270 AMERICAN Journal of Language, Literacy and Learning in STEM Education www. grnjournal.us AMERICAN Journal of Language, Literacy and Learning in STEM Education Volume 3, Issue 3, 2025 ISSN (E): 2993-2769 Concept of Sorrow in Uzbek Literary Context Kholibekova Omongul Kenjaboyevna Associate professor, Navoi state university, Navoi, Republic of Uzbekistan paads7777@gmail.com Abstract. This paper explores the intricate emotional concepts and highlighting their significance in shaping social interactions, identity, and communal values. Drawing on ethnographic studies and cultural analyses, we examine how emotions are expressed, understood, and valued in various contexts, including family dynamics, traditional celebrations, and everyday life. By understanding these emotional frameworks, we gain deeper insights into the Uzbek worldview and the ways in which emotions serve as a bridge between individual experiences and collective identity. This study contributes to the broader discourse on cultural psychology and emotional intelligence, emphasizing the importance of contextualizing emotional concepts within specific cultural narratives. Key words: explicant, explicitly, linguo-cultural community, psychological phenomenon, cognitive experiences. Introduction. Emotions are fundamental to the human experience, shaping our interactions, identities, and understanding of the world around us. In every culture, emotional concepts serve as lenses through which individuals interpret their feelings and navigate social relationships. If we consider that the semantic basis of emotiveness lies in the subject’s emotional attitude toward the referent, then the emotiveness of PUs awakens through their internal form—that is, the image-gestalt underlying the holistic meaning of the PU. This evokes the figurative-associative connection of the PU’s significative meaning. The figurative-associative basis serves as a stimulus for the emergence of an emotional reaction. Without a stimulus, it is impossible for the speaker to develop an emotional attitude within the range of “approval-disapproval.” Literature review. Emotions are primarily a psychological phenomenon, which is why they are considered the object of study in psychology. Emotions have been studied by Western psychologists such as M. Arnold, P. Ekman, K. Izard, N. Frijda, J. Gray, W. James, O. Mower, K. Oatley, W. McDowell, P. Johnson-Laird, J. Panksepp, R. Plutchik, S. Tomkins, J. Watson, B. Weiner, and others. These psychologists have classified emotions based on various criteria. According to the psychological classification, emotions can be divided into basic and peripheral categories. The criteria for basicality include: a) the lexical dominant status of words that represent concepts; b) the time of emergence and use of words related to psychological experiences; c) the use of specific emotional nominators; d) the semiological status of nominators; e) the use and association index of emotional nominators in the language. According to P. Ekman, the following are basic emotions: happiness, sadness, anger, fear, disgust, surprise, and contempt [https://www.psychologos.ru/articles/view/bazovye-emoci]. According to K. 271 AMERICAN Journal of Language, Literacy and Learning in STEM Education www. grnjournal.us Izard, the following are basic emotions: pleasure (joy), interest (excitement), surprise (fear), sorrow (pain), anger (rage), fear (terror), disgust (aversion), and shame (humiliation). Emotions are often understood as a purely sensory or psychological experience, and research on the semantics and conceptual structure of emotions has often been overlooked. In the 1970s, interest in emotions grew rapidly, and linguists began to explore the issue of identifying fundamental human emotions. It became clear that words used to express emotions in a specific language do not necessarily have universal status. As noted above, research comparing emotions in different languages has shown that emotions such as anger, happiness, sorrow, and fear are considered universal phenomena [1: 33]. Of course, the universality of emotions does not deny their cultural specificity. In each linguistic-cultural community, the emotional states of Homo sapiens are described in different ways, and it is known that the nature of universal emotions, in certain situations, manifests itself in individuals based on existing cultural norms. In world linguistics, the expression of emotions in language has been studied from various perspectives (Babenko 1989; Wierzbicka 1997, Krasavsky 2001; Fomina 1996; Shakhovsky 1988; Buck 1984; Buller 1996; Zillig 1982, and others). Verbal expressions of emotions (in the form of lexemes and fixed expressions) are of particular importance for linguists. This is because they serve as tools for the emergence, development, comprehension, and retention of thoughts, and they preserve a wealth of national cultural information. A. Wierzbicka studied how the conceptualization of emotional domain units is shaped in each linguo-cultural community, based on examples from English, Polish, Japanese, and Russian [Wierzbicka 1992:119-179]. N. Krasavskiy revealed the expression of emotional concepts in Russian and German linguo-cultures through comparative analysis [2:29]. The non-verbal form of emotion (depicted through human affects, emotional states, and experiences via facial expressions and various gestures) embodies actionality. Emotions are divided into two classes: emotive (explicant) linguistic signs that are objectivized and affective and rational linguistic signs that are objectivized as epistemological. Methods and analysis. Emotional phraseological concepts are classified from a pragmatic- semasiological perspective into three classes: phraseological nominants, phraseological descriptors, and phraseological explicants. In phraseological units with complex structures that indirectly represent reality, the semantic process of reinterpreting reality involves connotative and emotive features. In phraseological naming, phenomena of civilization and culture at a specific stage of a linguo-cultural community’s development are verbalized, revealing specific cognitive experiences and unique features of their worldview explicitly. The linguo-cultural analysis of indirect naming enables us to uncover the motivational basis and cultural specifics of names transferred from one object to another. Before studying the national specificity and conceptualization processes of emotions, it is appropriate to clarify certain concepts. Emotion (from Latin emoveo – “I move,” “I stir up”) is a psychological process of medium duration that reflects a subjective evaluative attitude toward existing or potential situations and the objective world (https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki). The subjectivity of evaluation highlights the ethno-specificity of emotions’ conceptualization. Emotions are expressed with specific lexemes across different linguo-cultures. These linguistic signs naturally exhibit certain distinctive features, which become evident during comparative linguistic analysis. “Emotional” refers to something related to emotions or feelings and expresses emotion or sentiment. “Emotionality” is defined as an emotional feature or characteristic, or possessing such a feature [3:37]. “Emotiveness” is understood as the linguistic characterization of entire texts or speech tools capable of evoking corresponding emotions and creating an emotional effect in the recipient [4:185]. A. Wierzbicka attempted to describe emotions and emotional states using cognitive models based on scenarios and prototypical scripts that do not explicitly name emotions but rely on intuitive terms (e.g., “to know,” “to see,” “to feel”). She demonstrated that prototypical scripts of linguistic emotions, 272 AMERICAN Journal of Language, Literacy and Learning in STEM Education www. grnjournal.us preserving such primitives, present knowledge, motivation, and emotion as an integral representational format, making this approach quite promising. To clearly demonstrate the national uniqueness of emotional concepts within a single language, it is essential to study both lexical units and phraseological units in an integrated manner. In this context, phraseologisms with associative-imagery characteristics in their internal form hold significant importance. The internal form is described as “the image associated with the semantic plane of the phraseologism, and the figurative basis of the phraseologism’s meaning as understood by the speakers, formed by its constituent words or morphemes” [5:134]. The national-cultural specificities of phraseological units make them a highly valuable object of linguo-cultural research and an essential part of world language modeling (WLM). The connection of language with the nature of an ethnic group is intertwined with the verbalization of emotions, linking them closely to the unique characteristics of an ethnic group’s national character. Emotions in phraseological units exhibit polarity, reflecting the subject’s positive or negative psycho- emotional state and the emotive attitude towards the object expressed in the meaning of the phraseologism. Human emotions not only reflect feelings but also represent intellectual and cognitive processes, indicating that emotions possess a highly complex conceptual structure. The emergence, development, and manifestation of emotions involve physical systems, including perception, physiological reactions, intellect, thought, and speech. The transfer of names from physical world objects and natural phenomena to human physiology, and subsequently to the mental realm, is one of the most productive methods of naming objective and subjective fragments of the world. Phraseological naming has image-situative motivation and is directly linked to the worldview of the people. Situations are evaluated as positive or negative according to the standards and stereotypes present in the reality in which humans live. Results. Phraseological units (PUs) that represent human conditions can be divided into the following semantic groups: 1. PUs representing physical conditions (thinness, affectation, etc.): чигирткадек қотиб кетмоқ (қайғу), нафаси бўғзига тиқилмоқ (ғазаб), лабига учуқ тошди (қўрқув), тишини оқини кўрсатмоқ (қувонч). 1. Frozen like a grasshopper (grief); юраги пўкилламоқ (қўрқув), ичини мушук таталаяпди (хавотир, қайғу), димоғи чоғ бўлмоқ (қувонч). Breath caught in the throat (anger); Cold sores on the lips (fear); Show teeth in a smile (joy); 2. PUs representing mental conditions (disruption of bodily organ functions, mental calmness, etc.): Heart pounding (fear) A cat is scratching inside (worry, grief) Feeling cheerful (joy). Analysis. We have divided the phraseological units with the meaning of "sorrow" into the following semantic models: 1. Physical changes in the body and internal organs representing a state of sorrow: ичини мушук таталамоқ, юрагини сиқмоқ, юрагини тирнамоқ, юрагини эзмоқ, жигари эзилмоқ; ичини кемирмоқ; кўнгли вайрон бўлмоқ; ўпкаси тўлди and etc. «Сени ўйлаб бағрим тилим-тилим менинг» [8:37] 2. Thinning of the body representing a state of sorrow: суръати юрмоқ, чигирткадек қотиб кетмоқ; 273 AMERICAN Journal of Language, Literacy and Learning in STEM Education www. grnjournal.us 3. Burning of the body and organs representing a state of sorrow: ичи пишди, жигар – бағри кабоб бўлмоқ, ўз ёғига ўзи қовурилмоқ, тутандириқ бўлмоқ, ичи куймоқ; 4. Changes in the face representing a state of sorrow: маюс бўлмоқ, ранги сомон бўлмоқ,; 5. Swallowing poisonous substances representing a state of sorrow: заҳар ютмоқ; 6. Physiological externalization of sorrow: кўз ёшлари маржон бўлиб оқмоқ, қон йиғламоқ, йиғламоқдан бери бўлмоқ and etc. «Аммо бу кун даврага // Отилди у қон йиғлаб» [8:32] 7. Excessive blood content in the body and organs representing a state of sorrow: қон ютиб юрмоқ; юраги қон бўлмоқ; юраги қонга тўлди; бағри қон and etc. “Куяр экан, тунлар қон // Ютар экан қизлар ҳам” [8:5] 8. Narrow and lightless appearance of the space representing a state of sorrow: олам кўзига қоронғи бўлиб кетди; оламни тор қилмоқ, оламни кўзига тор қилмоқ; ичига чироқ ёғса ёришмайди, etc. 9. Change in the rhythm of breathing representing a state of sorrow: дами ичига тушмоқ, etc. 10. Physical objects' position in the body representing a state of sorrow: бошида тегирмон тоши юргизмоқ, тош турган жойида оғир, бошига тош-тупроқ ёғдирмоқ and etc. «Кўкрагимда бир тош ётар, соғинаман»[8:5]. 11. Cannibalism representing a state of sorrow: ич-этини емоқ, ўзини-ўзи емоқ. 12. Taste-related representations of sorrow: аччиқ билан чучукни тотган билур, узоқ билан яқинни юрган билур; бир аччиқнинг бир чучуги бор etc. Thus, sorrow first reflects on the human physionomy and has a negative impact on its physiology. The figurative basis of most phraseological units in the sorrow group is expressed through mimicry, reflecting human reactions and physiological sensations in behavior. The semantic components are associated with psychological experiences, negative emotions, and events, as well as subgroups like care and anxiety. Conclusion. From the above semantic models, we can conclude that the physiological manifestation of the emotion of fear is beyond human control; the figurative basis of phraseological units reflects unconscious movements expressed through physiological sensations, mimicry, gestures, and actions. The semantic groups connect specific denotative elements like the heart, legs, tongue, face, water, and so on, representing concrete objects. 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