AhsanIAbdullah Amir ‘Mi’s Life and Mbrks 179 

A Late Nineteenth Century Muslim 
Response to the Western Criticism 

of Islam-An Analysis of Amir ‘Ali’s 
Life and Works 

Abdullah Ahsan” 

There were more than one scholar in the nineteenth century Muslim world 
working for the development of the community through their writings and 
political activities. Justice Sayyid Am& ‘Ali was one of them in the Indian 
sphere of Islam. This article attempts to determine position within the 
development of Muslim community in India. Our aim is to examine ‘Ali’s 
views of Islam critically in order to find out the values he aimed at. We are 
not concerned with giving our views of Islam on the issues ‘Ali dealt with, 
but rather we will try to determine how his interpretation of Islam contributed 
to the development of Muslims in India. 

I 

The wave of modernity in the Indian sub-continent, in the sense of western 
technological development and philosophical ideas, was caused by British im- 
perialism in the nineteenth century! Christian missionary activities also played 
a remarkable role in achieving this g0al.P The Muslims of India, however, 
considered the Christian missionary attitude of identifying western material 
development with Christianity as a challenge that was reflected through the 
intellectual activities of Muslim scholars. Their response was an attempt to 
absorb, transform, reject or adjust their belief system to the forces of moder- 

* Dr. Abdullah Ahsan is completing a book on the origins and development of the organiza- 
tion of The Islamic Conference. He obtained his doctorate from the University of Michigan 
at Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA. 
1 W.C. Smith, Modem Islam in India  (London: Victor Gollancz, 1946) p. 11 
f D.C. Sen, History of Bengali Language and Litemture. (Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 

1954) p. 717 



180 American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

nity. Amir =Ali was pursuaded to write on Islam by an American scholar.S 
Later he discovered that the knowledge of Islam in the west was, to a great 
extent, biased. Particularly after reading Sir William Muir's Life ofMahomet, 
Ali felt that the book "requires a refutation of every false theory stated in it."6 

An academic approach to the study of Islam in the west began in the begin- 
ning of the modem period.6 This approach received a substantial boost with 
the contribution of Sir William Muir, one-time governor of the North-Westem 
Provinces of India. He was probably the first biographer of the Prophet of 
Islam who had an access to the original sources on the subject. Because of 
his access to these source materials and his adoption of a critical approach 
to these sources, he is considered the father of critical scholarship on Islam 
in the west. Even many modem Muslim scholars consider him an authority 
on many issues regarding the Prophet's life and contribution. But he was not 
free from medieval European notion* of a Muslim being "always armed with 
sword in one hand and the Qur'in in the ~ther."~ Muir's contribution to Islamic 
scholarship and his pre-conceived notion can be summed up in the statement 
of Leonard Binder, who says, "Aside from the implicit anti-Islamic prejudice 
in his work, all students of the Middle East are deeply indebted to Muir. . . ."lo 

J. Richter, author of A History of Missions in India, notes about Muir's con- 
tribution that: 

A. 'Ali, "Memoirs," Memoirs and Other Writings of Ameer Ali. ed R. Wasti. (Lahore: 
People's Publishing House, 1968) pp. 32-33. 

* . . :The Mohammedans of India and their Place in the Empire," Ameer Ali: His Life and 
.Work. ed. K.K. Aziz. (Lahore: Publishers United 1968) p. 378. 
. . ."A Crifical Examination of the Life and Teachings of Mohammed. (London: William 
and Norgate, 1873) Preface, pl. vii. 

6 Norman Daniel, Islam and the Wst: Making of M Image. (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univer- 
sity Press, 1958) p. 294. 
Hussain Haykel, for instance, considers Muir an authority on the use of the Qur'an as 
a source of the Prophet's life. cf. M.H. Haykel 7he Life of M m .  Eng. Tr. of Hayat- 
e-Muhammadi, tr. I. Faruqi (Indianapolis: North American Trust Publications, 1476) pp. 
Ixiii-lxx. 
The mediaval notion of Islam in the west was as Southern puts it: 

". . .a large number of enemies threatening Chrestendom from every direction, 
and they had no interest in distinguishing the primitive idolatries of Northmen, 
Slavs, Magyers from the monotheism to Islam, or the Manichaean heresy from 
that of Mahomet. 

(R. W. Southern, Wsfern Views of Islam in the Middle ages, Cambridge Harvard University 
Press, 1962, p. 3) 

9 Peter Hardy, 7he Muslims of British India. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 
19n) p. 62. 

10 Leonard Binder, 7he Idiological Revolution in the Middle East. (New York: John Willey 
& Sons. Inc. 1964) p. 47. 



AhsanIAbdullah Amir ‘Mi’s Life and Works 181 

To provide missionaries with weapons in their difficult spiritual war- 
fare with Islam, Sir William Muir, the learned and pious ruler of 
NW provinces and later principal of Edinburgh University, wrote 
a ‘Life of Mahomet’ in four volumes!’ 

Whatever may be the reason behind Muir’s initiative to write on Islam, his 
contribution is a substantial one in the development of critical scholarship 
on Islam. 

Muir emphasized several issues, including the Prophet’s family life, his treat- 
ment of Madinian Jews, status of women in Islam, the spread of Islam through 
the non-Arab lands, Islam and slavery and the use of reason in Islam. Amir 
‘Ali found Muir’s treatment of these issues full of anit-Muslim sentiments. 
Consequently ‘Ali in his own works on Islam treated the same issues at length 
and defended, in most cases, the traditional Muslim view points. Amir ‘Ali 
entered into a direct controversy on several issues on Islam at a later date 
with a few British writers, but he maintained similar views throughout on 
those issues!Z 

Amir Ali directly challenges few of Muir’s theories which the former con- 
siders as false theories. Muir attacks the Prophet’s character at Madina as 
saying, “Battles were fought, executions ordered and territories annexed under 
the cover of Almighty sanction.”l3 To begin with his treatment of this issue 
Amir cAli says that: 

By their (Jews) superior education and intelligence, by their union 
with the party of the Munifikin, and by general unanimity which 
prevailed among them, the Jews formed a most dangerous element 
within the federated state which had risen under the teacher of 
Islam. . ?4 

On the issues of the Prophet’s treatment of the Madinian Jews it appears that 
Muir is selective in choosing his sources. He cites stories about relations be- 
tween the Muslims and the Jews but gives one side of the picture, and does 
not take into account the provision of their mutual oaths against outside 
enemies. Muir says: 

. . .shortly after his (the Prophet’s) return from Badr; and having 

Joseph Scaff, “Christian Missionary Attitude Towards Islam in India.“ (Unpublished M.A. 
Thesis, Montreal: McGill University. 1981) p. 109. 
A. Ahsan. “Muslim Response to the Western Criticism of Islam: A Study of Amir Ah’s 
Life and Works.” (Unpublished M.A. Thesis Montreal: McGill University. 1981) pp. 33-53. 
William Muir, Life of Mohummud. New revised Edition. (Edinburgh: John Grant. 1912) 
p. 520. 
A.‘Ali, 7he Spirit oftslum. Reprinted from 1922 ed. (Karachi: Pak Publishers Ltd. 1969) 
p. n. 



182 American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

assembled the chief men, summoned them to acknowledge him 
as their Prophet. ‘By the Lord‘ he said, ’ye know full well that I 
am the apostle of God. Believe, therefore, before that happen to 
you which has befallen Koreish! They refused, and defied him ts, 
do his worst!5 

Historically this is not ture. The way events went with the Jews and their rela- 
tions with the Muslims are well depicted in the sources which Muir uses, 
and using more or less the same source materials ‘Ali gives the Muslim ver- 
sion of the story. He discusses the Jewish behaviour after the Muslim victory 
at Badr and the acts of a Jewish poet inciting people against the confedera- 
tion of Madina in favour of the Makkans.l% It was at this extreme stage, as 
‘All understands it, that severe action was taken by Muhammad ($AAS). cAli 
tries to justify the severity of the Prophet’s action by quoting parallel examples 
from other people’s histories. He quotes from Arnold’s Sermons (War of 
Israelites, pp. 35-36) that: 

It is better that the wicked should be destroyed a hundred times 
over than that they should tempt those who are yet innocent to join 
their company?’ 

He again quotes from Grote’s History of Greece as saying that the type of 
punishment the Prophet gave to the Jews was in accordance with the laws 
of war of those days?8 ‘Al? quotes Lane Poole to support his views about the 
Prophet’s treatment of the Jews. He attacks Muir, Sprenger, Weil, and Osborn 
for being prejudiced and presenting a biased picture of the At the same 
time he says: 

I can only remember M. Barthelemy St. Hilarie, Mr. Johnson, 
and Mr. Stanley Lane Poole among Europeans who have not been 
carried away by prejudice.*O 

‘All does not disagree with Muir about the fact of the severiety of the treat- 
ment met by the Jews. He merely justifies such treatment by saying: 

This was a severe punishment according to our ideas, but it was 
customary according to the rules of war then prevalent.41 

Thus reflecting Grote’s views he manifests his lack of confidence in dealing 

l5 Muir, p. 241. 
I6‘Ali, SI, pp. 73 ff. 
I’ Ibid. p. 81. 

Ibid. 
Ibid. 

zo Ibid. p. 81 n. 
*I Xli, A Shon History ofthe Surucens. Revised ed. (London: MacMillan, 1951) p. 14. 



Ahsan/Abdullah Amir ‘Ali’s Life and Works 183 

with the actions of the Prophet. He is not only defensive about Islam but also 
launches a counter attack on others, particularly on Christians and the Chris- 
tian biographers of the Prophet. He refers always to ‘Christian controversialists’ 
when attacking the European scholars of Islam. ** This generalised statement 
contradicts his own position when he quotes western scholars when it suits 
his views. ‘Ali considers Muir as an enemy of Islam, yet he quotes Muir when 
the latter praises Islam.*3 He qualifies his quotations from Muir by saying 
that it was an unconscious thrill on the part of Muir. 

‘Ali treats other issues ~imilarly.2~ He not only defends Islamic concepts 
against accusations of Muir and other western historians, he frequently iden- 
tifies Islamic concepts with the demands of various social movements in the 
late nineteenth century England. He boasts of the fact that Islam provided 
women with the right of possessing property without the intervention of their 
fathers or husbands in the seventh century while in English Common Law 
the right was not recognized until 1882.*5 Women’s rights were neglected or 
ignored in every culture before Islam, and the situation improved substantial- 
ly by the Islamic accordance of women’s property and other rights.*6 He goes 
on to review the history of Islam in order to point out positions Muslim women 
attained, and quoting the example of Ribi‘ah (a saint lady of the second cen- 
tury of Islam) he makes a sweeping statement about Islamic history that Islam 
produced thousands of women like Rabi‘ah. This statement did not pass by 
without notice by modem scholars. Gibb, for example, challenges this state- 
ment of cAli.p7 ‘Ali was closely associated with Millicent Fawcett, a leader 
of the women’s suffrage movement in England.*8 In many of the demands 
of this movement, he discovered a similarity with the Islamic recognition of 
women’s rights. It appears that this made him proud of his identity, and this 
pride led him to make exaggerated claims. 

‘All pointed only to the glories of Islam and exaggerated his claims. This 
gave rather a ‘romatic view’ of Islamic history, which apparently affected the 
later generation adversely. Sayyid Ahmad Khan, founder of the famous Aligarh 
School in India, had adopted a critical attitude towards Islamic history, and 
later Shibli Nu‘mini, another famous historian of the same school, developed 
this cause.*g Like Amir cAli, Shibli Nu‘mbi also reacted against western 

22cAli, SI, p. 82. 
2’ Ibid. pp. 43 & 94. 

Ahsan, pp. 35-54. 
25 Xli, DI, p. 256. 

2’ H.A.R. Gibb, Modern T i e d  in Islam. (Chicago: Chicago University Press. 1950) p. 59. 
2 8 f i l i ,  “Memoirs,” p. 17. 
z9 Aziz Ahmad. Islamic Modernism in India and Mistan. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 

‘6 Ibid. pp. 246-241. 

1967) pp, 77-86. 



184 American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

scholarship on Islam and in order to face the western challenge in this 
respect he adopted a critical view of Islamic history. The latter, therefore, 
was not ready to accept every story mentioned in the earliest Simh literature, 
as he did not rely upon European works on Islamic history. On the other hand, 
Amir ‘Ali took the stand of defending almost everything in Islamic history. 
This discouraged later Muslims to study their past critically, which in turn 
exerted an adverse affect on their intellectual orientation. Shibli Nu‘mani did 
not hesitate to emphasize facts and opinions unfavourable to ‘Umar, the se- 
cond caliph of Islam.3o He commended the orientalists’ initiative in collec- 
ting and editing manuscripts of old Islamic works, their efforts to establish 
‘a historical and scientific perspective for the study of Islam’ and the project 
of the Encyclopedia of Islam. This attitude is not found in Amir ‘AIh works. 

‘AIi is proud of his identity. He boasts of the fact of a woman being the 
education minister in Turkey.3* But he is not comfortable with the Islamic 
injunctions about the seclusion of women. He thinks that it is necessary only 
in unsettled and uncultured communities, and thus he wants to reform modem 
Muslim society in this respect.33 He does not realize that by so demanding 
he was belittling the status of the Prophet’s society which he always wanted 
to glorify. He forgets that such a claim is against the spirit of another claim 
of his, namely, the universality of the Qur’in. 

W.C. Smith rightly observes that Amir ‘Ali focuses Islam as a superior 
religion to Chri~tianity.~4 This sense of superiority, ‘Ali says, ‘Islam’ bears 
in its name. Unlike Christianity, which derives from the designation of Jesus 
as Christ, there is a significance in the word ‘Islam.’ The word, according 
to ‘Ah, means to be tranquil, to be at perfect peace which comes about through 
obedience to God.35 In every aspect of his discussion, he compares the ex- 
istence of the relevant institution in both civilizations. He always tries to focus 
on the greatness of Islam over Christianity. This comparison, however, is not 
unique to ‘Ali’s scholarship. Many western scholars such as Muir and others 
compared Islam and Christianity before ‘Ali. The basic difference between 
‘Ali and the western scholars in this respect is that while the former focused 
on the superiority of Islam, the latters focused on the superiority of Christianity. 

‘Ali thinks that there is no difference between Islam and Christianity in 
their essence, but that Christianity lost its spirit with the influence of Paul 
upon it.36 This of course not a new notion in Islam. The Qur’Zin itself declares 

30 Ibid. p. 81. 

3pcAli. “The Caliphate and the Islamic Renaissance,” Life and Works. p. 440. 
33‘Ali. SI,  pp. 249. 
34 Smith, p. 12. 
35 ‘AIL SI. p. 137. 
36 Ibid. p. 180. 

hid. pp. 81-85. 



AhsanlAbdullah Amir 'Ali's Life and Works 185 

that the Christians were given guidance, but they had broken their covenant 
with God (V:14), and denies that the Christians follow their prophets; rather 
the Muslims were the true followers of Abraham (11:135), and Islam, in fact, 
is the true religion (11:120). A special characteristic of Amir 'Ali in this respect 
is that he goes on to the history of the Christian people and points to par- 
ticular events in order to support his polemics against the Christian religious 
tradition. But the problem with his dealings with history is that in most cases 
he does not document the charges he brings against Christianity. For exam- 
ple, when comparing Christianity with Islam in respect of tolerance, he says: 

In the seventeenth century a young man was hanged for having said, 
it is stated, that he did not think Mohammed was a bad man.37 

but he does not support his statement by giving reference to his source. 
One of Amir 'Ali's main concern is the use of reason in Islam, since he 

knows that the use of reason was a chief factor in the development of science 
and technology in the west. Muir, on the other hand, challenges the idea that 
Islam allows rational enquiry,38 and argues that it believes in miracles and 
 superstition^.^^ In response to Muir, 'Ali says that Islam not only allows the 
use of reason, but unlike Christianity it encourages the use of reason. He 
argues that Islamic teachings are based on rationalism and are close to Euro- 
pean liberal thought.'O He refers to various Qur'inic verses which urge a human 
consciousness of the order in nature and assert the existence of One Supreme 
Being. 

'Ah claims the Prophet of Islam never travelled out of the province of 
reason. 41 Therefore, he gave an allegorical interpretation to those concepts 
of Islam which appeared to him as being contradictory to science in the light 
of late nineteenth century discoveries. According to him the idea of continued 
life beyond the grave "must have been developed from the yet unconscious 
longing human soul for a more extended sphere, where the separation of dear 
friends, so painful to both savage and civilized man, should end in reunion."'* 
He discusses Islamic doctrines and differentiates between those which were 
floating around in pre-Islamic Arab society and those introduced by Islam. 
According to him, Islam adopts the concept of paradise from Zoroastrianism 
and the concept of hell from Talmud. Then he discusses the description of 
heaven and hell in Islam and says that the Prophet had to interpret spiritual 

~ 

37 Ibid. 218 n. 

39 Ibid. 
4ocAli. SI, 422. 
*I Ibid. p. 143. 

Muir, preface, p, Ixiv. 

" /bid. pp. 188-189. 



186 American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

things in terms of material forms in order to explain adequately to those around 
him.43 This thought, however, is not new in Islam. Mu'tazili thinkers and 
the philosophers had already interpreted the concepts of heaven and hell 
allegorically. 

'Ali accepts the Unitarian interpretation of historical Jesus. He sees MuIym- 
mad's role in history as being like that of Jesus. He says that, "the mind of 
Mohammed went through the same process of development which marked 
the religious consciousness of Jesus."" In explaining the relation between the 
Creator and the Prophet of Islam, he believes that every man has the poten- 
tiality of developing his intellectual capacity, as did the Prophet of Islam. He 
says: 

Probably in the infancy of his religious consciousness, Mohamm- 
ed himself believed in some or other of the religions which floated 
around him. But with a wider awakening of the soul, a deeper corn- 
munion with the Creator of the Universe, thoughts, which bore 
a material aspect at first, became spiritualized. The mind of the 
teacher progressed not only with the march of time and the develop- 
ment of his religious consciousness, but also with the progress of 
his disciples in apprehending spiritual conceptions. Hence in the 
later su'rus we observe a merging of material in the spiritual, of 
the body in the 

This statement of 'Ali along with his assertion of Muhammad being the 
lawgiver is a challenge to the Islamic concept of divinity of the Qur'in. This 
can be interpreted as Kenneth Cragg does, saying: 

He ('Ali) continually speaks of the contents of the Qur'in as deriving 
from Muhammad's genius or wisdom or sagacity involving, that 
is the fullness of his mental powers. . . . 46 

'Ali appears to suggest that Muhammad had every command over what he 
was saying. But if this stand is considered to be right on the issue then a pro- 
blem arises in understanding the Quraiiic verse which says: 

. . .O Muhammad, tell them, it is not for me to make any altera- 
tion in it of my own accord. I follow only what is revealed to me. 
Indeed, if I disobey my Lord, I fear the chastisement of a dreadful 
Day (X:15). 

Ibid. pp. 198-200. 
Ibid. p. 200. 
Ibid. p. 200-201. 

1965) p. 54. 
46 K. Cragg, Counsels in Contempomry Islam. (Edingurgh: Edinburgh University Press, 



AhsanlAbdullah Amir 'Ali's Life and Works 187 

There are other similar verses in the Qur'in (LXIX: 43-45). 'Ali's statement 
also implies that any person could reach the status of the Prophet through 
continued practice. But 'Ali tends to ignore that in Islamic history Muipn- 
mad's position is unique. He suggests that any person could reach to the state 
of Muhammad which the latter arrived at the time of receiving revelations 
from God. As for prophethood, the Qu&c stand is that it has been the practice 
of God to send (ursulu) His message to mankind through the office of pro- 
phets. "Ali, on the contrary, takes the position that man reaches God and thus 
inspired. In 'Ali's thought this inspiration is the revelation. The Qur'in declares 
that God reveals inspiration and teaches wisdom of the Scripture according 
to His wish (11:151, LII1:lO). 

Amir 'Ali has similar problems in interpreting the existence of angels. He 
says : 

Probably Mohammed, like Jesus and other teachers, believed in 
the existence of intermediate beings, celestial messengers from God 
to man. The modern disbelief in angels furnishes no reason for 
ridiculing the notion of our forefhthers. Our belief, only is as much 
open to the name of superstition as their belief; . . .what we, in 
modem times look upon as the principles of nature, they looked 
upon as angels. . . 4 7  

The Qur'in refers to intermediate beings, between man and God in a few verses. 
It says, "Gabriel, who brings (revelations) to your heart by the will of God" 
( 1 1 9 ) .  In another place the Qur'in declares that he (the Prophet) was taught 
by a Mighty Power (L1115). There are other similar verses in the Qur'in. 
Qurinic commentators in general admit the literal interference of an in- 
termediate being (Gabriel) in this process.48 In the philosophical interpreta- 
tion of the Qur'an, however, these verses have not been interpreted literally. 
Interference of Gabriel has been identified with the concept of Active Intellect 
( Agl-i-faCcuZ), and the Process of learning from God has been identified with 
the concept of annihilation ( h a )  by the philo~ophers.~~ 'Ali does not deal 
with these philosophical concepts, but through his statement implies that he 
prefers similar interpretation. Throughout his work he admires the contribu- 
tion of the philosophers in Islamic thought. Probably because of the opposi- 

~~ ~ 

*'XIi, SI, p. 64. 
48 Qasimi, Tafsir, %I. XV, p. 5555lQurtubi, al-Jami; Vol. XVII, p. 911Qutb, Fi Zilal a1 

Qurhn, Vol. XXV11, p. 25.1 Yusuf Ali, The Holy Quriin, p. 1443.1 Zamakhshari, Haq 
al-Majid, Vol. II, pp. 1420-1421. 

49 lbn 'Mi, ZbjSr, MI. I, p. '72 & %I. 11, p. 555. Authenticity of this work has been challeng- 
ed and it is said that it is a work of Kashani, and not of Ibn Arabi. (H. Landolt, "Der 
Briefwechsel Zwischen Kasani und Simnani, uber Wahdat al-Wugud," Der Islam. Vol. 
L, 1973). Our point, h m e r ,  is that this concept existed among philosophers of Islam. 



188 American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

tion of the traditional religious scholars against similar views of Sayyid Alpnad 
Khan, ‘Ali was cautious in expressing his views. 

Amir ‘Ali, nevertheless, at one stage, claims that the Qur’an is the only 
miracle in 1~€am.~O This is a paradox in Ali’s thought. He claims that the 
mind of the Prophet progressed with the passage of time, the Prophet’s whole 
teaching is based on his sagacity and wisdom, when ‘Ali rationalizes his 
thought. On the other hand he does not discuss in detail what he understands 
from his statement of the Qur’an being the only miracle in Islam. 

<Ali entirely denies the existence of any other miracle in Islam. He does 
not deal with the stories of Biblical prophets and their miracles as Sayyid 
Ahmad Khan does,51 but since miraculous activities were performed by Judaic 
prophets and it was commonly believed that prophets perform miracles, 
Muhammad was asked to do so. The Prophet of Islam spoke to “the inner 
consciousness of man, and not to his weakness or his ~redulity,”~* ‘Ali argues. 
He launches Muir that even he (Muir) wanted Muhammad’s claim to be sup- 
ported by wonderw~rking.~~ 

Amir cAli continues this same tendency of avoiding miraculous and 
superstitious stories about the Prophet’s life. On the issue of the legends related 
of the Prophet’s birth, he comments: 

His birth, they say, was attended with signs and portents from which 
the nations of the earth could know that the Deliverer had appeared. 
The rationalistic historian smiles, the religious controversialist, who 
upon a priori reasoning, accepts without comment the accounts 
of the wise men following the star, scoffs at these marvels. To the 
critical student, whose heart is not devoid of sympathy with earlier 
modes of thought and who is not biased with pre-conceived no- 
tions, ‘the portents and signs’ which the Moslem says attended the 
birth of his Prophet are facts deserving of historical analysis. . . . 54 

Amir ‘Ah, in identifying himself with the last category and thus calling for 
historical analysis of such stories, avoids the whole issue. These stories are 
found in early literature on Sirah, for example in Ibn Hisham. ‘Ali accuses 
Muir of giving ‘animadversions’ by following the account from Ibn Hishim’s 
biography of the Prophet and scoffs at these as source materials. At the same 
time he defends Ibn Hishim, saying that “the work will continue to occupy 

5ecAIi. SI. p. 34. 
51 J.M.S. Baljon. The Reform und Religious Ideas of Syed Ahmud Khan. (Leiden. 1949) 

52cAli. SI. p. 33. 
5’ Ibid. Q. 33 n. 
54 Ibid. Q. 9. 

pp. 55-56. 



AhsadAbdullah Amir 'Mi's Life and Works 189 

the position of the most carefid and trustworthy biographer of the Prophet."55 
But, in fact, CAli himself also ignores many accounts given by Ibn Hishim 
as for example in case of the story regarding the Prophet's birth. He does 
not develop any formulae for critical scholarship in studying Islamic history 
as did Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Shibli Nu'mani. 'Ali accepted only those 
materials which conformed with his views. Interestingly enough, he appears 
totally to ignore the whole issue of the Prophet's night journey (XVI1:l) in 
his later works. He deals with the issue only in his first work A Critical Ex- 
amination of the Life and Teachings of Mokmmed published in 1873, where 
he interprets the night journey (rnecr@) as a vision and refers to Muir for sup- 
port.56 

Two general trends are manifested in Amir 'Ali's works. Firstly, the defense 
of the Prophet's character as a person; and secondly the Prophet's career as 
a teacher, particularly his role in the intellectual development of human civiliza- 
tion. The reason for his defense of the Prophet in his continued interest in 
preserving his Muslim identity in a foreign environment. The environment 
he was living in was exclusively English. In such an environment he had to 
defend the Prophet to support his very existence in that society. At the same 
time he wanted his western educated co-religionists to retain their identity 
in the new environment. 

Amir 'Ali describes the philosophers and scientists of Islam and the glory 
of Islamic civilization in page after page of his writings. He quotes European 
historians praising the development of IsIamic civilization. It was Islam, he 
argues, which inspired Europe to rationalism, and "Avempace and Averros 
were the precursors of Decartes, Hobbes, and Lo~ke."~' He mentions many 
other western thinkers who, according to 'Ali, learnt from Muslim scientists. 
He then goes on to his polemics against Christianity and claims that the Euro- 
pean crusaders destroyed the cause of learning in the Muslim lands. 

At this point we will not examine his claim that European scientists were 
influenced by Muslim scholars; rather what concerns us here is that why 'Ali 
took the initiative to show Islam's superiority to Christianity and former's 
similarity to the rational thought of the modem west. The reason behind this 
attitude lies in his motive to write on Islamic history. He wanted to tell his 
western readers that what had been known about Islam was distorted, and 
he wanted to encourage young Muslims that they could accept western liberal 
thought while still remaining under the banner of Islam. 'Ali criticizes the 
Abbasid caliph Mutawakkil and for his suppression of Mu'tazili thought, as 
well as Ahmad bin Hanbal for his, as 'Ali puts it, anti-rational attitude. He 

55 'AIL Critical Examination. preface, p. ix. 
56 Ibid. 59. 
57 'Ah. SI. 3 9 .  



190 Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

believes that it is because of this kind of attitude that Muslims of the modem 
age have fallen fhr behind their European contemporaries. He addresses young 
educated Muslims in the following manner: 

For five centures Islam assisted in the free intellectual develop- 
ment of humanity, but a reactionary movement then set in, and 
all at once the whole stream of human thought was altered. The 
cultivators of science and philosophy were pronounced to be beyond 
the pale of Islam. Is it impossible for the Sunni Church to take 
a lesson from the Church of Rome? Is it impossible for her to ex- 
pand similarity-to become many sided? There is nothing in 
Mohammed's teachings which prevents this. Islamic Protestan- 
tinism, in one of its phases, Mu'tazilims, -has already paved the 
way. Why should not the great Sunni Church shake off the old tram- 
mels and rise to a new life?58 

American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 

It appears from 'Ali's call that he wanted to see a European style reformation 
in Muslim society. But his conceit was that he did not want to see this call 
coming from outside. His argument is that "reform comes from within and 
not from without.n5s This appears to be another reason for his critical attitude 
towards the western works on Islam. 

It appears from Amir 'Ali's interpretation of Islamic values that he was in- 
fluenced by the English liberalism of late nineteenth century. He interpreted 
Islamic values in terms of English liberal values. He was widely read in various 
aspects of western civilization. Among English philosophers he appreciated 
the contributions of Jeremy Benthan, John Stuart Mill and Herbert Spencer 
to the development of the nineteenth century British liberal thought.6o Among 
those with whom Amir 'Ali had personal connections in England, some were 
Unitarians, some Positivists and some liberal Britons. Although most of the 
ideas which 'Ali maintained were present in Islamic history, an interesting 
issue here is why Ali chose only those ideas which were identical with some 
western ideas. 

Among all religious movements in nineteenth century England, Unitarians 
had the best humanitarian feelings.61 They were the leaders of all liberal changes 

b8 Ibid. p. 454. 
59% "Islam and its Critics," Life and Works. p. 127. 
60 Xli, "Memoirs," p. 97. 
61 Raymond P. Holt, 7Xe Unitarian Contribution to Social Progress in England. (London: 

George Allan & Unwin, 1938) p. 180. 



AhsantAbdulf ah Amir ‘Ali’s Life and Works 191 

in England.6‘ Therefore it was natural for Ali to be influenced by humanitarian 
values of the Unitarians. In England he came into contact with Henry Chun- 
ning, nephew of the famous American Unitarian preacher. Therefore in his 
environment ‘Ali very well identified Islamic humanitarian values with the 
liberal ideas in England. He focused on the humanitarian provisions of Islam 
to convince his western audience that Islam recognized all human values long 
time ago. Particularly when dealing with the issues related to the Prophet’s 
marriages, women’s rights and slavery he stressed the humanitarian spirit of 
Islam. He had some practical problems in dealing with these issues. For ex- 
ample, although Islam recognized women’s individuality and provides them 
with rights, yet it also accepts polygamy to a limited number. In the case of 
slavery also, the Prophet of Islam spoke for the well-being of slaves in 
humanitarian terms, but the institution existed and Muslims of later times 
took advantage from these provisions. All these issues became a target of 
western criticism of Islam. Therefore, ‘Ali spoke for the spirit of the Islamic 
message in order to give a clear and adequate understanding of Islam to his 
western readers. 

There is another issue in ‘Ali’s thought which is identical with Unitarian 
ideas. This is the interpretation of history of Christianity. Unitarians accuse 
St. Paul of corrupting the original simplicty of Chri~t iani ty .~~ Amir ‘Ali also 
thinks that it is because of Paul that Christianity is corrupted today.64 Unitarians 
“are more impressed by and committed to the historical Jesus than by or to 
theological Christ.”65 This interpretation suits ‘Ali’s Muslim consciousness. 
Uniting his tone of criticism of modem Christianity with the Unitarians, ‘Ali 
also takes an almost identical position.66 

The use of reason in the scientific development and physicists’ and biologists’ 
view of human life shook all religious beliefs in nineteenth century Europe. 
Unitarian authors adopted an apologetic attitude toward the problem.67 As 
for ‘Ali, we have already noted that he appreciated the contributions of 
philosophers such as Jeremy Benthan, John Stuart Mill and Herbert Spencer 
to the development of British liberal thought in the nineteenth century. Among 
them Bentham and Mill were Utilitarians; Spencer also contributed to 
Utilitarianism and was one of the most “argumentative and most discussed 
English thinkers of the late Victorian period.” Although ‘Ali liked their ideas 

62 Ibid. pp. 13-28 ? passim. 
63 Ibid. p. 169. 
61 Ibid. p. 180. 
65 Valdernan Argw, Unitarian Universalisnz: Some Questions Answered. (Boston: Unitarian 

66 %li,  SI, pp. 178-183. 
6 7  H. Malachlan, The Unitarian Movement in the Religious I.ife of England. (London: George 

Universalist Association, n.d.) p. 6. 

Allan & Unwin, 1934) pp. 127-149. 



192 American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

about various aspects of human life, he probably could not accept their ethical 
theory that “an action is right if it achieves the greatest good of the greatest 
number of people,”68 because of the interest of the Muslims in India. He, 
therefore, was silent about the political aspect of their contribution. ‘Ali, 
however, liked and could easily adopt their interpretation of various issues 
related to religious life. 

“Theology is superceded by a positive stage of development,” this theory 
of Comte dominated nineteenth century English Auguste Comte’s 
Religion of Humanity “encouraged reform tendencies in liberal Christian circles 
but stilmulated the rise of secular religious movements such as humanism.”7o 
Comte’s religious ideas were accepted and popularized in England by John 
Stuart Mill. Bentham and Spencer also believed in similar ideas. In ‘Ali’s 
interpretation of Islamic concepts we find existence of similar ideas. We have 
no evidence that ‘Ali read Comte or that he interpreted Islamic concepts in 
the light of Comte’s interpretation of the ‘Religion of Humanity.’ But, never- 
theless, we can see the similarities between their ideas. We, however, know 
that when in England Ali was in close contact with the famous Positivist 
James Cotter Morison. 7 *  Morison, having been influenced by Comte’s ideas 
became active in London centering around John Stuart Mill.’* Although Mill 
was not known as a Positivist, he “chiefly through his acquaintance with the 
evolutionary ideas of Comte, . . .arrived at a sounder conc10sion.”~~ Through 
his readings and personal acquaintance with British liberals and Positivists, 
it was quite possible for Ali to be influenced by Comte’s ideas. 

Amir (Ali defines religion as follows: 

. . .which places on a systematic basis the fundamental principles 
of morality, regulating social obligations and human duties which 
brings us nearer and nearer, by its compatibility with the highest 
development of intellect, to the All Perfect. . . . 74 

Enqclopediu Brirunicu. 1970 ed. S.V. “Utilitarianism,” by J.D.M. 
69 Basil Willey, Nineteenth Cenrury Studies. (London: Chatte & Williams, 1949) p. 182. 
70 Enqc/opediu Brirunicu. 1970 ed. S.V. “Comte,” by H.E. Bar. 

In his Memoirs (p. 49) he speaks about George Cotter Morrison, but no such person, 
author of a book on religion and another on Gibbon (as Ali refers) existed in London 
during his stay in England. However, another reference to this person as the father of 
Sir Theodore Morison confirms that his name was James Cotter Morison, and not George 
Cotter Morrison (EB, 1911 4.). 

7 *  G.H. Busey, “The Reflection of Positivism in English Literature to 1880: the Positivism 
of Frederick Harrison” (abstract of a Ph.D. thesis, University of Illinois, 1924) p. 5. 
W.L. Blease, A Shot? Hisrory of English Libemlism. (London: T. Fisher & Unwin, 1913) 
p. 238. 

74X1i, S t ,  p. 174. 



AhsadAbdullah Amir ‘Mi’s Life and Works 193 

This understanding of religion, of existence of God, and man’s relation with 
God are similar to the Positivists’ synthesis of the religious consciousness. 
According to Comte, the father of Positivism, the definition of religion is, 
“that state of harmony peculiar to human life, in its collective as well as in 
its individual form, when all the parts of life are ordered in their natural rela- 
tions to each other.”75 Comte looks for the revelations of laws of nature to 
the intellect. 76 According to his understanding, the progress of human civiliza- 
tion comes about as follows: 

. . .the highest progress of man and society consists in a gradual 
increase of our mastery over all our defects of our moral nature.77 

The basis of Comte’s concepts are physics and biology.7s In the process 
of intellectual exercise “man reaches more and more fully to the state of real 
synthesis, as he more throughly recognizes the intellectual, and ultimately 
the moral, control exercised by the external order. . . Y79 Comte again says: 

This fundamental doctrine (External Order) of Positivism is not 
to be attributed in the full breadth of its meanings to any single 
thinker. It is the slow result of a vast process carried out in separate 
departments, which began with the first use of our intellectual 
powers, and which is only just completed in those who exhibit those 
powers in their highest form.8o 

About the concept of the order of nature Comte says: 
Our fundamental conceptions about the Order of Nature are thus 
product of a collaboration between the world without and the mind 
within us. . . nothing hypothesis duly confirmed by observation.*l 

Amir ‘Ali argues, as Comte argues for Positivism, that Islam appeals to reason 
alone. The wave of scientific discoveries in the nineteenth century led both 
Ali and Comte to depend on intellect alone. ‘Ali argues that there are verses 

in the Qur’an which appeal to the human intellect in order to convince man 
to recognize One Supreme Being.8e Comte also, through the use of reason 
in a gradual process, discovers the existence of an “Eternal Order” or a 
“Supreme Being.”84 In this issue ‘Ali seems to ignore the fact that although 

I5 Auguste Comte, System ofpositive Polity. 4 vols. (New York: Burt Franklin, Originally 

I6 Comte, A General View ofpositivism. (New York: Robert Speller & Sons. 1957) p. 355. 
published in London in 1815) p. 11:s. 

Ibid. p. 362. 
Comte, Fositive Polity: p. II:12. 

Is Bid. p. 25. 
no Comte, General View, p. 27. 
81 Comte, Positive Polify. p. II:25. 
a* Mi, Sl, pp. 144 ff. 
%, Comte, General View. p. 25. 



194 American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

the Qur’an appeals to the human intellect, it claims to be the guidance only 
for the believers (11:3). 

Comte recognizes, through the use of intellect, the necessity of submission 
to a Power withouts3 which, according to him, controls all human actss4 He 
feels the necessity of praying to his Power. Amir ‘Ali advocates absolute sub- 
mission to the Absolute Being and argues in favour of the rationality of Islamic 
prayers.85 But his rationalism fails to prove scientifically (in the light of late 
nineteenth century discoveries) the process of Divine knowledge to 
Muhammad. 

In Comte’s view, the theological synthesis depended exclusively on the af- 
fective nature of man, and it declined with the passage of time. He thinks 
that religions failed to satisfy the practical necessity of man.86 Amir ‘Ali agrees 
with Comte about the practical function of religions in human life but iden- 
tifies the fulfillment of these necessities e.g. the qualities of love, necessity 
of joint role of heart and intelligence, necessity of morality and social obliga- 
tions in human life with Islam while Comte identifies them with his ‘Religion 
of Humanity.’ Comte observes about older religions that: 

Positivists then may, more truly than theological believers of 
whatever creed, regard life as a continuous and earnest act of wor- 
ship, worship which will elevate and purify our feelings, enlarge 
and enlighten our thoughts, ennoble and invigorate our actions.go 

Ali as we have seen earlier agrees with Comte on the necessity of religion 
in human life but disagrees on the fulfillment of this necessity. He claims 
that although Christianity failed to fulfill this necessity, Islam satisfies these 
needs of mankind. He says: 

The religion, therefore, which places on a systematic basis the fun- 
damental principles of morality, regarding social obligations and 
human duties, whch brings us nearer and nearer, by its compatibili- 
ty with the highest development of intellect. . . .It is distinctive 
characteristic of Islam, as taught by Mohammed, that it combines 
within itself. . .the reason and moral intuition of man.91 

Comte claims Positivism to be the successor of Christianity and to surpass 

” ’  Comte. Posiriiv Polity. p. 11:11-12. 
R4 Ibitl. p. 16. 
H i  ‘Ali. SI. pp. 159 ff .  
8 h  Comte. Generul V i m .  pp. 9 f f .  
”; /hid. p. 16. 
n w  ‘All. SI .  p. 181. 
nq Ihiil. 
q‘l Comte. Gencml View, p. 365. 
q1 ‘Ali. SI .  174. 



AhsadAbdullah Amir ‘Ali’s Life and Works 195 

it. 99 Similarly Amir ‘Ali argues that Islam is the developed form of all Scrip- 
tural  religion^,^* and supports his argument by pointing to its successful upliftmg 
of “lower races to a higher level of social rn~rality.”~~ He argues that Chris- 
tianity remained an ‘incomplete religion’ because Christ did not live long, and 
it was left to Muhammad to complete his mission.s4 

Both ‘Ali and Comte were against the creeds and stagnation of thought in 
the middle ages.95 Moreover, according to them, character of the society was 
too military and aristocratic in the middle ages. Comte found the solution 
of the problems of the middle ages in the sub-ordination of politics to 
‘Ali found the solution of the same problems in the revival of the spirit of 
the message propagated by the Prophet of Islam. Comte wanted a priesthood 
of pholosophers in order to create a just society based on moral values,97 and 
‘Ali appealed to the educated Indian Muslims to shoulder the responsibility 
of the Muslim community.98 

In comparing Amir ‘Ali’s thought with that of Comte, one must keep in 
mind that we have no proof that ‘Ali read Comte. But since their thoughts 
are similar we can say that ‘Ali was influenced by Comte; if not directly after 
reading Comte, then by similar ideas in late nineteenth century British liberal 
thought on which Comte had a permanent impact. There is also another pro- 
blem arising from the comparison between Comte and ‘Mi, namely, whether 
we could call ‘Ali a Positivist. In our view, the answer is negative, because 
of the basic difference between them. Comte, through his positive thought, 
reached to the conclusion that through the continued practice of positive think- 
ing a just society could be established. This is a continued process, accord- 
ing to Comte. As for ‘Ali, everything positive is already there in Islamic 
teachings, and if one practises these teachings, he could achieve the goal of 
establishing a just society. 

Amir ‘Ali primarily spoke to the Westerners in western terns. His work 
was a part of a Christian-Muslim dialogue in the modem age:’ He tried to 
translate Islamic thought into the language of nineteenth century British society. 
Probably that was the reason why he identified the humanistic qualities of 
Islam in terms of the British values of those days. Since Comte was one of 
those philosophers who made a decided impact on the nineteenth century Euro- 
pean thought, ‘Ali spoke to his western audience in the same terms. 

, 

~ ~ ~~~~ 

91 Comte, General View, p. 387. 
%‘Ali, Sl ,  162. 
93 lbid. p. 186. 
94 lbid. p. 173. 
95 Comte, General View. p. 3621 Ali, Sl,  p. 454. 
96 Comte, General Vim. p. 365. 
97 lbid. p. 361. 
98‘Ali, Sl,  p. 454. 



196 American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

I11 
Amir 'Ali's writings signify another major development in modem Islamic 

thought. This aspect of his contribution is his endeavour to bring Sunni and 
Shiruh Muslims closer to each other. Efforts in this way began in the Indian 
sphere of Islam in Shih Wali Allah's thought.99 This trend continued in In- 
dia, and when Amir 'Ali appeared in the field, he found already a 'Shi'ah- 
Sunni patch up.' He gives credit for this to western rivalry towards Muslims!00 
He considers this 'patch up' a part of practical politics!O* In his writings on 
Islamic history, <Ali glorifies every hero of Islam irrespective of their 
background, He gives full credit to the first two caliphs for their contribution 
to the development of the Islamic community. He, however, accuses the Pro- 
phet's companions of hiding traditions supporting 'Ali's (the fourth caliph) 
succession as the leader of the community!O* 

The most interesting part of 'Ali's role in history is his stand on the defense 
of the Ottoman Caliphate against the Kemalists in Turkey. Historically the 
Twelver Shi 'uhs have always opposed the institution of caliphate; but unlike 
the traditional stand of his school, 'Ali's opposed the abolition of the caliphate. 
The traditional Ottoman regime in Turkey became weak and corrupt by the 
beginning of the twentieth century. There were various reforms in Turkey. 
In spite of his advocacy for reform, 'Ali's support for the caliphate suggests 
his emotional attachment to the age-old institution. He propably wanted to 
see a traditional British type monarchy in the Muslim world. 

Another aspect of 'Ali's writings is manifested through his contribution to 
the development of political consciousness of the Indian Mulsims. He not 
only spoke for the rights of Indian Muslims, but spoke for the Muslims of 
other countries also. He endeavoured to influence the British foreign policy 
towards Mulsim countries. He, at times, spoke for Indians in general too. 
He started writing on the political problems of India as an Indian, lo3 but 
soon he identified himself as an Indian Muslim. It appears from his writings 
that he maintained this identity throughout the rest of his life. Because of his 
pro-Muslim attitude he was accused of being a separatist, but 'Ali denied 
this allegation ~trongly!~' He at the same time admitted that Hindu-Muslim 
fusion in one country was impossible!05 He wanted the permanence of British 

99 1.H. Qureshi, The Mudim Community of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-continent. (The Hague: 

lOO'Ali, Mahornmedun Law. 2 vol. (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink and Co. 1908) p. 1:3. 
lol 'Ah, The Caliphate." p. 424. 
lop 'AIL Mahornmedun Law. p. I:3. 

lo* %ti ,  "The Mohammedans of India and their Place in the empire," L@ and Work. p. 383. 
lo5 %li ,  T h e  Mohammedans of India and their Place in the empire," Life and Work. p. 383. 

Mouton & Co. 1962) pp. 178-182. 

Nli. "Some Indian Suggestions for India," Life and Wrk. pp. 3-22. 



AhsadAbdullah . Amir ‘Mi’s Life and Works 197 

rule in India. He considered British rule was in the interest of the Muslims. 
He never thought of a separate sovereign Muslim state, but at the same time 
he wanted some type of protection of Mulsim rights in the Indian sub-continent. 
He could not accept Utilitarian theory of “an action is right if it achieves the 
greatest good of the greatest number of people” in this -issue. He saw such 
protection as possible only through the continuation of British rule in India. 
Therefore, he encouraged Indian Muslims to acquire knowledge of the English 
language and civilization in order to gain British sympathy. 

Amir ‘Ali severely criticised British policy in the Middle East. He spoke 
for the Turkish cause against its European enemies. He appealed to British 
public opinion, to their consciousness in the name of liberalism to support 
in the latter’s war against Italy in the early twentieth century, not only because 
Turkey’s cause was just but also because England was the greatest Muslim 
power in the world at that time!06 He was not willing to accept Turkish or 
Libyan actions against Italy as Muslim atrocities, and in the same way he 
appealed to the Britons not to accept Italian atrocities as Christian atroticities. 
Rather, according to him, both actions should be opposed because they were 
unjust. He complains, “were even a fraction of these acts (Italian atrocities 
in Libya) committed by the Turks, there would have been a haw1 of indigna- 
tion throughout the length and breadth of Great Britain.”1o7 Apparently frustrated 
<Ali asks, “Will not the Christian men and women of England, who cherish 
the noble ideas of their faith, raise their voice against the barbarism of bygone 
days?”loS 

‘Ali criticises western civilization as being ‘white’ and ‘racist’ when com- 
plaining against the treatment met by Indians in Africa and Canada!Og In- 
terestingly enough, although he always spoke for the Muslim cause, in this 
issue he spoke only for the Indians in general, and not for the Blacks, even 
if the ‘Black Muslims’ also faced similar problems in British .colonies. 

IV 

Sayyid Amir ‘Ali was born and brought up in the beginning of the transi- 
tional period of Indian Muslim society. It was a transition from a traditional 
society to a modern one, in the sense of adopting western views of life and 
technological development. The Indian Muslims had just realized that their 
period of rule was over and their very existence was being threatened in the 
new circumstances. 

lo6 ‘Ali, “The Mohammedans of India.” p. 384. 
lo7  ‘Ah, “Italy and Turkey,” Life and Work. p. 365. 
lo8 Ibid. p. 357. 
lo9 ‘Ali, ‘Anomalies of Civilization-A Peril to India,” Life and Work. pp. 290-291. 



198 American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

Birth of civilization and its development is a type of ‘challenge and response’ 
game. Toynbee says about the origin of civilization that, “. . .though there may 
have been some degree of physical challenge to stimulate them (civilizations) 
too, the principal and essential challenge was a human challenge arising out 
of their relationship to the society to which they were Amir ‘Ali’s 
contribution to history appears to be an example proving Toynbee’s theory. 

The understanding of Islam in the West, particularly among the English, 
did not disturb the Muslim consciousness in India until the political dominance 
of the British became clear to them. Only after the severe suppression of the 
‘Uprising’ of 1857,111 Indian Muslims realized that the depiction of Islam in 
the English language mattered to them. They tolerated the political and 
economic dominance of the British, but they did not accept the realigious 
dominance. They considered the challenge as a direct threat to their identity. 
Christian missionary activities had only added to their worry. 

Amir ‘Ali was one of those few Muslims who were exposed to the literature 
on Islam in the English language. The Muslim reaction to English missionary 
activities in India in the form of politics and scholarly writings began with 
Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s activities. The literary activities of Sayyid Ahmad Khan 
and his close associates were more or less confined to the Indian languages. 
The Muslim reaction to the depiction of Islam in the English language received 
a forceful expression in the writings of Amir ‘Ah. 

‘Ali admits that he undertook the task of writing about the life of the Pro- 
phet of Islam in order to refute ‘every false theory’ and ‘apocryphal story’ stated 
by western historians, with his object being “to embody the principal features 
of the life and teachings of the Arabian Prophet in a popular shape; to disabuse 
the minds of many readers of false impressions and false prejudices; to try 
and prove that Islam has been a real blessing to mankind; that it also has 
helped to elevate Humanity.. . .”I1* If the term ‘apologetics’ is defined as “the 
Christian defense against attack by n~n-Chr is t ians ,”~~~ then Amir ‘Ali’s attitude 
can rightly be called an apologetic for Islam. He reacts against what he calls 
some ’false theories.’ His first publication, which he wrote when he was in 
England for higher studies, came out in  1873. ‘Ah in his A Critical fiamina- 
tion of the Life and Teachings cfMohummed answers to those questions about 
the life and teachings of the Prophet of Islam which he considers as false 
notions. 

Arnold Toynbee, A Study of History. Abridgement edition. (London: Oxford University 
Press, 1960) p. 77. 
Famous ‘Uprising’ against the British is normally termed as the ‘War of Independence’ 
by Indo-Pakistani historians and ‘Mutiny’ by the Britishers. 

Enqdopediia of Rerigion and Erhics. S.V. ‘Apologetics” by T. W. Crafer. 
l i p  ‘Ah, Critical Examination. preface, p. viii.  



AhsanlAbdullah Amir ‘Ali’s Life and Works 199 

Amir ‘Ali changed his attitude, to a certain extent, when he enlarged his 
first book in 1891, giving it to the form of formal history in a work entitled 
The Spirit ofIslam. His attitude towards Christianity in his first work is that 
it was not only Christianity which contributed to the development of humanity, 
but that Islam also helped to elevate men. Islam and Christianity received 
equal honour. But in his later works he focuses on Islam’s superiority over 
Christianity. His attitude towards Sir William Muir, against whom he basically 
reacts, also changes during this period. In ‘Ali’s first book he gives credit 
to Muir for possessing a ‘real earnestness,’ but in the Spirit of Islam he holds 
Muir to be an enemy of Islam!14 In the Critical Examination Ali frequently 
refers to Muir and appeals to his readers to judge between his presentation 
and Muir’s presentation of history where he differs with the latter!15 But in 
the later enlarged edition of his work he is more confident of himself and 
avoids this tendency totally. In his first book he refers to Muir for support 
in those matters which the latter considered to be the positive apsect of Islam. 
But in the later edition his attitude towards Muir is absolutely inimical. Even 
he refers to a quality of the Prophet mentioned by Muir, he qualifies the state- 
ment by saying that Muhammad was such a great personality that an enemy 
such as Muir also had to accept it!*6 

Now the interesting question is why Amir ‘Ali’s critical attitude towards 
Christianity and Muir increased with the passage of time. The reason, in our 
view, was the environment in which ‘Ali lived. It was pre-dominantly English 
and thus Christian. He was well-read about the English culture and civiliza- 
tion and was influenced by the British liberal ideas when in England in con- 
tact with a few British intellectuals. About his first experience in practical 
life as a lawyer in the Calcutta High Court, he says: 

I expected no backing and received none. The English solicitors 
looked upon me as an interloper; the Hindus frankly disliked me; 
whilst the Muslims considered me a renegade because of the English 
method of life I had acquired!I7 

He apparently chose to live in an English atmosphere willingly where most 
of the Englishmen considered him an ‘interloper.’ It is true that in his per- 
sonal life he married an English woman of ‘some position.’118 and he was greeted 
by a few English liberals, but probably most of the Englishmen he came across 
were not liberal in their attitude. ‘Ali, on his part, was always conscious about 

114 ‘Ali, SI, 111 n. 
cAli, Critical Examination. pp. 29 & passim. 
‘Ah, SI, p. 43 
‘Ali, “,emoirs,” p. 37 

ofPeshawar. (no. 5, 1956) p. 68. 
118 Thomus Wise, “Arnir Ali and the English Views of Islam“ The Journal ofrhe University 



200 Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

his Muslim identity. Therefore he must have encountered a number of ques- 
tions about Islam and the Prophet of Islam in that society. Such questions 
may well have been supported by Muir's Life ofMuhornet, as that work was 
often taken to be the authority on Islam in the English language. His continu- 
ing effort to preserve self-identity in a foreign environment became a challenge 
to his existence in that society. It appears that in order to justify himself in 
that environment he began to write on the subject. Since he had to face in- 
creasing opposition to his views from the supporters of Muir, his attitude 
towards Muir and his Christian supporters changed over time. 

Amir cAli's environment influenced him in another major aspect of his 
writings, that being the question of reason and humanity in religion in general 
and in Islam in particular. The development of the physical sciences in the 
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries caused discussion on this problem among 
European philosophers and  theologian^."^ While in England Amir 'Ali was 
influenced, not by apologetic Christian theologians but by a number of British 
intellectuals of liberal ideas. The new discoveries in physics and biology had 
undoubtedly British liberal thought in the nineteenth century. Amir 'Ali was 
apparently influenced by positivist philosophy of Auguste Comte. Comte 
thought that the time for theology was over and the time for positive philosophy 
had arrived. Comte criticised Christianity as well as theology in general and 
gave foundation to Positivism as a new religion in order to accomodate the 
qualities of humanity and to encourage the development of physical sciences. 
According to him, the time for Christian theology was over and the Religion 
of Humanity, i.e., Positivism, had replaced it. Amir 'Ali, on his part, ap- 
parently adapted the ideas of Comte by identifying the human and rational 
qualities of Positivism with Islam. Comte argues that Positivism is the 
developed form of Christianity, and 'Ah argues that it is Islam which has 
accommodated rationalism and encourages the development of physical science. 

The question of 'Ali's audience is a much debated issue among scholars. 
He himself claimed to address both western victims of 'false ideas' on Islam, 
and Indian educated Muslims. Yet he claimed to have the Indian Muslims 
primarily in mind. Fazlur Rahman and W.C. Smith accept this view!2o Amir 
'Ali's attitude appears to have been a developed form in Islamic development 
in India. Sayyid Ahmad Khan, at his time was concerned that young Muslims 
were rejecting modernity and thus could not cope with their European con- 
temporaries, while Amir 'Ah, on the contrary, was concerned that young 
western educated Muslims might reject their traditional faith and thus their 
identity. Aziz Ahmad, for his part, thinks that 'Ali's re-statement of Islamic 

American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 

Encyclopedia of Religion and Erhics. S.V. "Apologetics," p. 613. 
R.  Rahman, "Muslim Modernism in the Indc-Pakistan Subcontinent" Bulletin ofrhe SOAS. 
Vo. XXI, Part-1, 1958, p. 871Smith. p. 49. 



AhsanIAbdullah Amir ‘Mi’s Life and Works 201 

history was aimed at his western audience, where it made a considerable 
impact !zl 

We will discuss the impact of ‘Ali’s works below. At this point, our endeavour 
is to determine who he was primarily addressing. In most of his works he 
spent page after page refuting the views of western historians and glorifying 
Islamic history, in comparison with only a few pages criticising those facts 
of Islamic history with which he did not agree. For example, he does not 
agree with the views of Ahmad Ibn Hanbal, the famous jurist and theologian 
of Islam, nor does he like the anti-Mu‘tazili stand of Abbasid caliph Mutawak- 
kil. In principle one should critically examine the views of the two rival groups, 
and in order to provoke thought among his probable followers, should try 
to convince them that the proper way to approach matters is not the conser- 
vative way of suppressing thought as Mutawakkil did, but rather, since Islam 
encourages reason, that one should encourage free thought. Instead of doing 
this he spent more energy attacking Christianity and legitimizing the actions 
of Muslim rulers and jurists. This attitude of ‘Ali illustrates his sense of in- 
feriority with respect to his western audience. It appears that he was simply 
addressing the people around him legitimizing his existence in that society, 
and asserting that Muslim history at any rate is not inferior to Christian history. 
On the contrary, he sees it as superior in many respects. As for the people 
around him, he always lived in an English environment irrespective of his 
stay in India or in England. 

From his claim about the superiority of Islam over Christianity, it appears 
that he wanted to convince his liberal friends that Islam accommodates dif- 
ference of opinion and that there are examples in Inslamic history in this 
respect. His critical attitude towards Christianity appears to have been directed 
against those who considered ‘Ali an interloper in the English environment. 
This tendency in ‘Ali’s writings suggests that his primary concern was the 
Westerners around him. 

‘Ali used English as his medium of expression. Had he had young Indian 
Muslims in mind, he should have written in an Indian language since he always 
claimed that Indian Muslims had one cultural language!Zz This could have 
inspired both western educated Muslims as well as those educated in Islamic 
languages. Another aspect of ‘Ali’s writings indicates that the type of people 
he was writing for, that being his use of terms in expressing his views. He 
uses terms such as ‘Church of Mohammed,’ ‘Sunni Church,’ ‘Saracens’, ‘Lower 
Race,’ ‘Apostoletic,’ etc. These are absolutely western terms, and in most cases 
Muslims were not familiar with these terms. ‘Ali justifies the use of terms 
saying that: 

lP1 Ahmad, p. 87. 
122 ‘Ali, “A Cry.” p. 42. 



202 American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

I use the word 'Church' to convey the meaning which no other word 
can express-a consolidated body of doctrines expanded to age 
which have become part and parcel of the religions of the religious 
life of the nations. . . ?n3 

This indicates that 'Ali was trying primarily to convey his message to a western 
audience. Most of the books and articles written by 'Ali were published in 
England. This also indicates that his primary concern was the Westerner's 
understanding of Islam. But this does not mean that he had no concern for 
Indian Muslims. This concern, however, was of secondary nature. 

Amir 'Ali's approach to Islamic history manifests that he had a particular 
reason behind writing about Islamic history. He wanted Muslims to recap- 
ture the Mu'tazili thought of early Islam in order to face the challenge of the 
west. He particularly stressed the humanistic values of Islam. The focus on 
Islam as the religion of nature also dominates his thought. He pointed to the 
material, philosophical and moral development caused by the Islamic message. 
He often defended or sometimes kept quiet when those developments were 
hampered by the Muslim rulers and jurists. This method of history-writing 
has been criticised by his critics. 'Ali himself questions Muir's methodology 
and accuses him of being prejudiced and of writing history in order to prove 
some of his pet theories!Z4 It was in order to refute those theories that Amir 
'Ali wrote, and apparently he also had his own theories to prove. Therefore, 
from the methodological point of view, there is no fundamental difference 
between them. The main difference between 'Ali and Muir is that Muir had 
a pre-conceived notion of Islam as a religion inferior to Christianity, and thus 
felt that Christian missionaries working among Muslims should be equipped 
with a work that can provide with confidence in this respect. 'Ali had a pre- 
conceived idea that Islam is superior to Christianity and is based only on 
science and reason, and so Muslims should feel confident about it. 'Ali was 
primarily a lawyer, not a historian. He wrote on history for certain reasons. 
This brought "more good than harm to the reputation of Amir 'Ali and Islam" 
in England!Z5 His interpretation of Islamic teachings and his focus on par- 
ticular events in Islamic history created a sense of self-reliance, pride and 
confidence among educated young Muslims in India. This was a developed 
stage for the Indian Muslims. Most western educated Indian Muslims, like 
Amir <Ali, came in contact with the English environment either on a per- 
sonal or professional level. Because of their pride in former Muslim political 
and economic dominance, they became victims of an inferiority complex. 

'Ali, "The Caliphate," p. 388. 
IZ4 'Ali, Critical Examination. preface, p. vi. 
' 25  Wise, p. 69. 



AhsadAbdullah Amir ‘Mi’s Life and Mrks 203 

Although they admired western values, psychologically they could neither aban- 
don their patriarchial faith nor accept the Christian missionary propaganda 
against Islam. Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s activities acquainted them with western 
civilization and development, but could not provide them with a sense of pride. 
On the contrary, his apologetic works on Islam increased their sense of in- 
feriority. While western educated Indian Muslims were in this state of mind, 
Amir ‘Ali appeared armed not only with defensive, but an offensive attitude. 
‘Ali’s polemics along with his official position in the British Indian govern- 
ment provided this new generation with a new confidence. This new con- 
fidence encouraged Indian Muslims to be liberal like an English gentleman, 
and at the same time to be proud of their identity. W.C. Smith observes that 
‘Ali’s monumental work nte Spitit oflslam represents this whole trend of 
Indian Muslim society!46 Smith describes these young Muslims as: 

A young Muslim fashionably dressed, sits with his friends in the 
Lahore Coffee House and talks, in English, of Marx or tennis. He 
has perhaps never studied the Qur’in . . .yet intensly collscious about 
being a Muslim, he insists that he and his co-religionists in India 
are a nation, and he is, he says, ready to fight to establish for them 
a free country!*7 

This new generation of young Muslims were so confident about their ‘modem’ 
attitude, influenced by English liberalism, along with their Muslim identity, 
that if anyone asked them about the apparent contradiction between Islam 
and their liberal nationalistic spirit, they at once would answer “well, didn’t 
you read The Spirit of Islam of Amir ‘Ali?“ However, the contradictions in 
‘Ali’s interpretation were reflected in the views and behaviour of this new 
generation of Muslims. 

There is another reason for Amir “Ali having emerged as the hero of new 
young Muslim generation in India who represented the upper and upper middle 
class landed aristocracy. ‘Ali’s success in presenting the Muslim cause to the 
British authorities made him popular among these people. ‘Ali identified 
himself a loyal’ Indian Muslim and fought for Indian Muslim rights throughout 
his life. Muslims, who had suffered from their loss of political and economic 
power found a ray of hope in the brilliant career of Amir ‘Ali both in his 
private and public life. He was successful in his career in the British Indian 
judicial service and went on to the highest position then available to an In- 
dian. As a successful lawyer he pleaded for the Muslim cause not only for 
India but for the whole Muslim world. He realized that there was a religious 
prejudice in the west against Islam and M w b  because of some Mse theories. 

l*c W.C. Smith. Islam in Modem Histov. (New Yo&: New American Library, 1957) p. 62. 
127 Smith, Modem Islam. p. 8. 



204 Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

He apparently was worried about the political implications of this religious 
prejudice. Therefore he advocated the inclusion of some Muslim countries 
in the League of Nations, appealed for support to the victims of the Balkan 
and Tbrko-Italian wars, and criticized the British attitude towards Turkey after 
the First World War. His normal defensive tone sometimes changed to an of- 
fensive attitude. So he attacked the western civilization, and European at- 
titude by saying: 

The bogey of Pan Islamism maliciously held up to the imagina- 
tion of European people’s as a militant force bent on a struggle 
of strength with Christendom, was a mischievous invention for the 
purpose of justifying European aggression!** 

American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 

Amir ‘Ali, however, did not succeed in convincing British public opinion 
of the need for a positive attitude toward Muslims other than Indians. He failed 
to make an impact on the formation of the British foreign policy, although 
he considered Britain as the biggest Muslim power in the world at that time. 
Moreover, his random criticism of Christianity and western civilization, pro- 
bably had an adverse effect on his western audience. He certainly received 
help from the British people in his social activities, for example in running 
the British Red Crescent Society, but the help was apparently confined to social 
activities only. 

In India ‘Ali wanted to see the co-existence of the Hindus and the Muslims 
in one society!*g But he did not see the protection of Muslim rights to lie 
in an independent India. Therefore, to him the permanence of British rule 
in India was essential, and it was in the interest of the 

Amir ‘Ali’s attitude towards the British and towards the future of India added 
to his popularity among educated young Muslims. Probably that was the reason 
that Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, wanted Amir ‘Ah to 
become the president of All India Congress, when the former was trying to 
bring the Hindus and the Muslims on one platformJ3’ Amir ‘Ali’s contribu- 
tion to the Muslim nationalistic spirit apparently existed in Jinnah’s mind even 
after the creation of Pakistan. It is manifested in Jinnah’s statement that, ”. . . (in 
Pakistan) in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims 
would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the 
personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the 
state.”13* The poet philosopher Muhammad Iqbal when at Cambridge for higher 

It* ‘Ah, “Additional Chapter on Moslem Feelings.” Life and Wwk. p. 361. 
l p 9  ‘Ah. “The Unrest in India-Its Meaning,” Lfe and Work. p. 251. 
I3O ‘Ah, “Presidential Address to the Muslim League Delhi Session” L$e und Wwk. p. 330. 
131 ‘Ah, “Memoirs,” p. 92. 

M.A. Jinnah, Quaid-i-Azarn Speaks. (Karachi: F’ak Publicity. n.d.) p. I I .  



AhsdAbdullah Amir ‘Ali’s Life and Works 205 

studies, was in close contact with Amir ‘Ali. He apparently prepared the in- 
dex for the Spirit ofIslam of Amir ‘Ali. 

‘Ali’s works particularly Z%e Spirit of Islam, a flagbearer of Muslim 
liberalism, as W.C. Smith calls it, had an impact in other Muslim countries 
outside India. The book has been translated into Arabic, Indonesian, lhrkish 
and Urdu and is widely quoted by later Muslim scholars. The book made 
a considerable impact in the west also. One western convert to Islam writes: 

The book which most impressed me in my Islamic studies was 
The Spirit oflslum by Syed Ameer Ali, although this book is not 
without criticism in the Muslim world with regard to many customs 
and attitudes which the author wished to see reformed. It does, how- 
ever, put before Muslims and the world as a whole, the true inspiring 
grandeur of the faith of Islam which it should surely be the duty 
of every Muslim to attempt to bring down to the realm of practical 
life. This undoubtedly is a book which all Muslim students should 
endeavour to 

We noted earlier that ‘Ali’s offensive against Christianity had an adverse 
effect on British public opinion and consequently he failed to win their sup- 
port for Muslims outside India. There was another adverse effect of ‘Ali’s 
works, and this was on educated Indian Muslims. He always stressed the 
achievements of the Muslim rulers and intellectuals. This over emphasis on 
the glorious parts of Islamic history created a sense of ‘everything among 
Muslims is good,’ ‘Muslim history is the best history mankind has ever pro- 
duced.’ This attitude discouraged young educated Muslims from studying their 
history critically, which in turn exerted an adverse effect on their orientation. 

Amir ‘Ali did not deal with theological issues directly. But what he said in 
order to rationalize the progress of revelation should have been sufficient to 
provoke the ‘ U l d  to react. Why they did not, is an interesting question to 
consider. Probably the type of ‘Ulam5 who reacted against Sayyid Alpnad Khan 
were not in a position to understand ‘Ni’s writing in English. An American 
convert Maryam Jmlah, at a later date, observes about ‘Ali‘s works that: 

If the‘Ulami had been alive to their duty instead of sleeping, the 
contents of this book (The Spirit of Islam) should have been de- 
nounced as heretical P5 

lJ3 M.F. Citrine, 7he Islamic Review. (Jan.-Mar. 1963) p. 17. 
lJ4 M.F. Citrine, 7he Islamic Review. (Jan.-Mar. 1963) p. 17. 
135 M. Jarnilah. Islam and Modernism. (Lahore: Muhammad Yusuf Khan. 1968) p. 56. 



206 American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences Vol. 2, No. 2, 1985 

Still, in the development of the Indian Muslim community Amir ‘Ali’s works 
have played a remarkable role. He succeeded in motivating young western 
educated Muslims to retain their identity amidst western oriented societies. 
His stress on self-reliance motivated Muslim nationalistic feelings. In politics, 
‘Ali was interested in the well-being of the fellaw Indian Muslims. There also 
he earned respect of Indian Muslims. Thus the products of Aligarh Move- 
ment in India most often derived their intellectual orientation from Amir ‘Ali’s 
works.