6 Journal of Public Diplomacy and International Studies www. grnjournal.us AMERICAN Journal of Public Diplomacy and International Studies Volume 3, Issue 6, 2025 ISSN (E):2993-2157 The State of Rural Administration at the Beginning of the ХX Century in Turkestan Makhmudova Nigora Barotovna Professor of Bukhara State University city of Bukhara. Uzbekistan Golovushkin D. A. Associate professor at the Department of History of Religions and Theology of the Russian State Pedagogical University named after A. I. Herzen. St. Petersburg. Russian Federation Abstract: The article examines the state of rural administration at the beginning of the twentieth century in Turkestan based on materials from Senator K.K. Palen. The work examines a specially compiled “Program for the revision of volost and rural institutions.” The article examines archival materials stored in the funds of the Russian State Historical Archive. Keywords: rural administration, audit, senator, Turkestan, aksakal, kheraj, archive, natives, tent, pastures. 1 Introduction The issues of rural management were also carefully considered and studied by the members of the audit of Senator K.K. Palen. In the course of the audit, the historical transformation of rural management is considered, based on military management rather than on national management. The bodies of the closest government supervision of native public institutions were county chiefs, and in Semirechye also district chiefs. Some oversight functions are also provided to regional boards. Military governors, in addition to general supervision of the activities of native self-government bodies, were given the authority to select native officials. 2 The main part In the course of studying the issues of the state of rural management in the Turkestan region at the beginning of the twentieth century, it is necessary to consider the historical situation in the region. It is noteworthy that the audit under the leadership of K.K.Palen carefully considered this issue, and a special “The program for the audit of volost and rural institutions”. Questions about management, economics, and resettlement were considered by one of the members of the audit – Loganov Grigory Nikolaevich, titular adviser. The document is currently stored in the RGIA, is set out on 59 pages of printed text and is proof that the commission under the leadership of K.K.Palen conducted a thorough check of all spheres in the Turkestan region. In the "Note ..." and in the materials of the reports on "Rural management", the state of rural management is considered both among the local population both before colonization and after, while rural management, land-tax system and among the settlers are also considered. In the "Note.." by G.N.Loganov, the idea of colonization is clearly visible - "the five regions of Turkestan in total amount to about 155 million dessiatines with a population of 5,300,000 people. At the same time, Russians make up up to 15% of the total population in Semirechye alone. Russian Russian population in the Syrdarya region is already falling to 3 ½%, while in the other three regions of Turkestan, Russian residents make up from 1.5 to 0.4% of the total population. The absolute 7 Journal of Public Diplomacy and International Studies www. grnjournal.us number of the Russian population in the five regions of Central Asia is 250,000 people. These are the results of our domination on our outskirts. By now, Turkestan has already cost us over 160 million rubles.. apart from the cost of conquering the region and the huge capital invested in the construction of railways in it. Can we leave vast territories without the Russian population? Is there any reason, finally, to continue to tolerate the rich outskirts living at the expense of the impoverished Russian people? The economic development of Turkestan itself requires a radical change in its way of life: there are no longer enough workers in the region to expand the most important branch of national labor - cotton growing. The land will forever remain the foundation of the life of the people and the state. Having occupied the region, we decided to leave to the native population those rights to the land that they used to use. This was required by both the dignity and benefit of Russia. We had no intention of creating a proletariat in Turkestan. However, irregularities were made in the land structure of the native population". Thus, one can observe the dissatisfaction of officials with regard to the division and ownership of land in the region. In a region consisting partly of nomads, partly of a sedentary population - "Sarts, Uzbeks, Tajiks, etc., administratively: nomads – for childbirth, childbirth for departments, and for sub- departments, the sedentary population - for aksakalstvo". For the Kyrgyz, such a division was based on the ancestral origin, and the settled population was grouped into small administrative units according to the principle of unity of settlement. At the head of the tribal groups of the nomads were the ancestors who ruled the whole clan and called them "manaps, sultans or senior biy", they were subordinate to the biy, were responsible for the departments, and then managed the sub–departments - tugachi. The above-mentioned titles - manap, sultan and biy were recognized as hereditary and inherited, only in case of recognition by the elders, improper management of the people by this high-ranking person, other ancestors and biy were elected, who were approved by representatives of the khan-beks, who, in turn, also often displaced unwanted family rulers and appointed those who pledged to pay taxes on time in a large size. Only the position of tugachi was almost always elected by the elders of the family and this title was not considered hereditary. Initially, only police power was concentrated in the hands of all these rulers, and judicial power was exercised by special judges, elected representatives of the people. However, as the influence of the sultans, manaps and biys grew, the latter seized judicial power. Tractors did not use judicial power, they remained purely police bodies until recently. The social activities of the nomads were poorly developed, all local public affairs were decided by the rulers themselves, the population practically did not participate. The sedentary population had a completely different form of government from the nomads. Each settled village or quarter (mahalla) was ruled by elders elected by the people and approved by the beks. In the hands of the elders was the entire police and administrative power, as well as partly the management of the collection of taxes. The elections of elders were not organized in any way and the procedure for their production was left entirely to the discretion of the voters. Usually, the dignitaries gathered together and agreed among themselves on the choice. The results of such meetings were reported to Beck, who for the most part approved the chosen one without determining the length of service. The aksakals shared their authority on police and tax matters with other bodies appointed by the beks, the rais, whose duties were of a police-religious nature and consisted in monitoring the performance of prayer by residents, strict observance of the Koran and religious rites, and monitored the order in trade in the bazaars. Rais could punish all violators with his own power, he had the right to sort out family affairs. The staff of employees in charge of the tax business was much more numerous. In relation to the settled population, there were two types of taxes – from land and from movable property. Taxes from the land were collected either in kind, in the form of a part of the harvest, "herage", or in money. The last collection, "tanann", replaced the heraj when paying taxes on such agricultural products. Kharaj's collection was managed by serker officials appointed by the beks, who had a staff of microbe assistants. The procedure for determining the size of the herage was determined as follows: serker, having hired assistants, distributed them among the plots of aryk-aksakals and instructed them to keep records of the number of owners on the site, as well as the number of grain crops produced by each of them. When the payment deadline came, serker sent a 8 Journal of Public Diplomacy and International Studies www. grnjournal.us commission to each site, consisting of mirab, aryk-aksakal and one literate person. The commission compiled a list of farmers, i.e. they recorded all the farmers who plowed on a certain land, noted how much bread was collected by each. All this was checked with a bay window by the method of interviewing neighbors and submitted to Baku for approval. After the seal of the beck of this list was sealed, the "filling of bread" began in government stores run by the same serkers. The tanap fee was collected from a certain area with money. If the land tax was accounted for according to a certain system, then the second type of tax - on movable property - was not subject to any accounting by representatives of the Khan's government, remained entirely at the disposal of officials who received the authority to collect it on the right of purchase. The tax on movable property – "zyaket" -was levied: 1) from trading enterprises; 2) from gold and silver; 3) from cattle; 4) from Kyrgyz cattle assigned to the city, in a certain percentage of the values to be paid for. The collection of this tax was managed by "zyaketchi", appointed by the bek or khan to pay a significant amount of money. But the payment of the pay- off fee does not exempt the syaketchi from the obligation to fulfill all further monetary demands of the government. In addition to the listed taxes, which were more or less defined, the khans and beks from time to time ordered the collection of the so-called "khan's tax", the amount of which was not established and was determined by the degree of monetary need of the government. This tax was collected by special decrees of beks or khans by aksakals. As for the social activities of the elders, they remained under the Khan's rule without any organization. All local public affairs were decided by influential members of society or (for example, cases concerning agriculture or land redistribution) by a meeting of interested householders. In the early years of colonialism, the Russian authorities could not have any control, since the authorities were not familiar with this system of fees. For the alignment of the state land tax, all lands were divided into 4 categories, with the measurement of the land space of each category in a tanap way: 1) vineyards and orchards, 2) rice fields, 3) fields occupied by dry crops and plantations of American cotton, 4) fallow fields and overgrowths. The total amount of tax due from the society was to be distributed among the specified categories of land, and for each category it was necessary to determine the salary due per unit of native measure, depending on which each member of the society should pay tax according to the number of salaries due from him according to the number and categories of units of native measure belonging to him. As a result of the audit of the region, the records management of 20 volost governors of the Kyrgyz population, officially nomadic, 9 volost governors of the settled population and two dungar and taranche governors were audited according to the "Program proposed by the senator ...". In total, there were 269 nomadic volosts and 205 volosts with a settled population in the General Government, which was revealed during the audit and presented in tabular form in the materials of the "Report on Rural Management", which once again confirmed the careful approach and professionalism of the audit members and responsibility for the task. Later, on the issue of the establishment of the local rural population in the legislative order, a significant part of the resolutions of the draft Regulations of 1867 was preserved and passed as the Regulation on the Administration of the Turkestan Territory of 1886, concerned mainly the following: 1) The one-stage form of government for the settled natives was replaced by a two-stage one, i.e. the elders were united into volosts. This measure was taken in view of the indications of experience that the former division is inconvenient, causing excessive correspondence with the elders in direct communication with the district chiefs and at the same time requiring the elders to spend large sums on the maintenance of clerks. The Turkestan Provision accepted the neighboring location of villages, the community of economic benefits in the use of land and irrigation canals and a certain number of courtyards (from 1000 to 2000) as the foundation of the association of the aksakalstvo in the parish. For the settled population of the Semirechensk 9 Journal of Public Diplomacy and International Studies www. grnjournal.us region – Dungar and taranchi – due to the dispersion of the land plots granted to them, the steppe Situation did not establish any restriction on the number of courtyards in the parish; 2) the meetings of elected representatives of village societies and elders, established by the draft Regulation of 1867. out of fear that it would be impossible to maintain order at crowded gatherings, were replaced by gatherings from all caravan owners or householders, and the functions of these public administration bodies were equated to the functions of rural and volost gatherings of the empire; 3) The previous procedure for electing Pentecostals to the volost congress from every 50 caravans separately was replaced by the election of volosts by the entire village assembly, according to the calculation of one for every 50 caravans. This change was allowed in view of the fact that, according to the drafters of these provisions, people respected by society might not be in every household; 4) For the settled natives, the volost organization was equated with that of the nomads; 5) The subsistence tax was increased to 4 rubles, and the haraj and tanap tax previously levied on the settled population were replaced by a land tax; The draft local regulations of 1867 introduced into the life of the native population a new form of public administration, the basis of which is the right to be governed by authorities elected by the population. During the Khan's rule, the natives did not use these rights, since in most cases the closest chiefs were appointed by the beks at their discretion. Only occasionally, at those moments when the khan's government did not feel strong enough to completely ignore the wishes of the population during these appointments, the latter, in the person of his elders, had the right to indicate to the bek whom he wanted to see as his closest superior. Of course, these statements were taken into account only as much as they agreed with the views of the Beks. In any case, the general population was not involved in the discussion of such issues, and elections were the prerogative of the oldest and most influential people. This procedure for appointing native officials was not immediately radically changed. All those officials of the rural. The administrations that the tsarist government found in the region were left in their places, and if necessary, to replace them, the population was given the right to indicate candidates, and the procedure for such indication was entirely regulated by custom. Only in some parts of the present Semirechensk region, where Russian rule was approved even earlier, the procedure for selecting native officials received some modifications before the publication of the 1867 draft. According to the Semirechensk region, government agencies that have assumed the responsibilities of the volos and aul congresses for the allocation of land plots for sedentary farming, the purpose of which is "the speedy elimination of nomadic life." The implementation of the goal was carried out using the example of the experience with the village of Tash-Tyube, Semirechensk region, as a result, the goal was not achieved. Russian Russians, as the audit revealed, had to lease the lands assigned to small-land and landless Kyrgyz to Russian peasants, and in this way the nomads would "exploit the labor of the Russian farmer, remaining primarily cattle breeders," while both the senator himself and the members of the audit forgot that the colonizers and the exploiters are themselves, representatives of tsarist Russia. As a result, it was recognized that this project is impractical, and especially with regard to Semirechye! In Central Asia, the Russian administration moved the elective system of appointing rural authorities. At the same time, it was meant: 1) to establish a monotonous rural social system in Turkestan and in the Empire; 2) to provide the population with worthy and authoritative superiors and intermediaries between them and our administrative bodies. They are not yet sufficiently aware of local conditions and 3) to achieve the correct registration of taxpayers in 10 Journal of Public Diplomacy and International Studies www. grnjournal.us relation to the Kyrgyz, by granting the right to vote to those of them who take care to include themselves in the lists of payers of state and zemstvo fees. The very procedure for the exercise of the right to vote by the population was established as follows: A) for the Kyrgyz: every ten caravans appoint one village elector, who choose the village foreman, and every 50 caravans choose one volost elector, who in turn choose the volost governor, B) for settled natives: every 10-50 householders (according to the definition of the Military Governor) elect one elective, and the assembly of these electors elects the aksakal and his candidate. The admission of the entire population to the elections was considered inconvenient by the administration of the region, in view of the possibility of riots, due to the accumulation of an excessively large number of voters. At the time of the audit, the right to vote was granted to every caravan owner or independent household owner who was not deprived of the right to participate in gatherings and was not under guardianship. According to the materials of the audit, it can be noted that the right to vote was granted according to the draft of 1867. It could not be temporarily suspended and all officials of public self-government were appointed at the choice of the population. However, as follows from the information of the audit, restrictions were imposed in this regard established by the Turkestan Regulation (Article 90), which "granted the Governor the right, in case of non-approval of the elections, either to appoint new or replace the positions of the volost administrator and a candidate for him at his own discretion. In addition, the Governor-General was granted the right, in exceptional cases, to fill these positions without holding elections, as well as in relation to the three indigenous regions of the territory, the Turkestan Governor-General enjoyed the right to postpone the elections of all persons of the native administration in areas under heavy guard." As a result of the audit, the members of the commission identified shortcomings in the organization of native self-government. A distinctive feature of rural administration in Turkestan is its division into native and Russian, which was introduced due to the political considerations of Generals Kaufman and Kolpakovsky, which remained unchanged, as a result of the huge advantage of the existing position, to which the officials, the population, and the authorities were accustomed, that is, orders, originating from the center, they reached the periphery of administrative institutions without delay and were executed relatively easily; the comparative cheapness of the authorities, and the isolation of the native population from the Russian prevented clashes and facilitated orders. Russian Russian settlements were scattered throughout Turkestan and could not be united into volost unions, on the grounds that they were applied to Central Russia, although the formation of rural and volost societies among the Russian population was difficult, due to the fact that in the process of colonization of the region by settlers, it did not occur everywhere evenly throughout the territory of the region. By the time of the revision, the number of Russian villages had reached 45.The audit process also revealed shortcomings in this management. To clarify the activities of the rural and volost administration bodies, they were carefully checked according to the Program prepared by K.K.Singe", records management of 9 volost and 7 rural administrations operating on the basis of the Transcaucasian situation and two village elders. During the audit, the low level of elders and foremen was revealed, the dependence of officials on clerks, which led to the fact that clerks – volost and rural – acquired too much importance in peasant public administration. As a result, it led to corrupt actions, for example, in the Merv parish, Syrdarya region, in which the volost congress almost annually arranged auctions with persons wishing to take the position of volost clerk". Another difference from the native administration is the payment, salary, the elders have about 60 rubles, and the rural clerks have 120 rubles. The audit also found out that the regional boards had not drawn up instructions for officials and had not issued a manual for the introduction of clerical work with samples of documents, which could streamline office work. 11 Journal of Public Diplomacy and International Studies www. grnjournal.us 3 Conclusion Russian Russian volost principles should be introduced in Turkestan through the creation and influence of mainly Russian rural societies. As a result of the audit, Senator K.K.Palen came to a conclusion that once again confirms the views of a supporter of tsarism – this is what it is necessary to introduce in Turkestan the principles of the Russian volost through the creation and influence of mainly Russian rural societies. Russian Russians, as K.K. Palen believed, "Who have been accustomed to obey the power of the victors from time immemorial, the natives would not consider it a violation of their rights if, Russian villages administratively with native volosts, put a Russian volost foreman appointed by the government authority, accustomed to the methods of Russian volost administration, at the head of this organization, while forgetting, As for tsarist Russia itself, serfdom was abolished only in 1861. And to concentrate military and civil power in the same hands of the Governor. Thus, the inseparability of military and administrative power was manifested in the internal management of the native population, elected from the local population, which did not have a political character. In the same way, everything was eliminated in the native administration, laws and customs, "which turned out to be decidedly harmful in the interests of the state». REFERENCES: 1. Kaufman K.P. Draft of the most comprehensive report of Adjutant General K.P. von Kaufman1 to the civil administration and organization in the regions of the Turkestan General Government. (November 7, 1867 – March 25, 1881).- St. Petersburg: Military Printing House, 1885. - 503 p. 2. Palen K.K. The most comprehensive note containing the main conclusions of the report on the revision of the Turkestan territory carried out in 1908-1909 by the highest order of Senator Chamberlain Count K.K. Palen. 1-2 parts.- St. Petersburg: Senate Printing House, 1910. - 53 p. 3. Palen K.K. Rural Administration. Russian and native. Report on the audit of the Turkestan region, carried out by the highest order by Senator Chamberlain Count K.K. Palenym. - St. Petersburg: Senate Printing House, 1910. – 226 p. 4. Palen K.K. Taxes and duties. Report on the audit of the Turkestan region, carried out by the highest order by Senator Chamberlain Count K.K. Paleny. - St. Petersburg: Printing house of the Main Directorate of Udelov, 1910. – 298 p. 5. RGIA. F 1396. inventory.1. document .29. 59 p.