Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

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This paper examines the tone in Harar Oromo, a language widely spoken 
in Ethiopia. The focus is on tone in nouns. The examination implements 
acoustic analysis of tone using pitch contours, which helps in determining 
the type and position of tone in roots and in nominative and accusative case. 
The results show that roots can have either L or H tone, while case suffixes 
always have H tone. This suggests that tone is predictable in suffixes, but 
not in roots. The analysis suggests that Harar Oromo has a restricted tone 
system that is similar to stress-like languages.

keyword

Tone, Harar Oromo, case, stress

correSpondence

E-mail: msolami@kau.edu.sa

Articles

The Prosody of Harar Oromo Nouns
Majed Al Solami1

1King Abdulaziz University, Saudi Arabia

Under Liscense of Creative Commons Attributioni-NonCommercial 4.0 International.DOI: https://doi.org/10.25077/ar.8.2.107-130.2021 

I. INTRODUCTION 
Oromo is the fourth most widely spoken language 
of Africa after Arabic, Hausa, and Swahili. Together 
with Amharic, it is the most important language of 
Ethiopia, where it is a national language and lingua 
franca (Geshe & Devardhi, 2013; Jamaica, 2020).

The focus of this paper is tone in nouns in the Harar 
dialect of Oromo. This variety has not received much 
linguistic attention in general. Available studies of 
Harar Oromo included a section on prosody (tone 
or stress). Of relevance to this study, two analyses 
of nouns in Harar Oromo are reviewed, Owens 
(1985) and de Lacy (2002). Other works that tackle 
similar topics of Oromo, which are not discussed 
here, include (Jamaica, 2020; Youssouf, 2019).

In ‘A Grammar of Harar Oromo’, Owens (1985: 26-
54) devoted a sizeable section to tone. He examined 
the variability of tone in nouns, depending on 
their context and syllable structure. Focusing on 
tone in citation forms, or what Owens called the 
‘basic tone’, (p. 26), the focus of this paper, Owens 
recognized four tonal patterns in nouns. He noted 
that nouns that end in a short vowel in accusative 
case, which is the case used in citation forms in 
this language, have a high tone on that vowel, as in 
(1). In all examples in this study, the acute accent 
(V́) indicates (H)igh tone, while the absence of 
such a mark indicates (L)ow tone. The asterisk (*) 

represents lexical accent in noun roots, which is 
realized as a H tone on the surface.

(1) Basic tone patterns in Harar Oromo nouns 
ending in a short vowel (Owens 1985: 
26) 

[namá] ‘man’ 
[addá] ‘forehead’
[intalá] ‘girl’
[angáfá] ‘eldest brother’

He identified the following tone patterns in words 
that end in a long vowel, focusing on two syllable 
words, as in (2).

(2) Basic tone patterns of disyllabic nouns ending 
in a long vowel (Owens, 1985: 27)

LH [gará:] ‘stomach’
 [abdí:] ‘hope’

[e:rú:] ‘farm’
 [abbá:] ‘father’
HH  [mállá:] ‘cheek’  

[hárré:] ‘donkey’
[hútʃtʃú:] ‘clothes’

  [dámé:] ‘branch’

In three-syllable words ending in long vowels, the 
following patterns arise, as in (3).107



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

(3) Basic tone patterns of trisyllabic nouns ending 
in a long vowel (Owens, 1985: 27)

LLH [maki:ná:] ‘car’
[hanga:sú:] ‘lightening’

 [sagalé:] ‘sound’
LHH [xe:súmá:] ‘guest’
 [k’urtúmmí:] ‘fish’
 [okkóté:] ‘pan’

Owens concluded that only the final two syllables 
of a word can bear H tone. He stated that the tone 
of a word can be identified based on the tone of 
the penultimate syllable (1985: 29). He suggested 
that only the penultimate syllable needs to have 
its tone specified underlyingly and if it is H then 
the final syllable is also high and if it is low then 
the final syllable must be high. This is similar to 
pitch behavior in pitch-accent languages because 
the basic tone is crucially located on one particular 
syllable.

In his discussion of whether Harar Oromo is a pitch 
accent or a tone language, Owens concluded by 
referring to Harar Oromo as a pitch-accent language 
underlyingly because tone on only one syllable is 
crucial for determining the overall tone pattern of 
the word (35-37). Furthermore, he referred to Harar 
Oromo as a tone language on the surface because a 
word can have more than one H tone. His analysis 
of Harar Oromo as underlyingly a pitch-accent 
language was based on the culminativity feature 
of accentual languages, which indicates that in 
pitch-accent languages any given word has only 
one prominent syllable unlike tonal languages that 
could have more than one prominent tone bearing 
unit, TBU, (Hyman, 2009).

de Lacy (2002) provided a formal analysis of pitch 
in nouns in Harar Oromo. Citing examples from 
Owens (1985), given in (4), he referred to the 
suprasegmental element in Harar Oromo as stress. 
de Lacy suggested that stress in Harar Oromo is 
predictable. Stress falls on the penultimate syllable 
if the final vowel is not [a(:)] as in (4-a). Otherwise, 
stress falls on the ultimate when the final vowel is 
[a(:)] as in (4-b).

(4) Harar Oromo noun stress (de Lacy 2002, p. 
125) 

a.
[áblé:] ‘knife’  [kíltí:] ‘kettle’
[hantʃ’ábí:] ‘ice’  [kúrs í:] ‘chair’
[háré:] ‘donkey’  [okó:té:] ‘pan’

[hulálé:] ‘door even’ [xálé:] ‘liver’

b.
[adá:] ‘forehead’ [namá] ‘person’
[gurbá:] ‘boy’  [intalá] ‘girl’
[hulá:] ‘door’  [lolá] ‘battle’
[ibidá:] ‘fire’  [maná] ‘house’

In Harar Oromo, de Lacy indicated, high tone 
associates with stressed syllables and spreads 
rightward and thus is predictable entirely in 
examples such as those in (4-a). As a result, words 
with a stressed penultimate syllable, as in [áblé:] 
‘knife’, have high tone on the penultimate and final 
syllables, but words with final stress as in (4-b) 
have high tone on the final syllable only.

To examine tone patterns in nouns in Harar dialect, 
this study focuses on tone in nouns in citation 
forms, i.e., nouns in isolation, or nouns in the 
accusative case. It also includes the nominative 
case as well as noun roots, implementing the 
autosegmental framework of Goldsmith (1976) to 
frame the discussion. It will be shown that nouns 
can have H tone on noun roots, roots without H 
tone surface with L tone, and nominative and 
accusative case suffixes are always marked with H 
tone in citation forms. This is attributed to lexical 
accent associated with noun roots and predictable 
tone with suffixes. This study, in addition, suggests 
an alternative classification of Harar Oromo noun 
prosody motivated by a property-driven prosodic 
system (Hyman, 2009) to account for lexical and 
predictable tone in the language.

Before examining tone, nouns in Harar Oromo need 
to be introduced. Nouns in Harar Oromo consist of 
roots that are followed by suffixes of various types. 
Important to this work are the nominative and 
accusative case suffixes. In addition, nouns are also 
differentiated by gender. The noun root in Harar 
Oromo carries the lexical meaning of the word. 
The root is a morphologically simple unit and has 
no case information and cannot be decomposed 
into further smaller units (Stroomer, 1987: 37). 
Griefenow-Mewis (2001: 41) defined the noun 
root in Oromo as a form with no case ending or 
affix, which is usually found in dictionaries. The 
language consultant of this study indicates that 
noun roots are not used in any context without case 
markers. Owens (1985: 16) included examples of 
noun roots; some examples are shown in (5).108



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

(5) Harar Oromo noun roots (Owens 1985: 16)

man ‘house’
add ‘forehead’
ade:r ‘uncle’
xe:sum ‘guest’

Since there is no context in which the morphological 
representation of the noun root can be examined, 
the morphological representation of the noun root 
in Harar Oromo is controversial. Gragg (1976: 
194) suggested that all roots in Oromo end in a 
consonant. This view is supported by the following 
sets in (6). 

(6) Root morphological representation 

gabb ‘fat’ 
[gabbis] ‘make fat’ 
[gabbat] ‘become fat’ 
[gabbíná] ‘fatness’

All words in (6) of different lexical categories 
have the same root, (gabb). Therefore, a given root 
can belong to a number of grammatical classes 
depending on what suffixes are added to it. In 
other words, as Owens (1985: 241) indicated, 
this suggests that nouns are stored in the lexicon 
as classless roots that do not have inherent 
grammatical classification. Additional examples 
are given in (7).

(7) Classless roots in Oromo

Returning to the analysis that all lexical entities 
are roots unmarked for category and ending with 
a consonant, this analysis faces two problems. 
The first is related to lexical accent assignment in 
nouns. Noun roots in Harar Oromo can have lexical 
accent or can be accentless, as in (8).

(8) Noun roots accent

xa̽l ‘liver’
ʔa̽d ‘sun’
ʔa:r ‘smoke’  
xudr ‘vegies’    

As can be seen in (7), tones can be introduced 
through suffixes. If one concludes that there are no 
lexical accents on roots, this will be problematic as 
noun roots must clearly be differentiated for tones. 
If roots are not classified as nouns, there is no way 
of knowing what tone will be assigned on the root. 
For instance, if a root such as (dirr) does not have 
lexical accent, it is not possible to distinguish the 
noun root (di̽rr) ‘simple’ from the noun root (dirr) 
‘rib’. The root for ‘simple’ has H tone and ‘rib’ 
does not. In other words, lexical accent, which is 
implemented in the language to convey different 
grammatical classes and different meanings of the 
root, is lost if it is assumed that roots are inherently 
toneless. 

While this problem might be addressed by allowing 
lexical accent on roots, another problem in this 
analysis is related to noun gender. As noted above, 
nouns ending in a long vowel are feminine while 
nouns ending in a short vowel are masculine in 
Oromo, as in (9). 

(9) Masculine & feminine nouns in Harar Oromo

Feminine Masculine
[ʔebélé:] ‘rain’ [ʔarrabá] ‘tongue’
[horóró:]‘walking stick’ [harmá] ‘breast’

According to the view that all roots are consonant 
final and toneless, the nouns in (9) have the roots 
in (10).

(10) Classless roots in Harar Oromo

ʔebel ‘rain’  ʔarrab ‘tongue’
horor ‘walking stick’ harm ‘breast’

Nouns in Harar Oromo consist of roots that are followed by suffixes of various types. Important 
to this work are the nominative and accusative case suffixes. In addition, nouns are also 
differentiated by gender. The noun root in Harar Oromo carries the lexical meaning of the word. 
The root is a morphologically simple unit and has no case information and cannot be decomposed 
into further smaller units (Stroomer 1987: 37). Griefenow-Mewis (2001: 41) defines the noun root 
in Oromo as a form with no case ending or affix, which is usually found in dictionaries. The 
language consultant for this study indicates that noun roots are not used in any context without 
case markers. Owens (1985: 16) included examples of noun roots; some examples are shown in 
(5). 
(5) Harar Oromo noun roots (Owens 1985: 16) 

man ‘house’ 
add ‘forehead’ 
ade:r ‘uncle’ 
xe:sum ‘guest’ 

 
Since there is no context in which the morphological representation of the noun root can be 
examined, the morphological representation of the noun root in Oromo is controversial. Gragg 
(1976: 194) suggests that all roots in Oromo end in a consonant. This view is supported by the 
following sets in (6).  
(6) Root morphological representation (Owens1985: 240) 
 

gabb ‘fat’ [gabbis] ‘make fat’ [gabbat] ‘become fat’  [gabbíná] ‘fatness’ 
 
In (6) all these words of different lexical categories have the same root, (gabb). Therefore, a given 
root can belong to a number of grammatical classes depending on what suffixes are added to it. In 
other words, as Owens (1985: 241) indicates, this suggests that nouns are stored in the lexicon as 
classless roots that do not have inherent grammatical classification. Additional examples are given 
in (7). 
(7) Classless roots in Oromo 

Root       
ɗuf ‘arrive’ [ɗuf-á] ‘arrival’ noun [ɗuf-a] ‘he arrives’ verb 
lol ‘fight’ [lol-á] ‘fight’ noun  [lol-a] ‘he fights’ verb 
gat ‘ignore’ [gat-u:] ‘throw away’ verb [gát-ú:] ‘ignored’ adjective  
da:r ‘ash’ [da:r-á:] ‘ash’ noun  [dá:r-á:] ‘naked’ adjective 

 
Examples in (7) show that a given root can have different lexical categories based on the type of 
suffix it takes, and tone is category formative in this regard as well. 

Before discussing the problems with this analysis, it is worthwhile to introduce the topic 
of gender. Nouns in Oromo are divided into two gender categories, masculine and feminine. The 
gender of a noun can be determined through agreement with determiners, adjectives and verbs. 
There are some phonological properties that differentiate gender as well. Generally speaking, 
nouns ending in a long vowel are feminine and those ending in a short vowel are masculine 
(Stroomer 1995: 37). 

Returning to the analysis that all lexical entities are roots unmarked for category and ending 
with a consonant, this analysis faces two problems. The first is related to lexical accent assignment 

Examples in (7) show that a given root can have 
different lexical categories based on the type of 
suffix it takes, and tone is category formative in 
this regard as well.

Before discussing the problems with this analysis, 
it is worthwhile to introduce the topic of gender. 
Nouns in Oromo are divided into two gender 
categories, masculine and feminine. The gender of 
a noun can be determined through agreement with 
determiners, adjectives, and verbs. There are some 
phonological properties that differentiate gender as 
well. Nouns ending in a long vowel are feminine 
and those ending in a short vowel are masculine 
(Stroomer, 1995: 37). 109



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

Under the assumption that category is not indicated 
for a root, the noun roots in (10) do not include 
gender information. However, there are roots that 
are identical in form, differing only in gender, as in 
(11), where every pair shares the same root, but no 
reference is made to gender information. 

(11) Masculine and feminine noun roots

Masculine  Feminine
[ga:f-á] ‘horn’  [ga:f-í:] ‘question’ 
[ʔe:l-á] ‘oasis’  [ʔé:l-é:] ‘well’ 
[dirr-á] ‘rib’  [dírr-é:] ‘simple’ 
[da:r-á] ‘clothes’  [da:r-á:] ‘ash’

Even if tone is included, the final gender is not 
predictable as in (ʔintal) ‘girl’ masculine and 
(ʔalha̽d) ‘Sunday’ masculine, (gar) ‘stomach’ 
feminine and (da̽m) ‘branch’ feminine. It thus 
appears that gender must be part of the nouns lexical 
entry in order to know which nouns are masculine 
and which are feminine. This is problematic if roots 
end in a consonant and carry no information about 
category.

In this paper a different treatment of the 
morphological representation of noun roots is 
proposed. Root is inherently a noun root and carries 
both tone and gender information, as in (12). 
In addition, roots can end in either a consonant, 
masculine nouns, or a vowel, feminine nouns.

(12) Root lexical and gender information in Harar 
Oromo

and (ʔe:l) ‘oasis’ can be differentiated based on H 
tone on the first and L tone on the second as well 
as by root shape. The root final vowel in (ʔe̽:le) 
indicates that this is a feminine noun while (ʔe:l) is 
a masculine noun. In a similar way, the noun root 
(da:ra) ‘ash’ is different from the noun root (da:r) 
‘clothes’ based on gender information. This analysis 
of including lexical accent and gender information 
as part of the noun root in Harar Oromo, therefore, 
means that noun roots are stored in the lexicon with 
grammatical class information.

The noun root in Oromo can be inflected for 
case (Stroomer, 1987: 91), which results in a 
morphologically complex stem that contains the 
root and the suffix. Owens (1985: 18) defined 
the accusative case in Harar Oromo, which is the 
unmarked case, as the case that occurs on nouns 
in the citation forms which is used in the object 
paradigm. Nouns in accusative case in Oromo end 
in a short low vowel [a] or long vowels (Gragg, 
1976: 194). Nouns in Oromo that are used in subject 
position take different inflectional morphemes for 
nominative case. The phonological realizations of 
the accusative and the nominative case markers in 
Harar Oromo are predictable on the basis of the 
phonology of the root, as in Table 1.

 
Even if tone is included, the final gender is not predictable as in (ʔintal) ‘girl’ masculine and 
(ʔalha̽d) ‘Sunday’ masculine, (gar) ‘stomach’ feminine and (da̽m) ‘branch’ feminine. It thus 
appears that gender must be part of the nouns lexical entry in order to know which nouns are 
masculine and which are feminine. This is problematic if roots end in a consonant and carry no 
information about category. 
 In this paper a different treatment of the morphological representation of noun roots is 
proposed. I will assume that root is inherently a noun root and carries both tone and gender 
information, as given in (12). I further assume that roots can end in either a consonant- masculine 
nouns- or a vowel- feminine nouns. 
(12) Root lexical and gender information in Harar Oromo 
  

(a) Feminine     (b) Masculine 
Noun   Root   Noun   Root 

 [ga:f-í:]  ‘question’  ga:fi    [ga:f-á] ‘horn’  ga:f   
 [ʔé:l-é:] ‘well’  ʔe̽:le   [ʔe:l-á] ‘oasis’  ʔe:l   
 [dírr-é:] ‘simple’  di̽rre    [dirr-á] ‘rib’  dirr   
 [da:r-á:] ‘ash’  da:ra    [da:r-á] ‘clothes’ da:r    
 
In this paper, the root is suggested to include lexical accent as well as gender information. Feminine 
gender is represented by the final short vowel in the root. In (12-a) all feminine noun roots end 
with a short vowel. See also appendix A and appendix B. It will be shown below that the final long 
vowel in feminine noun stems in Harar Oromo is attributed to the noun root final vowel and the 
case marker that takes on the same vowel quality of root final vowel. Root final consonant indicates 
that the root is a masculine noun, as in (12-b). The lexical accent and gender information on the 
noun root distinguish nouns in column (a) from those in column (b). Therefore, noun roots (ʔe̽:le) 
‘well’ and (ʔe:l) ‘oasis’ can be differentiated based on H tone on the first and L tone on the second 
as well as by root shape. The root final vowel in (ʔe̽:le) indicates that this is a feminine noun while 
(ʔe:l) is a masculine noun. In a similar way, the noun root (da:ra) ‘ash’ is different from the noun 
root (da:r) ‘clothes’ based on gender information. This analysis of including lexical accent and 
gender information as part of the noun root in Harar Oromo, therefore, means that noun roots are 
stored in the lexicon with grammatical class information. 

The noun root in Oromo can be inflected for case (Stroomer 1987: 91), which results in a 
morphologically complex stem that contains the root and the suffix. Owens (1985: 18) defines the 
accusative case in Harar Oromo, which is the unmarked case, as the case that occurs on nouns in 
the citation forms which is used in the object paradigm. Nouns in accusative case in Oromo end in 
a short low vowel [a] or long vowels (Gragg 1976: 194). Nouns in Oromo that are used in subject 
position take different inflectional morphemes for nominative case. The phonological realizations 
of the accusative and the nominative case markers in Harar Oromo are predictable on the basis of 
the phonology of the root as given in Table 3 with examples. 

 
 
 
 
 
 

Table 3. Harar Oromo case suffixes 
 

 Root Accusative case Nominative case 
 
 
(a) (masc.) 
 

C-  
man ‘house’ 
mux ‘tree’ 
tab ‘game’  

-á 
[maná] 
[muxá] 
[tabá] 

-ní 
[manní]  
[muxní] 
[tabní] 
 

 
 
 
(b) (femin.) 

V- 
ʃe:na ‘remorse’ 
ba:ti ‘month’ 
dʒo:lle ‘children’ 
bara̽ttu ‘student’ 
ʔa̽kko ‘grandmother’ 

+V́ 
[ʃe:ná:]  
[ba:tí:] 
[dʒo:llé:]  
[baráttú:] 
[ʔákkó:] 

+V́n 
[ʃe:ná:n]  
[ba:tí:n] 
[dʒo:llé:n] 
[baráttú:n] 
[ʔákkó:n] 
 

 
 
(c) (masc.) 

CC- 
rife:ns ‘hair’ 
bine:ns ‘animal’ 
ʔibidd ‘fire’ 
fard ‘horse’ 

-á 
[rife:nsá]  
[bine:nsá] 
[ʔibiddá] 
[fardá] 

-í 
[rife:nsí] 
[bine:nsí] 
[ʔibiddí] 
[fardí] 

 

Table 1. Harar Oromo case suffixes

In this paper, the root is suggested to include lexical 
accent as well as gender information. Feminine 
gender is represented by the final short vowel in 
the root. In (12-a) all feminine noun roots end with 
a short vowel. It will be shown below that the final 
long vowel in feminine nouns stems in Harar Oromo 
is attributed to the noun root final vowel and the 
case marker that takes on the same vowel quality 
of root final vowel. Root final consonant indicates 
that the root is a masculine noun, as in (12-b). The 
lexical accent and gender information on the noun 
root distinguish nouns in column (a) from those 
in column (b). Therefore, noun roots (ʔe̽:le) ‘well’ 

Examples in Table 1, in (1) show that when a 
noun root ends in a consonant it takes -á suffix in 
accusative case and -ní in nominative. Similarly, 
a noun root ending in a consonant cluster or in a 
geminate, as in (c), takes -á in the accusative case 
but only -í in the nominative case, I assume that 
the /n/ of the nominative is not syllabified in these 
forms to avoid unacceptable syllable structure 110



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

in the language as in *fardní or *rife:nsní. All 
noun roots ending in a vowel take a vowel as an 
accusative suffix +V́, which takes on the quality of 
the final vowel of a root, resulting in a long vowel, 
as in (b). Noun roots that end in a vowel have +V́n 
as a nominative case suffix in which the vowel also 
takes on the quality of the final vowel of a root, as 
in (b). This is simplified in Table (2).

Table 2. Harar Oromo case suffixes summary

Root Accusative suffixes Nominative suffixes
C- -á -ní
CC- -á -í
V- +V́ +V́n

As suggested by Table 2, there is just one accusative 
marker, i.e., a short vowel [a], and if the root ends 
in a vowel, then this vowel takes on the quality of 
this vowel and then it is lengthened, while there 
are different nominative case markers, -ní with 
consonant-final root, -V́n with vowel-final root 
and -í after consonant cluster. The nominative case 
markers might have the same form underlyingly; 
which is beyond the scope of this paper.

To summarize, roots in Oromo that end in VC, those 
that end in CV and those that end in CC all take 
the same suffix in the accusative case but different 
nominative case markers. The roots are assumed to 
have lexical accent and gender information.

II. METHODS

This section outlines the methodology employed 
in this study. It begins with information about the 
language consultant in 2.1 and in section 2.2 the 
stimuli are discussed. Section 2.3 presents recording 
equipment and data processing information.

2.1 Speaker 

The language consultant is a male native speaker 
of Harar Oromo dialect. The dialect he speaks is 
the one spoken in Haramaya Town in Ethiopia, 
specifically. The participant is 55 years old, speaks 
the dialect natively and reports no speech or hearing 
impairment.

2.2 Stimuli

As previously mentioned, the focus of this paper 
is tone in noun roots in accusative and nominative 

case in words with two and three syllables in 
citation forms. Disyllabic nouns in this analysis are 
nouns with two syllables in the accusative form, 
and trisyllabic nouns are those with three syllables 
in the accusative case; this distinction is not based 
on the number of syllables in the root. The data 
collection process in this study had two phases. 
The initial phase involved collecting disyllabic and 
trisyllabic nouns in accusative case. Two syllable 
and three syllable nouns were chosen because they 
are the most common shapes of nouns in Oromo 
(Gamta, 1999: 179-181). These nouns were elicited 
with the language consultant with the aid of Owens 
(1985), which provided a glossary of Harar Oromo 
words in accusative case. Then, the nominative 
case of these nouns was elicited. Lastly, noun roots 
were elicited. Note that noun roots do not occur on 
their own, but the consultant provided them without 
any difficulty. As was discussed in the introduction, 
noun roots in Harar Oromo end in a consonant or a 
vowel. In this study, all noun roots were recorded 
with a consonant finally, as exemplified in Table 3. 
This form focuses on the locus of tonal contrast in 
noun roots since case marked nouns always have H 
tone on the final syllable.

This section outlines the methodology employed in this study. It begins with information about 
the language consultant in 4.1 and in section 4.2 the stimuli in this study is discussed. Section 4.3 
presents recording equipment and data processing information. 
 
2.1 Speaker  
 
The language consultant is a male native speaker of Harar Oromo dialect. The dialect he speaks is 
the one spoken in Haramaya Town in Ethiopia, specifically. The participant is 55 years old, speaks 
the dialect natively and reports no speech or hearing impairment. 
 
2.2 Stimuli 
 
As previously mentioned, the focus of this paper is tone in noun roots in accusative and nominative 
case in words with two and three syllables in citation forms. Disyllabic nouns in this analysis are 
nouns with two syllables in the accusative form, and trisyllabic nouns are those with three syllables 
in the accusative case; this distinction is not based on the number of syllables in the root. The data 
collection process in this study in general had two phases. The initial phase involved collecting 
disyllabic and trisyllabic nouns in accusative case. Two syllable and three syllable nouns were 
chosen because they are the most common shapes of nouns in Oromo (Gamta 1999: 179-181). 
These nouns were elicited with the language consultant with the aid of Owens (1985), which 
provides a glossary of Harar Oromo words in accusative case. Then the nominative case of these 
nouns was elicited. Lastly, noun roots were elicited. Note that noun roots do not occur on their 
own, but the consultant provided them without any difficulty. As previously discussed in section 
2.2, noun roots in Harar Oromo end in a consonant or a vowel. In this study, all noun roots were 
recorded with a consonant finally, as exemplified in (18). This form focuses on the locus of tonal 
contrast in noun roots since case marked nouns always have H tone on the final syllable. 
(18) Noun roots elicitation 
 

Roots Recorded form Nouns in Accusative case 
a. 
xo̽fo ‘trousers’ 
ma̽lla ‘cheek’ 
ba̽:lli ‘feather’ 
ʔada̽re ‘town name’ 
ʃimbı̽rro ‘bird’ 

b. 
xo̽f 
ma̽ll  
ba̽:ll  
ʔada̽r  
ʃimbı̽rr 

c. 
[xóf-ó:] 
[máll-á:] 
[bá:ll-í:] 
[ʔadár-é:] 
[ʃimbírr-ó:] 

 
Noun roots were recorded without the final vowel, as shown in (18-b), because the language 
consultant was more comfortable this way. In addition, as discussed further below, the H tone on 
noun roots is always found on the penultimate syllable of the noun stem after suffixation, as 
indicated by examples in (18-c). Therefore, analyzing the root, the locus of contrastive pitch, in 
this way seems reasonable since it does not influence tone or the syllable shape of the stem. More 
than two hundred nouns were collected in this phase. In the second phase one hundred nouns were 
selected to represent the target syllable number. In particular, these nouns are noun stems inflected 
for accusative and nominative case in disyllabic and trisyllabic nouns. In addition, noun roots were 
examined to see if roots bear any tone and if tone is influenced by morphological changes induced 
by case. A sample of the stimuli is given in Table 5. Full stimuli are given in Appendix A.   
 

Table 3. Noun roots elicitation

Noun roots were recorded without the final vowel, 
as in (b) in Table 3, because the language consultant 
was more comfortable this way. In addition, as 
discussed further below, the H tone on noun roots 
is always found on the penultimate syllable of 
the noun stem after suffixation, as indicated by 
examples in (c). Therefore, analyzing the root, 
the locus of contrastive pitch, in this way seems 
reasonable since it does not influence tone or the 
syllable shape of the stem. More than two hundred 
nouns were collected in this phase. 

In the second phase, one hundred nouns were 
selected to represent the target syllable number. 
In particular, these nouns are noun stems inflected 
for accusative and nominative case in disyllabic 
and trisyllabic nouns. In addition, noun roots were 
examined to see if roots bear any tone and if tone 111



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

is influenced by morphological changes induced by 
case. A sample of the stimuli is given in Table 4, 
full stimuli are given in Appendix A.

Table 4. Sample of stimuli
Table 5. Sample of stimuli 

1. Disyllabic noun stems 
Root Accusative case Nominative case Gender 
sa̽re ‘dog’  [sáré:]  [sáré:n]  Feminine 
da̽sa ‘shack’  [dásá:]  [dásá:n]  Feminine 
ʔu̽ra ‘hole’  [ʔúrá:]  [ʔúrá:n]  Feminine 
wa̽nna ‘thing’  [wánná:]  [wánná:n]  Feminine 
bar ‘year’        [bará]  [barrí]  Masculine   
mux ‘tree’       [muxá]  [muxní] Masculine   
tab ‘game’      [tabá]  [tabní] Masculine   
ga:f ‘horn’       [ga:fá]  [ga:fní]  Masculine  

 
2. Trisyllabic noun stems 

Root Accusative case Nominative case Gender 
bartʃ'u̽m ‘stool’ [bartʃ'úmá] [bartʃ'úmmí] Masculine   
fokkı̽n ‘ugliness’  [fokkíná] [fokkínní] Masculine   
guddı̽n ‘bigness’  [guddíná] [guddíní] Masculine   
ʔalha̽d ‘Sunday’  [ʔalhádá] [ʔalhánní] Masculine   
bine:ns ‘animal’  [bine:nsá] [bine:nsí] Masculine   
balʔin ‘width’  [balʔiná] [balʔinní] Masculine   
k’allu:n ‘fish’  [k’allú:ná]  [k’allú:nní]  Masculine   

 
 
2.3 Equipment and procedure 
 
Tone in this study is investigated both impressionistically and acoustically. To explore tone on an 
impressionistic basis, the language consultant was asked to read the stimuli and to give his opinion 
regarding the type of tone on each word. The second step of examining tone consists of an acoustic 
analysis of data. The data presented in this paper were collected during the Field Linguistics course 
in 2013, during the summer of 2014 and in the winter of 2015. Data collection took place at two 
locations, a soundproof booth in the phonetics lab at University of Toronto as well as the residence 
of the language consultant. In both locations the language participant was asked to speak into a 
AT831b lavalier cardioid condenser microphone via an XLR cable connected to a SOUND 
DEVICES USBPre2 or a Marantz PMD660 digital recorder, keeping a constant distance between 
the speaker’s mouth and the microphone. The words were randomized prior to the recording 
sessions. The participant was requested to say the words at a normal speech rate. Each word was 
repeated three times by the participant. A total of 900 tokens were obtained, i.e. 3 noun forms (1 
root and 2 stems) X 3 repetitions X 100 nouns. The recording sessions of the participant were 
digitized into a WAVE file at 44 kHz sampling rate and 16-bit quantization for further analysis. 
Praat (Boersma & Weenink 2014) was used to generate pitch contours of the words under 
examination. Pitch was set to range from 75 Hz to 300 Hz, which is optimal for detecting pitch 
contours for male speakers (Boersma & Weenink 2014). Figure 1 shows an example of pitch traces 
of the token [ʃimbírró:] ‘bird’.  

2.3 Equipment and procedure

Tone in this study is investigated both 
impressionistically and acoustically. To explore 
tone on an impressionistic basis, the language 
consultant was asked to read the stimuli and to 
give his opinion regarding the type of tone on each 
word. The second step of examining tone consists 
of an acoustic analysis of data. 

Data collection took place at two locations, a 
soundproof booth as well as the residence of the 
language consultant. In both locations the language 
participant was asked to speak into a AT831b 
lavalier cardioid condenser microphone via an 
XLR cable connected to a SOUND DEVICES 
USBPre2 or a Marantz PMD660 digital recorder, 
keeping a constant distance between the speaker’s 
mouth and the microphone. The words were 
randomized prior to the recording sessions. The 
participant was requested to say the words at a 
normal speech rate. Each word was repeated three 
times by the participant. A total of 900 tokens were 
obtained, i.e., 3 noun forms (1 root and 2 stems) X 
3 repetitions X 100 nouns. The recording sessions 
of the participant were digitized into a WAVE file 
at 44 kHz sampling rate and 16-bit quantization for 
further analysis. Praat (Boersma & Weenink, 2019) 
was used to generate pitch contours of the words 
under examination. Pitch was set to range from 75 
Hz to 300 Hz, which is optimal for detecting pitch 
contours for male speakers (Boersma & Weenink, 
2019). Figure 1 shows an example of pitch traces 
of the token [ʃimbírró:] ‘bird’. 

In some nouns, short vowels in final syllable 
position preceded by a voiceless consonant were 
devoiced, making it difficult to generate pitch 
contours using Praat, as illustrated in Figure 2. 

Figure 1. Sample pitch traces of the token [ʃimbírró:] 
‘bird’

Figure 2. Pitch tracks and wave form of [ʔoge:ssá] 
‘expert’

Pitch contours that show clear pitch tracks are given 
in the paper, while those that do not show clear 
contours the judgment of the language consultant 
was the only feasible measurement of tone.

III. RESULT AND DISCUSSION

In this section tone patterns of the stimuli are 
discussed. The discussion starts with noun stems 
with two syllables and then moves to noun stems 
with three syllables as well as noun roots. This is 
followed by a phonological analysis to account for 
tone realizations in 3.2.

3.1 Surface tone realizations

Results of the acoustic experiment are discussed 
in terms of syllable number with no consideration 
to final vowel length because vowel length does 
not play a role in tone patterns in this language as 
shown below.112



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

3.1.1 Disyllabic noun stems

Tone patterns of disyllabic noun stems and noun 
roots are given in Table 4 with selected examples, 
with Figures 3-10. To make it easier to follow, 
under each figure the tone pattern is indicated.

In Figure 3, the noun root (ga̽:nge) ‘mule’ bears 
H tone as can be seen in the increase of the pitch 
on vowel [a̽:]. Figure 4, on the other hand, shows 
how the pitch on the noun root (dʒo:lle) ‘children’ 
does not show such increase. The two noun roots, 
as a result, surface with different tones. In (ga̽:nge) 
‘mule’ the noun root has H tone, while (dʒo:lle) 
‘children’ surfaces with L tone. Similar patterns are 
found in Figures 5 & 6.Root Accusative case Nominative case Gender 

k’o̽ri ‘plate’ [k’órí:] [k’órí:n] Feminine 
ʔa̽du ‘sun’ [ʔádú:] [ʔádú:n] Feminine 
xa̽le ‘liver’ [xálé:] [xálé:n] Feminine 
ʔe̽:ge ‘tail’ [ʔé:gé:] [ʔé:gé:n] Feminine 
ʔe̽:le ‘pot’ [ʔé:lé:] [ʔé:lé:n] Feminine 
k’o̽:ka ‘isolated camel’ [k’ó:k’á:] [k’ó:k’á:n] Feminine 
ʔa̽kko ‘grandmother’ [ʔákkó:] [ʔákkó:n] Feminine 
ga̽:nge ‘mule’ [gá:ngé:] [gá:ngé:n] Feminine 

 

Root Accusative case Nominative case Gender 
k’o̽ri ‘plate’ [k’órí:] [k’órí:n] Feminine 
ʔa̽du ‘sun’ [ʔádú:] [ʔádú:n] Feminine 
xa̽le ‘liver’ [xálé:] [xálé:n] Feminine 
ʔe̽:ge ‘tail’ [ʔé:gé:] [ʔé:gé:n] Feminine 
ʔe̽:le ‘pot’ [ʔé:lé:] [ʔé:lé:n] Feminine 
k’o̽:ka ‘isolated camel’ [k’ó:k’á:] [k’ó:k’á:n] Feminine 
ʔa̽kko ‘grandmother’ [ʔákkó:] [ʔákkó:n] Feminine 
ga̽:nge ‘mule’ [gá:ngé:] [gá:ngé:n] Feminine 

 
 

Root Accusative case Nominative case Gender 

man ‘house’ [maná] [manní] Masculine 

bar ‘year’ [bará] [barrí] Masculine 

mirg ‘right’ [mirgá] [mirgí] Masculine 

ga:f ‘horn’ [ga:fá] [ga:fní] Masculine 

xara ‘road’ [xará:] [xará:n] Feminine 

ʃe:na ‘remorse’ [ʃe:ná:] [ʃe:ná:n] Feminine 

ba:ti ‘month’ [ba:tí:] [ba:tí:n] Feminine 

dʒo:lle ‘children’ [dʒo:llé:]  [dʒo:llé:n] Feminine 

 

Table 4. Tone patterns in disyllabic noun stems
1. HH surface tone pattern

2. LH surface tone pattern

As shown in Table 4, all suffixes bear H tone 
regardless of the tone on the noun root. In all HH 
examples in Table 4 noun roots are disyllabic with 
accented root. In LH tone patterns, noun roots are 
accentless (L tone) and case suffixes bear H tone 
and thus the noun stem has LH tone pattern. No 
monosyllabic noun roots with H tone are found in 
Harar Oromo and, therefore, all monosyllabic noun 
roots with short vowel such as (man) ‘house’ are 
accentless and surface with L tone.

L

H
Figure 3. Pitch track of  (ga̽:nge) ‘mule’ root

Figure 4. Pitch track of  (dʒo:lle) ‘children’ root

Figure 5. Pitch track of  (ba̽:lli) ‘feather’ root
H

L
Figure 6. Pitch track of  (man) ‘house’ root

In Figure 5, the noun root (ba̽:lli) ‘feather’ shows 
that the pitch track increases on vowel [a̽:] which 
is realized as H tone on the surface. In Figure 6, 
monosyllabic noun root (man) ‘house’ has a L tone 
as the pitch does not show any noticeable increase.

In all examples in Table 4, noun stems end in 
a H tone. This tone is found in accusative and 
nominative case markers. Therefore, accented 
noun roots, realized with H tone, will have HH tone 
pattern and noun roots with L tone have LH tone 
pattern after suffixation, as given in Figures 7-10.

The noun root (xa̽le) ‘liver’ is accented and bears 
H tone. When this noun root is suffixed with the 
accusative case marker, as in Figure 7, it has HH 
tone pattern. However, when a noun root with L 
tone, as (man) ‘house’, is suffixed it will have LH 
tone pattern, as in Figure 8.

Similarly, when a nominative case marker is 
attached, the noun stem will always have H tone on 
the final syllable. In Figure 9, the noun root (ba̽:lli) 
‘feather’, which has H tone, is suffixed with -ín 113



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

3.1.2 Trisyllabic noun stems

Tone patterns of trisyllabic noun stems and noun 
roots are given in Table 5. Pitch contours are given 
in Figures 11-18. 

HH
Figure 7. Pitch track of  [xálé:] ‘liver’ accusative

LH
Figure 8. Pitch track of  [maná] ‘house’ root

for nominative case and therefore it has HH tone 
pattern in the noun stem [bá:llí:n] ‘feather’. In 
Figure 10, the tone pattern of [ga:rrí] ‘mountain’ is 
LH because the noun root is accentless and surfaces 
with L tone (ga:r) and it receives H tone on the final 
syllable of the noun stem due to suffixation which 
makes the tone pattern LH in [ga:rrí] ‘mountain’. 

To sum up, in disyllabic noun stems, noun roots with 
H tone will have HH tone pattern after suffixation. 
Noun roots with L tone will surface with LH tone 
when marked with case suffixes, which always 
have H tone. This shows that tone is predictable on 
suffixes, always H, but it is unpredictable on noun 
roots in which it can be either H or L. 

HH
Figure 9. [bá:llí:n] ‘feather’ nominative

Figure 10. [ga:rrí] ‘mountain’ nominative
LH

Table 5. Tone patterns in trisyllabic nouns
1. LHH surface tone pattern

2. LLH surface tone pattern

Root Accusative case Nominative case Gender 
ɗe:re̽n ‘tallness’ [ɗe:réná] [ɗe:rénní] Masculine 
galga̽l ‘day hours’ [galgálá] [galgállí] Masculine 
saga̽le ‘sound’ [sagálé:] [sagálé:n] Feminine 
ʔindʒı̽re ‘lice’ [ʔindʒíré:] [ʔindʒíré:n] Feminine 
wallı̽ftu ‘singer’ [wallíftú:] [wallíftú:n] Feminine 
ʔoro̽mo ‘Oromo people’ [ʔorómó:] [ʔorómó:n] Feminine 

 

Root Accusative case Nominative case Gender 
ɗe:re̽n ‘tallness’ [ɗe:réná] [ɗe:rénní] Masculine 
galga̽l ‘day hours’ [galgálá] [galgállí] Masculine 
saga̽le ‘sound’ [sagálé:] [sagálé:n] Feminine 
ʔindʒı̽re ‘lice’ [ʔindʒíré:] [ʔindʒíré:n] Feminine 
wallı̽ftu ‘singer’ [wallíftú:] [wallíftú:n] Feminine 
ʔoro̽mo ‘Oromo people’ [ʔorómó:] [ʔorómó:n] Feminine 

 
 

Root Accusative case Nominative case Gender 
ɗi:tʃtʃis ‘dance’ [ɗi:tʃtʃisá] [ɗi:tʃtʃifní] Masculine 
ʔibidd ‘fire’ [ʔibiddá] [ʔibiddí] Masculine 
ʔokkote ‘cooking pot’ [ʔokkoté:] [ʔokkoté:n] Feminine 
maga:la ‘market’ [maga:lá:] [maga:lá:n] Feminine 
ʔutuba ‘supporting pillar’ [ʔutubá:] [ʔutubá:n] Feminine 

 
As in disyllabic noun stems, trisyllabic noun stems 
always surface with H tone on the last syllable. 
Table 5 shows that noun roots can be accented as 
in (1) or accentless as in (2). Accented noun roots 
have LHH tone pattern after suffixation. LLH tone 
pattern, on the other hand, results from accentless 
noun roots suffixed with case markers.

LH
Figure 11. (ʔoro̽mo) ‘Oromo people’ root

LL
Figure 12. (ʔutuba) ‘supporting pillar’ root

Figures 11 & 12 show noun roots of (ʔoro̽mo) 
‘Oromo people’ and (ʔutuba) ‘supporting pillar’, 
respectively. As can be seen in Figure 11, (ʔoro̽mo) 
has a H tone indicated by the increase of pitch over 
vowel [o̽], while in Figure 12 the pitch on vowel [u] 
in (ʔutuba) does not have such increase.114



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

Noun stems [galgálá] ‘day hours’ and [ʔintalá] ‘girl’ 
have LHH and LLH tone patterns, respectively. 
These tone patterns are the result of suffixes, which 
bear H tone, and noun roots tones that are H in 
[galgálá] and L in [ʔintalá]. 

In conclusion, tone in noun roots and suffixes 
is independent. This is seen when noun roots 
have L tone while suffixes always have H tone. 
Monosyllabic noun roots always have L tone. In 
accented noun roots, the overall tone pattern is HH 
in disyllabic noun stems and LHH in trisyllabic 
noun stems after suffixation. Accentless noun roots 
have LH or LLH tone pattern after suffixation. 
These tone patterns are accounted for in terms of 
phonological rules in the following section.

3.2 Phonological analysis

In this section the surface realizations of tone 
patterns in section 3.1 are accounted for in terms 
of phonological rules. The analysis begins with 
lexical accent on noun roots in section 3.2.1, then 
phonological rules of tone in case suffixes are 
presented in section 3.2.2.

3.2.1 Noun roots lexical accent

As indicated in the above discussion, Harar Oromo 
nouns consist of a root and an inflectional suffix 
to mark accusative or nominative case. Noun roots 
can be lexically accented as in (galga̽l) ‘day hours’ 

LHH
Figure 13. [ʔorómó:] ‘Oromo people’ accusative

LLH
Figure 14. [ʔutubá:] ‘supporting pillar’ accusative

After suffixation with accusative case, the stems 
of [ʔorómó:] ‘Oromo people’ and [ʔutubá:] 
‘supporting pillar’ surface with final H tone, as in 
Figures 13 & 14. The overall tone pattern in these 
two noun stems is LHH in [ʔorómó:] and LLH in 
[ʔutubá:]. The same pattern is found in nominative 
case in [ʔorómó:n] and [ʔutubá:n].

LH
Figure 15. (galga̽l) ‘day hours’ root

LL
Figure 16. (ʔintal) ‘girl’ root

LLH
Figure 18. [ʔintalá] ‘girl’ accusative

LHH
Figure 17. [galgálá] ‘day hours’ accusative

In a similar pattern, noun roots (galga̽l) ‘day hours’ 
and (ʔintal) ‘girl’ differ in lexical accent type. The 
former is accented and has a H tone while the latter 
is accentless and has L tone, as in Figures 15 & 16.115



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

and (k’urtu̽mmi) ‘frog larva’ or accentless as in 
(balʔin) ‘width’ and (ʔintal) ‘girl’. Furthermore, 
monosyllabic noun roots, such as (mux) ‘tree’ and 
(tab) ‘game’ are accentless. Consequently, noun 
stems in Harar Oromo that are CV.CV do not have 
H tone on the noun root (first syllable).

This suggests that there can be a lexical accent in 
the noun root as in (13).

(13) Root lexical accent assignment 

in (14-c) the penultimate syllable is accented in V 
final noun roots. The accented noun root is realized 
with H tone.

In all nouns, the lexical accent, if there is one, will 
be on the penultimate syllable of noun stems after 
suffixation, as in (15).
(15) Lexical accent on penultimate syllable

Al Solami 34 

 

 
Lexical accent, when there is one, is carried by the final syllable if the root is C- 

final or penultimate syllable if the root is V- final while monosyllabic roots are accentless, 

as shown in (20). 

(20) Root lexical accent position 

 

In (20-a) monosyllabic noun roots are always accentless and surface with L tone. In (20-b) 

the final syllable is accented in -C final noun roots while in (20-c) the penultimate syllable 

is accented in -V final noun roots. The accented noun root is realized with H tone. 

In all nouns, the lexical accent, if there is one, will be on the penultimate syllable 

of noun stems after suffixation; this point is discussed further below, as shown in (21). 

 

 

(21) Lexical accent on penultimate syllable 

(a).

⇤
 −!



H

(b).

 −!


L

(a). Monosyllabic noun roots

 −!


L

(b). C- final noun roots


⇤
 −!



H

(c). V- final noun roots


⇤
 −!



H



Al Solami 34 

 

 
Lexical accent, when there is one, is carried by the final syllable if the root is C- 

final or penultimate syllable if the root is V- final while monosyllabic roots are accentless, 

as shown in (20). 

(20) Root lexical accent position 

 

In (20-a) monosyllabic noun roots are always accentless and surface with L tone. In (20-b) 

the final syllable is accented in -C final noun roots while in (20-c) the penultimate syllable 

is accented in -V final noun roots. The accented noun root is realized with H tone. 

In all nouns, the lexical accent, if there is one, will be on the penultimate syllable 

of noun stems after suffixation; this point is discussed further below, as shown in (21). 

 

 

(21) Lexical accent on penultimate syllable 

(a).

⇤
 −!



H

(b).

 −!


L

(a). Monosyllabic noun roots

 −!


L

(b). C- final noun roots


⇤
 −!



H

(c). V- final noun roots


⇤
 −!



H



        The Prosody of Harar Oromo Nouns 35 

 

 
 

 
 

 
 
 
 

 
 

In (21-a) monosyllabic noun roots always surface with L tone. It is a feature of Oromo 

disyllabic nouns, with CVC-V shape, to have L tone, such as [maná] ‘house’ and [muxá] 

‘tree’. In (21-b) C- final noun roots can have lexical accent on the final syllable and after 

suffixation the lexical accent is realized on the penultimate syllable as in [ʔaré:dá] ‘chin’. 

Noun roots that end in vowel, as in (21-c), can have a lexical accent on the penultimate 

syllable, which is also realized on the penultimate syllable of the stem as in [ʔadáré:] ‘town 

name’. Unaccented noun roots such as (ʃe:na) ‘remorse’ surface with L tone as in [ʃe:ná:]. 

 
 
 
 
 
 
5.2.2 Tone on suffixes 
 

(a). Monosyllabic noun roots

man −! [maná] “house” accusative

tab −! [tabá] “game” accusative

mux −! [muxá] “tree” accusative

(b) C- final noun roots

Par
⇤
ab −! [Parábá] “Arab” accusative

Par
⇤
e:d −! [Paré:dá] “chin” accusative

badi:ns −! [badi:nsá] “badness” accusative

(c). V- final noun roots

Pad
⇤
are −! [Padáré:] “town name” accusative

Simb
⇤
irro −! [Simbı́rró:] “bird” accusative

Se:na −! [Se:ná:] “remorse” accusative

s
⇤
are −! [sáré:] “dog” accusative

In (13-a) the noun root is accented, marked with an 
asterisk, and is realized as H tone, while in (13-b) it 
is accentless and surfaces with L tone. Therefore, it 
is assumed that tone on the noun root is lexical and 
thus unpredictable; it is realized as H tone when 
accented or surface as L tone when unaccented.

Lexical accent, when there is one, is carried by the 
final syllable if the root is C final or penultimate 
syllable if the root is V final while monosyllabic 
roots are accentless, as in (14).

(14) Root lexical accent position

In (14-a) monosyllabic noun roots are always 
accentless and surface with L tone. In (14-b) the 
final syllable is accented in C final noun roots while 

In (15-a), monosyllabic noun roots always surface 
with L tone. It is a feature of Oromo disyllabic 
nouns, with CVC-V shape, to have L tone, such 
as [maná] ‘house’ and [muxá] ‘tree’. In (15-b), C 
final noun roots can have lexical accent on the final 
syllable and after suffixation the lexical accent is 
realized on the penultimate syllable as in [ʔaré:dá] 
‘chin’. Noun roots that end in vowel, as in (15-
c), can have a lexical accent on the penultimate 
syllable, which is also realized on the penultimate 
syllable of the stem as in [ʔadáré:] ‘town name’. 
Unaccented noun roots such as (ʃe:na) ‘remorse’ 
surface with L tone as in [ʃe:ná:].

3.2.2 Tone on suffixes

Noun roots in Harar Oromo, as discussed above, 
are suffixed to mark accusative and nominative 
cases. The resulting noun stems always have H 
tone on the suffix, as in (16). 116



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

(16) Examples of case suffixes

 
 

 
 
 
 

 
 
In (21-a) monosyllabic noun roots always surface with L tone. It is a feature of Oromo disyllabic 
nouns, with CVC-V shape, to have L tone, such as [maná] ‘house’ and [muxá] ‘tree’. In (21-b) C- 
final noun roots can have lexical accent on the final syllable and after suffixation the lexical accent 
is realized on the penultimate syllable as in [ʔaré:dá] ‘chin’. Noun roots that end in vowel, as in 
(21-c), can have a lexical accent on the penultimate syllable, which is also realized on the 
penultimate syllable of the stem as in [ʔadáré:] ‘town name’. Unaccented noun roots such as (ʃe:na) 
‘remorse’ surface with L tone as in [ʃe:ná:]. 
 
5.2.2 Tone on suffixes 
 
Noun roots in Harar Oromo, as discussed in section 2.2, are suffixed to mark accusative and 
nominative case. The resulting noun stems always have H tone on the suffix, as given in (22).  
(22) Examples of case suffixes 
 

 Root    Accusative Nominative Gender 
a. ʔilı̽lli ‘flower’   [ʔilíllí:] [ʔilíllí:n]  Feminine 
 falʔa̽:n ‘spoon’   [falʔá:ná] [falʔá:nní] Masculine 

barsı̽:sa ‘teacher’ [barsí:sá:] [barsí:sá:n] Feminine 
 
b. mux ‘tree’   [muxá] [muxní]  Masculine 
 mirg ‘right’   [mirgá] [mirgí]  Masculine 
 xarfaffu ‘storm’  [xarfaffú:] [xarfaffú:n] Feminine 

  
In (22) all suffixes bear H tone. The tone on the suffix is independent from the tone on the root. 
Nouns in (22-a) have H tone on the root and also a H tone on the case suffixes. In (22-b), on the 
other hand, noun roots are accentless while case suffixes bear H tone. 

Case suffixes in Harar Oromo have different tone in other contexts, such as in equational 
sentences. Equational structure is a non-verbal sentence with only a noun phrase, as found in 
Arabic (Al-Nassir 1993). Examples are given in (23).  
(23) Arabic Equational sentences  
 

(b) C- final noun roots

Par
⇤
ab −! [Parábá] “Arab” accusative

Par
⇤
e:d −! [Paré:dá] “chin” accusative

badi:ns −! [badi:nsá] “badness” accusative

(c). V- final noun roots

Pad
⇤
are −! [Padáré:] “town name” accusative

Simb
⇤
irro −! [Simbı́rró:] “bird” accusative

Se:na −! [Se:ná:] “remorse” accusative

s
⇤
are −! [sáré:] “dog” accusative

 
 

 
 
 
 

 
 
In (21-a) monosyllabic noun roots always surface with L tone. It is a feature of Oromo disyllabic 
nouns, with CVC-V shape, to have L tone, such as [maná] ‘house’ and [muxá] ‘tree’. In (21-b) C- 
final noun roots can have lexical accent on the final syllable and after suffixation the lexical accent 
is realized on the penultimate syllable as in [ʔaré:dá] ‘chin’. Noun roots that end in vowel, as in 
(21-c), can have a lexical accent on the penultimate syllable, which is also realized on the 
penultimate syllable of the stem as in [ʔadáré:] ‘town name’. Unaccented noun roots such as (ʃe:na) 
‘remorse’ surface with L tone as in [ʃe:ná:]. 
 
5.2.2 Tone on suffixes 
 
Noun roots in Harar Oromo, as discussed in section 2.2, are suffixed to mark accusative and 
nominative case. The resulting noun stems always have H tone on the suffix, as given in (22).  
(22) Examples of case suffixes 
 

 Root    Accusative Nominative Gender 
a. ʔilı̽lli ‘flower’   [ʔilíllí:] [ʔilíllí:n]  Feminine 
 falʔa̽:n ‘spoon’   [falʔá:ná] [falʔá:nní] Masculine 

barsı̽:sa ‘teacher’ [barsí:sá:] [barsí:sá:n] Feminine 
 
b. mux ‘tree’   [muxá] [muxní]  Masculine 
 mirg ‘right’   [mirgá] [mirgí]  Masculine 
 xarfaffu ‘storm’  [xarfaffú:] [xarfaffú:n] Feminine 

  
In (22) all suffixes bear H tone. The tone on the suffix is independent from the tone on the root. 
Nouns in (22-a) have H tone on the root and also a H tone on the case suffixes. In (22-b), on the 
other hand, noun roots are accentless while case suffixes bear H tone. 

Case suffixes in Harar Oromo have different tone in other contexts, such as in equational 
sentences. Equational structure is a non-verbal sentence with only a noun phrase, as found in 
Arabic (Al-Nassir 1993). Examples are given in (23).  
(23) Arabic Equational sentences  
 

(b) C- final noun roots

Par
⇤
ab −! [Parábá] “Arab” accusative

Par
⇤
e:d −! [Paré:dá] “chin” accusative

badi:ns −! [badi:nsá] “badness” accusative

(c). V- final noun roots

Pad
⇤
are −! [Padáré:] “town name” accusative

Simb
⇤
irro −! [Simbı́rró:] “bird” accusative

Se:na −! [Se:ná:] “remorse” accusative

s
⇤
are −! [sáré:] “dog” accusative

[sáré:] ‘dog’ ‘accusative’

[tun sáre: ɗa] ‘This is dog’

Figure 19. [sáré:] ‘dog’ in isolation and equational 
sentence

[ʔisní:ná] ‘Monday’ ‘accusative’

[kun ʔisní:na] ‘This is Monday’

Figure 20. [ʔisní:ná] ‘Monday’ in isolation and 
equational sentence

Examples in (17) show that in any noun stem in 
Harar Oromo that is in an equational sentence H 
tone is realized on either the penultimate or initial 
syllable. A H tone on the penultimate syllable in a 
noun in a citation form does not change in equational 
sentences, as in (17 a & c). As in Figures 19 & 20, 
nouns [sáré:] ‘dog’ and [ʔisní:ná] ‘Monday’ have 
H tone on penultimate syllable in citation forms, 
i.e. HH and LHH tone pattern, which means that 

haðihi   tʃadʒaratun    
this      tree                
‘This is a tree’ 

haða dʒabalun 
this   mountain    
‘This is a mountain’ 

 
Harar Oromo has a similar structure (Owens 1985: 79), as given in (24) with pitch tracks given in 
Figures 19-22. 
 
(24) Harar Oromo equational examples 
 

Root Tone in citation forms Tone in equational sentences 
 
(a) sa̽re ‘dog’ femin. 

HH 
[sáré:] 

 

HL 
[tun sáre: ɗa] 

this  dog 
‘This is dog’ 

 
 
(b) man ‘house’ masc. 

 
LH 

[maná] 

 
HL 

[kun mána] 
this   house 

‘This is house’ 
 
 
(c) ʔisnı̽:n ‘Monday’ masc. 

 
LHH 

[ʔisní:ná] 

 
LHL 

[kun ʔisní:na]  
                 this  Monday 

‘This is Monday’ 
 
 
(d) k’ille:ns ‘wind’ masc. 

 
LLH 

[k’ille:nsá] 

 
HLL 

[kun k’ílle:nsa] 
this  wind 

‘This is wind’ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
  
 

In (16) all suffixes bear H tone. The tone on the 
suffix is independent from the tone on the root. 
Nouns in (22-a) have H tone on the root and a H 
tone on the case suffixes. In (22-b), on the other 
hand, noun roots are accentless, while case suffixes 
bear H tone.

Case suffixes in Harar Oromo have different tone 
in other contexts, as in equational sentences. 
Equational structure is a non-verbal sentence with 
only a noun phrase, as found in Arabic (Al-Nassir, 
1993), as in (17).

(17) Arabic Equational sentences 

haðihi   tʃadʒaratun haða dʒabalun
this      tree  this   mountain
‘This is a tree’  ‘This is a mountain’

Oromo has a similar structure (Owens, 1985: 79), 
as in (17) with pitch tracks given in Figures 19-22.

(17) Harar Oromo equational examples

117



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

the noun root is accented in both words. These two 
nouns have H tone on the penultimate syllable in 
equational sentences while there is no H tone on 
final syllable.

[maná] ‘house’ ‘accusative’

[kun mána] ‘This is house’

Figure 21. [maná] ‘house’ in isolation and equational 
sentence

[k’ille:nsá] ‘wind’

[kun k’ílle:nsa] ‘This is wind’

Figure 22. [k’ille:nsá] ‘wind’ in isolation and equational 
sentence

However, if a noun in citation form does not have 
H tone on the penultimate syllable, as in [maná] 
‘house’ and [k’ille:nsá] ‘wind’, then in equational 
sentences H tone is found on initial syllable as in 
Figures 21 and 22 and sentences (17 b & d). 

In summary, in equational sentences, nouns do not 
have a final H tone on case suffixes. Lexical accent 
on nouns is maintained on the penultimate syllable 
in equational sentences. However, if the noun does 
not have H tone on the penultimate syllable a H 
tone is found on the first syllable. In other words, 
nouns in equational sentences must have one H 
tone on the surface. If the noun has a lexical accent, 
then it takes priority but if the noun does not have 
a lexical accent, then a H tone is realized on the 
initial syllable.

It seems that at least the accusative suffix does not 
inherently have H tone. The final H tone on suffixes 
is more like a floating H tone related to noun case. 
In citation forms, this floating H tone associates 
with suffixes in accusative and nominative case, as 
in (18).

(18) Floating H tone (25) Floating H tone  

 
In (25-a) the noun roots have lexical accent. After suffixation, the floating H tone is realized on 
the case suffixes. The overall tone pattern of the noun, as a result, is HH on the surface.  

 
In (25-b) the noun root is monosyllabic and thus does not have lexical accent. The final H tone in 
the tone pattern of LH is the floating H tone, which is found on the case suffix. 

(a) Surface HH tone pattern
(d

⇤
arre) “weak”

/d
⇤
arre+V+´/ −! [dá

H

rré:]

H

accusative

/d
⇤
arre+Vn+´/ −! [dá

H

rré:n]

H

nominative

(j
⇤
aro) “time”

/j
⇤
aro+V+´/ −! [já

H

ró:]

H

accusative

/j
⇤
aro+Vn+´/ −! [já

H

ró:n]

H

nominative

(b) Surface LH tone pattern
(man) “house”

/man+V+´/ −! [man

L

á]

H

accusative

/man+ni+´/ −! [man

L

nı́]

H

nominative

In (18-a) the noun roots have lexical accent. After 
suffixation, the floating H tone is realized on the 
case suffixes. The overall tone pattern of the noun, 
as a result, is HH on the surface. 

(25) Floating H tone  

 
In (25-a) the noun roots have lexical accent. After suffixation, the floating H tone is realized on 
the case suffixes. The overall tone pattern of the noun, as a result, is HH on the surface.  

 
In (25-b) the noun root is monosyllabic and thus does not have lexical accent. The final H tone in 
the tone pattern of LH is the floating H tone, which is found on the case suffix. 

(a) Surface HH tone pattern
(d

⇤
arre) “weak”

/d
⇤
arre+V+´/ −! [dá

H

rré:]

H

accusative

/d
⇤
arre+Vn+´/ −! [dá

H

rré:n]

H

nominative

(j
⇤
aro) “time”

/j
⇤
aro+V+´/ −! [já

H

ró:]

H

accusative

/j
⇤
aro+Vn+´/ −! [já

H

ró:n]

H

nominative

(b) Surface LH tone pattern
(man) “house”

/man+V+´/ −! [man

L

á]

H

accusative

/man+ni+´/ −! [man

L

nı́]

H

nominative118



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

In (18-b) the noun root is monosyllabic and thus 
does not have lexical accent. The final H tone in the 
tone pattern of LH is the floating H tone, which is 
found on the case suffix.

 
 

 
In (25-c & d) the overall tone patterns are LHH and LLH, respectively. The noun roots in (25-c) 
are accented and therefore have H tone and after suffixation the floating H tone is realized on the 

(c) Surface LHH tone pattern
(hantS

⇤
abbi) “ice”

/hantS’
⇤
abbi+V+´/ −! [hantS’

L

á

H

bbı́:]

H

accusative

/hantS’
⇤
abbi+Vn+´/ −! [hantS’

L

á

H

bbı́:n]

H

nominative

(haf
⇤
u:r) “breath”

/haf
⇤
u:r+V+´/ −! [ha

L

fú:

H

rá]

H

accusative

/haf
⇤
u:r+ni+´/ −! [ha

L

fú:

H

rrı́]

H

nominative

(d) LLH surface tone pattern
(du:me:s) “cloud”

/du:me:s+V+´/ −! [du:

L

me:s

L

á]

H

accusative

/du:me:s+ni+´/ −! [du:

L

me:sn

L

ı́]

H

nominative

(maga:la) “market”

/maga:la+V+´/ −! [ma

L

ga:l

L

á:]

H

accusative

/maga:la+Vn+´/ −! [ma

L

ga:l

L

á:n]

H

nominative

In (18-c & d) the overall tone patterns are LHH 
and LLH, respectively. The noun roots in (18-c) 
are accented and therefore have H tone and after 
suffixation the floating H tone is realized on the 
case suffixes and the tone pattern, therefore, is 
LHH. In (18-d) the noun roots are accentless and 
surface with L tone and the final H tone in LLH is 
attributed to the floating H tone.

In equational structure the floating H tone associates 
left to initial syllable of the noun if possible. As a 
result, case suffixes surface with L tone and a H 
tone is realized on the initial syllable, as in (19).

(19) Floating H tone in equational sentences

case suffixes and the tone pattern, therefore, is LHH. In (25-d) the noun roots are accentless and 
surface with L tone and the final H tone in LLH is attributed to the floating H tone. 

In equational structure the floating H tone associates left to initial syllable of the noun if 
possible. As a result, case suffixes surface with L tone and a H tone is realized on the initial 
syllable, as shown in (26). 
 
(26) Floating H tone in equational sentences 
 

Root Accusative                         Equational sentences 
 

morm   
 
ʔa:r  
 
ʔada:d 
 
hirjja 
 
hanga:su 

[mormá] 
 
[ʔa:rá] 
 
[ʔada:dá] 
 
[hirjjá:] 
 
[hanga:sú:] 

 
 
In (26) noun roots are accentless and surface with L tone. In citation forms, the floating H tone is 
realized on the case suffix as noted above. In equational structure, however, this floating H tone is 
realized on the first syllable of the noun. Therefore, a noun such as [mormá] ‘neck’ acc., which 
has an accentless tone root (morm) ‘neck’, has a H tone on the accusative case marker [á] due to 
the floating H tone. In equational sentences, the floating H tone is realized on the first syllable as 
in [kun mórma] ‘This is neck’. Similarly, the noun root (hanga:su) ‘lightening’ does not have a 
lexical accent on the root and thus surfaces with L tone. After suffixation in accusative case the 
floating H tone is realized on the case suffix as in [hanga:sú:] ‘lightening’. In equational sentences, 
the floating H tone is found word initially as in [tun hánga:su:] ‘This is lightening’. 
 Accented noun roots in equational sentences maintain the lexical accent, as given in (27). 
 
(27) Floating H tone in equational sentences with accented noun roots 
 

Root Accusative                          Equational sentences 
 

bude̽:n 
 
hama̽rti 
 
ʔara̽b 
 
wallı̽ftu 
 

[budé:ná] 
 
[hamártí:] 
 
[ʔarábá] 
 
[wallíftú:] 
  

In (27) noun roots are accented, as in (ʔara̽b) ‘Arab’ and (hama̽rti) ‘finger ring’, and therefore have 
H tone on the penultimate syllable of the noun stems. In addition to the lexical accent, in citation 
forms these nouns bear H tone on case suffixes from the floating H tone, as in [ʔarábá] ‘Arab’ and 
[hamártí:] ‘finger ring’. In equational sentences it is expected that the floating H tone would be 

/´+ morm+V/ −! [mórma] [kun mórma] “This is neck”

/´+ Pa:r+V/ −! [Pá:ra] [kun Pá:ra] “This is smoke”

/´+ Pada:d+V/ −! [Páda:da] [kun Páda:da] “This is aunt”

/´+ hirjja+V/ −! [hı́rjja:] [tun hı́rjja:] “This is age friend”

/´+ hanga:su+V/ −! [hánga:su:] [tun hánga:su:] “This is lightening”

/´+ budd
⇤
e:n+V/ −! [buddé:na] [kun buddé:na] “This is bread”

/´+ ham
⇤
arti+V/ −! [hamárti:] [kun hamárti:] “This is finger ring”

/´+ Par
⇤
ab+V/ −! [Parába] [kun Parába] “This is Arab”

/´+ wall
⇤
iftu+V/ −! [wallı́ftu:] [tun wallı́ftu:] “This is singer”

In (19) noun roots are accentless and surface 
with L tone. In citation forms, the floating H tone 
is realized on the case suffix as noted above. In 
equational structure, however, this floating H 
tone is realized on the first syllable of the noun. 
Therefore, a noun such as [mormá] ‘neck’ acc., 
which has an accentless tone root (morm) ‘neck’, 

has a H tone on the accusative case marker [á] due 
to the floating H tone. In equational sentences, the 
floating H tone is realized on the first syllable as 
in [kun mórma] ‘This is neck’. Similarly, the noun 
root (hanga:su) ‘lightening’ does not have a lexical 
accent on the root and thus surfaces with L tone. 
After suffixation in accusative case the floating H 
tone is realized on the case suffix as in [hanga:sú:] 
‘lightening’. In equational sentences, the floating 
H tone is found word initially as in [tun hánga:su:] 
‘This is lightening’.

Accented noun roots in equational sentences 
maintain the lexical accent, as in (20).

(20) Floating H tone in equational sentences with 
accented noun roots

case suffixes and the tone pattern, therefore, is LHH. In (25-d) the noun roots are accentless and 
surface with L tone and the final H tone in LLH is attributed to the floating H tone. 

In equational structure the floating H tone associates left to initial syllable of the noun if 
possible. As a result, case suffixes surface with L tone and a H tone is realized on the initial 
syllable, as shown in (26). 
 
(26) Floating H tone in equational sentences 
 

Root Accusative                         Equational sentences 
 

morm   
 
ʔa:r  
 
ʔada:d 
 
hirjja 
 
hanga:su 

[mormá] 
 
[ʔa:rá] 
 
[ʔada:dá] 
 
[hirjjá:] 
 
[hanga:sú:] 

 
 
In (26) noun roots are accentless and surface with L tone. In citation forms, the floating H tone is 
realized on the case suffix as noted above. In equational structure, however, this floating H tone is 
realized on the first syllable of the noun. Therefore, a noun such as [mormá] ‘neck’ acc., which 
has an accentless tone root (morm) ‘neck’, has a H tone on the accusative case marker [á] due to 
the floating H tone. In equational sentences, the floating H tone is realized on the first syllable as 
in [kun mórma] ‘This is neck’. Similarly, the noun root (hanga:su) ‘lightening’ does not have a 
lexical accent on the root and thus surfaces with L tone. After suffixation in accusative case the 
floating H tone is realized on the case suffix as in [hanga:sú:] ‘lightening’. In equational sentences, 
the floating H tone is found word initially as in [tun hánga:su:] ‘This is lightening’. 
 Accented noun roots in equational sentences maintain the lexical accent, as given in (27). 
 
(27) Floating H tone in equational sentences with accented noun roots 
 

Root Accusative                          Equational sentences 
 

bude̽:n 
 
hama̽rti 
 
ʔara̽b 
 
wallı̽ftu 
 

[budé:ná] 
 
[hamártí:] 
 
[ʔarábá] 
 
[wallíftú:] 
  

In (27) noun roots are accented, as in (ʔara̽b) ‘Arab’ and (hama̽rti) ‘finger ring’, and therefore have 
H tone on the penultimate syllable of the noun stems. In addition to the lexical accent, in citation 
forms these nouns bear H tone on case suffixes from the floating H tone, as in [ʔarábá] ‘Arab’ and 
[hamártí:] ‘finger ring’. In equational sentences it is expected that the floating H tone would be 

/´+ morm+V/ −! [mórma] [kun mórma] “This is neck”

/´+ Pa:r+V/ −! [Pá:ra] [kun Pá:ra] “This is smoke”

/´+ Pada:d+V/ −! [Páda:da] [kun Páda:da] “This is aunt”

/´+ hirjja+V/ −! [hı́rjja:] [tun hı́rjja:] “This is age friend”

/´+ hanga:su+V/ −! [hánga:su:] [tun hánga:su:] “This is lightening”

/´+ budd
⇤
e:n+V/ −! [buddé:na] [kun buddé:na] “This is bread”

/´+ ham
⇤
arti+V/ −! [hamárti:] [kun hamárti:] “This is finger ring”

/´+ Par
⇤
ab+V/ −! [Parába] [kun Parába] “This is Arab”

/´+ wall
⇤
iftu+V/ −! [wallı́ftu:] [tun wallı́ftu:] “This is singer”

 In (20) noun roots are accented, as in (ʔara̽b) ‘Arab’ 
and (hama̽rti) ‘finger ring’, and therefore have H 
tone on the penultimate syllable of the noun stems. 
In addition to the lexical accent, in citation forms 
these nouns bear H tone on case suffixes from the 
floating H tone, as in [ʔarábá] ‘Arab’ and [hamártí:] 
‘finger ring’. In equational sentences it is expected 
that the floating H tone would be realized on the 
first syllable of these nouns as in accentless noun 
roots in (19). However, noun stems that have H 
tone on the penultimate syllable do not allow the 
floating tone to be realized on the first syllable. 
Therefore, noun roots which have a lexical accent, 
such as (bude̽:n) ‘bread’, are realized with only a 
H tone on the penultimate syllable in equational 
sentences, as in [kun budé:na] ‘This is bread’. In 
(20) the lexical accent on the penultimate syllable 
takes priority over the floating H tone and only the 
lexical accent is realized.

Lloret (1988: 98) suggested that the L tone on the 
last element in the equational structure is a copula, 
which is only realized on the short vowel [a] in the 
Macca dialect of Oromo, see also (Youssouf, 2019). 
Therefore, if the sentence ends with a noun that 
ends with the short vowel [a] the tone is lowered on 
the final syllable of that noun and in nouns that end 
in a long vowel the particle [ɗa] is inserted to bear 119



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

this L tone. While there might be some dialectal 
differences, in Harar Oromo this does not seem to 
be the case. In equational structure in Harar Oromo 
nouns that end in a long vowel, as in [k’ut’usú:] 
‘younger brother’ and [maga:lá:] ‘market’, are 
followed by the particle [ɗa] but they still undergo 
the same process in which suffixes do not bear 
H tone and the initial syllable bears H tone if the 
penultimate is accentless, as in (21).

(21) Nouns ending in a long vowel in equational 
structure

realized on the first syllable of these nouns as in accentless noun roots in (26). However, noun 
stems that have H tone on the penultimate syllable do not allow the floating tone to be realized on 
the first syllable. Therefore, noun roots which have a lexical accent, such as (bude̽:n) ‘bread’, are 
realized with only a H tone on the penultimate syllable in equational sentences, as in [kun budé:na] 
‘This is bread’. In (27) the lexical accent on the penultimate syllable takes priority over the floating 
H tone and only the lexical accent is realized. 

Lloret (1988: 98) suggests that the L tone on the last element in the equational structure is 
a copula, which is only realized on the short vowel [a] in the Macca dialect of Oromo. Therefore, 
if the sentence ends with a noun that ends with the short vowel [a] the tone is lowered on the final 
syllable of that noun and in nouns that end in a long vowel the particle [ɗa] is inserted to bear this 
L tone. While there might be some dialectal differences, in Harar Oromo this does not seem to be 
the case. In equational structure in Harar Oromo nouns that end in a long vowel, as in [k’ut’usú:] 
‘younger brother’ and [maga:lá:] ‘market’, are followed by the particle [ɗa] but they still undergo 
the same process in which suffixes do not bear H tone and the initial syllable bears H tone if the 
penultimate is accentless as shown in (28). 
(28) Nouns ending in a long vowel in equational structure 
 

Root              Accusative case Equational sentences          
 
k’ut’usu ‘younger brother’       [k’ut’usú:]  [tun k’út’usu: ɗa]   

       this  younger brother 
‘This is younger brother’  

  
maga:la ‘market’           [maga:lá:]   [tun mága:la: ɗa]  

this  market 
‘This is market’ 

 
If the L tone functions as a copula and is realised on the short vowel [a] then it is expected that the 
nouns in (28) maintain their tone pattern as in citation forms, which is not the case. It seems that 
in Harar Oromo equational sentences are marked with H tone on initial syllable and the penultimate 
syllable takes priority if it is accented. 

To sum up, noun stems in Harar Oromo can bear lexical accent tone on the penultimate 
syllable and always bear H tone on case suffixes in citation forms. Any syllable that does not bear 
lexical accent underlyingly surfaces with L tone. Specifically, noun roots can be accented which 
is realized as H tone or accentless which surface as L tone, while suffixes always bear H tone in 
citation forms. As indicated above, there is a floating H tone that is related to noun case. This 
floating H tone is realized on case markers in nouns in the accusative and nominative cases. 
Therefore, in citation forms if the noun root is accented then HH or LHH tone patterns surface. On 
the other hand, LH and LLH tone patterns surface if the noun root does not have a lexical accent. 
In equational sentences, this floating H tone is realized on the first syllable of the noun if the 
penultimate syllable is not accented, i.e. does not have H tone. In nouns that have accented roots, 
i.e. H tone on the penultimate syllable in noun stems, this floating H tone is not realized on the 
first syllable as the accented penultimate syllable takes priority. This suggests that suffixes do not 
inherently have H tone, not present lexically, but get H tone from this floating tone. This shows 
that while tone on the noun root is unpredictable, i.e. lexically assigned, tone on suffixes is always 
H in citation forms and therefore assumed to be predictable through the placement of the H 
morpheme. 

 If the L tone functions as a copula and is realized 
on the short vowel [a], then it is expected that the 
nouns in (21) maintain their tone pattern as in 
citation forms, which is not the case. It seems that 
nouns in equational sentences in Hara Oromo are 
marked with H tone on initial syllable and H tone 
on the penultimate syllable takes priority if it is 
accented.

To sum up, noun stems in Harar Oromo can bear 
lexical accent tone on the penultimate syllable and 
always bear H tone on case suffixes in citation 
forms. Any syllable that does not bear lexical accent 
underlyingly surfaces with L tone. Specifically, 
noun roots can be accented which is realized as H 
tone or accentless which surface as L tone, while 
suffixes always bear H tone in citation forms. As 
indicated above, there is a floating H tone that 
is related to noun case. This floating H tone is 
realized on case markers in nouns in the accusative 
and nominative cases. Therefore, in citation forms 
if the noun root is accented then HH or LHH tone 
patterns surface. On the other hand, LH and LLH 
tone patterns surface if the noun root does not 
have a lexical accent. In equational sentences, this 
floating H tone is realized on the first syllable of 
the noun if the penultimate syllable is not accented, 
i.e., does not have H tone. In nouns that have 
accented roots, i.e., H tone on the penultimate 
syllable in noun stems, this floating H tone is 
not realized on the first syllable as the accented 
penultimate syllable takes priority. This suggests 

that suffixes do not inherently have H tone, not 
present lexically, but get H tone from this floating 
tone. This shows that while tone on the noun root 
is unpredictable, i.e., lexically assigned, tone on 
suffixes is always H in citation forms and therefore 
assumed to be predictable through the placement of 
the H morpheme.

IV. Classifying Harar Oromo

Harar Oromo is suggested to have a pitch-accent 
system in Owens (1985: 35). This was attributed 
to a main feature of pitch accent languages in 
which the overall tone pattern of a word can be 
predicted based on the tone specification of a single 
syllable. Based on this feature of pitch accent 
languages, Owens concluded that Harar Oromo 
has the characteristics of pitch accent languages. 
He indicated that Harar Oromo has this property 
where tone on the penultimate syllable in nouns 
can influence the overall tone of the word. If the 
penultimate has H tone, then final syllable gets H 
tone by tone spread to the right in nouns, as in (22).

(22) HH tone patterns in nouns (Owens, 1985)

[ádú:] ‘sun’

[xófó:] ‘trousers’

[barnó:tá] ‘education’

[falʔá:ná] ‘spoon’

As discussed in section 3, tone on final syllables 
of non-equational sentences is always H on the 
surface regardless of the tone type on the noun 
root. This is supported by the existence of nouns 
that bear H tone word finally despite L tone on the 
root, as in (23), which show that tone spread is not 
the source of H tone on the final syllable. 

(23) LH and LLH tone pattern in Harar Oromo

Root      Accusative case
sodda     [soddá:] ‘in-law’
ʔabdi     [ʔabdí:] ‘hope’
maki:na  [maki:ná:] ‘car’
ʔada:da  [ʔada:dá:] ‘aunt’

Nevertheless, Oromo can be classified as a pitch 
accent language phonologically since a morpheme 
has at most one H tone underlyingly, marked in this 
paper as (*).120



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

A point that is problematic in classifying Harar 
Oromo as a pitch accent language on the surface 
is culminativity property. The main phonological 
feature that distinguishes stress languages from 
tone languages is culminativity (Hyman, 1977). 
Culminativity means that each prosodic word has 
only one prominent syllable, i.e., one primary 
stress. In languages that have more than one 
stressed syllable per word such as Dutch and 
Romanian, only one syllable has primary stress. 
Tone languages, on the other hand, can have more 
than one high tone in the word.

Languages that share some qualities of both tone and 
stress languages are called pitch accent languages. 
Stress languages and pitch accent languages are 
usually grouped under accent languages (Hyman, 
1977). Pitch accent languages are similar to stress 
languages in having one culminative prominent 
point and they are similar to tone languages where 
this prominence is lexically contrastive. However, 
pitch accent languages differ from stress languages 
in the contrastive use of pitch, and they differ from 
tone languages in the specification of lexical accent 
on TBU (tone bearing unit) (Beckman, 1986). 
In tone languages every TBU is specified for a 
tone while in pitch accent languages the overall 
pattern of tone in a word can be known from tone 
specification on a single syllable (McCawley, 
1987). Harar Oromo does not fit this description 
since a word in this language can surface with more 
than one H tone. Owens (1985: 37) acknowledged 
this point and suggested classifying Harar Oromo 
as a pitch accent language underlyingly and as a 
tone language on the surface to account for the fact 
that Harar Oromo nouns can have more than one 
H tone on the surface. This could be justified since 
Harar Oromo has a pitch accent system property 
of having one lexical accent underlyingly and has 
a tone system property of having more than one H 
tone on the surface.

Based on the discussion in section 3, in non-
equational sentences, the final syllable in noun 
stems always has a H tone, as in (24).

(24) Harar Oromo accusative and nominative 
noun examples

I analyzed the suffix H tone as a morpheme that 
signifies that the noun has case. Lexical accent on 
roots is clearly unpredictable, as discussed earlier, 
with further examples in (25). Accented noun roots 
are realized as H tone on the surface while noun 
roots that are not accented underlyingly surface 
with L tone, as exemplified in (25).

(25) Harar Oromo noun roots examples

Since pitch accent system does not accurately 
describe Harar Oromo on the surface, it is suggested 
in this paper to analyze Harar Oromo according to 
main prosodic features that characterize languages, 
suggested by Hyman (2009: 220), given in (26).

(26) Properties of prosodic systems of languages

1. Obligatoriness (at least one prominent 
syllable per word)

2. Culminativity (at most one prominent 
syllable per word)

3. Privativity (H vs. Ø or H vs. L)
4. Metricality (positionally restricted, subject to 

reduction/subordination in compounding or 
when out of focus) 121



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

As Hyman (2009: 233) argued, languages that 
satisfy all the properties in (26) are the prototypical 
stress languages, while languages that do not 
adhere to any of these properties are the most tone-
like languages. As for languages that satisfy only 
some of these properties they can be considered 
as restricted tone systems (Voorhoeve, 1973). 
Hyman (2009: 219) defined tone in such a system 
as being subject to significant constraints, such as 
culminativity in Somali (Hyman, 1981). Following 
Takara (2012: 42), the suggested restricted tone 
system by (Voorhoeve, 1973) can be defined in 
(27).

(27) Restricted tone system definition
A restricted tone system is one that follows 
one, two, or three of the following properties: 
obligatoriness (OBL), culminativity (CUL), 
privativity (PRIV), and metricality (MET). 

The number of properties a language has determines 
the prosodic system type of that language in the 
following ways in (28).

(28) Properties of prosodic systems
• A language with three properties of (26) is more 

stress-like language
• A language with one property of (26) is more 

tone-like language
• A language with 2 properties of (26) is what 

Hyman (2009) referred to as an intermediate 
language system.

This can be summarized and illustrated in Table 
6, where +/- means the presence or the absence 
of the feature, respectively. These properties are 
discussed in terms of Harar Oromo tone patterns 
in nouns. 

The first property is obligatoriness (OBL), which 
indicates that at least one prominent syllable per 
word should be found. An example of a language 
with this property is Chuave (Papua New Guinea) 
where every word must have at least one H tone 

4. Metricality (positionally restricted, subject to reduction/subordination in compounding or when 
out of focus)  

 
As Hyman (2009: 233) argues, languages that satisfy all the properties in (33) are the prototypical 
stress languages, while languages that do not adhere to any of these properties are the most tone-
like languages. As for languages that satisfy only some of these properties they can be considered 
as restricted tone systems (Voorhoeve 1973). Hyman (2009: 219) defines tone in such a system as 
being subject to significant constraints, such as culminativity in Somali (Hyman 1981). Following 
Takara (2012: 42), the suggested restricted tone system by (Voorhoeve 1973) can be defined in 
(34). 
(34) Restricted tone system definition 
A restricted tone system is one that follows one, two, or three of the following properties: 
obligatoriness (OBL), culminativity (CUL), privativity (PRIV), and metricality (MET).  

The number of properties a language has determines the prosodic system type of that language in 
the following ways in (35). 

(35) Properties of prosodic systems 

- A language with three properties of (33) is more stress-like language 
- A language with one property of (33) is more tone-like language 
- A language with 2 properties of (33) is what Hyman (2009) refers to as an intermediate language 
system. 
This can be summarized and illustrated in Table 9, where +/- means the presence or the absence 
of the feature, respectively. These properties are discussed in terms of Harar Oromo tone patterns 
in nouns.  

Table 9. Restricted tone system features 
 

                                          Prosodic systems OBL, CUL, PRIV, MET 
 Prototypical stress ++++ 

 
Restricted tone system 

 

More stress-like +++- 
Intermediate ++-- 

More tone-like ---+ 

 Prototypical tone ---- 
The first property is obligatoriness (OBL), which indicates that at least one prominent 

syllable per word should be found. An example of a language with this property is Chuave (Papua 
New Guinea) where every word has to have at least one H tone (Swick 1966: 2, Donohue 1997: 
355-357), as shown in (36). 
(36) Chuave tone patterns (Swick 1966: 2) 

σ σσ              σσσ 
H [fwí] ‘salt’ HH [gáán] ‘child’ HHH [gíngódí] ‘snore’ 
 HL [gáam] ‘skin’ HHL [dénkábu] ‘mosquito’ 
 LH  [kubá] ‘bamboo’ HLH [énugó] ‘smoke’ 
  HLL [kóiom] ‘wing’ 
  LHH [amámó] ‘yam’ 
  LHL [komári] ‘before’ 
  LLH [koiyóm] ‘navel’ 

 

4. Metricality (positionally restricted, subject to reduction/subordination in compounding or when 
out of focus)  

 
As Hyman (2009: 233) argues, languages that satisfy all the properties in (33) are the prototypical 
stress languages, while languages that do not adhere to any of these properties are the most tone-
like languages. As for languages that satisfy only some of these properties they can be considered 
as restricted tone systems (Voorhoeve 1973). Hyman (2009: 219) defines tone in such a system as 
being subject to significant constraints, such as culminativity in Somali (Hyman 1981). Following 
Takara (2012: 42), the suggested restricted tone system by (Voorhoeve 1973) can be defined in 
(34). 
(34) Restricted tone system definition 
A restricted tone system is one that follows one, two, or three of the following properties: 
obligatoriness (OBL), culminativity (CUL), privativity (PRIV), and metricality (MET).  

The number of properties a language has determines the prosodic system type of that language in 
the following ways in (35). 

(35) Properties of prosodic systems 

- A language with three properties of (33) is more stress-like language 
- A language with one property of (33) is more tone-like language 
- A language with 2 properties of (33) is what Hyman (2009) refers to as an intermediate language 
system. 
This can be summarized and illustrated in Table 9, where +/- means the presence or the absence 
of the feature, respectively. These properties are discussed in terms of Harar Oromo tone patterns 
in nouns.  

Table 9. Restricted tone system features 
 

                                          Prosodic systems OBL, CUL, PRIV, MET 
 Prototypical stress ++++ 

 
Restricted tone system 

 

More stress-like +++- 
Intermediate ++-- 

More tone-like ---+ 

 Prototypical tone ---- 
The first property is obligatoriness (OBL), which indicates that at least one prominent 

syllable per word should be found. An example of a language with this property is Chuave (Papua 
New Guinea) where every word has to have at least one H tone (Swick 1966: 2, Donohue 1997: 
355-357), as shown in (36). 
(36) Chuave tone patterns (Swick 1966: 2) 

σ σσ              σσσ 
H [fwí] ‘salt’ HH [gáán] ‘child’ HHH [gíngódí] ‘snore’ 
 HL [gáam] ‘skin’ HHL [dénkábu] ‘mosquito’ 
 LH  [kubá] ‘bamboo’ HLH [énugó] ‘smoke’ 
  HLL [kóiom] ‘wing’ 
  LHH [amámó] ‘yam’ 
  LHL [komári] ‘before’ 
  LLH [koiyóm] ‘navel’ 

 

(Swick 1966: 2, Donohue 1997: 355-357), as in 
(29).

(29) Chuave tone patterns (Swick, 1966: 2)

Table 6. Restricted tone system features

If obligatoriness refers to surface H tone, then 
it is satisfied in Harar Oromo because no noun 
in citation form surfaces without a H tone either 
because of a lexical accent or because of the 
floating H tone realized on case suffixes in noun 
stems. However, if obligatoriness only considers 
lexical accent then, as shown earlier, Harar 
Oromo noun roots can be accentless and thus this 
property is not satisfied in the language. Based on 
the discussion of obligatoriness in Hyman (2009: 
218), obligatoriness is examined in noun stems. 
Therefore, in this analysis both lexical accent and 
predictable tone are considered. Therefore, no noun 
in Harar Oromo surfaces with only L tone because 
suffixes always associate with a floating H tone in 
citation forms and noun stems, thus, have at least 
one prominent syllable per word, as shown in (30). 
Therefore, although Harar Oromo noun roots can 
be accentless underlyingly, it satisfies the property 
of obligatoriness on the surface.

(30) Tone patterns in Harar Oromo noun stems
a. HH [xálé:] ‘liver’ LHH [ʔadúrré:] ‘cat’
b. LH [dubrá] ‘girls’ LLH [refe:nsá] ‘hair’

The second property of prosodic systems is 
culminativity, which indicates that at most one 
prominent syllable per word is allowed. An 
example of a language that satisfies this property 
is Tinputz (Papua New Guinea) where a word has 
only one H tone at most regardless of the number 
of syllables (Hostetler and Hostetler, 1975: 6-9), as 
shown in (31).122



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

If obligatoriness refers to surface H tone then it is satisfied in Harar Oromo because no noun in 
citation form surfaces without a H tone either as a result of a lexical accent or as a result of the 
floating H tone realized on case suffixes in noun stems. However, if obligatoriness only considers 
lexical accent then as shown earlier Harar Oromo noun roots can be accentless and thus this 
property is not satisfied in the language. Based on the discussion of obligatoriness in Hyman (2009: 
218) obligatoriness is examined in noun stems. Therefore, in this analysis both lexical accent and 
predictable tone are considered. As a result, no noun in Harar Oromo surfaces with only L tone 
because suffixes always associate with a floating H tone in citation forms and noun stems, thus, 
have at least one prominent syllable per word, as shown in (37). Therefore, although Harar Oromo 
noun roots can be accentless underlyingly, it satisfies the property of obligatoriness on the surface. 
(37) Tone patterns in Harar Oromo noun stems 

HH [xálé:] ‘liver’ LHH [ʔadúrré:] ‘cat’ 
LH [dubrá] ‘girls’ LLH [refe:nsá] ‘hair’ 

 
The second property of prosodic systems is culminativity, which indicates that at most one 

prominent syllable per word is allowed. An example of a language that satisfies this property is 
Tinputz (Papua New Guinea) where a word has only one H tone at most regardless of the number 
of syllables (Hostetler and Hostetler 1975: 6-9), as shown in (38). 
(38) Tone patterns in Tinputz (Hostetler and Hostetler 1975: 6-9) 
 
       σ               σσ       σσσ    σσσσ 

L [yà] ‘lime’         LL [bàwà] ‘to call’ LLL [kwìànèn] ‘village name’ LLLL [kàkàsìlè] ‘yellow’ 
H [twáʔ] ‘to cut’  LH [kèús] ‘baby’   LLH [bòskòlén] ‘shoulder’       LLLH [àpwènpwànhé]‘when’ 
                    LHL [kwàʔwétèʔ] ‘boy’           LHLL [bùtómbàmèn]‘sibling’ 
                              LLHL [tòlàhlúà] ‘nut tree’ 

 
As indicated above, Harar Oromo noun roots can have only up to one lexical accent underlyingly 
and no noun root can have more than one lexical accent. If only lexical accent is considered then 
Harar Oromo satisfies this property. However, in the same way that noun stems are considered in 
obligatoriness, if culminativity is analyzed based on tone on noun stems, i.e. lexical accent and 
predictable tone, then Harar Oromo does not satisfy this property. A noun stem in Harar Oromo 
can have more than one H tone on the surface, as given in (39). Therefore, it is assumed that Harar 
Oromo does not satisfy the property of culminativity on the surface. 
(39) More than one H tone in Harar Oromo noun stems 
 
 HH   [bímbé:] ‘mosquito’ 

LHH [wallíftú:] ‘singer’ 
 
Next, the property of privativity (PRIV) is considered. Hyman defines this property by the 

example of a language that has the feature H vs. Ø rather than the binary feature H vs. L (2009: 
224). The outcome of /H/ vs. /Ø/ is H tone and L tone surfaces in the absence of H tone while the 
outcome of /H/ vs. /L/ includes a combination of tones such as HL or LH on the same TBU. In 
other words, in languages that satisfy this feature only H tone needs to be specified lexically and 
other syllables bear L tone phonetically on the surface. Puinave language (Colombia) can have H, 
HL or LH tones on the same TBU, which means L tone is assigned lexically. This language has 
the following underlying and surface tones in (40). 
(40) Puinave underlying and surface tone patterns (Hyman 2009: 224) 

(31) Tone patterns in Tinputz 

As indicated above, Harar Oromo noun roots can 
have only up to one lexical accent underlyingly 
and no noun root can have more than one lexical 
accent. If only lexical accent is considered, then 
Harar Oromo satisfies this property. However, 
in the same way that noun stems are considered 
in obligatoriness, if culminativity is analyzed 
based on tone on noun stems, i.e., lexical accent 
and predictable tone, then Harar Oromo does not 
satisfy this property. A noun stem in Harar Oromo 
can have more than one H tone on the surface, as 
in (32). Therefore, it is assumed that Harar Oromo 
does not satisfy the property of culminativity on 
the surface.

(32) More than one H tone in Harar Oromo noun 
stems

HH   [bímbé:] ‘mosquito’

LHH [wallíftú:] ‘singer’

Next, the property of privativity (PRIV) is 
considered. Hyman (2009: 224) defined this 
property by the example of a language that has the 
feature H vs. Ø rather than the binary feature H vs. 
L. The outcome of /H/ vs. /Ø/ is H tone and L tone 
on the surface in the absence of H tone while the 
outcome of /H/ vs. /L/ includes a combination of 
tones such as HL or LH on the same TBU. In other 
words, in languages that satisfy this feature only 
H tone needs to be specified lexically and other 
syllables bear L tone phonetically on the surface. 
Puinave language (Colombia) can have H, HL or 
LH tones on the same TBU, which means L tone is 
assigned lexically. This language has the following 
underlying and surface tones in (33), (Hyman, 
2009: 224).

(33) Puinave underlying and surface tone patterns 

 
 
Since Puinave has a single TBU that bears HL or LH tone pattern this language is considered to 
not satisfy the privativity property. 

In Harar Oromo, noun roots can be accented or unaccented, with accented roots surfacing 
phonetically with H tone and unaccented roots surfacing phonetically with L tone. Case suffixes 
get H tone from the floating H tone as noted above. Therefore, in Harar Oromo nouns, if no H tone 
is present lexically on the noun root, noun stems in citation forms surface with LH or LLH tone 
patterns after suffixation and realization of the floating H tone. Thus, since Harar Oromo nouns 
are either accented or unaccented, the property of privativity is met. 

The final property to be considered is metricality. Metricality has two features as Hyman 
(2009) suggests. The first refers to the condition where tones are placed or otherwise affected by 
metrical process, such as word edge. Tone placement in some languages is attracted to a metrically 
strong position either to the right edge of the word, as in Bantu, or to the left edge of the word, as 
in Mayo (Mexico) (Hyman 2009: 221). The second feature of metricality is whereby the prominent 
features are reduced or deleted in different contexts. An example of this is found in Haya 
(Tanzania), as given in (41). 
(41) Haya tone in different contexts (Hyman and Byarushengo 1984: 69) 
   

a. 
[ba-kóm-a] ‘they tie up’ 

b. 
[ba-kom-a káto] ‘they tie up Kato’ 

[bá-á-kóm-a] ‘they tied up’ [ba-a-kom-a káto] ‘they tied up Kato’ 
 
In (41-a) a verb may have one or more H tones, however, when the same verb forms are followed 
by a complement ‘Kato’ as in (41-b) the tone shifts to the right edge of the word. 

Discussion of metricality allows us to return to an unsolved problem, why monosyllabic 
noun roots with a short vowel in Harar Oromo are always unaccented, with at least two vowels 
present for a root to carry accent. In Harar Oromo, monosyllabic roots with short vowels are all 
lexically accentless, while the longer roots can bear lexical accent, as given in (42).  

(a).

/
⇤
/

H

−![H] /
⇤
/

HL

−![HL] /
⇤
/

LH

−![LH] //

L

−![L]

(b).

/
⇤


H

/

L

−![H-L] /

L

⇤
/

H

−![L-H] /
⇤


HL

/

L

−![HL-L] /

L

/

L

−![L-L]

(c).

/
⇤


H



L

/

L

−![H-L-L] /

L

⇤


H

/

L

−![L-H-L] /

L



L

⇤
/

H

−![L-L-H]

/

L



L

/

L

−![L-L-L]

Since Puinave has a single TBU that bears HL or 
LH tone pattern this language is considered to not 
satisfy the privativity property.

In Harar Oromo, noun roots can be accented 
or unaccented, with accented roots surfacing 
phonetically with H tone and unaccented roots 
surfacing phonetically with L tone. Case suffixes 
get H tone from the floating H tone as noted above. 
Therefore, in Harar Oromo nouns, if no H tone 
is present lexically on the noun root, noun stems 
in citation forms surface with LH or LLH tone 
patterns after suffixation and realization of the 
floating H tone. Thus, since Harar Oromo nouns 
are either accented or unaccented, the property of 
privativity is met.

The final property to be considered is metricality. 
Metricality has two features, as Hyman (2009) 
suggested. The first refers to the condition where 
tones are placed or otherwise affected by metrical 
process, such as word edge. Tone placement in 
some languages is attracted to a metrically strong 
position either to the right edge of the word, as in 
Bantu, or to the left edge of the word, as in Mayo 
(Mexico) (Hyman, 2009: 221). The second feature 
of metricality is whereby the prominent features 123



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

are reduced or deleted in different contexts. An 
example of this is found in Haya (Tanzania), as in 
(34).

(34) Haya tone in different contexts (Hyman and 
Byarushengo, 1984: 69)  

 
 
Since Puinave has a single TBU that bears HL or LH tone pattern this language is considered to 
not satisfy the privativity property. 

In Harar Oromo, noun roots can be accented or unaccented, with accented roots surfacing 
phonetically with H tone and unaccented roots surfacing phonetically with L tone. Case suffixes 
get H tone from the floating H tone as noted above. Therefore, in Harar Oromo nouns, if no H tone 
is present lexically on the noun root, noun stems in citation forms surface with LH or LLH tone 
patterns after suffixation and realization of the floating H tone. Thus, since Harar Oromo nouns 
are either accented or unaccented, the property of privativity is met. 

The final property to be considered is metricality. Metricality has two features as Hyman 
(2009) suggests. The first refers to the condition where tones are placed or otherwise affected by 
metrical process, such as word edge. Tone placement in some languages is attracted to a metrically 
strong position either to the right edge of the word, as in Bantu, or to the left edge of the word, as 
in Mayo (Mexico) (Hyman 2009: 221). The second feature of metricality is whereby the prominent 
features are reduced or deleted in different contexts. An example of this is found in Haya 
(Tanzania), as given in (41). 
(41) Haya tone in different contexts (Hyman and Byarushengo 1984: 69) 
   

a. 
[ba-kóm-a] ‘they tie up’ 

b. 
[ba-kom-a káto] ‘they tie up Kato’ 

[bá-á-kóm-a] ‘they tied up’ [ba-a-kom-a káto] ‘they tied up Kato’ 
 
In (41-a) a verb may have one or more H tones, however, when the same verb forms are followed 
by a complement ‘Kato’ as in (41-b) the tone shifts to the right edge of the word. 

Discussion of metricality allows us to return to an unsolved problem, why monosyllabic 
noun roots with a short vowel in Harar Oromo are always unaccented, with at least two vowels 
present for a root to carry accent. In Harar Oromo, monosyllabic roots with short vowels are all 
lexically accentless, while the longer roots can bear lexical accent, as given in (42).  

(a).

/
⇤
/

H

−![H] /
⇤
/

HL

−![HL] /
⇤
/

LH

−![LH] //

L

−![L]

(b).

/
⇤


H

/

L

−![H-L] /

L

⇤
/

H

−![L-H] /
⇤


HL

/

L

−![HL-L] /

L

/

L

−![L-L]

(c).

/
⇤


H



L

/

L

−![H-L-L] /

L

⇤


H

/

L

−![L-H-L] /

L



L

⇤
/

H

−![L-L-H]

/

L



L

/

L

−![L-L-L]

 
 
Since Puinave has a single TBU that bears HL or LH tone pattern this language is considered to 
not satisfy the privativity property. 

In Harar Oromo, noun roots can be accented or unaccented, with accented roots surfacing 
phonetically with H tone and unaccented roots surfacing phonetically with L tone. Case suffixes 
get H tone from the floating H tone as noted above. Therefore, in Harar Oromo nouns, if no H tone 
is present lexically on the noun root, noun stems in citation forms surface with LH or LLH tone 
patterns after suffixation and realization of the floating H tone. Thus, since Harar Oromo nouns 
are either accented or unaccented, the property of privativity is met. 

The final property to be considered is metricality. Metricality has two features as Hyman 
(2009) suggests. The first refers to the condition where tones are placed or otherwise affected by 
metrical process, such as word edge. Tone placement in some languages is attracted to a metrically 
strong position either to the right edge of the word, as in Bantu, or to the left edge of the word, as 
in Mayo (Mexico) (Hyman 2009: 221). The second feature of metricality is whereby the prominent 
features are reduced or deleted in different contexts. An example of this is found in Haya 
(Tanzania), as given in (41). 
(41) Haya tone in different contexts (Hyman and Byarushengo 1984: 69) 
   

a. 
[ba-kóm-a] ‘they tie up’ 

b. 
[ba-kom-a káto] ‘they tie up Kato’ 

[bá-á-kóm-a] ‘they tied up’ [ba-a-kom-a káto] ‘they tied up Kato’ 
 
In (41-a) a verb may have one or more H tones, however, when the same verb forms are followed 
by a complement ‘Kato’ as in (41-b) the tone shifts to the right edge of the word. 

Discussion of metricality allows us to return to an unsolved problem, why monosyllabic 
noun roots with a short vowel in Harar Oromo are always unaccented, with at least two vowels 
present for a root to carry accent. In Harar Oromo, monosyllabic roots with short vowels are all 
lexically accentless, while the longer roots can bear lexical accent, as given in (42).  

(a).

/
⇤
/

H

−![H] /
⇤
/

HL

−![HL] /
⇤
/

LH

−![LH] //

L

−![L]

(b).

/
⇤


H

/

L

−![H-L] /

L

⇤
/

H

−![L-H] /
⇤


HL

/

L

−![HL-L] /

L

/

L

−![L-L]

(c).

/
⇤


H



L

/

L

−![H-L-L] /

L

⇤


H

/

L

−![L-H-L] /

L



L

⇤
/

H

−![L-L-H]

/

L



L

/

L

−![L-L-L]

In (34-a) a verb may have one or more H tones, 
however, when the same verb forms are followed 
by a complement ‘Kato’ as in (34-b) the tone shifts 
to the right edge of the word.

Discussion of metricality allows us to return to an 
unsolved problem, why monosyllabic noun roots 
with a short vowel in Harar Oromo are always 
unaccented, with at least two vowels present for a 
root to carry accent. In Harar Oromo, monosyllabic 
roots with short vowels are all lexically accentless, 
while the longer roots can bear lexical accent, as 
in (35). 

(35) Harar Oromo monosyllabic noun roots(42) Harar Oromo monosyllabic noun roots 
 
   Root    Accusative case     Nominative case 

bar ‘year’ [bará] [barrí] 

man ‘house’ [maná] [manní] 

mal ‘trick’ [malá] [mallí] 

mirg ‘right’ [mirgá] [mirgí] 

 
In (42) nouns have final H tone while no lexical accent is found because roots are monosyllabic. 
It seems that a two-syllable domain in noun roots is required to have lexical accent1. Noun roots 
that do not meet this condition are always accentless and surface with only final H tone. The two-
syllable requirement to bear accent is metrical in nature- it is similar to saying that a foot must be 
binary. 

Another metrically motivated tone pattern in Harar Oromo is found in the position of accent 
in lexically accented noun stems: the accent must be penultimate. For accented roots, then, the 
position of the accent is predictable: vowel-final roots have penultimate accent and consonant-
final roots have final accent. Thus, it is important only to know whether the root is accented or not. 

Based on the above discussion of metricality in Harar Oromo nouns, therefore, it is 
assumed that Harar Oromo nouns satisfy the property of metricality. Table 10 summarizes the 
discussions of each of the four properties in Harar Oromo. 
 

Table 10. Prosodic Properties in Harar Oromo 
 Obligatoriness Culminativity Privativity Metricality 

   + 

Only H tone is 

present 

+ 

Lexical accent 

is affected by 

number of 

syllables 

 

Phonological 

- 

Roots can be 

accentless 

+ 

One lexical accent 

underlyingly 

  

 

 

Surface 

 

+ 

All nouns 

surface with 

at least one H 

tone 

 

- 

More than one H 

tone per noun can 

be found 

 
As shown in Table 10, the prosodic properties of obligatoriness and culminativity can be 

considered phonologically, i.e. underlyingly, or phonetically, on the surface. Phonologically 
speaking, Harar Oromo does not satisfy the obligatoriness property. The property of obligatoriness 
indicates that at least one syllable should be prominent. Underlyingly, noun roots in Harar Oromo 
can be accented or accentless. Accented roots are realized as H tone while accentless roots surface 
with L tone. On the surface, i.e. phonetically, noun stems can have a H tone on the penultimate 
syllable, due to accented noun roots, and a H tone is realized on the case suffixes. Therefore, the 

 
1 Actually noun roots might be analyzed in terms of moras since monosyllabic nouns with long vowels in Harar Oromo can bear H tone. These 
nouns are at least bimoraic as in fó:n ‘meat’, ló:n ‘cattle’ and ʔé:s ‘river name’. However, since monosyllabic nouns are not included in the 
analysis, reference to syllable number will be used. 

In (35) nouns have final H tone while no lexical 
accent is found because roots are monosyllabic. It 
seems that a two-syllable domain in noun roots is 
required to have lexical accent1. Noun roots that do 
not meet this condition are always accentless and 
surface with only final H tone. The two-syllable 
requirement to bear accent is metrical in nature. It 
is similar to saying that a foot must be binary.

Another metrically motivated tone pattern in 
Harar Oromo is found in the position of accent in 
lexically accented noun stems; the accent must be 
penultimate. For accented roots, then, the position 
1  Noun roots might be analyzed in terms of moras since monosyllabic nouns with long vowels in Harar Oromo can bear H tone. These 
nouns are at least bimoraic as in fó:n ‘meat’, ló:n ‘cattle’ and ʔé:s ‘river name’. However, since monosyllabic nouns are not included in the 
analysis, reference to syllable number is used.

of the accent is predictable; vowel-final roots have 
penultimate accent and consonant-final roots have 
final accent. Thus, it is important only to know 
whether the root is accented or not.

Based on the above discussion of metricality 
in Harar Oromo nouns, therefore, it is assumed 
that Harar Oromo nouns satisfy the property of 
metricality. Table 7 summarizes the discussions of 
each of the four properties in Harar Oromo.

As in Table 7, the prosodic properties of 
obligatoriness and culminativity can be considered 
phonologically, i.e., underlyingly, or phonetically 
on the surface. Phonologically speaking, Harar 
Oromo does not satisfy the obligatoriness property. 
The property of obligatoriness indicates that at least 
one syllable should be prominent. Underlyingly, 
noun roots in Harar Oromo can be accented or 
accentless. Accented roots are realized as H tone 
while accentless roots surface with L tone. On the 
surface, i.e., phonetically, noun stems can have a H 
tone on the penultimate syllable, due to accented 
noun roots, and a H tone is realized on the case 
suffixes. Therefore, the property of obligatoriness is 
satisfied on the surface. The culminativity property, 
which indicates one prominent syllable at most 
per word, is satisfied underlyingly where only one 
lexical accent is assigned. However, if this property 
is considered on the surface, then it is not satisfied 
because noun stems can have more than one H tone 
on the surface. The properties of privativity, in 
which only H tone needs to be specified and L tone 
surfaces in the absence of H tone, and metricality, 
in which monosyllabic noun roots do not have 
lexical accent, are both satisfied in Harar Oromo. 
In both phonetic and phonological analyses, Harar 
Oromo satisfies only three prosodic properties: 
obligatoriness or culminativity, privativity and 
metricality. Therefore, as suggested by Table 6, 
Harar Oromo can be classified as a restricted tone 
system and under restricted tone system Harar 
Oromo is a more stress-like language. In other 
words, the prosodic system in Harar Oromo has 
stress-like properties in which nouns do not surface 
without at least one prominent syllable. In addition, 
syllables that are not prominent surface with L tone 124



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

(42) Harar Oromo monosyllabic noun roots 
 
   Root    Accusative case     Nominative case 

bar ‘year’ [bará] [barrí] 

man ‘house’ [maná] [manní] 

mal ‘trick’ [malá] [mallí] 

mirg ‘right’ [mirgá] [mirgí] 

 
In (42) nouns have final H tone while no lexical accent is found because roots are monosyllabic. 
It seems that a two-syllable domain in noun roots is required to have lexical accent1. Noun roots 
that do not meet this condition are always accentless and surface with only final H tone. The two-
syllable requirement to bear accent is metrical in nature- it is similar to saying that a foot must be 
binary. 

Another metrically motivated tone pattern in Harar Oromo is found in the position of accent 
in lexically accented noun stems: the accent must be penultimate. For accented roots, then, the 
position of the accent is predictable: vowel-final roots have penultimate accent and consonant-
final roots have final accent. Thus, it is important only to know whether the root is accented or not. 

Based on the above discussion of metricality in Harar Oromo nouns, therefore, it is 
assumed that Harar Oromo nouns satisfy the property of metricality. Table 10 summarizes the 
discussions of each of the four properties in Harar Oromo. 
 

Table 10. Prosodic Properties in Harar Oromo 
 

 Obligatoriness Culminativity Privativity Metricality 

   + 

Only H tone is 

present 

+ 

Lexical accent 

is affected by 

number of 

syllables 

 

Phonological 

- 

Roots can be 

accentless 

+ 

One lexical accent 

underlyingly 

  

 

 

Surface 

 

+ 

All nouns 

surface with 

at least one H 

tone 

 

- 

More than one H 

tone per noun can 

be found 

 
As shown in Table 10, the prosodic properties of obligatoriness and culminativity can be 

considered phonologically, i.e. underlyingly, or phonetically, on the surface. Phonologically 
speaking, Harar Oromo does not satisfy the obligatoriness property. The property of obligatoriness 
indicates that at least one syllable should be prominent. Underlyingly, noun roots in Harar Oromo 
can be accented or accentless. Accented roots are realized as H tone while accentless roots surface 
with L tone. On the surface, i.e. phonetically, noun stems can have a H tone on the penultimate 

 
1 Actually noun roots might be analyzed in terms of moras since monosyllabic nouns with long vowels in Harar Oromo can bear H tone. These 
nouns are at least bimoraic as in fó:n ‘meat’, ló:n ‘cattle’ and ʔé:s ‘river name’. However, since monosyllabic nouns are not included in the 
analysis, reference to syllable number will be used. 

Table 7. Prosodic Properties in Harar Oromo

and metricality influence prominence in Harar 
Oromo. This conclusion justifies why Harar Oromo 
is described as a stress language in de Lacy (2002)

To summarize, this section provided arguments 
to how Harar Oromo is characterized in terms 
of prosodic properties of the world languages. It 
is argued that positing a pitch accent account for 
Harar Oromo does not fit the pitch behavior in the 
language since Harar Oromo prosodic system does 
not possess what has been suggested to be the main 
features of pitch accent languages which are tone 
predictability based on tone assignment on a single 
syllable and culminativity in which no more than 
one H tone per word is allowed. It is shown that 
Harar Oromo exhibits a restricted tone system in 
which obligatoriness is satisfied on the surface but 
not phonologically while culminativity is satisfied 
underlyingly but not on the surface. Together 
with privativity and metricality properties these 
prosodic properties indicate that Harar Oromo has 
a restricted tone system that is more stress-like.

V. CONCLUSION

In conclusion, the pitch feature in Harar Oromo has 
been analyzed by approaching the suprasegmental 
phonology of the language from different angles 
focusing on either stress or tone. Implementing 
an acoustic research methodology, this study 
included both floating H tone and lexical accent in 
explaining pitch patterns in nouns in the language. 

Tone patterns in Harar Oromo nouns are examined 
in isolated forms in accusative and nominative case 
as well as in noun roots. The tone system of Harar 
Oromo nouns is argued to represent a language with 
a restricted tone system. This is supported by the fact 
that this language is a more stress-like language, 
lacking only the culminativity property of stress 
languages on the surface in which one prominent 
syllable occurs per word. Other properties of stress 
languages, i.e., obligatoriness on the surface, 
privativity and metricality, are satisfied. 

Despite the results provided by this study, it has some 
limitations. This study focused only on a portion of 
the tone system of Harar Oromo covering only a 
part of the case system in nouns. Further research is 
needed to focus on other cases in the language such 
as the remaining four types of cases in Oromo: 
genitive, dative, ablative and vocative (Nordfeldt, 
1947: 22). Furthermore, verb system needs to 
be included in future works. Other major lexical 
categories such as adjectives, demonstratives, 
pronouns, postpositions, prepositions, and adverbs 
should be incorporated in future research for the 
analysis to be more comprehensive. A further 
point that has potential for further investigation is 
the status of Harar Oromo among other Cushitic 
languages and different varieties of Oromo. Such 
a comparison with other languages in the region 
would be helpful in providing insight into any 
inconsistencies of the analysis.125



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de Lacy, Paul (2002).  The formal expression of markedness.  PhD dissertation, University of Massachusetts 
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Ding, P. (2006). A typological study of tonal systems of Japanese and Prinmi: towards a definition of 
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Donohue, M. (1997). Tone in New Guinea languages. Linguistic Typology 1, 347–386. 
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28:29-48.
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Appendix A: 

A. Tone patterns in disyllabic noun stems

1. HH tone pattern
Root Accusative case Nominative case Gender 
da̽me ‘branch’ [dámé:] [dámé:n] Feminine 
sa̽re ‘dog’ [sáré:] [sáré:n] Feminine
da̽sa ‘shack’ [dásá:] [dásá:n] Feminine
ʔu̽ra ‘hole’ [ʔúrá:] [ʔúrá:n] Feminine
wa̽nna ‘thing’ [wánná:] [wánná:n] Feminine
xa̽le ‘liver’   [xálé:]   [xálé:n]   Feminine
ʔa̽du ‘sun’ [ʔádú:] [ʔádú:n] Feminine
xo̽:fo ‘trousers’ [xófó:] [xófó:n] Feminine
k’o̽ri ‘plate’ [k’órí:] [k’órí:n] Feminine
ja̽ro ‘time’ [járó:] [járó:n] Feminine
ʔe̽:ge ‘tail’ [ʔé:gé:] [ʔé:gé:n] Feminine
ʔe̽:le ‘pot’ [ʔé:lé:] [ʔé:lé:n] Feminine
k’o̽:k’a ‘isolated camel’ [k’ó:k’á:] [k’ó:k’á:n] Feminine
ha̽rre ‘donkey’ [hárré:] [hárré:n] Feminine
ha̽ttu ‘thief’ [háttú:] [háttú:n] Feminine
ʔa̽ble ‘knife’ [ʔáblé:] [ʔáblé:n] Feminine
di̽rre ‘field’ [dírré:] [dírré:n] Feminine
da̽rre ‘weak’ [dárré:] [dárré:n] Feminine
bi̽mbe ‘mosquito’ [bímbé:] [bímbé:n] Feminine
ʔa̽kko ‘grandmother’ [ʔákkó:] [ʔákkó:n] Feminine
ma̽lla ‘cheek’   [mállá:] [mállá:n] Feminine
ku̽mbi ‘tusk’ [kúmbí:] [kúmbí:n] Feminine
ba̽:lli ‘feather’ [bá:llí:] [bá:llí:n] Feminine
ga̽:nge ‘mule’ [gá:ngé:] [gá:ngé:n] Feminine

2. LH tone pattern
Root Accusative case Nominative case Gender
man ‘house’    [maná] [manní] Masculine 
bar ‘year’       [bará] [barrí] Masculine
mux ‘tree’      [muxá] [muxní] Masculine
tab ‘game’     [tabá] [tabní] Masculine
ga:f ‘horn’      [ga:fá] [ga:fní] Masculine
ga:l ‘camel’  [ga:lá] [ga:llí] Masculine
ʔa:r ‘smoke’  [ʔa:rá] [ʔa:rrí] Masculine
ʃe:na ‘remorse’ [ʃe:ná:] [ʃe:ná:n] Feminine
ro:b ‘rain’ [ro:bá] [ro:bní] Masculine
ba:l ‘leaf’ [ba:lá] [ba:llí] Masculine
baʔa ‘weight’ [baʔá:] [baʔá:n] Feminine
ʔabba ‘father’ [ʔabbá:] [ʔabbá:n] Feminine 
xara ‘road’ [xará:] [xará:n] Feminine 
ba:ti ‘month’ [ba:tí:] [ba:tí:n] Feminine128



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

da:ra ‘ash’ [da:rá:] [da:rá:n] Feminine
ho:la ‘sheep’ [ho:lá:] [ho:lá:n] Feminine
dʒo:lle ‘children’ [dʒo:llé:] [dʒo:llé:n] Feminine
dʒa:l ‘mate’ [dʒa:lá] [dʒa:llí] Masculine
ga:r ‘mountain’ [ga:rá] [ga:rrí] Masculine
mi:l ‘foot’ [mi:lá] [mi:llí] Masculine
dʒa:r ‘men’ [dʒa:rá] [dʒa:rrí] Masculine
ɲa:t ‘food’ [ɲa:tá] [ɲa:ttí] Masculine
ʔadd ‘forehead’ [ʔaddá] [ʔaddí] Masculine
fard ‘horse’ [fardá] [fardí] Masculine
dubr ‘girls’ [dubrá] [dubrí] Masculine
morm ‘neck’ [mormá] [mormí] Masculine
mirg ‘right’ [mirgá] [mirgí] Masculine
xudra ‘vegies’   [xudrá:] [xudrá:n] Feminine

B. Tone patterns in trisyllabic noun stems

1. LHH tone pattern
Root Accusative case Nominative case Gender
bartʃ’u̽m ‘stool’ [bartʃ’úmá] [bartʃ’úmmí] Masculine
fokki̽n ‘ugliness’ [fokkíná] [fokkínní] Masculine
guddi̽n ‘bigness’ [guddíná] [guddíní] Masculine
ʔalha̽d ‘Sunday’ [ʔalhádá] [ʔalhánní] Masculine
galga̽l ‘day hours’ [galgálá] [galgállí] Masculine
dalla̽j ‘fence’ [dallájá] [dallájní] Masculine
nagga̽d ‘trade’ [naggádá]  [naggánní]  Masculine
ʔisni̽:n ‘Monday’ [ʔisní:ná] [ʔisní:nní] Masculine
budde̽:n ‘bread’ [buddé:ná] [buddé:nní] Masculine
barno̽:t ‘education’ [barnó:tá] [barnó:nní] Masculine
bara̽ttu ‘student’ [baráttú:] [baráttú:n] Feminine
hama̽rti ‘finger ring’ [hamártí:] [hamártí:n] Feminine
ʔili̽lli ‘flower’ [ʔilíllí:] [ʔilíllí:n] Feminine
ʔadu̽rre ‘cat’ [ʔadúrré:] [ʔadúrré:n] Feminine
biʃi̽nga ‘grain’ [biʃíngá:] [biʃíngá:n] Feminine
dongo̽ra ‘hoe’ [dongórá:] [dongórá:n] Feminine
kotʃtʃu̽ma ‘stomach’ [kotʃtʃúmá:] [kotʃtʃúmá:n] Feminine
ʔindʒi̽re ‘lice’ [ʔindʒíré:] [ʔindʒíré:n] Feminine
barsi̽:sa ‘teacher’ [barsí:sá:] [barsí:sá:n] Feminine
ɗanɗa̽:rra ‘camp fire’ [ɗanɗá:rrá:] [ɗanɗá:rrá:n] Feminine
ga:ddi̽ddu ‘shadow’ [ga:ddíddú:] [ga:ddíddú:n] Feminine
hirri̽:b ‘sleep’ [hirrí:bá] [hirrí:bní] Masculine
dʒire̽:ɲɲ ‘existence’ [dʒiré:ɲɲá] [dʒiré:ɲɲí] Masculine
ba:ski̽l ‘bike’ [ba:skílá] [ba:skíllí] Masculine
dʒabe̽:ɲɲ ‘power’ [dʒabé:ɲɲá] [dʒabé:ɲɲí] Masculine
sa:hi̽b ‘friend’ [sa:híbá] [sa:híbní] Masculine
di:mi̽n ‘redness’ [di:míná] [di:mínní] Masculine
ɗe:re̽n ‘tallness’ [ɗe:réná] [ɗe:rénní] Masculine129



Majed Al Solami/ Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 8 No. 2  (2021)

la:fi̽n ‘softness’ [la:fíná] [la:fínní] Masculine
sa:bu̽n ‘soap’ [sa:búná] [sa:búnní] Masculine
hafu̽:r ‘breath’ [hafú:rá] [hafú:rrí] Masculine
kita̽:b ‘book’ [kitá:bá] [kitá:bní] Masculine
ʔade̽:r ‘uncle’ [ʔadé:rá] [ʔadé:rrí] Masculine
wara̽:n ‘spear’ [wará:ná] [wará:nní] Masculine
ʔare̽:d ‘chin’ [ʔaré:dá] [ʔaré:nní] Masculine
maga̽:l ‘brownish’ [magá:lá] [magá:llí] Masculine
ʔama̽t ‘year’ [ʔamátá] [ʔamánní] Masculine
ʔara̽b ‘Arab’ [ʔarábá] [ʔarábní] Masculine
dami̽:n ‘chief’ [damí:ná] [damí:nní] Masculine
ʔoro̽mo ‘Oromo people’ [ʔorómó:] [ʔorómó:n] Feminine
ʔada̽re ‘town name’ [ʔadáré:] [ʔadáré:n] Feminine
saga̽le ‘sound’ [sagálé:] [sagálé:n] Feminine
ʃimbi̽rro ‘bird’ [ʃimbírró:] [ʃimbírró:n] Feminine
ʔerga̽nno ‘messenger’ [ʔergánnó:] [ʔergánnó:n] Feminine
hantʃ’a̽bbi ‘ice’ [hantʃ’ábbí:] [hantʃ’ábbí:n] Feminine
walli̽ftu ‘singer’ [wallíftú:] [wallíftú:n] Feminine
k’urtu̽mmi ‘frog larva’ [k’urtúmmí:] [k’urtúmmí:n] Feminine

2. LLH tone pattern 
Root Accusative case Nominative case Gender
badi:ns ‘badness’ [badi:nsá] [badi:nsí] Masculine 
refe:ns ‘hair’ [refe:nsá] [refe:nsí] Masculine
bine:ns ‘animal’ [bine:nsá] [bine:nsí] Masculine
ʔintal ‘girl’ [ʔintalá] [ʔintaltí] Masculine
balʔin ‘width’ [balʔiná] [balʔinní] Masculine
k’allu:n ‘fish’ [k’allú:ná] [k’allú:nní] Masculine
ʔibidd ‘fire’ [ʔibiddá] [ʔibiddí] Masculine
k’ille:ns ‘wind’ [k’ille:nsá] [k’ille:nsí] Masculine
ɗi:tʃtʃis ‘dance’ [ɗi:tʃtʃisá] [ɗi:tʃtʃifní] Masculine
ʔokkote ‘cooking pot’ [ʔokkoté:] [ʔokkoté:n] Feminine
hanga:su ‘lightening’ [hanga:sú:] [hanga:sú:n] Feminine
xarfaffu ‘storm’ [xarfaffú:] [xarfaffú:n] Feminine
k’ut’usu ‘younger brother’ [k’ut’usú:] [k’ut’usú:n] Feminine
ʔutuba ‘supporting pillar’ [ʔutubá:] [ʔutubá:n] Feminine
du:me:s ‘cloud’ [du:me:sá] [du:me:sní] Feminine
ʔada:da ‘aunt’ [ʔada:dá:] [ʔada:dá:n] Feminine
maki:na ‘car’ [maki:ná:] [maki:ná:n] Feminine
maga:la ‘market’ [maga:lá:] [maga:lá:n] Feminine
hirijja ‘age friend’ [hirijjá:] [hirijjá:n] Feminine130