




































A NATION’S ECONOMY IN THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC ERA: WHAT 

NIGERIA CAN LEARN FROM FRANCE 
 

Clement Chimaobi EMEFU 

 

Abstract 

The COVID-19 pandemic is revelatory of both positive and negative states of world 

economies. From a comparative analytical method of the sanitary measures put in place by 

various governments of the world, one can discern notable points of growth and decline 

(weakness) which could be lessons for world leaders. This paper argues that France as a 

European francophone economy could be a relevant example for Nigeria. As an African 

Anglophone economy which has always positioned itself as one of the economic powers 

in the continent, Nigeria should brace up for the economic challenges of the post-COVID 

era. The paper seeks to x-ray some of the fundamental ingredients which can support it in 

that direction. Any other economy that aspires to survive in the forthcoming post 

pandemic future can also benefit from such trajectory. 

Keywords: COVID-19, economy, pandemic, lockdown, post-COVID era. 

 

1. Introduction 

One needs to be an economic expert to be able to give an economic analysis under the 

COVID-19
1
 pandemic era. With its phenomenal impact on the world since early 2020, 

pushing the radical and unanticipated transformation of lifestyles of a good majority of 

our citizens, a lot can be said. A global crisis that turned automobile companies into 

producers of respiratory machines (Bender &Colias, 2020; Salvador, 2020); taxi drivers 

were turned into ambulance owners (Alasdair & Danish, 2020); cosmetic companies 

turned into producers of hand sanitizers (Ng, 2020); and even, monasteries and religious 

communities converted into private and medium scale enterprises for the production of 

face masks (Hoyeau, 2020). The list can continue. All these speak for several economic 

indicators which got revealed as consequential to the outbreak of the coronavirus which 

causes the COVID-19 disease. It was officially declared as a pandemic by the World 

Health Organization on March 11, 2020. 
 

From an eye witness experience in France since the outbreak of the pandemic, there have 

been unanticipated colossal events which hit the economic sector, while leaving a 

remarkable amount of transformative effects. A question could be asked further: why use 

France as an example for Nigeria? These are two distinctly different countries, one 

Anglophone and the other francophone, with almost parallel approaches to politico- 

economic realities. The choice can succinctly be justified on the fact that knowledge 

comes more when there are divergent views to one same reality. Moreover, France and 



Emefu A Nation’s Economy in COVID-19 Pandemic … 

 

Nigeria enjoy a long history of economic interactions. Nigeria figures as one of the largest 

consumers of Champagne, which originates from France
2
. This is not just a multimillion 

dollar market, but also a solid machine which has the capacity to nourish the bilateral 

economic relations of the two countries. In addition, the recent years have seen a massive 

academic exchange programs between the two countries. Nigerian graduates and post- 

graduates flood the French research centres with direct extension either to the French 

labour market or using the French system as a window into the European labour market. 

As it were, both Campus France and the French Service de Coopération et d'Action 

Culturelle (SCAC) attached to the French Embassy in Nigeria, have this bilateral 

economic objective as a guiding principle in the discharge of their diplomatic duties. In 

return, the Friends of Nigeria (FON), a network of Nigerian professionals in France, as an 

example of a Nigerian initiative, do not just promote responsively to that paradigm but 

also positions itself as a vehicle and promoter of such dual strategic projects. 
 

Based on these observations, we intend to discern fundamental indicators of not just a 

healthy or progressive economy
3
, but also other ingredients on which economic 

paradigms can be hatched and constructed for the future, especially for Nigeria. Against 

this backdrop, we could seek to designate what can be denoted as the foundational ABC 

(rudiments) of a willing economy, following the French model. For an economy to stand 

the test of time, it must not just be anchored on various fundamental elements which 

ensure its existence, but also be able to prove its progress on those grounds. It is from this 

dimension that it could be asserted unequivocally that true governance thrives under a 

healthy economy. 
 

Our concern in this context is not going to be the health consequences and/or the fragile 

nature of the health sector as revealed massively by the COVID-19 pandemic. We rather 

wish to extrapolate those dull areas which radically demonstrate the porous state of the 

health sector in Nigeria. Consequently, we will use them to raise a collective awareness 

about the urgency for which this matter should be the concern of every government. It 

could also serve as an ingredient for promoting a more vibrant economic system which 

could always stand the waves of time. 

 

2. Foundational ABC of a Willing Economy and the French Model 

France ranks as one of the world‘s economic powers. With an annual Gross Domestic 

Product (GDP) per capita growth of about 1.3% in 2019 and 2020 (Economic Survey of 

OECD, 2019), it maintains a permanent seat in the UN Security Council. France figures 

as well among both the G8 (G7) and the G20 nations
4
. The largely economically based 

designation of these few countries echoes much of their individual might along the lines 

of economic stability. Given that a country‘s economic power plays a significant role in 

the politics that it promotes both on the national and international levels, the G8 (G7) and 



Aquino Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 1(1), 2021 

 

the G20 nations are always projected as the First class citizens of the International 

Community. France counts among these two groups for multiple reasons. 
 

According to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) 

Economic Survey of 2016, France was the world‘s fifth economic power in 2016 (and 

seventh in 2019 just behind the UK and India). It will be recalled that the country has 

recorded an estimated rate of 1.7% of its GDP growth in 2018, supported by a robust 

chain of investments, solid consumption of goods and services, favourable external 

conditions and domestic reforms. 
 

These make for the basic ingredients on which a strong country‘s economic prospect is 

built. According to the updated IMF forecasts from 14
th

 April 2020, due to the outbreak of 

the COVID-19 pandemic, the GDP growth of France is expected to fall to -7.2% in 2020 

and pick up to 4.5% in 2021, subject to the post-pandemic global recovery. All these 

notwithstanding, in many sectors, the French economy is among the strongest in the 

world. This is because France is among the leading industrial economies in the 

automotive, aerospace, and railways sectors, as well as in cosmetics, luxury goods, 

insurance, pharmaceuticals, telecoms, power generation, defence, agriculture and 

hospitality. France is also the world's leading tourist destination – at least in terms of 

numbers, though not in terms of tourist spending. French companies operate worldwide; 

they run some of the big red buses in London, as well as trains and bus services all over 

Europe. They also run supermarkets on four continents, including over 200 hypermarkets 

in China. French companies produce some of the pharmaceutical, beauty and dairy 

products that people use in their daily lives worldwide. Regarding its labour market, 

France has one of the highest levels of graduates, and the highest number of science 

graduates per 1000 workers of any European country. 
 

The economic progress and advancement attributed to France did not arise from the 

vacuum. There are series of historical and political decisions taken by past French leaders 

focused on building a strong economy. In the years following the Second World War, the 

French economy developed massively from a largely agrarian state with over 40% of the 

population still living on the land, into a modern industrial economy with world-class 

corporations and business leaders. In the years 1945 - 1975, known as "les 

trenteglorieuses", the French economy grew by an average of 4.1% in terms of GDP per 

inhabitant, far faster than the USA or the UK, though slower than Germany or Japan. The 

French State - which for most of this time was in the hands of Conservatives - played an 

active role through the establishment of a series of four year plans (Contrats de plan), 

whereby the State set-up economic targets and economic priorities, but left it up to private 

enterprises to achieve or apply them. For example, the rapid development of the French 

motorway system was achieved (and is still being managed) by public investment offset 

by the sale of long-term concessions to private or semi-private companies to operate and 



Emefu A Nation’s Economy in COVID-19 Pandemic … 

 

maintain them. Between 1945 and 1986, political leaders from Charles de Gaulle (a 

conservative) to François Mitterrand (a socialist) embarked on policies of nationalization 

and State‘s intervention. For de Gaulle, nationalization was seen as a tool of economic 

development, guaranteeing a stable environment for key sectors of the French economy, 

and also ensuring support from his opponents on the left. He went on to nationalize the 

Car-maker Renault in 1945, as a means to help it recover from the war and also to placate 

the Communist opposition and the Unions. For Mitterrand, nationalization was 

ideological. During his first tenure of office as the President, he initiated a wide range of 

nationalization projects touching different sectors, including banking, insurance and 

pharmaceuticals. However, for his second tenure of office, he advocated the famous "ni- 

ni" doctrine (the neither- nor doctrine), proposing neither nationalization nor privatization. 

In actual fact, this was a way of admitting the failure of his previous policy. 
 

Yet beyond the issue of nationalization or privatization, the French State has maintained 

an above-average ability to intervene in economic affairs. It remains a major shareholder 

in utilities such as Électricité de France (EDF) where it has a majority holding, and 

France Telecom (Orange), in which it has a 27% holding. As a result of its hands-on 

approach to economic management, France has been able to ensure some remarkable 

economic success stories. Among the most visible of these is France's world-leading 

success in the field of rail infrastructure. France was the first country in the world to 

propose, plan and set up a dedicated high-speed rail network. Today, the country can 

boast as the world's second most extensive high-speed rail network (after Spain), one 

which runs without interruption from the North Sea to the Mediterranean, and east-west 

from near the German border to the lower reaches of the Loire. State‘s intervention in the 

automotive sector has helped Renault become one of the main world players in the sector, 

as the French government still holds a 15% stake in the car company which, in turn, is the 

leading investor (almost 45%) in Nissan. This is however, a visible progressive outcome 

of the State‘s intervention policy in the French economic system, irrespective of what 

critics of such approach might hold to. 
 

In juxtaposition with the Nigerian economic context, even though the two economies have 

a lot to share in reciprocity, the latter has much more it can learn from the former. 

According to the 2020 Index of Economic Freedom of various countries, whereas 

France‘s economic freedom score is 66.0 making its economy the 64
th

 freest in 2020, 

Nigeria‘s economic freedom score is 57.2, making its economy the 116
th

 freest in the 

2020 Index. Its overall score has decreased by 0.1 point, reflecting a decline in the fiscal 

health score. Nigeria is further ranked 14
th

 among 47 countries in the sub-Saharan African 

region, and its overall score is slightly above the regional average but well below the 

world‘s average. This is contrasted by the French‘s economic overall score which is 

below the regional average but well above the world average. It is important therefore to 

note: as the measurement of a free economy also largely depends on its dividends on its 



Aquino Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 1(1), 2021 

 

population, Nigeria‘s economy still struggles to find its roots in a wide range of 

dimensions. As it were, its economy has been mostly not free since 2007, when it 

emerged from the repressed category. It can also be underlined that the GDP growth of 

Nigeria over the past five years has been unimpressive for such a resource-rich 

developing country (2020 Index of Economic Freedom, 2020). This is because, Nigeria‘s 

economic freedom and development have been battered by chronic and severe political 

instability, interference in the economy by the Central Bank of Nigeria and the Federal 

government, as well as the consequences of pervasive corruption. An economy which is 

saddled by power shortages, insecurity, high inflation rates and tight credit conditions 

cannot perform miracles to becoming robust. Of course, all these parameters, whose direct 

impact could be easily be assessed on the subject-citizens, demonstrate the health of the 

economy. 
 

Such a panoramic profile of France as an economic power, in relation to Nigeria‘s 

economic state, provides a tangible context for our reflection. The evaluation cycle can 

truly be completed when the dividends of the economic status quo are seen on the 

population. It could be qualified as dividends of economic success of the, either the 

French population (citizens) which counts about 64.7 million people, or the Nigerian 

population which counts about 193.9 million people (2020 Index of Economic Freedom, 

2020). Particularly in a challenging time such as the COVID-19 era, a proactive economy 

understands the need and is able to support the masses through a solidarity mechanism 

such as the Social Security System with all its enabling impact. When such is the case, 

following the logical principle of reciprocity, the government could easily impose various 

rules of inevitable lockdown, which are judged as measures to cut down the spread of the 

coronavirus. 

 
3. The Social Security System: a Pointer to an Economy at the Service of Citizens  
In France, the "Social Security" is a public service of the State, which insures all the 

social risks of workers, employees and liberal professions, self-employed and non-salaried 

workers, agricultural employees. The service is available on the Metropolitan territory of 

France, and also for French employees posted abroad. By means of the Social Security 

Code, the State has entrusted its management to various private law bodies which, as a 

result, are entrusted with a public service mission (Dupeyroux&Prétot, 2008; 

Greber&Kahil-Wolff, 2006). Put differently, call it "Social Security" it also alludes to one 

of the means of ensuring a mutual interaction between the government and the citizens. 

Regardless of their actual liability to income tax, since they present the nature of taxable 

sums, the indemnities paid on the occasion of the termination of the employment contract 

at the initiative of the employer come within the scope of social security contributions 

(2nd Civil Chamber July 6, 2017). The unprecedented circumstance of the COVID-19 

crisis fits into one of these juridical conditions. 



Emefu A Nation’s Economy in COVID-19 Pandemic … 

 

From the above juridical base, the benefits of the Social Security System could not be as 

salutary for millions of French citizens as it has been since the beginning of the COVID- 

19 pandemic. ―Even though the government‘s financial aid does not come in full and also 

as at when due because of a massive influx of people on the scheme, the little that comes 

has been our sole source of survival‖, says Ghislaine Lebrun, a French colleague. This is 

because, she continues, ―my husband and I lost our jobs at the beginning of the lockdown, 

and our various companies had to declare bankrupt, as they could no longer function as 

they used to‖. This is one out of millions of similar cases of precariousness of the 

economic health of many countries as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. When both 

medium and large scale enterprises can no longer work under strict sanitary regulations, a 

direct consequence is the dismissal of employees, at least to save the juridical personality 

of the entity. It was in the light of this that the French government, on the 11
th

 of March 

2020, announced, alongside the lockdown rules, the sum of €450 billion as its preliminary 

budget to "save the economy" (Plane, 2020). In this notable economic package, salaries 

that were paid by various companies to their workers were almost entirely taken charge of 

by the government. It is interesting to note comparatively with the Nigerian approach, 

such welfare package was not to be distributed to the population home after home. There 

is already an existing mechanism through which the government can directly ―give and 

take‖ from its citizens. Going by that, millions of French citizens, who were eligible for 

this direct assistance had their Bank accounts credited in real time as the testimony of 

Ghislaine above highlights. 
 

In addition to the traditional Social Security System which has been instituted in France 

since 1945, another massive social assistance initiative was taken by the government in 

March, and renewed in November 2020. To support the most modest households and 

young people under 25 years of age facing the financial difficulties linked to the pandemic 

crisis of COVID-19, 
 

Exceptional Solidarity Aid was agreed be paid to them from November 27, 2020. 

This aid of 150 € is increased in proportion to the number of children these people 

could have at their charge. Service-Public.fr went further to explain who can 

benefit from it and what the amounts were to be. This assistance is paid 

automatically to those who are entitled to it by way of family allowance funds, 

agricultural mutual funds or through the government agency of PôleEmploi. This 

is because there is already an existing database with the above agency, which 

facilitates such interaction between the citizens and the government. It will be 

added to social assistance paid monthly throughout the year (French Prime 

Minister, 2020). 
 

Correlatively, the Nigerian government issued an economic package for citizens during 

the heat of the COVID-19 pandemic, between the months of March and May 2020. The 



Aquino Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 1(1), 2021 

 

intention behind such initiative is not far from the idea that propels the French social 

solidarity initiative, with similar examples in other developed economies like the US and 

the   UK.   Millions   of   naira   were   allocated   to   what   was   tagged   ―FG‘s   COVID-19 

Palliatives‖, as the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social 

Development, HajiyaSadiya Umar Farouq testified to at the beginning of the lockdown 

(Agbedo et al., 2020). However good the intention could have been, was it possible to 

allocate an aid to a citizen that cannot be accounted for? Is it possible to reach out to a 

citizen who does not even exist in the ―real consciousness‖ of the government: a citizen 

without identity, a citizen whose existence is not on any record except when he owns a 

Driver‘s license or an International passport? A citizen who is already dead almost at the 

same time he is born, since there is no trace of his coming into the world as Nigerian? 

Was there to be a functional system similar to that of the French Social Security and the 

like, there would not have been any reason for the government of Nigeria and its agencies 

to create stores of warehouses where food materials were kept. These were obviously 

awaiting distribution to the population home after the other, only and according to the 

whims of few privileged individuals favoured by the Minster in-charge of the package. 

Even though the COVID-19 Palliatives remained hidden beyond the very lockdown 

period they were needed till the #EndSars nationwide protesters discovered and pounced 

on them (Obiezu, 2020), it still echoes glaringly the poverty of the Nigerian economy. If a 

government cannot efficiently render basic services to its population, how then can it 

expect obedience to its laws by the same citizens it cannot serve? 

 
 

4. The Management of Lockdown Rules during the COVID-19 Pandemic as 

an Economic Indicator of a Strong or Weak Economy  
The merit of every rule lies on its capacity to guide its subjects towards attaining a set 

objective. It is on this interpretation that the rules put in place to implement the lockdown 

measures against the COVID-19 pandemic both in France and in Nigeria, as well as in 

other parts of the world have their primordial raison d’être. A healthy rule can be 

identified from its endpoint, which is simply its reception and compliance by the subjects 

for which it is meant. It must not be enforced by naked brutal force, but rather by means 

of a more respectful approach, which serves the purpose of awakening the sense of 

responsibility on the subjects of the law. Observations made both in the French and 

Nigerian contexts leave a lot of interrogations in this regard. 

Beyond using the Police and the Military on the street to enforce the sanitary measures 

put in place against the COVID-19 pandemic, a government like that of Nigeria has no 

other effective means of maintaining the lockdown regulations. As a Nigerian citizen, up 

until the last decade, there is no available database which contains the individual profile 

of the Nigerian population, through which a direct impact of governance can reach the last 



Emefu A Nation’s Economy in COVID-19 Pandemic … 

 

man on the street. Apart from those who have Driver‘s license or International Passports 

or Civil servants, or Bank accounts and the like, it is almost impossible to account for 

individual Nigerians. The project for enrolling every citizen into a National Identity Card 

Scheme has been ongoing for the past five to ten years, and yet has not been completed. 

Put differently, it will be very difficult to ascertain a comprehensive record of Nigerian 

citizens, right from birth to death as could be observed in most countries accomplishing 

developmental  strides  today.  Consequently,  even  ―ghost  workers‖  continue  to  receive 

salaries in various circles of public service. 
 

By contrast, it is almost impossible for there not to be an updated and actualized record of 

every French citizen in a database that the government uses in various active interactions 

with its population. It is through such a system that social services like taxes and medical 

insurance could be administered from beginning till the end. The French Law 

enforcement agents therefore have no rights to abuse, let alone brutalize a law breaker as 

was the case severally in Nigeria (BBC News, 2020). The French Police, whose duty is to 

ensure that the lockdown rules were duly respected had just the mandate to attribute fines 

as from €135 to offenders. Such a method, which consists of notifying the offender of his 

offence, while taking note of his particulars, can also be effective on the ground that there 

is a database which already contains the identity of the individual. In other words, with 

such  established  trace  of  the  citizen,  including  name  and  address  (known  as  the  ―état 

civil‖), whatever penalty that is charged must surely be paid someday. The risk of not 

paying the initial fine of €135 does not worth it, as it will not only increase automatically 

at the expiration of the deadline originally stipulated, but will also at extreme cases, 

warrant the loss of possible benefits which could be gotten from the government. 

Meanwhile, in the Nigerian context, without a forceful arrest of the offender, there is no 

way for eventual penalties to be adhered to, since there is no centralized record of the 

offending-citizen anywhere. 
 

From the above, it comes to light that the administration of every economy is a dual 

responsibility.  A  progressive  economy  must  be  capable  of  having  the  ―give-and-take‖ 

principle of reciprocity. As it sounds logical that for nature to respect man, man must 

respect nature, so too, for the citizen to serve the government, the government must serve 

its citizen. No government could put up laws, expecting them to be respected without 

putting in place the basic elements which smoothly guarantee the observance of such 

laws. It is like giving an authoritative injunction that the streets must be kept clean, 

whereas there is no provision of dustbins in which wastes can be collected. Such rule of 

engagement highlights the basic ingredients of an administrative process whereby true 

governance could produce a healthy economy (as in the case of France and Nigeria for 

example). 



Aquino Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 1(1), 2021 

 
5. True Governance of a Nation Thrives under a Healthy Economy, and Vice Versa 

The symbiotic relationship between the act of governance and the economy of any nation 

is such that none can be functional without the other. This assertion could be represented 

as the kind of relationship which exists between a sim card and the mobile telephone 

itself: none can actualise an effective telephone communication alone. In other words, it is 

only the combination of both objects that can give rise to an effective communication 

amongst people, which constitutes their main objective of being assembled together. In a 

similar way, the act of governance and the notion of economy are two central realities 

whose essence depends on their coexistence. 
 

In 1992, the World Bank had defined governance as the manner in which power is 

exercised over the management of economic and social resources for development (as 

cited in Weiss, 2000). Subsequently, this definition turned out to be somewhat narrow, as 

it did not take into account the role of the civil society and the importance of political 

institutions and civil liberties. Aware of that lack, the OECD went on to highlight three 

essential characteristics of governance: the form of the political regime; the process by 

which authority is exercised in the management of the country's economic and social 

resources; and the capacity of the State to formulate and implement policies and to carry 

out its functions (as cited in Dessart, Ubogu, 2001). The foregoing brings us to the 

economic role of the State in any given political context. It would be very difficult to add 

anything to the rich intellectual legacy bequeathed to us by the great political economists 

— Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, and so many others over the past two centuries. To 

avoid the risk of falling into an extreme simplification, one could consider that the 

economic role of the State has evolved according to objective and historical conditions. It 

can also be argued that it developed alongside the more subjective views that 

characterized the intellectual tradition in economics during this period. According to 

philosophers and those who wrote on political economy in the late 18th century and most 

of the 19th century, the economic role of the State was limited to compensating for 

externalities and possible distortions arising from the dysfunction of markets and the 

provision of public goods. Subsequently, as societies became more complex and industrial 

economies engendered dislocations and disparities, countries began to invoke income 

distribution concerns, thus adding to their inevitable functions of taking charge of the 

poor, the sick and the disadvantaged populations. 
 

From this background then, there could be a feasible extrapolation of what has been 

experienced on concrete terms by most economies of the world today. For example, there 

is no Social Security System which can be put together with no economic consequences. 

Simply put, the mere conception and attempt to administer the governmental apparatus is 

economically intensive. Following the struggle to responding to the COVID-19 pandemic 

since early 2020, the first major concern of most governments was how to save the 

economy. It was along this line that the French president, Emmanuel Macron, while 



Emefu A Nation’s Economy in COVID-19 Pandemic … 

 

promulgating several lockdown rules, called attention to possible threats to the economy. 

Considering the gravity of the situation, there was sufficient reason to look into the 

French foreign reserves and decide the amount to be dedicated to saving all forms of 

enterprises that stir the economy. All these, hallmark of an active economy, were 

considered to be under colossal threat resulting from the aftermath of the coronavirus 

crisis. As a result, a clear-cut support plan for both individual citizens and for the 

collective economy at large was put on the table of the French Prime Minister. As it were, 

any economy that aspires to a dynamic level cannot compromise the need to be always 

proactive. 
 

Envisaging the future amidst its uncertainties as encapsulated in the COVID-19 crisis 

assures a firmer control of the economic sector, a major point in the various 

announcements made by the French government. 

 
6. Government Support for the Economy in the era of COVID-19 Pandemic   
At the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, the second crisis alert given by the French 

government after that of the health sector was on the economy. This was demonstrated in 

the mobilization of the offices of the Prime Minister – Head of government, the health and 

economic ministries, side by side. In real time, one could observe the collaboration of 

these governmental institutions with ministerial portfolios in various measures to respond 

to the threatening challenges. With sanitary measures put in place to cut down the spread 

of the virus, one could have expected the next attention to be given to the maintenance of 

law and order around the sanitary regulations by the military department. But it turned out 

to be that the sector of the economy became the most urgent preoccupation of the entire 

government: How to save the economy! 
 

From the facts on the ground, the consequences of the COVID-19 crisis on the French, 

European and World economy are major. GDP growths and international trade have 

contracted, and almost all sectors of the economy have seen their activity decline, to a 

total shutdown in some cases. The French government has mobilized itself to propose 

several emergency measures to support the economy and businesses: partial 

unemployment, deferral of charges, contributions, and loans guaranteed by the State to the 

tune of €300 billion as solidarity fund for very small businesses, etc. Very directly and for 

example, several measures have been implemented by the Ministry for Europe and 

Foreign Affairs in the economic sectors under its jurisdiction: tourism and export, which 

have been severely affected by the health crisis. The Foreign Affairs Minister, Jean-Yves 

le Drian and Secretary of State, Jean-Baptiste Lemoyne brought together regional 

presidents, parliamentarians, public and private export players and industry 

representatives on several occasions to discuss the challenges and impacts of the 

pandemic to foreign trade and French exports, and to prepare for the recovery. These 



Aquino Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 1(1), 2021 

 

meetings enabled a regular update on the consequences of the pandemic for exporting 

companies, in particular, for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs); to draw an 

initial assessment of the actions taken; and to make proposals for the coming months 

(French Foreign Affairs Ministry, 2020). 
 

From this perspective and on the continental level, France with a proactive project of Law 

on the floor of the European Union, was the first European country to encourage the 

Union to put a collective measure against the crisis. On March 10, 2020, it requested an 

extraordinary European Council meeting and called for coordinated border measures to 

prevent countries from adopting an individualist approach. It should be recalled that the 

crisis is happening in the context of the Brexit fever, which doubles the continental 

challenge for the European countries. Therefore, the seriousness and urgency of the 

communal initiative pushed the French President to take this concern himself to the EU 

Parliament, in search of support for a collective EU response to the impending economic 

crisis. Seemingly in his thoughts, a global pandemic such as COVID-19 could not attract 

any commensurate response less than global and continental. Following from the above 

initiative, the Heads of State and Government of Europe came together to take several 

measures to coordinate the public health efforts, aimed at protecting Europeans and to 

reduce the socioeconomic impact of the crisis. With such alert given on the imminent 

threat on the economy, the expressed concern was how to rescue collapsing businesses 

and save jobs which were risking high losses (French Ministry of Europe and Foreign 

Affairs, 2020). 
 

On the part of the Nigerian government, we had seen a somewhat pessimistic approach 

put in place in response to any economic crisis occasioned by the COVID-19 pandemic. 

Apart from the NCDC
5
 – a sub-agency under the Ministry of Health – which has been 

issuing out basic information concerning the coronavirus pandemic, it seems that the 

Federal government of Nigeria is not worried about the state of the economy. As it were, 

there has been no visible plan for a rescue operation for the economy, both on the national 

level and even on the continental level. Such an observation leaves many interrogations 

on the table regarding how much control such a government has on its internal economic 

affairs, especially in the post-COVID nearest future. 

 
7. Control of Governance: Saving the Economy in the Post-COVID Future   
Sequel to the above exposé on the proactive measures put in place by many governments 

around the world like France, one can quickly identify any government which has a firm 

grip of the affairs of governance. The notion of control does not allude to seizure for any 

kind of exploitation, but rather in the sense of mastery of the rudiments of public 

administration. It will therefore be impossible to make projections on the present or future 

state of any economy whereby there is no hold of it. What is certain is that the economic 



Emefu A Nation’s Economy in COVID-19 Pandemic … 

 

crisis which is already being caused by the COVID-19 pandemic is the most serious since 

the end of the Second World War. The longer it is going to last, the more consistent the 

responsive measures from various States should have to be, especially as the crisis 

unleashes deeper scars on the economic fabric (Charrel, 2020). 
 

What should be understood is that a deficient management of the health crisis relating to 

the COVID-19 pandemic leaves much to say of any government‘s ability to come to the 

rescue of its troubling economy. This is so because the economic crisis is a reality in the 

context of the current sanitary situation both for France and Nigeria. The fundamental 

question that begs for an answer is: are there sufficient chances to save what is left of the 

economy? Right from the start, there were already conflicting information as regards the 

nature of the coronavirus. This difficult circumstance which leveled on all governments of 

the world most probably caused much harm to the economy, indirectly. The role of the 

WHO could not salvage the situation, as countries like the US even demonstrated their 

anger against the international health organization. It was obvious that the number of lives 

that were lost would invariably impact adversely on the economic force. There were 

several indemnities which needed to be paid for by Insurance companies and government 

Agencies, or even the loss of human resources, which constituted a big loss for the labour 

market. 
 

An average Nigerian may be of the same opinion that the Nigerian economic system, 

which has no much link to the human forces of its population is excluded from such 

projection. As a matter of fact, there may not be much fear about the loss of human forces 

for the labour market since the coronavirus has only claimed 1,254 lives (out of a 

population of about 193 million people) since its outbreak earlier in 2020. This number of 

deaths is out of 84,414 confirmed cases, out of which 71,034 had been discharged 

(NCDC: 2020). Be that as it may, with the fact of the global nature of the world‘s 

economy today, everything is connected. This is to the extent that whatever economic 

crisis that is happening in the global market today will certainly have levels of 

repercussions on any national economy, even of a very ―remote‖ country. Therefore, the 

concern weighs on every economy of the world arising from the havoc which the 

pandemic in question wrecks all over. That makes it a universal problematic, which leaves 

no exception. For governments to make optimistic projections on how to salvage their 

respective economies remain a necessary preoccupation of the moment. 

 
8. Beyond Management of the COVID-19 Pandemic to Basics for an 

Economic Reconstruction   
From these considerations, it will certainly not be sufficient to raise alarm of the tragic 

impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the economy of every nation around the world 

especially Nigeria. An initiative which will equally be more enriching will involve 



Aquino Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 1(1), 2021 

 

concrete steps which would assist in a rescue mission for the economy of the future. It is 

along this line that we tried to use the case-study of France as a comparative example for 

an important geopolitical economy like that of Nigeria. This can invariably be applied or 

extended to any other country in the journey of development. We could further accentuate 

a number of concrete indices which could demand a constant attention from those 

responsible for piloting the economic affairs. 
 

From the foregoing, it would not be enough to have simply on record that Nigeria‘s 

population is 193.9 million people according to the current statistics of the 2020 Index of 

Economic Freedom. We may not also dwell on fundamental interrogation of how such 

figure was derived and its eventual exactitude at the moment. The more essential point to 

be made hinges on how much the government possesses a comprehensive data, which 

contains the accurate particulars of every citizen from birth to death. This should be the 

beginning of determining the economic capacity and be able to project the Nigerian 

working force, as well as the force that could be transformed into the economic market. 
 

As highlighted from the French paradigm, any form of social solidarity, which can be 

institutionalized is one of the ways to enshrine a mutual collaboration between the public 

and private sectors of governance. Put differently, the established governmental structure 

cannot do it alone. There is always a need for the support of the private sector. With a 

symbiotic relationship established through various means of social solidarity, a collective 

effort becomes a strong source for facing any foreseen and unforeseen economic and/or 

socio-political crisis that could ever arise. 
 

If the Nigerian economy desires to stand up today and in the forthcoming post-COVID-19 

era, the government must think out of the traditional box. Gone are the days of ―manual 

economic policies‖. The COVID-19 pandemic is ushering a new world order, in the sense 

of divergent transformation in every day to day style of living which our society had still 

known as at January 2020. This includes the rapport between and among people, down to 

the digitalization of goods and services, integration with the various forms of artificial 

intelligence into both professional and private life. These new modes of living, which the 

pandemic has gradually imposed on every man and woman today, directly or indirectly 

affect the core of the human economy under the care of every government of the world. 

To be able, therefore, to respond and match with the new trend, no existing economic 

society can continue to remain archaic. If Nigeria is still battling today, in 2020, with the 

problem of electricity supply to the nooks and crannies of the country, that singular 

example speaks volumes of the gigantic work which still needs to be done so as to secure 

and establish a conducive environment for the young population on whose hand depends 

the future success of the economy. In all, it is better late than never. 



Emefu A Nation’s Economy in COVID-19 Pandemic … 

 
9. Conclusion 

To conclude, the traces of failure in the response to the economic crisis being caused by 

the COVID-19 pandemic on the part of the Nigerian government speak louder of a more 

systemic   problem.   The   ―manual‖   management   of   the   Nigeria‘s   FG   palliatives 

demonstrates an economic system which is either struggling to stand or is weak. It further 

shows  a  non-existent  ―give-and-take‖  relationship  between  the   government  and  its 

citizens. Such a problematic therefore calls for an urgent attention as the world anticipates 

a post COVID-19 pandemic era, which definitely will come with new challenges 

especially for the global economy. 
 

It is in this guise that this paper seeks for a model to run a dynamic economic system in 

the post COVID-19 pandemic era. With some of the elements highlighted above, the 

French response in the heat of the health crisis has much to contribute to the Nigerian 

economic project. This is because, it shows an economic model which could stand the 

shock of unforeseen risks like the coronavirus crisis. The social solidarity system reveals a 

concrete product of such a dynamic economy. It is simply a pointer towards a firmer 

construction of an economic system which can better respond to the impending challenges 

which the post COVID-19 era is going to unleash. It is important to reiterate that the 

French economic model was born out of historical antecedents and a political will. Any 

project therefore to construct a dynamic and robust economic system might better 

integrate such a tested, proven and efficient model. 
 

This paper seeks to conclude by proposing the French economic model to the Nigerian 

government and to other developing economies in the African continent and beyond. A 

proactive approach is always invaluably salutary. Though the COVID-19 pandemic has 

been overwhelming the entire world and even destructive of so many institutional 

structures that have served so many economies since the last global pandemic of the 

Spanish flu of 1918, it equally ushers in a good number of economic dynamics. 

Unarguably, it occasions an opportunity for paradigmatic revolutions in all sectors of life. 

It is only the nation that is able to read the signs of time now that will be able to thrive 

better in the event of the monumental transformation that is very imminent. Finally, while 

it takes France sometime to arrive at this level of economic development as noted above, 

the factor of leadership has always been very crucial to this growth. Like Chinua Achebe 

put it succinctly that ―trouble with Nigeria is the failure of leadership‖ (Achebe, 1983), this 

same factor of leadership still demands a more urgent consideration today in view of the 

development of Nigeria. 



Aquino Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 1(1), 2021 

 
Notes 

 
1 COVID-19 is the disease caused by a new coronavirus called SARS-CoV-2. It was 

first discovered in Wuhan, People's Republic of China (cf. World Health Organisation. 

What is covid-19? World Health Organisation [online].Retrieved November 20, 2020 

from 

https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novelcoronavirusDrnJjdihbWxS0UmHpZY7B 

I8qP6HWjT51-6Pv-. 
 

2 If Nigeria is not among the biggest consumers of Champagne in the world, she 

ranks as the Africa‘s top champagne importer. Looking at imports, Nigeria was the 23rd 

largest champagne importer in the world in 2014. The UK and US have maintained their 

top two positions for the past several years, said Batonnet, a researcher at the Comité 

Champagne, a trade association that represents growers and producers in France. 

―[Nigeria] has never appeared in the top 10. But Nigeria has been, for some years now, 

the [top] importer of champagne in Africa.‖ Demian, M. (2020). No, Nigeria is not the 

world‘s biggest champagne consumer after France. Africa Check. Retrieved November 

22, 2020, from https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds- 

biggestchampagne-consumer-after-france/. 
 

3 This  paper  employs  the  term  ―Economy‖  in  two  forms:  First,  ―Economy‖  as  a 

country with all its governmental apparatus. Second, ―Economy‖ as a large set of inter- 

related production, consumption, and exchange activities that aid in determining how 

scarce resources are allocated. In other words, economy as the management of goods and 

commodities in a given society. This article employs as at when necessary this notion in 

this double variation. 
 

4 The Group of Eight (G8) refers to the group of eight highly industrialized 

nations—France, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, Japan, the United States, Canada, 

and Russia—that hold an annual meeting to foster consensus on global issues like 

economic growth and crisis management, global security, energy, and terrorism. The 

forum enables presidents and prime ministers, as well as their finance and foreign 

ministers, to candidly discuss pressing international issues. It should be noted that the 

aggregate GDP of G8 states makes up some 50 percent of the global economy. This 

explains why this comity of nations wedges a lot of economic influence on the rest of the 

world. Russia formally joined the group in 1998, after steps toward democratization and 

years of gradual engagement with what was then the G7. However, Moscow faced 

renewed criticism in March 2014 on the heels of its invasion of neighbouring Ukraine‘s 

Crimea region, the home of Russia‘s Black Sea Fleet and many ethnic Russians, amid 

political transition in the capital of Kiev. The seven other members of the G8, joined by 

the presidents of the European Council and European Commission, released a joint 

https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/
https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirusDrnJjdihbWxS0UmHpZY7BI8qP6HWjT51-6Pv-
https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirusDrnJjdihbWxS0UmHpZY7BI8qP6HWjT51-6Pv-
https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirusDrnJjdihbWxS0UmHpZY7BI8qP6HWjT51-6Pv-
https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds-biggest-champagne-consumer-after-france/
https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds-biggest-champagne-consumer-after-france/
https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds-biggest-champagne-consumer-after-france/
https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds-biggest-champagne-consumer-after-france/
https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds-biggest-champagne-consumer-after-france/
https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds-biggest-champagne-consumer-after-france/
https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds-biggest-champagne-consumer-after-france/
https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds-biggest-champagne-consumer-after-france/
https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds-biggest-champagne-consumer-after-france/
https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds-biggest-champagne-consumer-after-france/
https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds-biggest-champagne-consumer-after-france/
https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds-biggest-champagne-consumer-after-france/
https://africacheck.org/reports/no-nigeria-is-not-the-worlds-biggest-champagne-consumer-after-france/


Emefu A Nation’s Economy in COVID-19 Pandemic … 

 

statement as the G7 condemning "the Russian Federation‘s clear violation of the 

sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine." Russia‘s actions "contravene the 

principles and values on which the G7 and the G8 operate," they said, announcing a 

suspension of preparatory talks for the Sochi summit (cited in Laub, Z. (2014). The Group 

of Eight (G8) Industrialized Nations. Council on Foreign Relations [online]. Retrieved 

November 30, 2020, from https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/group-eightg8- 

industrialized-nations. 
 

5 The Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) was established in the year 2011 

in response to the challenges of public health emergencies and to enhance Nigeria‘s 

preparedness and response to epidemics through prevention, detection and control of 

communicable diseases (Retrieved December 7, 2020, from https://ncdc.gov.ng/). 

https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/group-eight-g8-industrialized-nations
https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/group-eight-g8-industrialized-nations
https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/group-eight-g8-industrialized-nations
https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/group-eight-g8-industrialized-nations
https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/group-eight-g8-industrialized-nations
https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/group-eight-g8-industrialized-nations
https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/group-eight-g8-industrialized-nations
https://ncdc.gov.ng/
https://ncdc.gov.ng/


Aquino Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 1(1), 2021 

 
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http://www.jstor.org/stable/3993619
http://www.jstor.org/stable/3993619
https://www.heritage.org/index/
https://www.heritage.org/index/

