‘Ulama did not accept the decree and agitated against it, but the agitation was unsuccessful. The preaching of the ’Ulama was the fundamental basis for their social reformism. Al Tarbiyah was considered the right instrument for the formation of the perfect human being. In this regard, the ‘Ulama utilized al zawiiyah wa a1 masiijid and even the social clubs (al andlyah al ijtimii‘iyah) to pursue their goal of al mh&h al thuqiifiph (cultural revival), which will be discussed next. Cultural Revivalism Social rekrm was based on the usage of social institutions for educational purposes. On the other hand, cultural reform relied basically on the usage of proper educative institutions for the teaching of Islamic principles and Arabic language. In other words, al isliih al tdimi al mubiishir (direct educational reform) constituted the fundamental aspect of al mh&h al t h @ f iyuh (cultural revival). These institutions were ownd and run by the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama, and they were known by the name of al tupim a1 &rr (‘Ulama-independent type of education) in Algeria. It referred %A1 Bas$r, No. 108, April 1938, p. 4. m The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 in particular to the private schools, which were established by the Algerian 'Ulama. These schools were also referred to as madiiris e.y& (private schools) in order to make a distinction between them and the schools which were run by the colonial administration in Algeria. Besides the private schools, cultural reform also relied on .y@f& a1 'ulam (the press of the Algerian 'Ulama). The Algerian 'Ulama had their own press which they utilized as an instrument of instruction. AZ tuEm a1 burr and .y&$uh a1 'UlamQ played a crucial part in educating the Algerians in Islam and Arabism. They were both brought together by the 'Ulama to fulfill their desired goal of cultural revival. The Press of the 'Ulama Section 3 of Article 4 of the fundamental basis of the Association of the Algerian 'Ulama stated that the Association should establish its own journals and reviews. -$zh a1 '?%mu was entrusted with the mission of educating Algerian Muslims and mobilizing them in opposition to French colonial policy. All the Algerian papers that were owned by the indigenous population had three major characteristics: educative, ideological, and multitudinous. S@f& a1 '?%ma had three further characteristics: agitational, critical, and concerned with mobilizing the Algerian masses against the French policy of cultural assimilati~n.~~ In July, 1925, Ibn B5dis established the Journal uZ Muntaqid (the critic or the estimator). The choice of the name was very significant. The mumbouts at that time used to emphasize the slogan "Ztuqid WI la'm'+" (beliewe but do not criticize). Ibn EWis thought that the Algerian Muslims should believe and criticize at the same time. This was why he had chosen the name a1 Muntaqid for his Journal in order to highlight the significance of criticizing French colonialism. The slogan a1 Muntuqid proclaimed that "A1 Hqqf iwq kulli M ul U&un qubl kulli S h q " (Truth is above everybody and the native country is before everything). Underneath the main slogan it was written that ul Muntaqid was a political journal, educative and critical. It was emphasized that it was an independent journal which aimed at the happiness of the Algerian nation with the support of democmtic France. The first editorial of d Muntaqid stated W e are an Algerian Muslim entity which has been put under the domain of French colonialism. Being Muslims, it is our duty to safeguard our religious traditions (d taqiilkf ul Zsliimiyah) which are concerned with human perfection and the promotion ofhternity and peace among all the people. Our national identity qanniyzfuna nFor the titles and the slogans of &&h ul 'UlmM (The 'Ulama Press), see Ali M d , le Refonnisme Munrlman, op.cit., p. 184. Salah ElDin ElZein ElTayeb ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 279 and our moral and material happiness resided in observing these Islamic traditions. This highlighted for us the fact that no people could live without religion, which represents a considerable force in the l i e of all human beings. Any government is mistaken if it underestimates the religion of any people and this considerable force which it possesses. As long as we want to remain an Algerian separate entity, we should continue to unify the Algerians and instill their children with the Algerian national spirit. This can be achieved by educating the Algerian youth along the principles of Islam and make them love the doing of useful deeds for their country and for humanity.”52 The slogan of a2 Muntaqid “Truth is above everybody and the native country is before everything” was quite daring at that time especially if we bear in mind that the French were about to celebrate the hundredth anniversary of French Algeria. The French colonial administration was not prepared to tolerate any criticism in connection with its belief that Algeria was a French department and it banned a1 Muntaqid after eighteen issues had been published. Coincidentally, a1 knvah a1 wuthqah, which was published in Egypt, had also been stopped from entering Algeria after the eighteenth edition. a1 Muntaqid was immediately followed by the Journal a1 Shihiib. The slogan of a1 Shihiib was taken from the book a1 Muwa<@’ by Al I m h Mdik. It stated that “La yas l4 iikhir hiidhihi a1 ummah illa bi mii saw bihi a w l & ” (The rehrmation of this ummah is only possible through hllowing the teachmgs of the Prophet). The second slogan of a1 Shihiib stated that a1 b q q wa a1 lull wad uwliiwah fi i@’jami‘al huqiiq li ladhinu qiimii bi jami‘al wiijibiit (rights, justice and fraternity in giving all the rights to those who had fulfilled their duties). The following words were written at the different corners of the first page of a1 Shihiib: liberty, justice, fraternity, and peace. In addition to these different slogans, two Qur’anic verses were also written on the top of the page. The first Qur’anic verse stated: Ud’u ila sabil Rabbika bi a1 hikmah . . . (preach the faith of God with erudition). The choice of this Qur’anic verse was also very significant. It related to the manner in which Muslims should argue with the infidels. God addressed the Muslims to preach his faith with erudition and patience. He also asked them to approach the infidels in a peaceful manner and to argue with them in a logical and systematic style because He would know in advance those who would accept the Muslim faith and the others who would reject it. The second Qur’anic verse had the same meaning as the first and it stated: QuZ hiidhii sabili . . . say this is my way). The extraction of these two Qur’anic verses in particular indicated that the ‘Ulama were bound to follow the instructions of God in regard to their preaching of the Islamic faith. In February, 1939, a1 Shihiib became a monthly revue instead of a journal. The above slogan of “rights, justice 5 2 ~ 1 M-, JU~Y 2, 1x5, p. 1. 280 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 and fraternity in giving all the rights to those who had fulfilled their duties” had been abandoned in 1937. It was replaced by another slogan which stated that “Li mtl bla anjkim wa li mttakil bla Alhh (we should rely on ourselves and depend on God”). The Algerian ‘Ulama were disappointed by the Government of the popular front in France and they were not particularly pleased with the results of the Islamic Congress in 1936. These two incidents had shattered their hopes in democratic France and they arrived at the conclusion that rights are taken and not given (a1 huqiiq tukhadh wa la tuta). The new slogan, ”We should rely on ourselves and depend on God,” indicated that the Algerian ‘Ulama had lost any hope of getting any concessions from France and it represented a turning point in the Algerian national struggle against French colonialism. The last issue of al Shifib was published in September, 1939. In addition to a1 Shihiib, the Algerian ‘Ulama had published several journals. AZ S h i m belonged to Ibn W - s personally and not to the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama. In fact, the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama established the Journal of al Sunnuh in Dhu a1 yiijiah 1352 (April 1933) and it was stopped by the French Government in July, 1933. Then a1 Sunnah was followed by d Shuribh in July 1933. Ibn Biidis protested against the decree of the Minister of Interior, which stopped the Journal of a1 Sunnah. He asked why the French Government should blame the Algerian ‘Ulama for establishing a religious and cultural society which would help it in raising the standad of the Algerians. In the first editorial of the Journal of a1 S h a S i , Ibn Biidis emphasized that a1 Sharitzh would carry the same mission as the banned journal of a1 Sunnuh. Along these lines he stated that “In the light of our steadfast plan-the dissemination of knowledge and virtue of the fighting of ignorance and vice; in the light of our noble aim-the refmement and education of the Algerian people, who are linked to France, the upgrading of their standards of behavior, work and their mental capabilities to befit the French image and prestige; and in the light of our confidence in the justice of France, the freedom and democracy of the French people, the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama established the banned Sunnah newspaper and we have today, established the purified Shan’zzh newspaper to take the place of the former. The latter, we hope, shall come to occupy in our hearts the place hitherto occupied by the Sunnuh newspaper. To achieve the goal, we shall always look forward to the Almighty for help and smngth.53 A1 sharizih was allowed to produce six issues and it WBS stopped in August, 1933. After the closing down of al ShurZhh, the Asmiation of the ‘Ulama started aE Sir64 a1 @wi in September, 1933. The Minister of the Interior intervened as usual and stopped it in January, 1934. In December, 1935, the ‘Ulama established ”See the editorial of the journal at SharWz, July n, 1933. Salah ElDin ElZein ElTayeb ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 281 the Journal al Bqqii’ir. The Association of the ‘Ulama had chosen the following Qur’anic verse to be the main slogan of al & I S . @ - : (qad Jziixkum bqqii’ir min Rabbikum . . . This light was given to y c ~ . ~ by God). The ‘Ulama indicated that al Bugiii’r was similar to a torch which was sent by God to show the Muslims the correct passage to salvation. Those who would follow al &ISqii’ir would be enlightened by it and those who disregarded it would live in darkness. It was stopped by the ‘Ulama during the Second World War. In 1947, it resumed publication again under the editorship of M&ammad al Bashir al IbriihImT who succeeded Ibn B5dis in 1940 as the president of the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama. Under A1 Ibriihimi, al Bu$qiiir was very critical of French colonialism and it stopped finally in April, 1956, after the start of the Algerian war for national liberation ($arb al Mrir al kubmh) . Some of the Algerian ‘Ulama had their own journals which were sympathetic to the course of the Association of the ‘Ulama. These sympathetic journals included al lhbiit , al Niir, al M i m d , and al I$@. They followed the guiding lines of al Shihiib and al Bqqii’ir while they echoed the ideas of the Association in regard to the religious renaissance, and the social and cultural revivalism. It was noticeable that all the journals of the Association of the ‘Ulama were published in Arabic. Nevertheless, certain ‘Ulama had published their journals in French. For example, Al Amin al ’Amiidi had published the Journal La Defense in French. Besides La Defense there were also some sympathetic journals to the ‘Ulama in French such as llkdam and ZEntente. This revealed that the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama was not prejudiced against the French language and that it published all its documents and reports in both Arabic and French. S@fah al UZam played a crucial role in cultural revivalism. The Algerian ‘Ulama utilized their journals and revues as a medium to communicate their ideas to the Algerian Muslims. The utility of + & f i al ‘ulama as an effective medium of communication was demonstrated by the constant intervention of the Minister of the Interior and his regular banning of the journal. The press of the Algerian ‘Ulama constituted one aspect of cultural revivalism. The other significant aspect of cultural revivalism was Islamic education, which was provided by the ‘Ulama’s private schools. The ‘Ulama Independent Schools The ultimate goal of the ‘Ulama Independent schools was the extension of formal education in Arabic and religion to Algerian pupils (ul taliimidhah al Jazii’irfyin). al is@ al ta’limi (educational development) was primarily based on the proper instruction of classical Arabic and orthodox Islam of the Algerian ‘Ulama in their private schools. The indigenous Arabic dialect 282 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 was equated with traditional Islam by the Algerian ‘Ulama. The emancipation of the Algerian Muslims from the influence of traditional Islam would also require as a prerequisite their proper knowledge of classical Arabic. In this regard, al &zlilgh” declared that ‘Arabic language and Islamic religion are twins to the extent that you can’t neglect one without also slipping from the other. By conserving the language of the Qur’an one wuld also conserve the Muslim soul and who missed the Arabic language would also miss by definition of the Islamic religion. AZ Nujiih indicated the significance of the Arabic language to Algeria by stating that languages were very crucial to the existence of nations. It declared that “It is through language that nations exist, and by learning your language you become a patriotic person. The most noble work for Algeria is to propagate Arabic and so resuscitate the people who spoke it.”55 The ‘Ulama were very much concerned with the field of education because they were essentially teachers by occupation. They believed that any human being would need desperately water, air, education, and food in order to survive. Since the French colonial administration was not particularly concerned with educating Algerians, they decided to carry out this mission through their own private schools. In regard to their educational principles, they stated that “In the same manner as the body needs food and beverage, the spirit also needs to be nourished by real knowledge (mzifah ,yzhi&zh).”M The fundamental basis of the Association of the ‘Ulama also emphasized this educational role. Article 4 (Section 6) and Article 6 stated that the Association should establish its own private schools in order to teach Muslim children the Arabic language that was the tongue of their Islamic religion. The Muslim children should also be taught how to read and write, the principles of Islamic religion and the fundamentals of education (usiil aZ tarbiyah). The private schools of the ‘Ulama should be under the supervision and the responsibility of the Association of the ‘Ulama. Besides the elementary schools (kutiitib Qurbniyah), the Association was supposed to establish its own Institutes fmZhid dtniyah) and even send the outstanding students on scholarships to Jiimi‘ a1 Zuyfzmuh in ‘hnis, aJ Azhar in Egypt, and Jiimi‘ al Kamwiyin in Morocco. These three institutions, which were originally mosques, were considered as colleges for higher studies in Arabic language and Islamic religion. The three institutions have developed now into recognized universities for the study of the social sciences, with a particular bias toward Islamic studies. Only al M a r , in comparison with the two other universities, had its own faculty of medicine that was supposed to graduate doctors who were also preachers at the same time. The Algerian ‘Ulama utilized al ta‘lim %A1 Baliigh, October 25, 1930. 5sAl h k i g h , Octokr 25, 1930. 56See the editorial of A1 Muntaqid, July 2, 1925, p. 1. Salah ElDin ElZein ElTayeb ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 283 a1 burr for cultural revival. This meant specifically the regeneration of Arabic language and Arabic culture. The ‘Ulama were very keen about these two aspects because French colonialism had been very systematic in eliminating any traces of Arabism in Algeria since its occupation in 1830. They started their free education by establishing primary schools throughout Algeria. It was reported in 1948 that the Association of the ‘Ulama had one hundred and forty primary schools in Algeria.57 In 1951, the Association of the ‘Ulama published the names of all its intermediate schools in Algeria.” In 1947 the Association established its own secondary schools. The first secondary school was established in Constantine and it was called “Institute of Ibn B&Es.” Al I b r h - declared the Institute of Ibn Bidis to be a crucial turning point in educational development in Algeria.59 Mdpmmad Khayr al Din (vice- president of the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama) had written a long article in a1 W & r indicating the significance of having a higher institute for Islamic studies such as Ibn Bidis Institute. The naming ofthe Institute after Ibn Bid- is reflected the recognition by the ‘Ulama of his efforts in regard to al taEm al burr. Khayr al Din mentioned that there were 702 students in the Institute of Ibn Bidis in 1950 to 1951. In 1955, their number incmsed to 913 students and they were distributed among the different classes as follows: 310 (in the first year); 284 students (in the second year); 227 students (in the third year); ninety-two students (in the fourth year). Out of the ninety-two graduates in 1955, forty students had managed to get their higher certificate of education.6o Ibn Bidis Institute was followed by two other Institutes in Algiers and l’blmusin. This indicated that the ‘Ulama higher education in Algeria was confined to three institutes only. These institutes were equally divided among the three departments of Algeria which included Constantine, al Jaza’ir (the capital), and lhlmusin. The Association of the ‘Ulama also devoted some efforts to the proper training of the ‘Ulama. Since them were no special colleges for the training of the Algerian teachers, the Association made further efforts by sending the potential ‘Ulama on scholarships to al mashriq a1 Arabi.“ The Journal of a1 Ba.y.yii?r played a significant role in regard to the training of the Algerian teachers and their preparation for the profession of teaching. Through the editorials of al Ba+yiiPr al I b r m - used to address the Algerian teachers by stating that they should consider their schools battle grounds and they were expected by the Algerian nation to be 57Al &IsSiiFr, No. 65, Janua~y, 1949, p.7. 58For the complete list of the ‘Ulama Intermediate schools see aZ &rssiirr, No. 135, 59Al Ba&r, No. 54, October, 1948, p. 1. 6oFor the complete article of Khayr al Din see Al &s&. No. 226, August, 1955, P. 1. “In connection with the training ot the ‘Ulama and the scholarships of the Association, see A1 Bm$r, No. 173, October, 1951, p. 3; see also AZ Bcqiiirr, No. 262, March, 1954, p. 1. December, 1951, p. 7. 284 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 the heroes of these fighting fields. He told them that inefficiency would be considered a crime and advised them to be ideal examples for their students. In this regard he emphasized ”Be c d when p u give advice to your stbdents. What you say to them verbally, should be identical to what you do practically. If you advised them not to tell lies, you should always tell the truth yourselves. If you advised them to be patient, you should be patient yourselves.”6* The French colonial administration in Algeria had tolerated the indigenous type of education up to the end of the First World War. The reason behind this toleration was that the indigenous education was disorganized, very limited and totally ineffective in mobilizing the Algerian masses. After the end of the First World War, the French became alarmed by the indigenous type of education because the ‘Ulama increased in number and started to organize their educational activities. With the formation of the Association of Algerian ‘Ulama in 1931, it became clear that the Independent education of the ‘Ulama started to constitute a threat to the future of French Algeria.63 At that stage French authorities decided to intervene in order to jeopardize the educational efforts of the ‘Ulama. The response of the French colonial administration to the Independent education of the ‘Ulama came with unequivocal brutality. The Minister of the Interior issued a decree in which Arabic was described as a foreign language in Algeria. The ‘Ulama were prevented indirectly from teachug Arabic and the Security Forces were ordered to put the decree into action. The ‘Ulama were puzzled and disappointed to hear that Arabic was a foreign language in an Arabic country. The decree inflicted severe pain on the ‘Ulama. This pain was manifested in their report to the French Government in 1944.a The Association of the ‘Ulama protested vigorously against the decree that considered Arabic to be a foreign language in Algeria. They protested to the Governor-General in Algiers and they submitted several petitions to the French Government in Paris, but their 62See a1 Basji’ir, No. 94, 1949; the editorials of the following issues of a1 Bas+&, were also addressed to Algerian teachers by Al Ibrihhiinl. al Bast&, No. 132, 1950; No. 133, 1950; No. 145, 1951; and a1 &rssiii’r, No. 149. 1951. 63Because of the efforts of the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama, a1 fit2tib a1 Qurhn i$xh (Qur’anic elementary schools) spread all over Algeria, even in the remote regions of Widi Mizab. Ba$d I b r h ‘Umar indicated in a special report on Arabic education (in the region of MIzib) to Turki Rabih, that the schools of the ‘Ulama were very influential in the region. The people of the Widi Mizib boycotted conscription into the French army due to the influence of the ‘Ulama. The conscription was considered kufr because Muslims would fight Muslims for the sake of infidels and the Algerians would develop bad habits from the camps. The pubs and houses of prostitution in the region were also closed down due to the influence of the ‘Ulama. The report of Bayud Ibrihim ‘Umar on Arabic Education in the Region of M b i was passed to the writer by lkrki Rib& himself, who was a lecturer in the Department of Education at the University of Algiers. the report of the Algerian ‘Ulama to the Algerian Government in 1944, op.cit. Salah ElDin ElZein Elweb ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 285 protests were in vain. In March, 1938, the French Government issued another decree which stated that the Algerian ‘Ulama should seek permission for the teaching of the Arabic language.65 The March decree specified categorically that any iilzm who taught Arabic without permission would be severely punished by the French Government. Due to this decree, most of the ‘Ulama were fmed and sent to prison because they refused to seek permission for the teaching of Arabic. SgV Al HusarI described in this report how the French Government humiliated the Algerian ‘Ulama for teaching Arabic without permission. He declared that in 194849 there were twenty- seven cases before the Algerian courts. All the ‘Ulama involved were fmed and three of them were imprisoned.@j The ‘Ulama believed that it was absurd to seek permission to teach their own language and their own religion. As a result of this belief, they accepted imprisonment for the sake of carrying out their sacred mission of teaching the language of their faith. The March decree also indicated that the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama should seek permission before opening a new school. The ‘Ulama were particularly embittered by the March decree because it aimed primarily at jeopardizing their educational efforts. The French and the Jews had their own private schools in Algeria and they were not requested by the March decree to seek permission in opening a new school. No French or Jewish teacher was obliged to seek permission in order to teach French or Hebrew. Even if the Association applied for permission to open a school, it would take time before the application was cleared and in the end, the permission would be refused. The Association demanded that the French Government inspect its private schools but the demand was turned All the Algerians, includmg those who were educated in French, had protested against the March decree. All the indigenous Algerians who did not even know the Arabic language, such as doctors, lawyers, or lecturers, had joined the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama in their struggle for the liberty of teaching Arabic. It was significant to note that the March decree had even inflicted pain on some of the French people. Jacques Madoul (a French historian) who visited Algeria in 1954 with a French delegation declared in regard to the March decree that “One of the strange things that puzzled me was that Arabic language which was the language of the majority in Algeria was considered as a foreign language. That was the major reason why the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama devoted all its efforts in organizaing al &Ern al humpa In connection with the protest of the Europeanized =A1 Ba&ir, 8 April, 1938. @jSee the article of Siti’ al Husari in the periodic of Arabic culture, Cairo, 1950, p. 568, 67Al Bas<&’ir, No. 65, 1949. 68A1 Bas$&, No. n0, May, 1954. quoted in Turki Rabih, Education and the Algerian Personality, (Algiers, 1974), p. 173. 286 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 Algerians against the March decree, Ibn Biidis stated that "some people thought that Islam and Arabic language were only the concern of those who believed in Islam and read Arabic. Those people thought that the Em- Algerians had n o w to do with Islam and Arabic language. The protests against the March decree by the Europeanized Algerians proved that they were equally concerned with the future of the Arabic language in Algeria."@ The Algerian 'Ulama supported by some French sympathizers and all the Algerian people, demanded their absolute liberty in teaching Arabic and the opening of their private schools. Al I b r m - was very critical of the French Government for obstructing the mission of the 'Ulama in Algeria. He stated that the French Government was secular (in name) and Christian (in action). He interpreted the decrees of the French Government as being a reflection of the struggle between Islam and Christianity and associated colonialism with Christianity. He declared that "The truth that our people ought to know about the present battle is that it is a struggle between Islam and Christianity. The effects of this struggle are manifested by the Government programs which are directed mainly to undermine Arabic and Islamic education. The Government proved to be secular in name and Christian in essence, identity, practice, and appearance-in hct, all colonialism is Christian by nature. Hence, we persist in demanding the Independence of Arabic education, the freedom of preaching in the mosques, and the separation of Islamic jurisprudence from the French legal system. These three issues we consider to be our rights in life and we believe that our religious well-being will remain incomplete without their realization. Freedom of belief is man's natural right.n7o In regard to the teaching of Arabic language, he protested against the idea of seeking permission for this purpose. He believed that French colonialism was scared of the teaching of Arabic language and it considered Arabicas its chief enemy just as Satan considered the doing of good a1 tuna1 a1 @lib as his worst enemy. Under the heading of a1 &Ern al Ambi Wa a1 hukiimQh (Arabic education and the French Government) he had written several articles attacking these hinderances and demanding their urgent remo~al .~ The report of the Association of the Algerian 'Ulama to the French Government in 1944 specified the Association's demands in regard to the teaching of Arabic language. The report demanded the repeal of all the decrees issued by the French Government in connection with the teaching of Arabic. This demand was first stated in the first issue of a1 &Issii'it in @A1 lkqqiifr, June 10, 1938. mAl Basqiifr, No. 74, 1949. nFor the articles of Al fir-- on a1 talim a1 Wmbi wa al h u k h d (Arabic Education and the Algerian Government) see A1 lkqqiifr, No. 1, 1947 No. 2, 1947; No. 9, 1947; NO. 47, 1947 No. 65, 1949; No. 66, 1949; No. 68, 1949; No. 69, 1949; No. 70, 1949; No. 71, 1949; No. R, 1949; No. 73, 1949; and No. 74, 1949. Salah ElDin ElZein El’IFdyeb ‘Ulama and Islamic Renaissance in Algeria 287 1947. Under the heading of a1 ta‘lim a1 Ambi (Arabic education) a1 Baqiiirir produced the request of the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama.R The ‘Ulama demanded that a new decree should replace all the previous decrees and it should clearly state that the Algerian ‘Ulama were free to open their private schools or to teach Arabic. If the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama wanted to establish a new school, it should only have to inform the French Government of the name, place of the school, and the names of the teachers. No permission should be necessary. The new decree should also include satisfactory guarantees against the closing down of the private schools of the ‘Ulama for political reasons. Instead of responding to some of these requests favorably, the French administration took further measures to weaken the status of Arabic language. It was decided that the news should be broadcast in both Arabic and Berber and there should also be a translator for both languages within the Algerian legislative Assembly. al I b r m - had protested against these two resolutions and stated that “These two resolutions meant to say that Algeria was inhabited by different races who spoke different languages. Therefore no one of these different languages deserved to be the official one. If all the Kabyles’ members of the Assembly spoke French, why should the French colonial administration appoint a translator for them? The Kabyles are Muslim Arabs and Algeria is a Muslim and an Arab country and Arabic should be the official language in the country? The basic objective of the French behind these two resolutions was to counter the argument that Arabic should be elevated to the same level as the French language in Algeria. The Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama demanded that Arabic language should have the same status as the French language. It demanded that all the official publications and reports should be published in both French and Arabic. Finally, the ‘Ulama insisted that the Arabic press should be granted similar facilities as those accorded to the French press.” The French wanted to indicate that Algeria consisted of different ethnic groups and neither Arabic nor Berber should have the upper hand while opening the way for the French language to dominate both of them. In spite of the tough measures that were taken by the French Government against the ‘Ulama independent education and their private press, cultural revivalism remained strong in Algeria. It was c h a r a c t e d by the ‘Ulama’s perpetual struggle for the recognition of their private schools and press. This fact was confmed by some of the French people who praised the activities of the ‘Ulama in the educational domain and criticized the French authorities for obstructing their activities. M. Metteran, the leader of the French delegation RAl Bus$&, No. 1, 1947. 73Al &rSsii$r, No. 41, 1948. 74Al Shihib, July, 1936, p. 211. 288 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciencs Vol. 6, No. 2, 1989 that visited Algeria in 1954, declared in this connection, “We have seen the activities of the Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama in regard to a1 ta‘lrm a1 burr. The Association established about 150 schools, which included about 45,000 students. It also became clear to us that the French colonial administration was against the teachmg of Arabic and Islamic principles while the Algerian ‘Ulama were devoted to countering the activities of the religious saints and the teaching of Arabic and Islam.”75 A1 taEm a1 burr and qa&fbh a1 ‘ulama combined together to constitute the fundamental basis of a1 nuhqhh a1 thaqiifiyah in Algeria. On the other side of the coin, a1 tur- biyah, a1 masiijid wa a1 zawiiyah and andiyah a1 ‘Ulama played a significant role in a1 nahdah a1 ijtim6fyah. The Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama successfully utilized the two sides of the coin (a1 mh&h a1 thaqiifiyuh wa a1 zjfimiifyah) to mobilize the Algerian people toward Islam and Arabism. Conclusion This work demonstrates that modern national opposition to European colonization in Algeria was inspired by the puritans rather than the saints. The Association of the Algerian ‘Ulama devoted its efforts to countering the colonial policy of consolidating the Sufi sects. The liberation of Algeria started with the liberation of the Algerians from the influences of the corrupt practices of Islam which were related to the ceremonies of the marubouts. The ‘mama-inspired social and cultural revivalism produced a psychological and moral atmosphere that dominated the Algerian people. This dimension was totally neglected in the interpretation of Algerian violence and the excessive heroism of a1 fidiifyin a1 Jazii’irfyin (fighters who offer up their lives courageously). The psychological and moral atmosphere was particularly relevant and significant during the Algerian war for national liberation. In this connection, the Algerian ‘Ulama prepared the masses morally and psychologically for their noble violent conflict with France. 75Al Bas$i’ir, No. 2’70, May, 1954, p. 1.