The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 4, No. 2, 1987 209 Re-Islamization of the West African Ummah A Model for Tajdid? Abdur Rahman I. Doi Introduction Human development, from the Islamic point of view, can be achieved only by following the footsteps of the Prophet (SAAS). The nearer one comes to imbibing the Message of the QurTn, Sunnah, and Shari’ah in one’s life, the more humanly developed one becomes, because personal development in Islam is measured by one’s refinement in living this Message. The more refined and developed are the persons in a community, the better will be their culture and civilization. As long as Muslims continued moulding their life according to the Shari‘ah, their civilization in Medina, Baghdad, Andullis, Constantinople, and Delhi flourished. The decline and fall of Islamic civilization came when Muslims started paying mere lip service to the formula of faith and departing from the spirit and purposes of the Shari‘ah. This was the unfortunate phenomenon throughout the Muslim world. Fortunately, the rightly inspired people rose to bring back the erring Muslims to the path of the Shari’ah. This paper seeks to present an assessment of the dynamics used by a Mujaddid (a promoter of Ejjdid or revival) of West Africa to re-Islamize a society that had sunk into the abyss of confusion. Islam in West Africa West Africa, situated south of the Sahara desert, and which the Arab historians called Bitd al S&n, has witnessed in the past, many Islamic empires, e.g., Ghana, Mali, Songhai, and Bornu, the last of which was the Sokoto Caliphate. It emerged from the process of Tizjdid (renewal or revival in accordance with the QurTn and Sunnah)’ which was started by Shehu (Shaikh) ‘Uthman Danfodio (1754-1817)* in 1774, and which culminated in Dr. Abdur RahmZn I. Doi is director of the Center for Islamic Legal Studies, Ahmudu Bell0 University, Zariah, Nigeria. 210 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 4, No. 2, 1987 the establishment of D i r al-Zshm in the Western Sudan around 1803. Shehu’s death in 1817 ended what we may call “the revolutionary phase” in the history of the Caliphate. A new phase followed in the flowering of the ideal Islamic Ummuh from 1817 to 1837. The Caliphate was properly nurtured into a pure Islamic government according to the guidelines provided by the Shehu in not less than a hundred books and tracts of which the mugnum opus was Zhya al-sunnuh wa Zkmiid al-Bidi~h.~ These works taken together graphically discuss the ideals that nourished the Caliphate, enabling it to grow from the Pagan city-state of Gobir ruled by Habe kings into a West African super-state. The efforts of the pious and learned scholars, who had at one time gathered together in Timbuktu to teach and preach the most comprehensive and all-encompassing ideals of Dirn and Siyasuh at Sankore Uni~ers i ty ,~ ultimately found an honest and dedicated spokesman who taught and re-enacted their tradition. Mahmtid Ka’ti, the famous West African historian, in his book, Ta’rWz ul-FuttZish, has described the glory of Tiibuktu in these words: “Religion flourished and the Sunnuh enlivened both religious and worldly affairs. . . .In those days it had no equal in the Sudan, from Mali to the edges of the Maghrib, for sound- ness of institutions, political liberties, purity of customs, security of life and goods, and respect for and assistance to, the students and men of learning.5 Shehu ‘Uthman did exactly the same. He “enlivened the sunnah” in both religious and worldly affairs. Shehu ’Uthmzn became the symbol of the religious Caliphate, its central focus and the fmal arbiter in moments of crisis for as long as the Islamic dispensation in the Sokoto Caliphate lasted before the coming of the British. Through his Islamization process, Shehu ‘Uthman lives in the memory of all the Ummuh in West Africa even todq. He will, inshi? Alliih, remain the veritable symbol of the Muslim Ummah in a considerable part of Africa for all time to come. The Process of Tajdid The %j&d process of the Shehu, popularly known as Jihiid, was essenti- ally a struggle between believers and unbelievers; and in the political context of the time, it was a struggle between the advocates of justice and the tyrannical rulers. It was, in fact, a culmination of an Zlim’s reform movement, and was nothing other than the repetition of the recurrent drama involving the con- flict between the forces of the Prophet Muhammad (SAAS) and AbD Jahl. As AllZmah Dr. Iqbill says: ’A. R. I. Doi Re-Islamization of the West African Ummah: A Model for ’IBjdid? 211 From time immemorial, there has been constant rivalry and struggle between the spark of Abti Lahab and the light from the Lamp of Mustafi (SAAS). In his struggle, the Shehu started first by cultivating his own ideas on the basis of the Qur’zn and Sunnah and then re-orienting the minds of other men in accordance with these ideas. He was, in a way, following in the footsteps of the Ashi our noble predecessors who lived in the shadows of the memory of the Prophet (SAAS) in the first century of Islam. Only in this way can a Mujaddid, determined to challenge all decadence and oppression, defeat the evil-doers in their diabolic efforts to de-Islamize Islamic society. When Zulm, in the form of unbelief or tyranny, is increasingly threatened, its perpetrators, in utter desperation, resort to force and coercion, thereby bringing into being the phases of hijruh (exile) andjihlid as happened in the Makkan and Medinan periods. Jihad is the most intensive stage in the process of tuj&d. It serves, on the one hand, to purge the revolutionary movement of its wayward elements and fence-sitters - to separate the grain from the chaff as it were - and to grace some of the sincere elements in the revolutionary process with martyrdom. On the other hand, jihlid serves as a cleansing exercise, to rid the world of tyranny, together with its institutions and the men who symbolize it. It is the moral transformation of the entire Ummah. After all, every man, Islam tells us, is rnukallaf, i.e., charged with the realization of the Divine will.“This tukZ7J or charge,” says Professor Isma’il d-Fmqi, “is based on his natural endowment constituting his sewus communis which he shares with humanity. This innate but educable sensus is the fa- culty by which he recognizes his Creator and perceives His will as the ought- to-be of his life. Islam therefore not only declares every man responsible but categorically denies every assumption of non-takhfto any adult of sound mind. In Islam every man is expected to carry his own personal burden in full con- sciousness and is given respect in proportion to his realization of his respon- sibility. This follows from the nature of umaiimh or divine trust, committed to man by Allah.6 To that extent, revolution, with all that it entails in blood- shed and destruction, as happened in the case of the Shehu’s J i m of renewal, can be seen as a blessing for men, because by it oppression is destroyed, and a new world, based on definite values and on definite moral and social commit- ments, is created. Through Jihad people are given a new breath of life, and a new sense of direction after a long period of decay and disorientation. In the West African setting under the Habe rulers, it was extremely dif- ficult for the Shehu and the Jumiiizh he had formed to distinguish between believers and unbelievers because of their takhZ7f (~yncretism).~ In two of his books Bmyi ul-Muslimin and Siraj ul-lkhwifn, the Shehu concentrates on this point and defines a Muslim or a believer as a person who affirms his belief 212 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 4, No. 2, 1987 in Allah and in Muhammad (SAAS) as His Messenger, who keeps his faith pure and safeguards it against corruption, and practices Islam as laid down in the Shari‘ah at0 the best of his ability. Moreover, he does not mingle Islamic belief with the beliefs of hfr, nor the Islamic practices with those of hfr, nor yet mock at or deny the essential elements of Islamic faith and practice. An unbeliever, on the other hand, the Shehu says, is a person who does not a f f i his belief in Allah and His Messenger; he worships idols of all sorts, and he mingles the practices of Islam with those of hfi, even though he might claim to be a Muslim; and he speaks lightly of Islam and ridicules Islamic sacred institutions. It is true that there can be no doubt that the essence of Islamic civilization is Islam; or that the essence of Islam is Tawhid or uniza- tion of Allah, which is the act of affirming Allah to be the One, the absolute, transcen- dent Creator, the Lord and Master of all there is.* - The Problem of Takhlit The most difficult task in the process of TajdZd, therefore, is to stamp out takhh?, the syncretic beliefs and practices in which a person is engrossed. Innovations in the matter of religion seem always very attractive. They are difficult to remove from a person because he thinks that they are part of religion, whereas in reality they are not. New departaures are, as the Shehu has pointed out, Bidtit al-Shaimniyyuh or diabolic innovations. It was essential therefore on the part of the Shehu to make this tumuyiz (distinction) between the believers of TawhTd and the followers in the footsteps of the Shaitiin and elevate it into the central theme in his work plan for reformation. The Shehu defines Bidbh as whatever is extraneous to the Qur%n,Sunnah, and Zjmii. It is a new thing introduced into Religion which is not part of it - though it has a semblance of being part of it - either in essence or similitude. For a thing to be regarded as bidbh, however, it is not enough that it is a “new thing.” It must also constitute a negation of the essence and spirit of the Qur’an and Sunnah. But a “new thing” which is consistent with the essence and spirit of the law and which is intended to advance the cause of Islam is not considered as extraneous to the Law. Thus, when the Prophet stated that “whoever introduces in this affair of ours (i.e. Islam) something that does not belong, it shall be rejected,” he was referring to whatever vitiates or has the effect of nullifying religion and its fundamental roots. The Political Approach On the political front, the process of integrathg the Muslims into one large and loving family of Allah naturally led to a desire on the Shehu’s part to ’A. R. I. Doi &-Islamization of the West African Ummah: A Model for Tajdid? 213 work for Ezr ul-Zshm the “home of Islam” and the home of hustice, as op- posed to the home of unbelief and tyranny to whose rule the family of Allah had been subjected by the Habe rulers. There was no doubt about the intellec- tual and moral superiority that Muslims enjoyed over the unbelievers; and Shehu ‘Uthm2n’s intensive educational, spiritual, and moral programs helped to sharpen the social consciousness of those who were being mobilized for Zstzih, (the highest form of worship through action) change, and reforma- tion. It was this consciousness, which permeated every corner of society that alarmed the oppressing ruling elites. Muslims gained the awareness that idol worshippers and corrupt and inept rulers and tyrants had no moral right to rule over them nor to be their master. It was beneath their dignity as believers to subdue themselves before tyrants or as the Shehu put it, Abna‘al-dunya (creatures of the material world). They had a duty, they were told, to seek the means to live as Muslims, to secure their own dignity and the integrity of Islam; in short, to overthrow the unbelieving power and establish B r al-Zshm. All the West African scholars before Shehu ‘Utahm2n who came and lived in Nigeria were disgusted with the prevailing un-Islamic situation in this coun- try. For example, the revolutionary and vastly respected North African scholar, Abd al-Karim al-Maghili al-TilmasZni, who traveled and lived in some of the key cities and states of Bilad aZ-Shn , such as Kano, Katsina and Gao, wrote treatises giving advice to some of the rulers, notably Muhammad Rumfa of Kano and Askia Muhammad of Songhai. His advice was instrumental in the establishment and enchancement of the SharTbh as the basis of the legal order of those states and helped to bring about an Islamic transformation of those societies in general. The fire of revolutionary Tajdid, or fundmental renewal, which he kindled in the 15th century A.C., kept burning for three centuries until it was translated into a real political and social force in the nineteenth century by Shehu ’Uthm%~ DanFodio. In his famous work A j ~ i b u h , ~ al-Maghili emphasized that tuj&d was an historical imperative; it was essentially the responsibility of scholars imbued with both knowledge and piety; and its ultimate purpose was to establish the truth, remove falsehood, overthrow a tyrannical order, and establish justice in the land. The ‘Ulmii al-SII’ But such Ulumii, imbued with knowledge and piety as envisaged by Al-Maghili, were not easy to find in Hausaland. Some were merely court- Ulurr@ of the Habe kings. On an ‘Id day, the ‘Ulama were invited by the king and were given presents in the form of gold. Shehu ‘Uthman did not sit with 214 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 4, No. 2, 1987 these Ulumii, but occupied a place towards the tail-end of the prayer ground, and refused to accept the present. There was a plan to take his life, but Allah saved him on this occasion. The most serious obstacle encountered by the Shehu in his effort to bring about the moral, political and intellectual transfor- mation of Hausaland therefore came from the Warn- a1-m: that is, the corrupt and venal scholars. While the challenge posed by the kings was basic- ally political, the UZumZi al-5%’ challenged the Shehu intellectually by sup- porting the kings. If the Shehu had failed in facing up to their challenge, his movement would have lost the moral and intellectual battle it had to win in order to overcome the social and political battles that lay ahead. This intellectual, and in many respects, ideological war with the ‘Ulamii al-=’continued from the time the Shehu became prominent towards the end of his life. Most horrifying was the laxity of the ’Ulmzii al-S: even on the fundamental issues of faith (‘mn) and Tawh7d. When Shehu realized that these selfish ‘UZumZi’ were not doing their duties, he thought that another effective method was to write books and treatises on this important subject. He kept on writing to guide his own followers, to persuade others with contrary views to accept the opinions of the great jurists, and to demolish the “delusions” created by the ’Ukmii al-S’regading the faith of the common people. Muhammad Bello, Shehu’s son, says in InjZq al-Maysir that the Shehu wrote as many as fifty books on this question of Tawh-id and hi% alone. Of these, the most important works were Tanbih al-lhlaba, hhi annu-Alhih Ta Zhi Ma’ri$ bil-Fitrah’O and I r s W ah1 al-Tapit wa al-IjZita. In his books Ta7im al-Ikhwan and Tanbih al-IkhwZin, Shehu ‘Uthmsn enlighten the reader about the type of syncretic rulers against whom he was to proclaim his Jihiid of reform and justifies his resorting to arms against these kings. Shehu ‘Uthmiin gives four broad reasons: First, most of the rulers were idol-worshippers, the Hausa rulers in particular, the Shehu states in Ta’fim that al-Ikhwm paid homage to trees and stones, made animal sacrifices to them, and turned to them for the fulfillment of their needs. Thus, they were unbelievers, even though they prayed, fasted, and performed other rites of Islam. ”To be sure, the Shehu writes further, in the effort to stress the clearcut distinction between Islam and KUJir, “the believers give glory to Allah by pro- strating themselves before Him, by slaughtering animals by way of sacrifice, and (giving) alms and offerings (in the cause of Allah). Thus by showing respect for the holy things of Allah and the manifestation of His religion, they attain goodness. . .unbelievers, in contrast, show respect to trees and stones and other thugs that are the objects of polytheistic worship by their prostration, sacrifice, and offerings. They glorify the manifestations of unbelief, and in so doing they follow the promptings of the Evil One. So, in glorifying the manifesta- tions of unbelief they go astray, and are undone and lost.” ’A. R. I. Doi Re-Islamization of the West African Ummah: A Model for Tajdid? 215 Secondly, the kings consciously became obstacles in the path of Islam: they prevented people from becoming Muslims, persecuted those who had already joined its fold, and organized their policies to favor pagan customs and institutions. In the Shehu’s eyes, therefore, they behaved in the manner of Pharaoh, and rising against them in those circumstances accordingly was perfectly justified. “They obstructed many from repentence,” the Shehu states in Tahm uZ-Zkhw?Zn. “Such an attitude constitutes unbelief. . .because it (indicates) one’s inner satisfaction with people’s relapse into unbelief, and out- wardly is an (undisguished attempt) to turn (people) away from the path of Allah. . . .Such (passive) disinterest and active obstruction is unbelief accord- ing to the consensus of the Muslims. . 7 Thirdly, the Habe kings were, at their very best, secular rulers. While pretending outward respect for Islam and its institutions and values, they never- theless subordinated Islam to secular considerations and policies. They never, for example, fought in the name of Islam in their numerous wars nor under- took the spread and consolidation of Islam. Instead they devoted themselves wholly to secular domain, acquiring its glory as avidly as they could, and in the words of the Shehu, were “raising the flag of earthly power above the flag of Islam.” The flag of Islam thus had to be raised by someone else if the rulers refused to raise it. Fourthly, it was not the Muslims who started the fight; it was the unbelieving powers that sought to crush the Muslims and annihilate Islam. The revolu- tion therefore was provoked by the need on the part of the Muslims to defend their faith, their lives, their family and their possessions. In other words, the j i W was forced on the Shehu and his Mum-tzh Movement. The final moments just before the revolutionary momentum exploded are described thus by the Shehu’s brother Abdullahi Dan Fodio, as quoted by the Shehu in Tanbrh: So we migrated from their land in the year 1218 A.H. (1803). . .to a place outside Gobir territory. The Muslims all migrated, following us. Many of them joined us with their people and property; some brought nothing but their people; some came with no following at all. The Sultan of Gobir ordered his chiefs to seize the goods of those who fled or prevent them from leaving. Then he ordered those of the chiefs nearest to us on the east to keep on killing our people and plundering and im- prisoning. The people suffered sorely. And Hausaland, in consequence, exploded. The Hausa establishment, by seeking to crush Islam, brought about its own end. In short, the revolution was the outcome of the conflict between those who, to borrow the Shehu’s words, glorified the manifestation of kufi. 216 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 4, No. 2, 1987 On the whole, the revolution was effected, as in all other Islamic revolu- tions, not in order for one set of people to annihilate another or gain political ascendency and territory. The revolution aimed principally to achieve four goals: to make the word of Allah supreme; to bring unbelief, corruption, and tyranny to an end; to bring dignity and honor to Muslims and save them from the humiliation of having to live under an un-Islamic power; and finally to give people - Muslims and non-Muslims alike -the opportunity and privilege to enjoy a life in a territory ennobled by faith and permeated by morality and justice. Jihad of the Sokoto Caliphate For the purpose of convenience, we may classify the Jihiid of the Sokoto Caliphate into two categories; 1) internal Jiha, or what the Shehu called huriib a1 masalih, i.e., corrective wars aimed at preserving internal stability and peace; and 2) external jihad, aimed at eliminating injustice, defending Islam and the realm against its enemies, and exalting the Word of Allah. The first kind of Jihad, the corrective war, is fought principally against three forces, as the Shehu explains in his book, Bayiin U'hjTib al Hijrah, namely, the forces of apostasy, social destabilization, and rebellion. The first category was strictly limited. The general understanding in Hausa society at the time of the Shehu was that apostates are those who undermine the ideology of society by reneging on their belief in Islam and actively seeking to subvert legitimate authority by force of arms. In addition to the requirement that they use force to qualify as apostates, they must, in Islam thinking, also be guilty of oppression or hypocrisy. If they are oppressing people and violating their human rights, they must be opposed for that reason. If they became Muslims hypocritically with the specific intent later to apostasize at a critical moment in order to discredit Islam, as happened in several well-known instances at the time of the early Umma in Medina, then they must be destroyed for their duplicity in support of armed subversion. The war against apostates should never undermine the rights of those non- Muslims who share the spiritual wisdom and moral principles of the primord- ial Din, which is common to all the great religions of the world. In tribal West Africa at the time of the Shehu, few former Muslims would qualify as genuinely religious people. Admittedly this distinction between true freedom of religion, which is Islam's most basic requirement for human dignity, and a false freedom for immorality, license, and injustice is not easily understood or maintained by the oppressor's victims in the heat of revolution. The Shehu treated the true apostates as total enemies of the community. Thus "no treaty can be concluded permitting them to remain in their land, no peace treaty can be made allowing them to remain as apostates merely ‘A. R. 1. Doi Re-Islamization of the West African Ummah: A Model for Tajdid? 217 by paying a sum of money,. . .and no marriage contract with them is valid,” explained the Shehu in Bayan. In short, they have forfeited their citizenship in lXir a1 Z s h and cannot be permitted to live within its borders unless they first renounce their apostasy and stop their active subversion of the Islamic faith. Rebels, or bughat, as defined in Bayan WjEb a1 Hijrah as well as in Diya a1 Hukkzim, are “those who revolt against the leader or refuse to follow his way, or withhold a lawful due such as ZaEt or the like,” or prevent others from obeying the ImSm (Amir or leader). The first thing to do with them is to call them “back to the truth.” If they respond favorably, they must be left in peace; if they refuse, then they should be brought under control by military means. The magnum opus of Shehu ’Uthmzn DanFodio, as we have observed before, was his ihya alSunnah wa Zkhrniid al-Bidhh, the Revival of the Sun- nah of the Prophet (SAAS) and the destruction of the diabolic innovations in the belief and practices of Muslims. ZhyZi is the work-plan for the Shehu’s Tajdid movement. He calls for the principles he carefully laid down in the introduction to this book. We call these principles in the work-plan of the Shehu, the “Principles of Social Mobilization,” because they explain why the Shehu succeeded where others had failed in their efforts to bring about an abiding social transforma- tion of the Ummah in this part of the world. The first and the foremost of these principles was the revival of the Sun- nah and the removal of innovations, i.e., the re-orientation of society in Islamic lines, rests fundamentally on counseling and giving sincere advice (mihuh) to individual Muslims. While doing so, the intention is the fullfilment of one’s obligation as an Zlim of D7n and not at all to bring shame upon them or find fault with them. “Whoever,” the Shehu says, “is motivated by the intent to expose the secrets of other people and is pre-occupied with their faults, will be brought to account and taken to task by Allah, because if ever one pursues the weakness of his brother, Allah will pursue his weakness until He exposes him, even if he is in the recess of his house.” Fault-finding and putting people to shame, even under the pretext of seeking a social transformation, constitute “a grave risk and a tremendous sin” and reveals the attitude of a hypocrite A second principle of his Ej&d process was the establishment of the Sunnuh. By implication, this suggested the attraction of the people to the fold of Islam, to reassure them in their faith and actions, and not to reject them. The third principle require those who call others to Islam to work for the unity of all Muslims, without which the entire work-plan will M. The Shehu’s Tajdrd was therefore not merely a political revolution or ‘change of leadership. If it were so, then there would be quicker ways than recourse to the Q u r a and Sunnah. But B j a d , he rightly thought, was the (MumQ). 218 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 4, No. 2, 1987 transformation of the heart, of human disposition, and that of the destiny of man itself, which clearly transcends the attainment of political power. Time can never run against Islam, so to believe that a quick political ascendancy is all that Islam is about is to cast a vulgar look at a sublime system; what Islam aims at is an enduring transformation, which cannot be realized by a social hurricane that brings about destruction everywhere and consumes even what it claims to restore. The Shehu’s concept of %j&d therefore implied that human society should never be left in darkness and corruption; it must be guided to light and uprightness. Nor should injustice be allowed to prevail in the land, because this would frustrate the divine purpose for men, which is the establishment of justice on earth. Man collectively and every person individually has an obligation to overthrow any system of injustice and to establish a just system in its place. Nor indeed should Kalimat ul-kuji-, the false gods of deviant, godless, misleading ideologies be allowed to prevail on earth; man has an obligation to strive until Kalimat-AlEh, becomes supreme on earth, and remains so forever. In short, until corruption, injustice, and the polytheism of false ideologies are uprooted completely and the religion of Allah prevails everywhere, the world should never be left in peace. After all, as the Qur’m outlines, Kalimat-AlEh hiyul blyii, the word of Allah reigns supreme, and all in opposition are su@, the lowest of the low. The %j&d revolution eventually succeeded, the Kokoto Caliphate became a reality, and Diir al-Zsliim was established, but only at an enormous cost. The j i M required the Muslims to undertake a long and arduous trek-covering hundreds of miles -and to undergo starvation, epidemics, deprivation, and death to attain &r al-ZsE. “Our country was ruined,” lamented SultZin Muhammad Bello in Znfi4 al-Muysiir,n when assessing the effects of the struggle. Shehu ’UthmZin DanFodio had established firm principles on which the Sokoto Caliphate was to be run. His method of preaching and teaching, his formation of the Jumiihh, his hijrah from Degel to Gudi, the socio-political frame-work that he found time to write in at least one hundred books, in spite of his extremely busy career, had left enough guidelines for Sulm Muhammad Bello to manage the affairs of the Caliphate on the basis of Islamic principles. The principles, as Professor ’Abdullahi Smith has pointd out, remained in force throughout the entire life of the Sokoto Caliphate, where rulers had to justify their actions and policies on the basis of the SharTah. As he put it: ”Why must AmTrs consult their subjects before making a decision? Because God said so. Why must Am7t-s not take bribes? Because the last of the Prophets of God said so. Throughout thejihiki literature it is the authority of the Q u r k *and of the accepted Traditions that is invariably quoted to justify the ideals of government which Amirs must continually have in mind. No other authority ‘A. R. I. Doi Re-Islamization of the West African Ummah: A Model for Tajdid? 219 is adequate.. . F’ In the final analysis, the unity and cohesion of the Caliphate was upheld by its absolute commitment to the Shari‘ah in every way and by the clearly greater success in doing so than could be found anywhere in Islamic history outside the early R2shidD period. The Shari’ah, in effect, preserved the Caliphate, and not the other way round. As Professor Murry Last puts it: “Respect for athe Law and Islam was the source of authority for the Sokoto Caliphate. So long as the Caliph upheld the Shari‘ah, he was unimpeachable, and those who denied his authority were unbelievers. . .The universal nature of the law, having an existence and validity separate from the Sokoto Caliphate, gave Sokoto the power it did not have militarily. The Amirs outside Sokoto . . . respected this law and obeyed Sokoto as established under it. . . (The Law) gave to their position the same universal legality pos- sessed by the Caliphate.’’ The most important principles for social mobilization was unity, that is, the requirement that the Caliphate pursue vigorously the integration of the Muslim Ummah. The U m m h has faced this problem throughout the cen- turies with the exception of the period of the four Rsshidtin Caliphs, and it is still facing it today. This first task was the internal organization of the society to ensure harmony based on justice and brotherhood. If so doing required subduing venal scholars (UZumiz aZ-a), rebels, and all those who would seek to destroy the harmony of the Ummah by military means, then so be it. The policy of integration also entailed the absorption of weak and fragmentory Muslim communities into the LEr-aZ-Zshn, by peaceful means if possible or by force of arms if need be. The highest priority was for the Ummah to remain strong. “It is not lawful,” as Shehu ‘Uthmm says in Siraj aZ-Zkhwan, (quoting al-Maghili), “for a group of Muslims to remain without a ruler,” or an effective government. “So strive against them with the sword until they all enter into (the bond of,) obedience to God and His Messenger. That is one of the worthiest and most important of jihiids. Nor must oppressive rulers in Muslim countries be spared; these should be fought and brought to their knees “. . .as long as you fight them for the victory of truth over falsehood and the victory of the oppressed over the oppressor.” For his internal reforms in the Sokoto Caliphate, says Professor Abdullahi Smith, “the Shehu continually cried out against bribery and corruption in government and the general immorality of officials, and emphasized the need for positive action by the government to promote the welfare of the people. The chief officials of the Sokoto Caliphs held the title amir aZ m d i h which could be translated. . .as officer in charge of public welfare. 14 The Shehu first noted in his Kimb aZ-Farqu that the system of government which the Mi- phate had displaced was characterized by arbitrary rule, disrespect for the Shari’ah, luxury, universal corruption, dispossession of the poor, to whom the gates of welfare were closed; and then he pledged that the Islamic 220 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 4, No. 2, 1987 government would in all respects create a society in which there would be justice and moral rectitude. The Caliphate, he emphasized, would effect, as ’Abdullahi Smith puts it, “spiritual reform aimed at raising the moral tone of society and providing a social ideology in accordance with Islamic ideas.” There would be universal dissemination of knowledge under a system of education based fundamen- tally on the Qur%n and Sunnah. Then, of course, there would be a reformed economic system, which emphasized improvement of markets, the develop- ment of communication, and provision of social services to the poor and the needy. The Shehu also pledged to promote the moral good of society by safeguarding the economic well-being of society through strict judicial con- trol over the financial transactions of government. The Shehu summed up these cardinal principles of State policy in his book Najm al-ZkhwZZn in these words: hl-mulk huwa niam alZZum, wa’l ad1 fiuhu”in other words, govern- ment pertains to proper organization of the world, and justice is its soul.” The four main sources concerning Shehu ‘UthmZn’s educational reforms are Niir al-AZbiibI6 in which he emphasized ways and means for the education of women, 7& iZl-Nus-W2,17 the Ezy2% al-WaraqZit of his brother ’Abdullahi DanFodio, and Asanid al-Faqir of Shehu ‘Uthmm himself. In his book, Niir al-Albiib, the Shehu said that “the prevalence of calamity in the Hausa country had resulted from the negligence of women’s education. . .One of these im- pious practices is the custom of most of the ‘Ulama to leave their wives and daughters neglected like animals without teaching them what Allah had en- joined on them regarding not only articles of faith, ablution, and prayer, but other things which God commands that they should be taught, such as their economic rights in business transactions. This (behavior towards women) is a grievous error and a forbidden innovation.” He concluded: They treat their wives and daughters like household implements which are used until they are broken and thrown into the rubbish heap. Alas! How can they abandon their wives and daughters in the perpetual darkness of ignorance while they daily impart their knowledge to their students? This is nothing but error because they are instructingt heir students in this manner out of sheer egotism and hypocrisy. Shehu ‘U- has again repeated the need to educate women in his famous work Ihya al-Sunnuh: If anyone says that women are generally ignorant of these matters (i.e. matters relating to business transactions) my reply is that it is as in- cumbent upon them to endeavor to know these (commercial regula- tions) as it is binding upon them to know about others matters pertain- ing to their religion like ablutions, fasting, and praying. ‘A. R. I. Doi Re-Islamization of the West African Ummah: A Model for lajdid? 221 The Impact of Shehu ‘Uthmsn’s Message The message of Shehu ‘Uthman worked so well that female education among the Muslims in Northern Nigeria became a matter of pride. His jihad was followed by a literary resurgence. The Shehu’s two daughters were highly educated and their literary contributions have come down to us as specimens of learning among Muslim women in West Africa. The elder daughter of Shehu ‘Uthman used to give religious instructions and lessons on Islamic Studies, law, and jurisprudence. The younger daughter of the Shehu, AsnS Nma, was a renowned poetess. The Shehu used to encourage women to attend his lec- tures and preachings as mentioned in the famous work Tazy7n al-W~raqiit~~ by the Shehu’s brother ’Abdullahi. Another priority area in the Shehu’s work-plan was the institution of wat? al-mazulim, which provided an Ombudsman or system to accommodate and respond to public complaints. This system was introduced, Shehu ‘Uthmm says in Bayiin WjZb al-Hijrah, later in Islamic history when people had become corrupt, dnd despotic rulers had “weakened the judges so as to be in a position to oppress their subjects and reduced people to dependency on them. Thus the despots could continue their injustices unopposed.” Basically this office falls within the jurisdiction of the judiciary, but the force of cir- cumstances made it necessary to establish it as an independent institution in its own right. It was conceived as an institution with greater political power, though not necessarily moral authority, than the judiciary. As the Shehu states in Buyan, the wali alhazZilim deals with cases beyond the q a b power, and requiring, therefore, a man of greater political authority. In an ideal setting, this “greater authority” is the Zmiim or leader himself. A typical case arises when there is a dispute between two weak persons, one of whom has been favored, or between a weak and a strong man or between two strong men, where one has the advantage of being supported by men in authority such as amirs and provincial governors acting unjustly. These are the cases which the caliph took it upon himself to settle. The office is necessitated by the presumption that it is calamitous for the imam to remain inaccessible to his people, and therefore it is his binding obligation to hear the complaints of his people, particularly women,20 against himself, his governors, and his officials; for unless he deals with such matters with the attention and promptness they deserve, he will only be undermining his own government. According to Shehu ‘UthmZn, seven specific functions are assigned to this office. These details are available in his brother ’Abdullahi’s books, DiyZi al- H a m and Diya al-Whyat, and his son Bello’s, al-Ghayth al-Wabl. Muham- mad Bello suggests before enumerating these functions that the custodian of this office “must be more powerful than the qgdi, since he deals essentially 222 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 4, No. 2, 1987 with complaints against the mighty, who must be restrained from dragging the people down by fear, i.e., from governing by terror, intimidation and, coercion.” “It is essential” Sulm Bello writes further, “that he be seen to have knowledge of the law and to be pious.” He is to be assisted by the police, and by judges, jurists, clerks, and witnesses. According to Muhammad Bello, the wuh u1-maziilim has the fundamen- tal responsibility to ensure that governmental polices are neither harsh nor cruel, and do not constitute an excessive burden on the people. He should ensure that the taxes imposed are lawful, fair and not excessive; that the method of collecting them is guided by “equitable regulations,” and that where citizens are overtaxed they are duly refunded; and, above all, he must keep a vigilant eye on the “custodians of the muslim treasury,” to make sure that they keep to the strict Islamic rules of accounting and financial management. In addition, the wuh ul-rn7iilim has the responsibility to ensure that public servants are paid their salaries promptly, and in full, and are not oppressed by having their salaries deducted and the like. Furthermore, he should en- sure that citizens’ goods “seized illegally by the authority” or by some power- ful elements in society are restored to their legitimate owners. It is also his duty to implement those laws of Islam regarding the rights of ordinary citizens which the judges and the inspectors of public morality may have judged “too weak to put into effect.” Finally, the wuh ul-mazZilim looks after charitable endowments (uwqiJ -such as schools, hospitals, and similar institutions com- mitted for public purposes - and has a say in the upkeep of mosques and mat- ters affecting the Hajj. The other important aspect that Shehu ‘Uthmm emphasized in his work plan for the proper functioning of the Sokoto Caliphate was the institution of Hisbuh, or accountability for the preservation of social morality. This in- stitution, was to be supervised by the muhtusib, charged witht he care of one of Islam’s greatest concerns: Amr bil Mu‘mf wu Nuhy bnil munkar, that is, commanding the good prohibiting the wrong, or in other words, the preser- vation of Islamic social morality. Details about the functions of this institution of Hisbuh are to be found in Abdullahi’s DiyZi uhl-Zhtis&, DiyZi ul-Imiim, and Muhammad Bello’s ul- Ghyth ul-Wubl.*l To start with, Abdullahi states in his definitive work on this subject, DiyZi uhl al-ZhtisZib, that the basis for Hisbuh is to be found in the obligations of the Muslim U m h ”to command the right and forbid the evil,” that is, to safeguard its own moral inegrity so as not to fall into a moral debacle in which the Islamic social and political structure is turned upside down, en- abling the worst of its members to take control of the affairs of state. Ideally, this responsibility should be carried by the ‘ulumii, since it is, in principle, a matter of public education aimed at awakening individual Muslims to their basic moral responsibilities. The institution of Hisbuh rests on the notion that ’A. R. I. Doi Re-Islamization of the West African Ummah: A Model for Tajdid? 223 every member of society should be sufficiently educated so that he may know what his responsibilities to the Ummah are and how they can be discharged. As long as even one single individual is left without this minimum social con- sciousness, the Islamic government, as Abdullahi implies, has yet to discharge its obligations in full. In broad terms, the muhtasib is supposed to deal with three matters: regula- tion of the market; promotion of justice in society, especially as it relates to economic dealings; and finally, the preservation of public morality. With regads to the market or trade and commerce, the muhtasibs first function is to con- trol the quality of goods being sold. The Shehu complained in Siraj ul-Zkhwm that some tradesmen were in the habit of embellishing passing it for silver, others were refusing to separate gold dust from sand, and others yet were enlarging portions of meat by blowing air into them or mixing milk with water. It was the duty of the muhtasib, he said, to put an end to all these practices. Muhammad Bello, in ul-Ghayth al-Wubl, adds that all commodities that are adulterated, ill-prepared, or otherwise below the required standard should be destroyed, and, to ensure that offenders are apprehended, all commodities must bear the stamp and name of their respective manufacturers, so that evidence can easily be established against them. The muhtasibs second function according to Rbdullahi, is the responsibility of preventing artificial and unwarranted rises in prices without necessarily imposing artificial prices of his own. He insists, it is not good to impose prices on people (fi khairfl tas7r blan - s ) . ~ ~ In addition, the muhtasib should strive to climinate all forms of riba, i.e., fixed interest rates and unjust enrichment in commercial transactions. Perhaps the most important of muhtasibs functions in the market, however, is to standardize weights and measures, and eliminate all traces of fraud in this regard. Shehu ‘ U h z n , in agreement with Shaikh al-Maghili, suggests that the country should be divided into economic zones, each zone having one standard of weights and measures which should be checked constantly to ensure that “no excess or deficiency would be apparent, or none that is of any significance.” The muhtasib, the Shehu urges further, must accept notlung less than absolute perfection in weights and measures, and in scales and balances in the market. The principle is the establishment of justice between seller and customer by using perfect and flawless means of measures. The Shehu elsewhere makes the additional demand on the muhtasib that he should prevent ignorant people from acting either as tradesmen or agents in Muslim markets and permit only those acquainted with the basic Islamic rules guiding transactions. In the sphere of social morality, the third function, the muhtasib, accord- ing to Abdullahi, has he following responsibilities: to safeguard the spiritual values of Islam, the most important of which is public worship (plat); to 224 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 4, No. 2, 1987 ensure that propr hygiene standards are maintained in homes, and that neighbors do not cause health injuries to one another; and to ensure that public health is maintained, for example, that streets are kept clean and free of wastes; the sewage system is properly organized; and animals ae fairly treated and not physically abused. Similarly, the muhtasib must act as a city planner to be sure that the layout of houses agrees with Islamic law so roads are not obstructed and homes are not deprived of fresh air by ill-placed walls. In ad- dition, the muhtasib should safeguard public decency, by making sure that interactions of the sexes in public as well as the dress code complies general- ly with the SharTal~?~ and equally important, that f d is not wasted, especi- ally in public, or perhaps official banquets. He should prevent the rich from immodest and extravagent display of wealth in public.24 Finally, the muhtasib should ensure that the fundamental purposes of the Shari‘ah, such as the preservation of the human intellect and strengthening of the family institution, are realized. To that end, he shall control the flow of alcohol in society, and block all temptations to indecency and permissiveness, such as prostitution. Since the rnuhtusib is concerned mainly with raising the moral tone of society, it is essential for him, as ’Abdullahi has expressed it, to observe high moral standards in discharging his duties. First of all, he must not create of- fenses out of his own imagination and then start apprehending people for con- travening them. He must avoid acts which the society unanimously holds as constituting offenses against its fundamental moral values, and which are therefore known to be such by the majority of the people. Secondly, the muhtasib must observe maximum respect for individual rights; he cannot, for example, apprehend a person for an offence being committed in private; he cannot break into a house without the owner’s permission. Nor can he go out of his way to deliberately seek out information about individuals, or subject people to search without warning or listen in on their conservations, or sniff their mouths for the smell of wine, or otherwise spy on them. Fur- thermore, muhtusib may not apprehend a person on the basis of the latter’s mere intent, however strong, to commit a moral crime. As Xbdullahi has sum- med up the principle: “We are ordered my the Shari‘ah] to keep as secret what Allah has Himself kept secret, and to censure only what we see being committed in the open.” Above all, the muhtusib is required to employ a blend of firmness and leniency, using the most appropriate, rather than the lesser means in a given circumstance, in dealing with crimes. Thus, says Abdullahi, offenses com- mitted out of ignorance should be dealt with “in a kindly manner, without roughness or injury,’’ as it is unlawful to cause harm to Muslims. Ordinary offenses should similarly be disposed of “with compassion, not with harshness or anger,” and, in some cases, with exhortations, appeals, and education. ’A. R. I. Doi Re-Islamization of the West African Ummah: A Model for Tajdid? 225 It is only when all this fails to deter an offender that recourse can be made to strong, but not obscene, language. Where willful damage is done to property, or where there has been a bla- tant violation of other people’s rights, such as illegal occupation of another person’s house, the muhtasib can use force without the use of arms, to rectify the situation. But no more force may be used than is necessry under the cir- cumstances. Incorrigible criminals, however, may be subjected to threats and beating, when all peaceful means have been exhausted and they still persist in committing repeated crimes (ZzzTr). Lastly, criminals who carry lethal weapons and are not amenable to appeals and moral education may, with the explicit permission of the Imam, be fought until they are overpowered. Any of the muhtasibS men killed in this fight would have died a martyr in the cause of Allah, says ’Abdullahi. From its functions as elaborated in the Sokoto Caliphate, one cannot but agree with the Shehu that Hisbah is the most versatile and extensive of the organs of state. Under Caliph Muhammad Bello, the muhtasib, also known as alfilin Kasuwa in Hausa language (the judge in charge of matters related to the market place), maintained a considerable influence in the governmen- tal hierarchy. In addition to overseeing commerce, supervising buildings and streets to ensure that they complied witht he law in respect to their upkeep and layout, the muhtasib, Muhammad Julde, administered the capital whenever the Caliph was away. The ethical and cultural values of the Sokoto Caliphate can also be witnessed in the Kitiib d a b aladat blzi sunnut al-Rasiil and Diya al-ummah by Shaikh ’Abdullahi. The Islamic legal rules governing wages, income, and profits ap- plied also to illegal trafficking and other such practices. In the words of Pro- fessor Sani Zahradeen: “The selling of free men and making them servants by force, and withholding their wages, were all illegal acts. . .and fraud and cheating were prohibited. The use of deceitful charms had also been forbid- den.25 ’Abdullahi said in his book Kifiyat al-Awiim Fil buyiz: “0 you sellers in the market, beware of the actions of the godless people as well as the hoard- ing of food or cotton because they are all illegal acts.“26 Shehu ’Abdullahi said that social intercourse with people was permissible only with those who were of agreeable mental or intellectual disposition, of good character, and “not covetous.” People of evil repute were bound to be harmful to others, for even when they were intelligent, they could easily suc- cumb to “passion, anger, miserliness, or cowardice.” Besides, no one could be safe from the treachery of the profligate, and “associating with the greedy is a deadly poison.” Social intercourse might be avoided only for the sake of retiring for wor- ship (+ah) , escaping from social upheavals fltnah) and disputes, and saving oneself from the temptation to harm others, coveting their possessions, or 226 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 4, No. 2, 1987 similar evils. Withdrawal from society, especially by the learned people who were best capable of changing it, might have calamitous consequences for the fabric of society, because it might cause a decline of knowledge, loss of mutual benefit, and failure to uphold the rights of the people. Withdrawal from society was the concern of the scholars (Ulamii) alone, who as it frequently happened, might be compelled to do so by social and political circumstances; however, withdrawal in this case should be undertaken only as a last resort, and the object should always be to come back, if possible, to change it. Or- dinary people should not withdraw from society; otherwise, said Abdullahi, “they would run the risk of making themselves a laughing stock for a Shaim.” The Sokoto Caliphate, established on these solid Islamic foundations by Shehu ‘UthmSn DanFodio and further strengthened by his brother, Abdullahi and Sulm Muhammad Bello, unfortunately fell to the British imperialists who had no regard for the Islamic value system. On the contrary, they had wanted to destroy its very foundation. This unfortunate event took plafe on March 15, 1903. Caliph Attahiru and Muslims in general showed such great hervism that fifty of their number died, one after the other, just to keep the daliphate’s flag aloft. Caliph Muhammad Attahiru (Muhammad al-l’ahirhho com- manded the Muslim forces in person, thereupon embarked on the Hijrah, heading eastward. All along his route, the Caliph was joined by thousands upon thousands of Muslims of all classes. In some cities practically all able- bodied people, poor and rich, high and low, left their homes and property to answer the Caliph’s call. The scale of movement of people was, as Adeleyg remarks, unprecedented in the African encounter with Im- perialism. As the colonial officer reported: “Attahiru’s following is immense, his people are said to walk from sunrise to mid-day passing.” And: “The Sarkin Muslumi (Amir al’Mu’minin) has now many thousands of people with him. The whole population from Kano to the Gongola have joined him.” Reports continued to indicate the alarming proportion of people the Hijrah was tak- ing, stating that to allow the Caliph to stay in one place for even one week would cause the entire population to join him en masse. The British at last came to the realization that Hijrah was proving to be an even more potent threat to their occupation of the Caliphate than the J i m . So they decided to pursue the Caliph with the aim of liquidating him, having conceded to their utter consternation that Attahiru in exile was even more dangerous than Attahiru at home. Hence the battle of Burmi took place some six hundred miles from Sokoto on 27th July, 1903. It was to be the last battle between the Caliphate and Britain. But spears, swords, and bows and arrows were no match for the superior British firearms. The Muslims lost. At last the Caliph, who had been praying in the mosque, emerged. “He was on foot, unarmed,” says Johnson, “and his intention was not to fight but to go out and ’A. R. I. Doi Re-Islamization of the West African Ummah: A Model for ’Bjdid? 227 meet his fate. . . Death came to him with merciful swiftness, for when he was within a stone’s throw of the southern wall he was shot through the head. Two of his sons died by his side, and ninety of his followers, showing the same devotion that the bodyguards of Hayztu and the AmT Zabeiru chose, perished with him rather than save themselves in flight.” Ten years after the collapse of the Caliphate, in 1914, the British created the country called Nigeria, which incorporated the better part of the Caliphate. But strange are the ways of Allah. After barely forty-five years of power over Nigeria, the British found that‘their rule had become utterly untenable. It had neither roots in the hearts of the people, nor legitimacy. In 1960, they pulled down their flag with their own hands, and left. The Caliphate and its history will never be forgotten by the Nigerian Muslims nor should it be by sincere worshippers of Allah anywhere,because it may provide a useful and inspiring model for Tajdid in other cultures of the world. ‘Tajad is a built-in process of ZhyU al-mn, the revival of religion. It is believed that at the turn of every century a Mujaddid will appear to remove the fasiid and confusion from the Ummah and bring it back to the established principles of the Qur5n and Sunnah. *Shehu is a corrupt form of the word Shaikh. It means a learned scholar. The word has become so popular in West Africa that a person named ‘Uthmm is called Shehu out of respect for Shehu ‘Uthm Danfordio. 31hp al-Sund has been published several times. The most authentic edited version was published by Da al-Fikr in Beirut at the request of the Late Sir Ahmadu Bello in 1962. 4The remains of Sankore University today stand as a huge mud mosque built in a typical West African style. Although built with mud, it has stood the test of time and even the torren- tial West African rain has not done much dmage to it. It was a residential university modelled after al-Azhar, and hence the non-Muslim writrs simply refer to it as a mosque university. The Ibadan University in Nigeria has named the housing area of its academicians as ‘Sankore Avenue’ to commemorate the name of that great institution. %ee J.O. Hunwick, Ahmad Bnbn and the Moroccan Invasion of the Sudan (Z59l) in Jour- nal of Historical Society of Nigeria, 2 1962. %ma’il Raji al-Faruqi, Tawhid: Its Implications for Thought and Life, International In- stitute of Islamic Thought, Philadelphia, 1982, p. 119. ’For a detailed discussion on Takhht (syncretism), see Abdur Rahmm I. Doi, Islam in Nigeria, Gaskiya Corporation, Zaria, 1984 @p. 379). *Cf. Ismail Raji al-Faruqi. Tawhid, Its Implications for Thought and Life, International Institute of Islamic Thought, Philadelphia, 1982, p. 18. 90n the life and works of Al-Maghili, see The Life and Teachings of Al-Maghili, by Dr. Hasan Ibrzhim Gwarzo, Ph.D. Thesis submitted to University of London, 1972. See also ’AbdulXziz Batran, ‘2 Contribution to the Biography of Abd al-KarTm ibn Muhammad al-Maghili al-Tilmas?ini” in Journal of African History, Vol. 14, 1973. ’opublished by Alhaji Sayyidi Maude Hubbare. “Manuscript deposited in Ibadan University Library. l2See Muhammad Bello, Znfaq al-Maysur fi Tarikh Bilad al-T&r, Cairo edition. 228 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 4, No. 2, 1987 "'Abdullahi Smith, (Prof.). Zhe Ideal of Developmenf Administmtion: An Historical ?Smith, Abdullahi, op. cit. fiM. Hiskett. "Translation of K i a al-Farq of 'Uthm- DanFodio," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London 25, 1960. I6Manuscript in the possession of the author. "I& al-Nus-Wunun akhadhtu hnhu min al-shuyi i , edited and translated by M. Hiskett in "Matrial Relating to the State of Learning among the Fulani before their Jihiid." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 19, 1957. S e e Appendix One for an abridged version of I& al-Nus-ii. Perspective. Journal of Public Afiirs, A.B.U., Zaria, Vol. k, May, 1971. 18Manuscript in the possession of the author. I9See Abdullahi Dan Fodio, Tazyin al-Wamqat edited by M. Hiskett, Ibadan University Press, 1963. q t is unfortunate that even today some SharYah judges perpetrate their tyranny against women. When they ask for Khul: I am told that the Registrar and the Judge ask for gratification in terms of money, and i n some cases demand Zina from the complainant before granting them Khul.' 2'Fbr further discussion of Muhammad Bello's Ghayth al-wabiJi sirtit al-Zmiim alAd1, see see Omar Bell& Ph.D. Thesis at the University of London, 1983, entitled: 7he Political 7hhrought of Muhammad Bell0 (1781-1837). 22A real problem in the present day West African countries is the artificial rise of prices through hoarding (TahkTr), so much abhorred in Islam. If these can be avoided through the office of an Ombudsman (Mzhtmib), public welfare and prosperity can be witnessed once again. 23The fashion of see-through dresses and half-nakedness of women in the Western world is not a new phenomenon. In West Africa, before the coming of Islam, women used to ride about almost naked as witnessed by Ibn Bumtah during his visit to Mansa Kankan Musa in Mali. %The extravagant show of wealth became almost a disease, mostly among non-Muslims in West Africa. On childbirth, marriage, and even in funeral ceremonies after death, there is singing and dancing, and currency notes are glued to the foreheads of the dancing celebrants. 25M.S. Zahradeen. 'Abdullahi Ibn Fodio's contribution to the Fuluni Jihad in 19th Cen- tury Hausaland, Ph.D., Mcgill, 1976. 261bid. nR.A. Adeleye. Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria, 1804 1906 (London, 1977). -