American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences ISSN (E): 2832-8019 Volume 5, | Oct., 2022 P a g e | 57 www.americanjournal.org IMPACT OF REGIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS ON ALGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY DIRECTIONS Prof. Dr. Ömer Göksel İşyar Institute of Social Sciences , Department of International Relations , Faculty of Economics and Management , Bursa Uludag University/TURKEY gokselis@uludag.edu.tr Yakoub Sid Institute of Social Sciences , Department of International Relations , Faculty of Economics and Management , Bursa Uludag University/TURKEY 711616006@uludağ.edu.tr A B S T R A C T K E Y W O R D S The Arab region, particularly North Africa (Egypt, Libya and Tunisia), has undergone transformations that have led to the overthrow of its governing regimes. During these shifts, Algeria has adopted the option of caution and anticipation towards the People's Movement as it deals sensitively with all things that call for sudden or chaotic change; Against the backdrop of what it experienced during the internal crisis known as the Black Mankind, Algeria was afraid of the transmission of the uprisings. Algeria also seeks to preserve the inherited principles derived from the liberation revolution against French colonialism, which established a constant in Algeria's dealings with other States, and thus interprets Algerian attitudes towards the outside world, the most important of which is the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States, but in the light of the threats and dangers emanating from these shifts, particularly related to the phenomenon terrorism and its access to Algerian territory. North Africa, Transformations, Algerian Foreign Policy, Arab Spring, Cooperation. 1. Introduction: North Africa has witnessed events known as the Arab Spring Revolutions, as a result of the people's uprising against authoritarian regimes. These events have resulted in changes affecting the security stability of neighboring countries. Algeria was not far from it, classifying these events as a serious threat to Algerian political system, because of the fear that the outbreak of revolutions would pose a threat to Algeria's security, which tried to accommodate the situation through social peace. Algeria was regarded as a pivotal State within its territorial sphere and all that happened regionally in neighboring States reflected its national security. It could be argued that Algeria's tense regional environment required a security strategy to address any potential threats. mailto:gokselis@uludag.edu.tr mailto:711616006@uludağ.edu.tr American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 5, Oct., 2022 P a g e | 58 www.americanjournal.org Algerian foreign policy during political mobility in neighboring states, particularly in Tunisia and Libya, has been self-sufficient. Algerian foreign policy has been characterized by uncertainty and lack of clarity, making it unable to interact with new regional data in keeping with a traditional and consistent security doctrine that does not respond to events on the regional stage. In anticipation of what might happen, under President Bouteflika, Algeria has taken a position against the Tunisian and Libyan revolutions political and social landscape, The consequences of the fall of domino stones are the fall of a political power with socio-economic challenges public policy, consisting mainly of financial austerity as a result of a lack of income and a crisis of support and legitimacy, as public and public support for State policy decreased, Not to mention the exclusivity of the executive branch in politics and the economy without engagement with other authorities, the opposition and civil society-political impediments to the existing regime and its institutions. 2. Algeria in the face of Arab Spring democracy: Many questions have arisen in academia and the media about the reasons why Algeria has not joined the wave of Arab mobility, which has involved many Arab States, particularly regional neighboring countries such as Egypt, Libya and Tunisia. Rather, the Algerian Government has rushed to avoid the wave of mobility by carrying out a series of reform measures at many levels, using oil and gas income to meet social demands. (Frédéric Volpi, 2013) The trauma suffered by the Algerian people in the 1990s had prevented a genuine uprising in Algeria, where her Government had downplayed the Arab Spring revolutions, calling them uprisings rather than revolutions. It had also considered that democracy imposed from abroad on the region was a danger and the same behavior it had taken in dealing with the January 2011 protests, which the Algerian authorities had considered merely an expression of the Algerian youth's frustration with the price boiling. But the real circumstances that caused the Algerian people's anger were the following: 1) Widespread corruption and lack of transparency: Algeria suffered corruption at the higher levels of government, such as senior public officials and senior management in State institutions, as well as abuse of power by bureaucrats in central administration and local authorities. In Transparency International ' Worldwide, 12th out of seventeen countries, 3rd across the Middle East and North Africa region. (Ayashi) 2) Youth unemployment and marginalization: Unemployment rates are high at 25 per cent, according to NGOs, and Algerians face political exclusion. The country lacks an open political system or effective civil society organizations that can bring citizens' suffering to the responsible authorities. This has led young Algerians to move towards suicide and illegal migration. (Ayashi) 3) Tension on Algerian Street: When protests erupted in Algeria in January 2011, the government's decision in February 2011 to abolish the state of emergency was aimed at restoring calm and demonstrating its readiness for reform. However, the police presence in the streets remained unchanged and the ban on holding protest marches in the capital continued considerably. The National Political Reform Commission, launched in May 2011, was limited to those close to the regime who do not enjoy much credibility, leading most opposition activists to conclude that the process is aimed at buying time and implementing only formal reforms. American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 5, Oct., 2022 P a g e | 59 www.americanjournal.org 4) A decline in the level of basic social services, including education and health care. In addition to the problem of poverty, more than two thirds of Algerians live below the poverty line. Most of the jobs created during the past decade are unstable, underpaid and provide no social benefits. (Muafak) Many Algerians also reject the unfair distribution of oil and gas revenues. With no political and regulatory environment conducive to private investment, this is essential for Algeria’s longterm growth, economic stability and economic diversification. As a result, the energy sector still accounts for more than one third of Algeria's gross domestic product (GDP), two thirds of the Government's revenue and nearly 98% of exports. (Ayashi) When protests erupted in Algeria in January 2011, the government's decision in February 2011 to abolish the state of emergency was aimed at restoring calm and demonstrating its readiness for reform. However, the police presence in the streets remained unchanged and the ban on holding protest marches in the capital continued considerably. The National Political Reform Commission, launched in May 2011, was limited to those close to the regime who do not enjoy much credibility, leading most opposition activists to conclude that the process is aimed at buying time and implementing only formal reforms. In an attempt to absorb mass anger, President Bouteflika promised in an address on 15 April 2011 With political reforms to consolidate the democratic process, a series of broad political reforms were launched in January 2012, Political parties' areas and laws, the elections, the media and the Associations Act have been affected. These reforms have expanded the political participation of Algerian communities. and to expand the margin of women's freedom and political participation in elected assemblies, and to open the way for the establishment of new political parties s development , as well as exploiting oil revenues in subsidizing commodities, increasing wages and encouraging youth enterprises) by providing loans and adequate housing. (Tariq, 2013) In the opinion of many analysts, the Algerians still fear the spectra of a return to the years of chaos and turmoil if they open themselves to change. The shock of the 1990s, which followed a peaceful, Arab Spring-like revolution in the late 1980s, led to a civil war in Algeria, in which some 200 thousand people were killed in horrific massacres, Not far from Algerians' minds, it served as a powerful deterrent that left many Algerians afraid to demand radical change despite the economic and social injustices they endure That is how fear of the spread of Islamic extremism to Algeria prevented any revolution under the wave of the Arab Spring against the regime of President Abdul-Aziz Bouteflika, whose political future depended on his ability to crush such extremism. 3. Algeria and respect for the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of neighboring States: Since independence, Algeria has been defending the principles that it derives from the liberation revolution and that have been the basis for Algeria's engagement with other States. These principles are adopted in the charters of international organizations such as the United Nations, the League of Arab States and the African Union; It explains Algeria's attitudes towards the outside world, as set out in the Algerian Constitution in the following principles: (Presidential Decree, 2016) 1- Good Neighborliness’ Principle 2- Principle of non-interference in States' internal affairs. 3- No prejudice to States' national borders. American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 5, Oct., 2022 P a g e | 60 www.americanjournal.org 4- Reject the use or threat of force to resolve international crises and conflicts and adopt dialogue, political solution and diplomatic methods as an alternative. 5- Peoples' right to self-determination. 6- Support liberation movements. Perhaps one of the most respectful principles of Algerian diplomacy is the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of States, in order to prevent any influences that might be impacted politically, economically and socially, a policy that Algeria has adopted since the end of the 1990s crisis and the cessation of Algeria's civil war and operations against militants. Algeria has consistently advocated the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States in order to preserve their unity and sovereignty. This has been reflected in the revolutions in the Arab region. “The Arab Spring”, while maintaining that principle, called for political dialogue and the search for peaceful ways to resolve crises, rejecting foreign military intervention that fragmented States, undermined their sovereignty and put the entire region at great risk. In this context, the important role played by Algeria in making the United Nations recommendation on the importance of non-interference in the internal affairs of States at its twenty-ninth session in 1974, presided over by former President Abdul-Aziz Bouteflika in his capacity as Minister for Foreign Affairs of the late President Houari Boumdiene's Government; He emphasized Algeria's adherence to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States, which guaranteed protection against external pressures in all their political, military and economic forms and prevented catastrophic consequences, not at the level of the country concerned by the crisis, but also of neighboring States, for example, the consequences of the security situation in Mali, Libya and others in Algeria. Accordingly, Algeria rejected several Arab military alliances, missing from the list “The Islamic Coalition to Combat Terrorism”, announced by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, has also reserved for participation in the Storm of Resolve against the Houthis in Yemen, as well as the formation of a joint Arab force, called for by the League of Arab States with Egyptian support in March 2015. Similarly, it refused to join the international coalition against ISIL in Syria and Iraq, as well as the French military operation in northern Mali (on its southern border) in early 2013; On all occasions, Algerian officials affirm these positions as deriving from the principle of "noninterference in the internal affairs of States and respect for their sovereignty", as well as that the Algerian Constitution (before the amendments of November 2020) prohibits the participation of the army in operations outside Algeria in accordance with article 26 thereof. In response to criticism of Algerian negative attitudes towards the Arab Spring revolutions, former Foreign Minister Murad Medlsi stressed that Algeria had pursued a policy of progressive attitudes “in order to take into account its strategic interests either at the regional or Arab levels.” (Mustafa, 2016) from analysts' view, there were many reasons why Algeria remained silent and persistent in its attitudes towards what was happening in neighboring States, especially in the early period before the results were resolved; it was necessary not to take any position that had negative consequences at the right time. Perhaps the most important of these reasons is that it was unaware of what the transition period, which has not given any kind of assurance of the type of future regimes, their ideology, their view of Algeria and the issues that concern them, would have to bear. However, after the success of the Tunisian revolution, the Algerian authorities expressed their support for the Tunisian people, as stated in President Bouteflika's speech on American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 5, Oct., 2022 P a g e | 61 www.americanjournal.org Tunisia: “The Tunisian people are admired for their unwavering resolve and determination to regain ownership of their destiny, relying on national consensus.” (Boutaflika, 2016) With regard to Libya, Algeria supported the African Union's position calling for an immediate cessation of all hostilities in Libya and the need to bring the Libyan parties together to agree on frameworks for the settlement of the crisis. in response to the accusations made against Algeria regarding the sending of Algerian mercenaries to Libya, The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has denied these allegations, asserting that the motives of those who promote this unfounded news are to abuse Algeria's reputation and to push it to stand with one side against another in the sibling war crisis that is ravaging our neighbor Libya“ the Government has affirmed that it has always condemned the phenomenon of mercenaries in Africa and the serious consequences of this phenomenon. (Muataz, 2011) As for the events in Egypt that preceded Mubarak's resignation, it has caused great concern in all countries of the Arab region. The situation in Egypt will create a new situation whose effects will extend to Arab regimes, both in the Gulf, Jordan and Morocco. or the semi-hereditary republics of Yemen, Libya and Syria, or those States that suffer from such internal anxiety and instability as Algeria and Iraq; This, however, will encourage many of those who reject these systems to change them (which has already happened). Reactions varied among Arab States that supported former President Mubarak's regime and I stood next to him, as I offered to move and stay, and other countries that supported the Change Movement on the street, and states that favored silence pending clarity of vision. Developments were dealt with as an internal matter, noting that most Arab countries hoped that the situation in Egypt would end in stability and return to normal. Among the States that had been impartial in their position, they considered that what was happening in Egypt was an internal matter, as Algeria stressed that it “respected the will of the peoples and dealt with their Governments” After Mubarak stepped down, a statement was issued by the Algerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, confirming Algeria's adherence to the fraternal and historical relations between the Algerian and Egyptian peoples. According to the statement published by the official Algerian News Agency, “in this crucial period, our sister Egypt, Algeria strongly affirms its commitment to the historical and fratomic relations between the Algerian and Egyptian peoples.” (Jamila, 2011) This statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which came early this time about the change that occurred in Egypt, compared to its position on the events of Tunisia, which came very late. The statement, whose words carried a lot of "caution" in dealing with the Egyptian revolution that forced Mubarak to step down; It did not include any suggestion of a youth revolution in Egypt. The statement focused on the future of Algerian-Egyptian relations. So that Algeria did not hide its “strong attachment” to the historical relations between the Algerian and Egyptian peoples, this indicates that the change in the regime that occurred will not have implications for the nature and quality of the historical suspensions that link the two countries at the later stage. The bottom line; Algeria's official position on the Arab Spring revolutions could be explained by the fact that the revolutions had begun peaceful but could be directed towards violence “civil war”. In the light of Algeria's prior experience, which led to a 10-year civil war Therefore, it was to ensure maximum impartiality, and not to be inclined to endorse any adversary party. Algerian diplomacy, American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 5, Oct., 2022 P a g e | 62 www.americanjournal.org while preserving Algeria's tradition of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, it is one of the important principles underlying Algeria's foreign policy, as we have already stated. The consequences of threats on Algerian foreign policy directions: the threats to Algeria posed by the Arab Spring revolutions must be reflected in its foreign policy orientations on three tracks, according to the following analysis: 4. Support the dialogue mechanism rather than interference in internal affairs: Algerian consistent policy of neutrality and non-interference in international issues, together with its respect for the sovereignty of States, has underscored the strength of Algeria's foreign policy at the Arab, African and international levels. Algeria's positions on many issues have been admired by the international community to the extent that they have been used to mediate the resolution of many international issues. It succeeded in liberating them, in addition to Algeria's mediation to resolve the Iraqi-Iranian conflict at the end of the 1980s, along with its consistent positions on the Palestinian issue and its total rejection of foreign interference in Arab issues. (Boutoura, 2016) Algeria has therefore greatly supported political solutions to the crises, by adhering to international instruments while favoring political dialogue and economic approach to the use of military force for peace. The use of military force in the region will plunge them into more conflicts and thus make it difficult to break out of them. Thus, Algeria has experienced special diplomatic activity in the post-Arab Spring revolutions through an approach in which it supports political dialogue and rejects military intervention invariably appeals to all domestic, regional and international parties to favour inclusive dialogue and national reconciliation away from any interference in States' internal affairs in order to achieve peaceful and consensual political solutions, Perhaps the most characteristic of Algerian diplomacy is the dangerous developments that have taken place on Algeria's borders, because of the crisis in Libya and Tunisia as well as northern Mali, Algeria has placed great emphasis on finding peaceful solutions to these crises and avoiding military intervention. The dialogue mechanism is likely under the following conditions: (Amira, 2015) - Preservation of the country's national unity. - One distance from all sides should be located. - No party is excluded except those against whom United Nations resolutions have been designated as terrorism. - Importance of understanding and consensus among all parties, whether in governance or opposition, reforming the same and allowing the people to decide what they deem appropriate, as any change in that country or country is the people's prerogative in accordance with their interests, conditions and circumstances. - Was important for the States of the region concerned to address their crises because they were better informed and complicated than others. Algeria emphasis on the need to cooperate with international powers on the basis of common interests, equally, refuses to interfere in the affairs of other States under any pretext. Therefore, Algerian officials confirmed their rejection of Libya's military solution and Algeria was keen to put forward this vision, especially in Mali's crisis. In the light of France's insistence on military intervention, which has demonstrated Algeria's vision of the negative consequences of military interventions s borders, especially Algeria, The French strategy thus failed, calling on Algeria to persuade the parties to the crisis in the Malian State to sign a peace and reconciliation agreement. American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 5, Oct., 2022 P a g e | 63 www.americanjournal.org United States of America ", which ended years of fighting and was welcomed by all regional and global Powers, notably the United States of America, France and Germany. With regard to Libya, Algeria stressed the need and importance of political dialogue to restore the sovereignty and stability of the Libyan State and to resolve the crisis through Libyan-Libyan dialogue, or even through international and regional initiatives to find a peaceful solution to the Libyan crisis, away from military interventions that have had serious consequences for Libya as well as its neighboring countries. Accordingly, it sought to find a peaceful way out of the Libyan crisis; Algeria therefore launched its 2014 initiative through an inclusive dialogue involving all Libyan Powers. and the Algerian initiative aimed at bringing together the parties first and then creating a mechanism for collecting weapons that pose a threat to Libya on the one hand and to the borders of neighboring States on the other, Preparations for the transition phase that will establish the mechanism for the resurgence and operationalization of State institutions The initiative also included the identification of responsibilities and priorities and the fight against terrorism and the pursuit of reconstruction in various areas. (raialyoum newspaper) The remaining claimants are determined by the possible outcome of the meetings; In order to promote the dialogue mechanism, Algeria supported the (Sakhirat Agreement) signed in Morocco in December 2015, which resulted in the formation of a national consensus government and hosted leaders of Libyan parties and political figures to help support Libya's dialogue in words and in deeds. Minister Abdelkader Msehel was the first Arab minister to visit Tripoli after the transition of the consensus Government from Tunisia. The United Nations envoy, Bernardino León, in a visit to Algeria in August 2014, also commended Algeria's cooperation with the United Nations Mission to Libya for the restoration of peace and security. (The United Nations, 2015) In the same vein in favor of the dialogue mechanism, former President Bouteflika mediated between the President of the Ennahda Rashed Ghannouchi Party and the President of the Nidaa Tunis Party, Beji kaid Essebsi; He received them on two separate visits to Algeria in September 2013 in an attempt to breathe congestion between Tunisia's two largest political parties. Algeria's entry on the mediation line has been imposed by many factors, particularly the file of terrorism that at that time cast a shadow over the Sahel-Sahara region. Algeria must not stand idly by in the face of the prolonged terrorist threat in the context of the struggle of Tunisian political forces. Algeria's total rejection of the language of arms and foreign interventions thus demonstrates the likelihood of the mechanism of dialogue between the parties in Tunisia and Libya in order to achieve a peaceful settlement of the volatile situations. 3.1 Security coordination: The rapid events experienced by neighboring States had serious implications for Algeria's national security and in the face of these escalating threats, Algeria tried to deal with the security situation with caution; Intensified security coordination and intelligence with Tunisia and Libya; The two States' security system failed to control the borders, with no expertise conducive to security risks such as the proliferation of armed groups and the spread of organized crime. Algeria has thus activated the role of the army by intensifying its presence at the border. American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 5, Oct., 2022 P a g e | 64 www.americanjournal.org The attack on the Gaza facility in Tiguentourine was also a manifestation of the security challenges posed by the post-Arab Spring period, which Algeria had to deal with a comprehensive security perspective rather than with the logic of circumstantial and sporadic security plans. In view of the escalation of security challenges in Algeria following the Arab Spring revolutions, especially in neighboring countries, the Government has raised the defense budget to meet those challenges, which has been imposed by two major changes: (Aïda, 2013) I. Increased violence and terrorist operations by armed groups in Tunisia on the border with Algeria, II. Renewed fighting in Libya and the control of large areas by jihadists close to the ISIL group, placing the Algerian decision maker in the face of the necessity of raising the defense budget. It should be noted that in recent years many western military reports have praised the Algerian army's capabilities in the performance of its functions and the professionalism with which it is characterized by comparison with the various armies of the region both in North Africa and at the African continent as a whole, only a report of a German centre Conversion Center International Bonn for This comes for 2015, Algeria ranked first in Morocco as the Algerian army's top position after the high and great combat experience gained over the years against the French colonizer, and after his success at all levels in winning the best of all the challenges he faced after independence and was able to secure borders and break the thorn of terror that threatened stability in Algeria. The preference obtained by the Algerian army is due to the modernization of the defense equipment and equipment it possesses, especially in order to address security risks in the African coast, which threaten the security of the country's borders. First, it focuses on the internal/national level in combating and responding to these threats, and the State's internal responsibility to these risks and their causes. Second: focuses on the external level by strengthening security and military cooperation and coordination among the States of the region, developing bilateral mechanisms and agreements, as well as promoting cooperation at the regional level through institutions and at the international level, by emphasizing the need to participate in international efforts to combat security risks, particularly the phenomenon of international terrorism. Thus, Algeria has drawn up a plan to achieve security and military coordination with Libya and Tunisia. 3.1.1 Security and military coordination with Libya: We have stated that Algeria adopts a clear strategy of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. The situation in Libya raised Algeria's concerns, especially after the abduction of the Algerian Ambassador in Tripoli. s security, particularly after the Tiguentourine incident, This requires Algeria to take a number of preventive and security measures to address the grave developments that threaten Algeria's borders through the movement of arms and terrorist groups across the borders of the two States. - Close the border with Libya. - A large number of security forces. - Deployed on Libya's border. - A state of emergency declared in three Algerian states on Algeria's southern border in anticipation of any unexpected developments. American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 5, Oct., 2022 P a g e | 65 www.americanjournal.org It is not afraid that the situation in Libya is of concern to Algeria because it shares 982 kilometers of borders with it. Libya's instability can destabilize Algeria, because of the influx of refugees along the border, as well as the flow of arms and ammunition from the Libyan arsenal, where Libya is likely to be a logistical platform for terrorist groups, as well as a regional centre for arms smuggling. (Gharbi, 2014) In March and April 2012, Algeria signed bilateral agreements on issues of common security in the region, owing to border tensions related to the continued incursion of terrorists and smugglers. In August 2013, Algeria and Libya decided to activate a joint committee, the main focus of which is security, as well as to strengthen Libya's military and police development. ( United Nations, 2012) A tripartite agreement was also signed between Algeria, Libya and Tunisia during the meeting of the Heads of Government of the three states in the Libyan city of Ghdamis on 12/01/2013, aimed at strengthening the security capabilities and procedures at the common borders to address the problem of terrorism. The Heads of Government of the three States did not exclude the use of force to achieve what they called the “security and reassurance of the inhabitants of the region”. (Dakhan, 2016) Based on this security coordination, in November 2014, the Libyan Government urgently requested from Algeria armored vehicles, combat mechanisms and anti-shield missiles to deal with the threat posed by the jihadist Salafist groups; President Bouteflika requested security reports from the Military Commission authorized to consider the Libyan Government's request for military assistance from Algeria, stating that the provision of weapons to the Libyan Government would be the beginning of direct military involvement in Libya, and cautioned against the occurrence of The weapons required of Algeria are in the hands of the jihadist Salafist groups, so President Bouteflika has reserved Libya's request, argued that “military assistance must come after an internal Libyan consensus, not before it, because any assistance will mean that one party to the Libyan crisis prevails over another.” (Libya orders heavy weapons from Algeria) 3.1.2 Security and Military Coordination with Tunisia: Several factors have contributed to the acceleration of security coordination and cooperation between Algeria and Tunisia. First, the fragility of the security situation, the widespread chaos and the emergence of jihadist movements on the border with Algeria have resulted in many major attacks in Tunisia, most notably the terrorist attack in the Ben Guerdan area, the attacks by the Bardo Museum, the attacks by the presidential guard bus and the tourist resort in Sousse, as well as the ambush of eight Tunisian soldiers by an armed group in Jebel ech-Chaanbi on the border with Algeria. Secondly, Tunisian security forces do not have experience in dealing with the threat of terrorism. Third, the events in Libya have worsened since Algeria and Tunisia are among the main targets of the collapse of the security situation in Libya. These three factors have therefore necessitated the escalation of the issue of security and military coordination between Tunisia and Algeria to the forefront of the two countries' concerns. (Grégory & Sofia, 2016) Despite the Algerian Government's reservation about the Arab Spring media, security developments in the region have made Algeria a balanced position. Tunisia's position on the conflict between the various Tunisian forces has been positive. It has served as a mediator and encouraged all to engage in dialogue. It is clear that various symbols of government in Tunisia visited Algeria and met with its officials from time to time. American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 5, Oct., 2022 P a g e | 66 www.americanjournal.org This affection has contributed to deepening relations between the two countries and achieving further cooperation in these circumstances and challenges in the region; ISIL's quest for expansion in Tunisia has also prompted the strengthening and strengthening of such security and intelligence cooperation. Algeria considers that the deterioration of the security situation in Tunisia poses a threat to Tunisia and therefore to its national security, which requires coordination between them. Algeria and Tunisia have increased the volume of daily exchanges of information on the increasing activity of supporters and elements of the terrorist organization ISIS at the border level since the beginning of Tunisia's exposure to frequent terrorist attacks, particularly across the north and central west, noting that ensuring Algerian security and stability throughout the region and avoiding threats and threats depends on two main pillars: The deployment of military units and security forces that supported by all necessary means and equipment to secure borders with neighboring states. Also prevent any infiltration of terrorist elements and transfer of weapons across borders. Diplomat by adopting Algeria's mediation to bring together the contending parties and achieve national reconciliation in neighboring states and coordinate and cooperate with them in the fight against terrorism by focusing on the exchange of information. Algeria has stepped in to strengthen its security by increasing its armed forces along the Tunisian- Algerian border of about 800 kilometers supported by transport warplanes, fighters, helicopters and drones for reconnaissance operations, as well as using sophisticated military eyewear for night vision. In addition, in June 2016, it announced the purchase of three Golf Stream G550 aircraft that could perform longer surveillance tasks. (Kartas, 2014.) In confirmation of the security coordination, Algeria signed a security cooperation agreement with Tunisia on 28 May 2014, which includes the preparation of a database on the names of suspects who are nationals and returnees from Libya or from hotspots of tension in Iraq, Syria and others; In particular, intelligence indicates that there are thousands of Tunisians, Algerians belonging to ISIS and some other terrorist organizations along with some of Tunisia's sleeping terrorist cells. The Tunisian Government has stressed that there is joint cooperation with the Algerian Government with regard to border security matters and that such cooperation takes place within the framework of the resistance to terrorism and the protection of the national security of the two states. The Tunisian Minister of Defense (Farhat al-Harshani) has also emphasized the development of security and intelligence coordination with Algeria, which has greatly assisted Tunisia's agencies in combating terrorism. One of the most prominent manifestations of security coordination is the joint exercises between Tunisian naval forces and their Algerian counterparts on 22 November 2016 on the coast of the city of Bizerte, located in the northernmost part of Tunisia, where the Algerian Ministry of Defense confirmed that, for the first time, a joint maritime operations centre had been established in Tunisia. The two countries for the joint management of these exercises aimed at equipping and preparing the capabilities of the two countries to work together in a state of emergency and to respond if there is a threat or danger that could prejudice maritime security in the border area of the two countries. The exercise included a tactical exercise at sea, maritime preventive operations and search and rescue operations at sea to strengthen and develop the two countries' operational cooperation in the areas of surveillance, maritime security, maritime border control, counter-terrorism and illegal actions at sea. (The Libyan crisis and Algeria's limited role are as follows) American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 5, Oct., 2022 P a g e | 67 www.americanjournal.org The military forces of the two countries have also programmed joint air exercises in anticipation of any emergency on the land border, or in the event of a military intervention by Western forces in Libya in order to combat ISIL, which is now in control of large swathes of Libyan soil, further aggravating the situation; the aim of the exercises was to address possible threats by ISIL in Libya, concentrated in the Saharawi triangle located at the south of Tunisia's land border with Algeria and Libya. (Ghabrah) In addition to the joint naval and air exercises, the Tunisian army received a boost of Algerian military assistance. aircraft, Russian ground-to-air missiles, military equipment and ammunition, as well as sensitive equipment transported by air and some by truck and Algeria agreed to grant the Tunisian army an urgent shipment of military equipment within the framework of security and military cooperation and coordination between the two countries to counter the increase in the strength and influence of terrorist groups in the border strip between the two countries, as well as, the delivery of batches of sophisticated Russian equipment linked to the fight against terrorism, As mine detectors and thermal monitors along the common border, this assistance came at the time of the President of the Government of Tunisia (Mahdi Jomaa, Algeria's urgent request for weapons to combat terrorism); the Tunisian army urgently needed laser-guided surface-to-air missiles for use against terrorist groups in Jebel ech-chaanbi, and missiles capable of destroying caves where ISIL supporters were hiding. The joint security coordination between the two countries has on several occasions resulted in qualitative operations involving the elimination of terrorist elements active on the border as an element between the two countries. Republic of Korea, the latest of which was the elimination of 11 terrorist groups holed up in Jebel al-Tawil in Baja State near the Tunisian border with Algeria. In addition to finding weapons and quantities of explosive materials, Tunisian media reports confirmed that the Algerian army had been instrumental in the recent success at the expense of armed groups, noting the Algerian military's long experience in counter-terrorism, which has contributed to controlling the situation on the country's eastern border. 3.1.3 Security and Military Coordination with Egypt: Security and military coordination between Algeria and Egypt aims to create a unified strategy to counter terrorism in Libya terrorist groups in Libya ", especially in view of the vulnerability of the two countries to the threat of terrorist groups in Libya, For Algeria, the attack on the Tiguentourine gas facility marked a turning point in Algeria's handling of the crisis in Libya. For Egypt, the abduction of Egyptian hostages in Libya and their killing by ISIL have generated a desire to form an Arab coalition to counter terrorism by relying on another mechanism related to bilateral coordination between Libya's neighboring countries, especially Algeria and Egypt. Abdel Fattah El-Sisi visited Algeria in June 2014, and he chose to be his first destination in his first foreign visit since his election as president, The visit came for coordination, where the response to the deteriorating security situation and the control of militant groups over large swathes of the country, The fact that it often departs from State control and threatens Libya's neighbouring States is a major focus. (al-Mubarak) With his arrival in Algeria, Abdel Fattah El-Sisi stressed that the purpose of the visit was to benefit from Algeria's efforts and experience in combating terrorism, noting that his visit to Algeria was aimed at 3launching a genuine understanding in the fight against terrorism and a common vision of common interests, issues and challenges between Egypt and Algeria in the region.” American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 5, Oct., 2022 P a g e | 68 www.americanjournal.org “There are relations and strategic themes between Egypt and Algeria, as well as many issues that need Algeria and Egypt to work together, and this visit has come to emphasize this and start working on it in the coming days.” Sisi stressed that he seeks “a genuine understanding and a common vision of interests, issues and challenges between addressing many issues with officials in Algeria, including Egypt and Algeria, and explaining the situation in Libya, a neighbouring country of both Egypt and Algeria.” Based on the above, Algeria and Egypt signed in March 2016 an agreement on cooperation in the field of security, in the presence of the Algerian Minister of the Interior (Noureddine Badawi and his Egyptian counterpart Majdi Abd al-Ghafar), to identify mechanisms for cooperation between the two ministries of the interior in the areas of the two countries by establishing a legal framework to ensure cooperation in security, enable them to confront the challenges facing the region, especially in view of the escalation of transnational organized crime and the fight against terrorism, emphasizing that the purpose of such agreements is to exchange information, experience and coordination to counter the terrorist organization ISIS, which poses a threat to the eastern region of Algeria and to the western region of Egypt. (al-Mubarak) 3.2 Assistance to Neighboring States Deteriorating economic conditions in most Arab Spring countries have led to disappointment and frustration, especially among Arab youth in Tunisia, for example, despite its success in the political transition process, following the ratification of the Constitution in 2014 and the election of a permanent Government, this was not accompanied by an economic transition towards better economic figures, the years after the revolution saw the local economy enter a recession in which the growth rate did not exceed 1% economic situation in post-revolutionary Tunisia did not respond to the aspirations of young people who came out in the days of the revolution demanding employment and development. One of the main causes of the economic difficulties faced by the Tunisian Government is the decline in foreign investment and the decline in tourism activity, which is an important artery for the Tunisian economy owing to the country's instability. Accordingly, Algeria has provided financial assistance to Tunisia to overcome its current economy crisis after the protests that overthrew former President Ben Ali, Algerian President Abdul-Aziz Bouteflika announced this assistance during the visit of the then Prime Minister of Tunisia, Beji kaid Essebsi, to Algeria on 16 March 2011. On 14 September 2014, the Algerian President signed a decree between Algeria and Tunisia, which included the ratification of the financial protocol, signed on 4 May 2014. ( Elfajer newspaper, 2016) Tunisia and Algeria had signed on the occasion of the visit of the President of the Government of Tunisia on the 3rd and 4th May 2014, Tunisia was granted a $100 million deposit to the Tunisian Bank to help Tunisia overcome its financial crisis. The second agreement relates to the Algerian President's agreement to grant Tunisia a $100 million loan. The Third Convention also provided for Bouteflika's ratification of $50 million in nonrefundable financial assistance. (aljazeera Tv) By granting financial assistance to Tunisia, Algeria seeks to help its eastern neighbor overcome its financial difficulties as a result of the repercussions of its political crisis. In a statement to Algerian television, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Tunisia (Monji Hamidi) considered the agreements American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 5, Oct., 2022 P a g e | 69 www.americanjournal.org signed as “a strong affirmation of Algeria's standing with her sister Tunisia and its full support in this transitional path and at this important stage in its history.” Moreover, Algeria is helping to facilitate the flow of Algerian tourists to Tunisia, where the representative of the Tunisian Tourism Office in Algeria confirmed that 5.1 million Algerians entered Tunisia in 2015 for summer holidays in a move that has curbed the tourism crisis in the absence of citizens of the European market. (Laroussi, 2016) Tunisia suffered a decline in the tourism sector due to terrorist attacks targeting foreign tourists. In March 2015, a terrorist attack targeted foreign tourists visiting the National Museum in Bardo, Tunisia, leaving 22 people dead and 200 wounded and detaining some 45 tourists. In June of the same year, a terrorist operation at a hotel resulted “Merhaba” in the tourist area of Sousse, eastern Tunisia, 38 tourists were killed and in November 12 presidential guards were killed in a suicide bombing of a bus in Tunis. For Libya, Algeria did not provide financial assistance; rather, it provided special humanitarian assistance to those southern areas bordering Algeria because of the significantly increased needs in Libya, where citizens live a difficult life, following the decision to close the border with Libya in 2013, following an incident “Tiguentourine Gas Production” in 2014, Algeria opened the borders exceptionally for satisfactory and humanitarian cases wishing to enter Algeria. It also provided families with 350 tons of food (rice, flour, oil and baby's milk). Also in 2015, Algeria sent 70 tons of food and medical items, as urgent humanitarian assistance, to the residents of my city “GATT” and “GHADIMIS”, because of the fighting in Libya, In 2016, Algeria provided 18 tons of medicines and 12 tons of foodstuffs to the Libyan people in order to alleviate their suffering in the country's dire conditions, with Libya's western border cities registering significant health shortages, prompting Algeria to open its borders in the region to admit Libyan patients for treatment at Ilizi governorate hospitals on the border with Libya. (Padoa) At the beginning of the 2017, the Algerian authorities provided humanitarian assistance of 30 tons of foodstuffs to Libya's population living on the border with Algeria, in excess of 20 thousand liters of fuel for hospitals experiencing difficulties due to frequent power outages, as well as medicines, pharmaceuticals and milk for children.1 (Algeria donates humanitarian aid to Libya) It is clear from the foregoing that Algeria is exposed to direct repercussions on its national security as a result of the internal events and situations in Libya and Tunisia. The implications required it to move on three axes: support for the dialogue mechanism, security coordination and assistance to neighbors Libya and Tunisia specifically. 4. Conclusion: The 2011 wave of Arab revolutions, particularly in the North African region, could be said to have had a direct impact on the formulation of Algeria's foreign policy. Algeria recognized the need to adapt to the new phase of the regional environment, thereby avoiding a policy of isolation and neutrality to a policy of confronting its outcomes. This has necessitated the re-establishment of a foreign policy that improves interaction with events and is an initiative towards the country's external environment, particularly the regional neighborhoods, which is a source of many threats to the vital interests of the Algerian State and its national security. According to the facts dealt with in the body of the study concluded: American Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 5, Oct., 2022 P a g e | 70 www.americanjournal.org Arab revolution represented a real laboratory for reformulating Algerian foreign policy directions, especially in the North African region. Algeria was afraid of the democratization of the region and the rise of Islamists, as did the concern of avoiding a similar scenario in Algeria, In a way that prevented it from launching critical initiatives that would meet the challenges that existed during the Arab Spring revolutions of Algeria as a nation still sheltering in revolutionary legitimacy as a cover that ensures the perpetuation of political power, They are also afraid that domino theory will apply to Algeria's political and social landscape. the consequences of the fall of dominoes are the fall of political power, which continues to be a major challenge to the country's financial austerity and social and economic crises. 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