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The ‘Truth’ Behind Haitian Zombies 

Review by Natalie A. Basta, North Dakota State University 

 

Philippe Charlier. Zombies: An Anthropological Investigation of the Living Dead and translated 

by Richard J. Gray II. 2017. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. pp. 160 ISBN: 

9780813054575 

Keywords: Zombie, Haiti, Vodou, Forensic, Tetrodotoxin 

In Zombies: An Anthropological Investigation of the Living Dead, Philippe Charlier uses 

biomedicine and physical anthropology to discuss the presence and cultural significance of 

zombies in Haiti. Charlier is qualified to evaluate zombies because he is a coroner, forensic 

pathologist, and paleopathologist with previous experience in archaeology and anthropology. His 

experiences give him the knowledge needed to assess the biological and cultural aspects of 

zombies. Charlier’s text is composed of nineteen chapters and is sprinkled with small instances 

of Charlier’s humor, an effective method to make the reader feel like they are on the journey 

with him. He uses a multidisciplinary approach to complete a self-described “anthropological 

investigation between life and death” (3). His justification for calling it an anthropological 

investigation comes from the use of traditional ethnographic methods such as participant 

observation, material collection, and interviews (x, 83). However, because of Charlier’s limited 

scope of anthropological methods, I do not believe the text can be advertised as a traditional 

piece of anthropological literature such as an ethnography. 

I thoroughly enjoyed reading Charlier’s text, but it lacks a theoretical framework that could 

provide the structure needed for the piece to align with the style of other anthropological texts. 



Additionally, it does not go into detail on the methods he used to gain his information. His 

methods are briefly mentioned on two pages in the text, which implies that he is relying solely on 

observations and participation within the Vodou world, completely disregarding any 

anthropological bodies of literature that would enhance his arguments. Despite not being a 

traditional text, there is a place for the book within anthropology classrooms, specifically 

advanced courses. The text would be a useful tool for helping seasoned anthropology students 

learn that the field is accepting of non-traditional texts and methods.  

 

Charlier begins the work with an overview of zombies and how they are understood by Haitians. 

When I first think of zombies, my mind jumps to the popular works of Zombieland and Walking 

Dead. However, these zombies are not what Charlier means when he uses the term. The zombies 

we see on popular television are fictionalized characters that are meant to provide entertainment, 

but the zombies discussed in the text are important cultural entities that do not provide 

enjoyment. The zombies as understood by Haitians take three forms. The first are children who 

died without being baptized; however, this form of zombie is no longer recognized by Haitians. 

The second is a ghostly spirit that moves around without being attached to a body, akin to a 

ghost or specter. The third, which occupies Charlier’s attention throughout the book, is a person 

who has become cataleptic (trance-like with a rigid body) due to poisoning. Because the person 

becomes unresponsive to external stimuli, she is considered “dead” and can, therefore, be buried. 

After burial, she is exhumed by a specific type of Vodou priest called a “bokor,” which is 

associated with evil magic. She is then considered a zombie, completely submissive to the bokor.  

Zombification can be explained through poisoning from the tetrodotoxin of the fugu fish, a type 

of pufferfish that is considered a delicacy in Haiti. Interacting with this toxin leads to various 

clinical symptoms, the most severe of which can lead to a state of apparent death or actual death. 

The process occurs when an individual comes in contact with (either through physical contact or 

ingestion) a sub-lethal dose of tetrodotoxin which causes a state of apparent death. Often a 

scorned family member or friend will hire a bokor to poison someone because that person 

wronged them in some way. The person who consumes the toxin is then in a state of apparent 

death, which justifies a funeral and burial. Soon after the burial, a bokor exhumes the body, 

resuscitates it, and the individual is considered a zombie. The zombie will live their life 



following the bokor’s orders, and the bokor has full control of the zombie, stripping it of its 

autonomy and agency in life.  

According to Charlier, zombies exist at the “convergence of toxicology, medicine, magic, and 

religion” (31). While medical explanations exist, the cultural reality of zombies finds purchase in 

religious discourse. The zombification process is carried about by bokors, which are prominent 

members of the Vodou religion. In addition to stripping them of their autonomy, the 

zombification process strips individuals of both biological and social personhood because when 

they are buried and a death certificate is signed, they are no longer considered to be living human 

beings.  

The legal status of zombies is a confusing matter because they are legally dead even if still 

biologically alive. The question then arises as to whether or not zombies can ultimately rejoin the 

world of the living. Charlier is concerned with this question throughout his investigation. He 

learns that zombies have no legal rights and no true nationality. At the time of Charlier’s 

research, there were no avenues for zombies to be “re-instated” as human; however, one criminal 

law attorney, Emmanuel Jeanty, is advocating for a certificate of resurrection that would allow 

zombies to regain their personhood. Jeanty is concerned with the legal status of zombies because 

if zombies are not legally recognized as people, they cannot be held accountable for any crimes 

(69-70).  

When a bokor creates a zombie, he is punishing that individual for wrongdoings in life. He takes 

away the zombie’s individuality to create a soulless being that is easily influenced by the power 

of suggestion. Essentially, the zombie becomes the bokor’s slave. While it was never explained 

why the zombie is so heavily influenced by suggestion, it is known that the zombie carries out 

orders without any sense as to why (37). My previous coursework leads me to wonder if the 

enslaved zombie is tied to Haiti’s long history of slavery and mistreatment by others. Haiti’s 

history of slavery is not addressed by Charlier; however, a discussion of the history would 

undoubtably contribute to the text. 

Overall, the book is written (translated) in a compelling manner that will likely make it a well-

read piece within and outside of academia. Charlier’s thorough knowledge of anthropology and 

forensic pathology are obvious, and his well-placed humor adds levity to what is ultimately a 

tragic story about individuals losing their place in the world. I suspect that the text will find a 



place within the field of medical anthropology, as it highlights the intersection of culture and 

biology in Haiti. I highly recommend this book to anyone with an interest in Vodou or zombies.  

 



Natalie Basta is a Master of Science student in Anthropology at North Dakota State University. 

She has completed previous research on the use of radiocarbon dating in determining the death 

date of unidentified forensic remains. She is interested in police practices, personhood within the 

prison system, forensic death investigating, and the role of death care workers in post-death 

practices.  

 

 

 

 

© 2020 Natalie Basta 

 

 


