Hetti Waluati Triana / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 10 No. 1 (2023) 66 Online version available in : http://arbitrer.fib.unand.ac.id | 2339-1162 (Print) | 2550-1011 (Online) | JURNAL ARBITRER Submission Track A B S T R A C T Received: February 11, 2023 Final Revision: May 06, 2023 Available Online: May 10, 2023 Many studies have been carried out on religious narratives that go hand in hand with the Covid-19 pandemic, but only focus on religious authority, religious attitudes and behavior, and the contributions of religious leaders. In fact, the religious dimension in the Covid-19 hoax circle is a form of social practice that contains a dialectical process. This article aims to reveal the hidden dialectical process in the lingual features of the Covid-19 hoax through Halliday’s transitivity analysis. This descriptive qualitative research data is in the form of lingual elements in the Covid-19 hoax content related to religious issues. Data was collected using documentation techniques on four website pages to fact-check Covid-19 news published throughout 2020-2021. Data collection was carried out by going through the stages of reading and observing, sorting, storing and printing, rereading, and determining research subjects. The data is then analyzed by taking the data reduction stage; display data; conclusion, and verification. The results showed that of the 121 data used as a corpus, 6 types of transitivity processes were found, namely (1) material processes, (2) mental processes, (3) relational processes, (4) verbal processes, (5) behavioral processes, and (6) existential process. The research findings provide a new perspective on the tendency of discourse producers to construct narratives about Covid-19 and religious issues. The research findings will have implications for efforts to educate the public about hoax issues around Covid-19. With the description of the exploitation of religious issues, it is hoped that the community will be aware and able to think critically in digesting information. Keywords Religious narratives, covid-19, hoax, transitivity analysis, Indonesian social media Correspondence E-mail: hettitriana@uinib.ac.id Article Religious Narratives during the Pandemic: Transitivity Analysis of Covid-19 Hoax Discourse on Indonesian Social Media Hetti Waluati Triana1, Oktavianus Oktavianus2, Muhammad Ilham3, Annisa Khairunnisa4 1,4Arabic Language and Literature, Imam Bonjol State Islamic University, Padang, Indonesia 2Facuty of Humanities, Universitas Andalas, Padang, Indonesia 3History of Islamic Civilization, Imam Bonjol State Islamic University, Padang, Indonesia Under License of Creative Commons Attributioni-Non Commercial 4.0 International.DOI: https://doi.org/10.25077/ar.10.1.66-75.2023 1. INTRODUCTION Since its inception, the spread of Corona Virus Disease 2019 (Covid-19) has been accompanied by various forms of religious narratives (Sartika, Rijal, & Sirin, 2021; Sobri & Rafi’i, 2021; Salsabila et al., 2021). In the United States, certain religious groups spread misinformation about Covid-19 in society (Bok, Martin, & Lee, 2021). Religious legitimacy is used to hinder the mitigation process and generate public distrust of Covid-19. In several other countries, religious activities have become the big epicenter of the spread of Covid-19 to various other countries (Bok, Martin, & Lee, 2021). In the long journey of mitigating the spread of Covid-19, religious narratives associated with Covid-19 are displayed on various existing social media platforms. In Indonesia, one of the religious narratives that intersects a lot with Covid-19 is a hoax. On the https://covid19.go.id/p/hoax-buster page which is the official forum for the Ministry of Health in verifying hoaxes about Covid-19, no Hetti Waluati Triana / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 10 No. 1 (2023) 67 less than 8% of hoaxes are related to religious issues. The religious dimension has the largest portion in the Covid-19 hoax circle which involves Ethnic, Religious, Racial and Intergroup (SARA) sentiments. The same thing was also found on the official website of the Ministry of Health (kominfo. go.id) and the independent “Fact Check” page managed by the Indonesian Anti-Defamation Society (turnbackhoax.id). The religious issues found revolved around the topic of statements by religious leaders, religious teachings, confrontation of one religion with another, and religious fanaticism in responding to the Covid-19 pandemic (Rahayu & Sensusiyati, 2020). In the chronological order of the emergence and prevention of the spread of Covid-19 in Indonesia, hoaxes that have religious content are found in almost every stage of the process. Starting from the emergence of Covid-19 which is claimed to be God’s punishment for certain religious groups, to the phenomenon of refusal of vaccinations which is considered a foreign effort to spy on certain religious leaders and adherents (Rusli et al., 2021). This situation then positions religion as one of the inhibiting factors in the mitigation process (Siregar & Hasibuan, 2020; Pabbajah et al., 2020). Religion should contribute, but in fact it often clashes with the work of health and political authorities (Lubis, 2019). In a study conducted by Levin (2020), certain religious authorities are said to be part of the problem, not part of the solution. In the context of critical studies, the hoax phenomenon that borrows religious legitimacy is a social practice that contains a hidden dialectical process between the text and the context of the situation (Fairclough, 1995; 2001; Aman, 2002). In the lingual features of the hoax, there are complex things such as social change, value and knowledge systems, relationships, identity, ideology, and culture (Aman, 2006). In several previous studies, this approach had never been carried out. Most of the researchers focus on religious authorities (Zain & Hasanudin, 2021), religious attitudes and behavior (Sobri & Rafi’i, 2001; Simon et al., 2021), as well as the contribution of religious leaders in changing various existing bad perceptions (Huda, 2021; Muchammadun et al., 2021). Based on the landscape of the previous studies above, there has been no linguistic-based study of the Covid-19 discourse and religious issues. It is in this context that the study of critical discourse on hoaxes associated with religion is interesting to do. Critical analysis allows researchers to explore the social dynamics that exist in the lingual features of the hoax, describe the various contexts that lie behind it, to map the ideology contained in it. Through critical analysis, the position of religion in the hoax phenomenon can be explained objectively so as to eliminate superficial justifications about religious authority circulating in society. In this regard, this study aims to map the transitivity process in the Covid-19 hoax narrative related to religious issues. This research is expected to be able to provide an overview of the patterns and trends in the production of hoax discourse. Theoretically, MacDougall (1958) briefly defines a hoax as an untruth that is deliberately created to cover up the truth. In the factual dynamics that humans live in, the untruth is sought to be understood as something true. The hoax has the basic principle of lying and distorting facts to influence others (MacDougall, 1958). This concept is also in line with Utami’s argument (2018) which explains hoaxes as a post-fact era phenomenon in the form of false information used to influence and provoke audiences to act as desired by producers. In the way it works, hoaxes can distort someone’s understanding by polishing false information as truth. It makes hoaxes in contestation often used by certain parties as a weapon to attack opponents (Chen, Conroy, & Rubin, 2015). Among the fields where hoaxes thrive is new media. This term refers to instruments and patterns of internet-based information dissemination which are known for their advantages of being fast, instant and direct (Flew, 2008; Levinson, 2013). In the new media era, the flow of news distribution is more dominantly controlled by personally owned social media. Users can freely become consumers and news producers and distributors without being escorted by adequate verification tools (McQuail, 2002). The main symptom that is a significant difference between the new and traditional media is the pattern of information dissemination. In new media, the mediation process becomes almost non- existent because users can interact with each other Hetti Waluati Triana / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 10 No. 1 (2023) 68 quickly and freely. New media opens up a large space for interactive two-way communication so the impact is becoming more widespread and difficult to control (McQuail, 2000). The new media is popularly called social media. The movement of hoaxes on social media is motivated by the great desire of users to actualize themselves who are not equipped with adequate knowledge. Park & Rim (2020) called this symptom as instant activism. Social media users are dominated by individuals who always want to exist, but do not have the competence to scrutinize information properly (Kata, 2010; Veil et al., 2012). Hoax is characterized by the character of excessive, suspicious, and difficult information to be accepted by empirical logic. Hoax targets users who have relatively the same trust as producers. The pattern of spreading hoaxes is strongly influenced by the subjective characteristics of media users who tend to believe in the information they like (Park & Rim, 2020). Meanwhile, the transitivity analysis proposed by Halliday & Mattthiessen (2014) is used as an analytical tool. A transitivity system describes the various processes involved and the structures that embody them (Halliday & Mattthiessen, 2014; Berry, 2019). The perfect experience is realized by three important elements: process, participant, and circumstance. Halliday & Matthiessen (2014) categorizes processes into 6 (six) types, namely: 3 (three) main experiences or primary processes (i.e. consisting of material processes, mental processes, and relational processes) and 3 (three) complementary experiences (i.e. consisting of behavioral processes (behavioral), verbal processes, and existential processes). In this study, this classification is used as a theoretical framework to map patterns and trends of Covid-19 hoax narratives in research data. II. METHODS This type of research was descriptive qualitative. According to the arguments of Freemann (2009) and Mirhosseini (2017), the qualitative orientation of this study lied in the natural situation at the data collection stage and involved context at the analysis stage of the Covid-19 hoax lingual data. The research data was lingual elements in the form of words, phrases, sentences, and discourse on Covid-19 hoax content related to religious issues and published throughout 2020-2021. The data was taken from four pages of the Covid-19 news fact-checking website, which consisted of two official government-owned pages and two pages owned by independent communities. The government’s website is the website of the Ministry of Health (https://covid19.go.id/p/ hoax-buster) and the website of the Ministry of Communication and Informatics (kominfo.go.id). Meanwhile, the pages belonging to the independent community are the Indonesian Anti-Defamation Society website (https://turnbackhoax.id/) and the Kumparan website (https://kumparan.com/topic/ hoaxbuster). Data was collected using internet archival documentation techniques (Gunn & Fraire, 2011). Data collection was carried out by going through the stages of reading and observing, sorting, storing and printing, rereading, and determining research subjects. The final data was printed to facilitate re- reading and classification according to the types of Covid-19 issues and existing religions. In the next stage, the data was extracted and rounded into tabular form. After that, the data were grouped into data cards that had been made based on the types of hoaxes and religious issues referred to. After being classified into each card, the data were analyzed using the matching method (Sudaryanto, 2001). In analyzing the entire data, the author referred to the stages of qualitative analysis proposed by Lune & Berg (2017): data reduction; display data; conclusion and verification. III. RESULT Based on the results of the thematic analysis, it is known that 157 discourses from 278 data are displayed repeatedly on the four sites that are used as data sources for this study. As a result of this repetition, only 121 data are preliminary discourse data which is used as a corpus for the purposes of transitivity analysis. Of the 121 narrative discourses of the hoax covid 19 in Indonesia, 6 types of transitivity processes were found, namely (1) material processes, (2) mental processes, (3) relational processes, (4) verbal processes, (5) behavioral processes, and (6) existential process. The number and percentage of representation of the six processes can be seen in the table 1. Hetti Waluati Triana / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 10 No. 1 (2023) 69 Material Processes A material process is a process or activity that concerns the physical, that is, a representation of the experience that can be observed using the senses. The material process can be seen in the following data 1 and data 2. perception that occurs in humans. Semantically, mental processes involve human actors or other creatures that are considered to behave like humans. Mental processes can be seen in data 3 and 4. Table 1. The Number and Percentage of Each Process No. Process Number Percentage 1 Material 49 40% 2 Mental 20 16% 3 Relational 18 15% 4 Verbal 19 16% 5 Behavioral 7 6% 6 Existential 8 7% Total 121 100% No. Code Data 1 A 6 7 ; B57 Raja Thailand dan Istrinya bersholawat agar Corona hilang dari Dunia dan negeri ini. ‘The King of Thailand and his wife pray that Corona will disappear from the world and this country’ 2 B22 ITALIA bergema takbir aamiin ‘ITALY echoes takbir aamiin’ In the data above, material processes are found in the presence of the verbs to pray and echo. These verbs indicate a process and form of religious activity that can be observed by the senses. The participants involved as actors are those who tend to be said to be outside Indonesia, namely the King of Thailand (A67, B57) and Italy (B22). As for participant II, namely, goals that are clearly identified in the B22 data, namely takbir, where takbir is the goal of what is echoed. The sentence so that Corona disappears from the world and this country is a circumstantial effect because it is the result of a material process carried out by participant I. In this activity, hoax narratives that represent religion materially tend to be depicted in collective activities which make comparisons to the fact that these activities are not carried out in Indonesia. This narrative also emphasizes that material activities that appear as well as collective seem to really have an impact on the coronavirus. Mental Processes Mental process is defined as a process or activity involving cognition, emotion, and No. Code Data 3 A 5 0 ; B79 Kesan Abdul Somad Saat Divaksin: Ndak Terasa Sakit, Tak Sesakit Ditinggal Pas Lagi Sayang-Sayangnya ‘Abdul Somad’s impression when he was vaccinated: I didn’t feel sick, It wasn’t as painful as being left when I was still in love’ 4 D34 Wapres: Kita Berdosa Jika Melihat Tetangga Kelaparan Tapi Pemimpin Tidak Berdosa Kalau Melihat Rakyatnya Kelaparan ‘Vice President: It’s a sin for us to see our neighbors starving, but leaders are innocent seeing their people starving’ In data 3, the mental process was identified as the cause of the affection “It doesn’t hurt” which indicates the feelings and emotions of Abdul Somad’s senses. Then this process is also clarified as a reinforcement of the mental process experienced by the sensors, namely “It’s not as painful as being left when you still in love”. The phenomenon that becomes the object of this process is when the vaccine is given, where the senser (Abdul Somad) does not feel pain when this vaccination (phenomenon) occurs. While in data 4, the mental process in sentences with contradictory meanings is identified from the verb “see” which indicates a process of observation by the sensor, namely “us and the leader” conveyed by the vice president (Ma’ruf Amin). The phenomenon is “starving neighbors” by our sensers and “the people are starving” by the leader’s sensers. The circumstantial contained is the circumstantial effect, namely the word “sinful and innocent”. Relational Processes The relational process can be defined as a process of marking or characterizing, namely something that is said to have characteristics or markers. Verbs that can be categorized into this process, for example, are, exist, be, are, have, and so on. The relational process can be seen in the data 5, 6 and 7. In data 5, the relational process in discourse is identified by the presence of the predictor function of being. The relational process through the function Hetti Waluati Triana / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 10 No. 1 (2023) 70 of the predictor ‘becoming’ here is an attributive relational process that bridges the relationship between participant I FRIDAY PRAYER IN CHINA as a person and participant II HUMAN OCEAN as an attribute. Friday prayers that occur in China are part of the nature of the human sea. While in data 6, the relational process identified by the existence of a predicative function is. The word is labeled identifiative relational process. WHAT THE FPI SPRAYED was referred to as a sign and its function was equivalent to that of a subject. The CORONA VIRUS is called a value and its function is equalized as an object. In data 7 it can be seen that the relational process is identified by the presence of the predictor function AS which mediates participants I and II. This relational process is called an identifiable relational process in which the relationship between participants I and II has equality. Vaccines which are participant I are signs and propositions RELIGIOUS ORDERS AND LAW ARE MANDATORY are participant II as values. Verbal Process Verbal process is a process that shows activities or activities related to information, for example in the verb to order, ask, explain, and so on. The verbal process can be seen in the following data 8, 9 and 10. In data 8, the verbal process was identified by the verb to announce which was carried out by participant 1 as a speaker, namely the President of China. After that, this verbal process was followed by the announced words, namely the corona virus had become an epidemic and asked Muslims to pray for China. In data 9, the verbal process was identified by the presence of the calling verb as a verbal action carried out by the speaker as participant I, namely the Central Secretary of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI). As for participant II, the speech was to be careful and alert with the Covid-19 Rapid Test being held for Ulama, Kyai and Ustadz throughout Indonesia. Other participants included in this narrative are the recipients of the speech, namely all provincial, district and city MUIs. While in data 10 and 11, the verbal process in the data above was identified by the act of appealing and appealing carried out by participant I as an appeal, namely K.H Ma’ruf Amin. As for participant II, the appeal of the process is to perform penitential prayers so that the corona virus or Covid19 can be resolved quickly. Another participant is the recipient as the recipient of the appeal, namely all Muslims in Indonesia (A03, B13). Behavioral Process Behavioral process is defined as physiological activities or activities that express human physical behavior. In this case that can be categorized in this process, for example the verb to breathe, yawn, complain, laugh, and so on. The behavioral process can be seen in the following data 11, 12 and 13. The behavioral process in data 11 is identified from the verb to cry over. The verb crying above is a behavioral process in this discourse. The key No. Code Data 5 A 0 2 ; B12 SHALAT JUM’ATAN DI CINA menjadi LAUTAN MANUSIA. ‘FRIDAY PRAYER IN CHINA becomes an SEA OF HUMANS’ 6 B60 AWAS HATI2 YANG DIMSEMPROTKAN FPI ADALAH VIRUS CORONA!!!!! ‘BE CAREFUL THE FPI SHOUTS ARE THE CORONA VIRUS!!!!!’ 7 B104 WAPRES: VAKSIN MERUPAKAN PERINTAH AGAMA DAN HUKUMNYA WAJIB… ‘VICE PRESIDENT: VACCINE IS A RELIGIOUS ORDER AND THE LAW IS MANDATORY…’ No. Code Data 8 B01; B 0 2 ; D02 Presiden China mengumumkan virus corona telah menjadi epidemi dan memohon kepada umat Islam mendoakan China. ‘The President of China announced that the corona virus had become endemic and asked Muslims to pray for China’ 9 A25; A37; A62; B51; B64; B92; C 1 1 ; D44 Kami selaku Sekertaris Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) Pusat. Dengan ini menyerukan kepada seluruh MUI propinsi, Kbupaten dan Kota. Agar berhati-hati dan Waspada dengan diadakannya Rapid Test Covid-19 terhadap para Ulama, Kyai dan Ustadz di seluruh Indonesia. ‘We are the Secretary of the Central Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI). We hereby call on all provincial, district and city MUIs. To be careful and alert with the holding of the Covid-19 Rapid Test for Ulama, Kyai and Ustadz throughout Indonesia’ Hetti Waluati Triana / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 10 No. 1 (2023) 71 is found. Participants who became manifest were 17 cases of corona. This narrative is also followed by a circumstance, namely a location circumstance in Jeddah. In data 16, an existential process is identified from the phrase that already exists which shows existence. The entities in the discourse above are almost all of the congregations (churches). The circumstance contained is the circumstance of the time in the narrative when the church was reopened; circumstan the place in the narrative in the kingdom of heaven; and the circumstantial cause in the narrative of dying from COVID. IV. DISCUSSION The dominant appearance of material processes in hoax narratives indicates that physical activities, religious rituals, or direct actions seem to represent a more real discourse. In the contained discourse, material processes are dominated by religious activities. This is evident from the verbs used, namely praying, echoing, following along, crowding, jostling, carrying out, calling to prayer, echoing, learning, and so on. The verbs in this discourse are religious activities that are carried out physically, but are considered to have a positive impact on mitigating the spread of COVID-19. This verb is represented to emphasize that sacred rituals with religious values can overcome the spread of Covid-19. Discourse producers attach ritual value because physical activity or certain rituals in religious processions become a sign for the traditions of religious communities. This finding is in line with the results of a study by Bok, Martin, & Lee (2021) which stated No. Code Data 11 A 1 0 ; B25; Ngeri karena Corona Italia pun Bersujud. Mereka menangisi diri. ‘Horrified because Corona Italy also prostrated. They weep for themselves’ 12 A16; B38 D29 Setelah Adanya Virus Covid-19. Umat Islam Arab Banyak yg Murtad. ‘After the Covid-19 Virus. Many Arab Muslims are apostates’ 13 B05 20 juta orang masyarakat Cina memeluk agama Islam setelah terbukti epidemi Corona tdk menyerang umat Islam. ‘20 million Chinese people embraced Islam after it was proven that the Corona epidemic did not attack Muslims’ in this discourse is the Italian people represented by their words. Then this behavior process is followed by a circumstance of cause, namely horror because of Corona. While in data 12 and 13, the behavioral process is identified by the process of religious conversion with the word apostasy and embracing Islam as behavior. This process of religious conversion is called a behavioral process because there are material activities (the procession of embracing a religion) and mental processes because there are emotional beliefs involved in it. The minors included are Muslims (A16, B38, D29) and 20 million Chinese people (B05). The circumstance that is contained is the circumstance because what is stated in the proposition is after the presence of the Covid-19 virus and the proposition after it is proven that the Corona epidemic has not attacked Muslims. Existential Processes An existential process is a process that expresses the existence of an object in which the object is real or actually exists. The existential process can be seen in the following data 14, 15 and 16. The existential process in data 14 is identified by the absence of the phrase. The existence (maujud) is the reported case of Covid-19. Then the circumstance that follows is the circumstance location in Gaza as the place of what happened to exist. Then the circumstantial causes in the narrative so far as they have been cut off from the world which is the reason for the absence of existential existence. While in data 15, the existential process is identified by the existence of a detected clause which indicates that existential existence exists and No. Code Data 14 B16 Tidak ada kasus covid-19 yang dilaporkan di Gaza sejauh mereka sudah terputus dari dunia. ‘No cases of covid-19 have been reported in Gaza so far they have been cut off from the world’ 15 C01 17 kasus corona terdeteksi di Jeddah ‘17 cases of corona were detected in Jeddah’ 16 B 5 2 ; D46 Ketika gereja dibuka kembali, ternyata hampir semua jemaatnya sudah berada dalam kerajaan sorga Meninggal karena COVID ‘When the church was reopened, it turned out that almost all of the congregation were already in the kingdom of heaven Died of COVID’ Hetti Waluati Triana / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 10 No. 1 (2023) 72 deauthorization, as stated in the study of Pabbajah et al. (2020). Theoretically, the production and distribution of hoaxes about Covid-19 associated with religion cannot be separated from social media behavior, which Park & Rim (2020) call a symptom of instant activism. This phenomenon is in line with the arguments of Utami (2018) who explain hoaxes as a post-fact era phenomenon to influence and provoke audiences to think and act as producers wish. Religion is a commodity that easily triggers conflict and anger in society. In addition, religious sentiments are also effective in moving people to believe in news. In line with the religious attitudes and behavior of the people who are still shallow, religious issues in the Covid-19 hoax narrative get a place and enthusiastic reception (Simon et al., 2021). The research findings that depart from a linguistic perspective make an important contribution to the landscape of the study of Covid-19 discourse which is associated with religious issues. The description of critical discourse analysis that maps transitivity processes in hoax discourse provides a new perspective on the tendency of discourse producers to construct narratives about Covid-19 and religious issues. Religious issues will always be sensitive and easily trigger people’s emotions. There is a clustering of attitudes of religious adherents in responding to Covid-19 as shown in the studies of Rusli et al. (2021), Salsabila et al. (2021), and Zain & Hasanudin (2021) will always be triggers for the emergence of other hoaxes in the future. V. CONCLUSION Based on the description in the results and discussion section above, it can be concluded that the transitivity analysis of the Covid-19 hoax narrative shows the dominance of material processes compared to other processes. At the level of discourse production, this reality is influenced by the important role of ritual in people’s religious behavior, so that hoax narratives containing rituals tend to be easily consumed and believed. The existence of hoax narratives that utilize religious issues proves the existence of false religiosity among discourse producers. With a pattern of community diversity that tends to be fanaticism, the production of such hoaxes will easily be repeated in the future. The conclusion of this study that religious authorities were used to spread misinformation about Covid-19. This ultimately has an impact on the increasingly massive spread of the virus. The lingual phenomenon found in research data reinforces previous studies which state that religion has the potential and has even been used as an inhibiting factor in the mitigation process (Siregar & Hasibuan, 2020; Pabbajah et al., 2020). Referring to Lubis’ study (2019), hoax narratives built by discourse producers have clashed with religious authorities with health authorities and political authorities. The production of hoaxes that borrow religious legitimacy will eventually position religion as part of the problem, not a solution in preventing the spread of Covid-19 (Levin, 2020). Apart from the domination of the process, the research findings also show that there is a tendency for discourse producers to associate hoax narratives with certain religious figures who have become icons in society. Religious figures that appear are influential figures and have strong legitimacy. With that, certain groups take advantage of this discourse to provoke, narrate actions, or rituals in a concrete form in the material process. Especially for people who have high fanaticism, of course the response to material processes in religious narratives related to COVID-19 will be more sentimentally accepted. The use of the verbs vaccine, donate (fund), test, signed, attended, etc., is followed by the subject of religious figures. Not only sentimental, fanaticism will encourage a more massive public perception and response because hoaxes related to COVID-19 are narrated in the role of religious material. This finding can basically be categorized as the impact of the lack of positive involvement of religious leaders in tackling the spread of Covid-19. In line with the results of the studies by Mushodiq & Imron (2020), Siregar & Hasibuan (2020), and Muchammadun et al. (2021). Muchammadun et al. (2021) explains the negative involvement of religious leaders as a result of the rigid attitude of some religious leaders, so that they cannot utilize various online media to carry out their religious duties. Furthermore, Mushodiq & Imron (2020) highlight the minimal presence of influential religious figures in opinion battles in society. 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