Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 238 Online version available in : http://arbitrer.fib.unand.ac.id | 2339-1162 (Print) | 2550-1011 (Online) | JURNAL ARBITRER Submission Track A B S T R A C T Received: April 09, 2024 Final Revision: June 22, 2025 Accepted: June 23, 2025 Available Online: June 25, 2025 The Sasak language spoken by the Sasak ethnic group in Lombok, Indonesia is one of the many Austronesian languages. As a descendant of Proto- Austronesian (PAN), Sasak is assumed to retain traces of its Austronesian heritage. This research explains the phonological characteristics of PAN in Sasak language by using the working principle in historical linguistic studies. Etymon data from Proto-Austronesian were gathered through literature review, while 200 basic vocabulary and 500 culturally vocabulary were collected through interviews. The interviews involved native speakers of four distinct Sasak dialects, with each dialect represented by three carefully selected informants based on predefined linguistic criteria. Employing a comparative method with a top-down approach, the study identified 343 PAN etyma in Sasak, of which 190 (55.39%) were determined to be inherited lexicons. Among these inherited items, 25 retained their original forms, while the remaining underwent phonological innovations. The other 153 etyma (44.61%) showed no evidence of direct inheritance. Retained Austronesian phonemes include *p, *t, *d, *m, *n, *ɲ, *s, *l, and *r —9 out of the 28 PAN phonemes—where most were regularly retained except for *r and *ɲ, which showed irregularities. Innovations were observed in *C, *c, *z, *j, *N, *S, *h, *R, *ay, *aw, and *uy. Additionally, certain phonemes, such as *k, *?, *w, *g, *ŋ, *y, *i, *u, *Ə, and *a, exhibited both retention and innovation. The retention and innovation in Sasak followed four distinct types: (1) regular retention and regular innovation; (2) regular retention and irregular innovation; (3) irregular retention and regular innovation; (4) irregular retention and irregular innovation. The high degree of innovation and non-inherited lexicon indicate that Sasak has been separated from its Austronesian ancestors for a long time. This study plays a crucial role in classifying languages within Indonesia, identifying the center of Sasak ethnic distribution on Lombok Island, and exploring the etymology of the Sasak language. Keywords Austronesian, historical linguistics, innovation, retention, Proto-Austronesia Correspondence *E-mail: burhanuddin.fkip@unram.ac.id Article Austronesian’s Traces in Sasak: Historical Linguistics Study Burhanuddin1*, Boniesta Zulandha Melani2, Saharudin3 1-3Department Language and Art, Universitas Mataram, Lombok, Indonesia Under License of Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial 4.0 International.DOI: https://doi.org/10.25077/ar.12.2.238-258.2025 INTRODUCTION Along with Bima and Sumbawa, Sasak is one of the dominant languages spoken by the Sasak ethnic group on the island of Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia. As of 2025, the number of Sasak speakers is estimated to exceed three million (Blust, 1984 & 2013; Bellwood, 1991 & 2024; Klamer, 2019). Genetically, Sasak belongs to the Austronesian language family, specifically within the West Malayo-Polynesian group. Sasak is classified alongside Malay, Javanese, Sundanese, Madurese, Balinese, Sumbawanese, and various languages spoken in Sulawesi, Sumatra, and Kalimantan, as well as languages found in the Philippines, Malaysia, and even as far as Madagascar (Blust, 1978, 1993, 2013; Meacham, 1995; Adelaar, 2005a; Bellwood, 1996; Bellwood & Dizon, 2008; Stephen, 1990; Smith, 2017; Holton, 2017; Himmelmann, 2018; Klamer, 2019; McWhorter, 2019; Corner, 2020). Linguistically, Sasak shares a close relationship with Sumbawa and Bali, forming what Mbete (1990) termed Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 239 Proto-Balinese-Sasak-Sumbawa. Adelaar (2005b) later proposed the Proto-Malayo-Sumbawa hypothesis, arguing, based on both quantitative (lexicostatistics) and qualitative (exclusively shared innovation) evidence, that Sasak, Sumbawa, and Bali are closely related to Malay. This hypothesis challenges Nothofer’s (1975) earlier classification, which suggested that Malay is more closely related to Javanese, Sundanese, and Madurese—a grouping he referred to as Proto-Malayo-Javanese. Through a project funded by the Ministry of Education and Culture of the Republic of Indonesia, Herusantosa et.al (1987) classified the Sasak language into four dialects: Pujut, Selong, Suralaga, and Praya. Mahsun (2006), a dialectologist, proposed a different classification, dividing Sasak into the Pujut dialect (a-e dialect), the Pejanggik dialect (e-e dialect), the Aibukaq dialect (a-o dialect), and the Bayan dialect (a-a dialect). Thoir et.al. (1983) also identified four dialects: ngeno-ngene, ngeto-ngete, keto-kete, and meriak-meriku. However, Thoir et al.’s (1983) classification is considered inadequate because it lacks a dialectological framework. Their classification is based solely on variations of the phrase meaning ‘so-so,’ which is not a recognized criterion in dialectology. Additionally, previous studies have primarily focused on dialectology, identifying the number and characteristics of Sasak dialects and their prelanguage. While these studies provide valuable insights, they do not explain Sasak’s status as a descendant of Austronesian from a historical linguistic perspective. A comprehensive understanding of a language’s genetic lineage requires examining both its horizontal relationships with related languages and its vertical relationship with its proto-language. This genetic connection must be established through historical linguistic analysis, specifically by tracing the inheritance of linguistic elements from the parent language. By applying this approach, the study of Sasak within historical linguistics can achieve greater clarity and depth, offering a more complete understanding of its linguistic development. If Sasak is hypothesized to be a descendant of Austronesian (AN), linguistic evidence is needed to substantiate this claim. This is because a language that descends from a protolanguage is expected to retain traces of that ancestral language (Bynon, 1979; Crowley & Bowern, 2010; Campbell, 2013; Luraghi, 2017; Blust, 2013 & 2017; McWhorter, 2019). In this study, the presence of Proto-Austronesian (PAN) elements in Sasak is conceptualized as Austronesian traces. As is well established, linguistic inheritance from ancient protolanguages to modern languages occurs through two primary processes: retention and innovation (Jeffers & Lehiste, 1979; Mahsun, 1995; Keraf, 1991; Fernandez, 1996; Ross & Durie, 1996; Crowley & Bowern, 2010; Campbell, 2013). Therefore, this study aims to analyze the transmission of Proto-Austronesian features in Sasak, examining both retained elements and linguistic innovations. The inheritance of Proto- Austronesian (PAN) elements of phonology in Sasak, as discussed in this study, is evident in the retention and innovation of phonological features (sound changes). Tracing the linguistic lineage from Figure 1. Locations of Sasak language use Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 240 Austronesian to Sasak reveals several important aspects. First, there has been no vertical study that presents direct linguistic evidence confirming Sasak as a descendant of Austronesian. Existing historical linguistic studies have been horizontal in nature, focusing on comparisons between Sasak and neighboring languages such as Sumbawa, Balinese, and Malay (Nothofer, 1975; Mbete, 1990). Second, historical linguistic research on Sasak remains incomplete, particularly due to the absence of studies on its dispersal center. As is well known, identifying a language’s center of dispersal is a core objective of historical linguistics. This study was conducted to support that objective and thus carries implications for understanding the dispersal center of the Sasak ethnic group on Lombok Island. Third, this research contributes linguistic evidence to broader, more comprehensive studies on the identity of the Sasak people as part of the Austronesian ethnolinguistic family. Fourth, it holds significance for etymological studies and the development of a Sasak etymological dictionary, as it explains the lexical changes from original PAN forms to their modern reflexes in Sasak Several relevant diachronic studies relate to this research. Austin (2000) investigated verbs, valence and voice in Sasak. Mahsun (2006) conducted a dialectological study of the Sasak language, classifying it into four dialects, Pujut, Pejanggik, Aibukaq, and Bayan. Adelaar (2005) provided quantitative and qualitative evidence of the relationship between Sasak and Malay. In addition, Mahsun (2006) reconstructed the ancient Sasak language, while Sarwadi et.al. (2019) examined Sasak dialect variations in North Lombok, focusing on phonological and lexical differences. Austin & Nothofer (2012) examined he history of speech levels in Sasak. Austin (2014) documented aksara Sasak, an endangered script and scribal practice. Other studies have explored linguistic inheritance and classification. Paramarta et.al (2019) investigated numeral traces in Old Balinese inscription and their genetic relationship within the Malayo-Polynesian language family. Sumarlam et.al (2017) analyzed PAN reflexes in Buru to determine its linguistic position. Hadi et.al (2020) examined PAN inheritance in the Maya language of Raja Ampat, West Papua. Burhanuddin (2020) examined PAN retention and innovation in the Sula language. Burhanuddin (2021) applied a top-down approach to analyze whether Sakai is a Malay variety. Sugianto & Hasby (2023) explored patterns of language variations used among speakers of Sasak Lombok. Burhanuddin et al. (2024) examined the origins and migration of the Sasak ethnic group in Lombok from a historical linguistic perspective. Based on heterogeneity theory, they hypothesized that the Sasak people first settled in central and eastern Lombok—in areas such as Kopang, Terara, Kotaraja, Pringgasela, Masbagik, Selong, and Pringgabaya. From this homeland, a portion migrated southward, leading to the emergence of the Pujut dialect, followed by subsequent migrations that formed the Bayan, Pejanggik, and Aibukaq dialects. Other related studies include Burhanuddin and Mahsun (2025), which reviewed the migration of South Halmahera speakers in North Maluku, and Burhanuddin et al. (2025), which investigated the origins of the Sumbawa ethnic group in West Nusa Tenggara. Despite their historical linguistic approach, these studies do not examine Austronesian traces in the Sasak language. Research on Austronesian heritage in Indonesia is more commonly approached from archaeological perspectives. For example, Apriadi et al. (2018) analyzed Austronesian cultural traces on the east coast of South Sumatera, and Handini et al. (2018) studied the Lambanapu site to document the Austronesian diaspora in East Sumba. Moreover, Hidayah (2017) examined Austronesian traces in Gede Cave, Nusa Penida Island, Bali, while Hartatik (2019) explored the Kaharingan religion as an Austronesian influence among the Dayak people. Klamer (2019) traced the historical distribution of 650 languages across Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Timor-Leste, noting that Austronesian historical linguistics has not fully mapped the temporal and spatial relationships between these languages. Yondri (2020) analyzed prehistoric Austronesian traces in Subang Regency, West Java. Recently, Mukramah (2024) examined sound changes from Proto-Austronesian to Minangkabau. These archaeological studies rely primarily on material evidence to track Austronesian influence, whereas the current study approaches Austronesian traces through linguistic evidence. Language is inherently dynamic, evolving in response to its speakers’ and environmental changes. As speakers seek to adapt and innovate, language naturally transforms to accommodate their needs (Mahsun, 2006). These transformations Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 241 end (apocope) of a word. For example, in Malay, the PAN *h is lost and turns into Malay: /Ø/, as in *hubi becoming ubi ‘sweet potatoes’. II. METHODS This study adopts a descriptive qualitative approach, which involves explaining observed phenomena using non-numerical data presented in narrative form. Specifically, the study applies a descriptive qualitative approach within the framework of historical linguistics. The historical linguistic approach utilizes the comparative method to analyze the inheritance of protolanguage features in modern languages. In historical linguistic studies, two primary approaches—top-down and bottom- up—are used to trace linguistic evolution vertically (Crowley & Bowern, 2010; ). Before discussing the specific methods used in this research, it is essential to first outline the types and sources of data. A clear description of the data types provides insight into the nature of the linguistic material analyzed, while an explanation of data sources clarifies the types of methods employed in this study. The data in this study consist of the realization of 200 basic vocabulary Swadesh words and 500 cultural vocabulary words in the Sasak language (across its dialects, including Pujut, Selaparang, Aibukaq, and Bayan), as well as Proto- Austronesian (PAN) etymons—ancient linguistic elements—found in the Austronesian Comparative Dictionary compiled by Blust & Trussel (2020). The dictionary contains 1772 of PAN etymons, which serve as a key reference for Austronesian language classification. The vocabulary data (200 basic vocabulary and 500 cultural vocabulary) were collected directly from the field, with informants from 4 observation areas. Each area was selected based on the Sasak dialect classification by Mahsun (2006), which identifies four dialects. Thus, the sample of this study is four areas of Sasak language dialect speakers to collect basic vocabulary and cultural vocabulary. A minimum of three qualified informants were chosen for each observation area. Meanwhile, the PAN etymon data were sourced from online literary references, including the Austronesian Comparative Dictionary (Blust & Trussel, 2020), which Austronesian linguists for language classification. According to Sudaryanto (2015) and Mahsun (2019), language research has three stages, namely data collection, data analysis, and presentation of occur due to personal and environmental factors, as well as broader influences such as geography, economy, and politics (Anttila, 1972; Arlotto, 1972; Campbell, 2013). According to Lyons (1981), diachronic language change is a gradual process rather than an instantaneous shift. It involves the transition from a proto-language to its modern derivatives, beginning with sound changes that eventually influence word forms. Bynon (1979) and Robins (2014) assert that these changes do not occur uniformly across all words but rather affect individual words over time, with some words remaining unchanged. Consequently, every word in a language has its own historical trajectory (Lehmann, 1973; Lass, 1984). Sound changes from a proto-language to its modern descendants—such as the transition from Proto-Austronesian (PAN) to Sasak—can be classified into two primary types: retention and innovation (Anttila, 1972; Palmer, 1978; Crowley & Bowern, 2010). Retention refers to sounds that remain unchanged from the ancestral language. For example, PAN *aCay ‘eyes’ remains largely intact in Sumbawa: mata. Innovation occurs when a sound in the proto- language undergoes modification, deletion, or addition in the descendant language. For instance, Proto-Malay-Polynesian (PMP) *u/-#K transforms into Sumbawa: /e/, as seen in PMP: *pukul ‘attack’ → Sumbawa: pukel. Innovations can be regular or irregular (Bynon, 1979; Hock, 1986; Mahsun, 2006; Campbell, 2013). Regular innovations occur across a broad range of words, while irregular innovations are limited, affecting only a limited set of words. According to Lehmann (1973), Hock (1986), Keraf (1991), Mahsun (1995), Crowley and Bowern (2010), Campbell (2013), both regular and irregular linguistic innovations can take various forms, including phoneme change, phoneme loss, phoneme addition, split, merger, assimilation, dissimilation, metathesis, and contraction. Phoneme change refers to the transformation of a phoneme from the parent language into another phoneme in a more modern language. For instance, Proto-Austronesian (PAN) *i changes to Malay /e/, as seen in *ikur becoming ekɔr ‘tail’. Phoneme loss occurs when a phoneme from the parent language is lost in its descendant languages. This can happen at the beginning (apheresis), middle (syncope), or Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 242 data analysis results. These three stages are taken in this study. Considering the research objectives and the type of data to be collected, this study employs two data collection methods, namely the interview method (Balal, 2025) and the literature method (Khan, 2014, Hoda, 2024, Adeyinka-Ojo, 2025, Noble, et.al, 2025). The interview method is used to collect 700 vocabulary items across 4 dialects of the Sasak language. The interviews involve presenting a glossary of 700 vocabulary items in Indonesian. Additionally, this method gathers information on regional identity, boundaries, population, education, and labor. To ensure linguistic data validity, each session involves three informants simultaneously, selected based on the following criteria (Sudaryanto, 2015; Mahsun, 2019): (1) male or female; (2) aged between 25 and 65 years (not senile); (3) parents and spouse born and raised in the village, with minimal or no migration history; (4) maximum education level of basic schooling; (5) middle social status (neither low nor high) to ensure limited mobility; (6) agricultural or laborer occupation; (7) having pride in their dialect; (8) ability to speak Indonesian; and (9) physically and mentally healthy. The literature method is used to collect PAN etymons, which are available in the Austronesian Comparative Dictionary by Blust and Trussell (2020). PAN etymons that have undergone linguistic change within the Sasak language are recorded and analyzed. This method is also used to collect Sasak language data from written sources, including the Sasak-Indonesian Dictionary published by the Language Center of West Nusa Tenggara Province. Data analysis in this study employs a comparative method with a top-down approach, comparing elements of the ancient language (etymones) with linguistic elements found in Sasak dialects (Fernandez, 1996; Crowley & Bowern, 2010, Campbell, 2013; Ross & Greenhill, 2024). The comparison aims to identify pattern of change in the transition from PAN etymons to the Sasak language. A comparison was conducted between Proto-Austronesian (PAN) etyma and a dataset of 700 Sasak lexical items to determine inherited elements. Sasak words identified as non-inherited (loanwords or innovations unrelated to PAN) were excluded from further analysis. The remaining inherited elements were then examined and classified into two categories, retention (elements preserved from PAN) and innovation (newly developed or altered linguistic forms). Further classification of innovation patterns is conducted to determine the type of change, which may include: extracting (removal of elements), addition (introduction of new elements), assimilation (sound changes to become more similar), dismimilated (sound changes to become more distinct), metathesis (rearrangement of sounds), mergers (combining linguistic elements), split (division of one element into multiple forms), or contraction (shortening of words or sounds). Each type of change is further examined to determine whether it follows a regular or irregular pattern. III. RESULTS Before describing linguistic traces in the Sasak language, it is important to first examine the phonemes of both Sasak and Proto-Austronesian (PAN) to ensure a clearer and more systematic analysis. According to Blust (2013) and Blust & Trussel (2020), Proto-Austronesian (PAN) consists of 28 phonemes, including 24 consonants (/p, t, C, c, k, ?, b, d, z, j, g, m, n, ɲ, ŋ, N, S, s, h, l, R, r, w, y/), 4 vowels (/i, u, ə, a/), and 4 diphthongs (/ay, aw, uy, iw/). In contrast, analysis of the Sasak language, as identified by Mahsun (2006) and Thoir et.al (1983), reveals a total of 25 phonemes, comprising 8 vowels and 17 consonants. The vowel system in Sasak includes /i, u, e, ə, E, o, ɔ, a/, while its consonant inventory consists of /p, b, t, d, c, j, k, g, ?, s, h, m, n, ɲ, ŋ, l, r, w, y/. The presence and distinction of these Sasak vowels can be further examined through minimal pair analysis. a. /i/ : pari ‘stingray’ /E/ : parE ‘pariah’ b. /a/ : bəla? ‘split’ /e/ : bəle? ‘big’ c. /a/ : lalo ‘go’ /o : lolo ‘tree’ /u/ : lalu ‘Sasak Men’s Title’ d. /a/ : balo? ‘his son’s grandchild’ /ə/ : bəlo? ‘palm water’ e. /e/ : bədɔk ‘goit’ /ɔ/ : bɔdɔk ‘cat’ The presence of 17 Sasak consonants is demontrated in the minimal pair analysis as follows. a. /p/ : pait ‘bitter’ /b/ : bait ‘take’ b. /t/ : ituŋ ‘count’ /d/ : iduŋ ‘nose’ Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 243 c. /s/ : sai ‘who’ /t/ : tai ‘peces’ d. /l/ : Elaq ‘tongue’ /r/ : Eraq ‘later’ e. /c/ : kɔcɔr ‘kettle’ /j/ : kɔjɔr ‘rigid’ f. /k/ : taŋkEl ‘shell (coconut)’ /g/ : taŋgEl ‘attack, hit’ g. /?/ : bara? ‘swollen’ /k/ : barak ‘live coals’ h. /h/ : tipah ‘mat’ /?/ : tipa? ‘to’ i. /m/ : tumə ‘white lice’ /n/ : tunə ‘tuna fish’ j. /ŋ/ : pEŋɔt ‘mozzle’ /ɲ/ : pEɲɔt ‘dented’ The data analysis identified 343 Proto- Austronesian (PAN) etymons that have corresponding forms in Sasak. This means that out of the 700 basic vocabulary and cultural terms examined, only 343 were suitable for analysis. The influence of Austronesian heritage can be observed in Sasak vocabulary that directly traces back to PAN. However, Sasak lexicon that does not originate from the same PAN etymon (referred to as lexical differences) is not considered part of this linguistic inheritance. Thus, the inherited elements in Sasak fall into two categories: retention and innovation. Retention of PAN to Sasak Among the phonological elements inherited from Proto-Austronesian (PAN) into Sasak, several instances of retention have been identified, as outlined in the following data sets (b) through (ee). Prior to this, examples of PAN lexicons that have remained unchanged (retentions) in Sasak are presented in data set (a). (a) unchanged lexicons Gloss PAN Sasak lift *aŋkat aŋkat what *apa apa chicken *manuk manuk return *balik balik cough *batuk batuk split *bəla? bəla? fruit *bua? bua?, etc. (b) PAN *p Gloss PAN Sasak rice *pajay pa(d,r)e (b1) bitter *pa?i pait arrow *pana? pana? loft *paraw səmpare stingray *pari pari paria *paria? paria turtle *pəɲu pəɲu squeeze *pərəs pərəs flat *pipih pipi banana *punti punti? white *puni puti? what *apa apa (b2) fire *hapuy api grandfather *apu papuq? thin *tipis tipis kapok *kapua kapuk roof *?atəp atap (b3) life *?udip i(d,r)up stay *?inap Enap blow *tiyup tiup Data (b1) - (b3) show that PAN: *p in initial, middle, and final position is retained (unchanged) in Sasak. c. PAN *t Gloss PAN Sasak thin *tipis tipis (c1) blow *tiyup tiyup burn *tunuh tunuh afraid *takut takut sugarcane *təbu təbu swallow *tilən tələn stone *batu batu (c2) roof *qatəp atəp cough *batuk batuk flat *datar rata lice *gutu kutu ask *kutaɲa katuan egg *?atəlur təlɔ? cucumber *?atimun timu lift *aŋkat aŋkat (c3) four *əmpat əmpat sea *lahut lut Data (c1) - (c3) show that in the initial, middle, and final positions, PAN: *t is retained (unchanged) in Sasak. (d) PAN *k Gloss PAN Sasak dig *kalih kali? (d1) right *kawanan kawan kapok *kapua kapuk wood *kasiw kayu you *kaSu kamu left *kawiri kiri ask *kutaɲa katuan Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 244 afraid *takut takut (d2) root *akaR akah lift *aŋkat aŋkat child *anak anak (d3) stab *tusuk tusuk chicken *manuk manuk cough *batuk batuk PAN sound: *k in data (d1) - (d3) in the initial, middle, and final positions is retained (unchanged) in Sasak. (e) PAN *? Gloss PAN Sasak wet *basa? basa? split *bəla? bəla? swollen *baRə? bara? fruit *bua? bua? open *huka? buka? blood *daRa? dara? mother *inaq ina? far *jaə? jaɔ? *PAN Retention: ʔ in Final Position. The glottal stop *ʔ from Proto-Austronesian (PAN) is retained in Sasak primarily in word-final positions. This phonological retention is observed in several lexical items with the following meanings: ‘lick’, ‘pee’, ‘young’, ‘vomit’, ‘arrow’, ‘turtle’, ‘wrong’, ‘index finger’, and ‘tongue’. The corresponding PAN reconstructions and their reflexes in Sasak are as follows: *dila?, *mi?mi?, *muda?, *uta?, *pana?, *pəɲu?, *sala?, *Cuzu?, *dila? > Sasak: dEla?, mEnE?, ɔda?, uta?, pana?, pəɲu, sala?, tuju?, Ela?. (f) PAN *b Gloss PAN Sasak return *balik balik (f1) live coal *barah barak new *ba?əru baru wet *basa? basa? stone *batu batu cough *batuk batuk split *bəla? bəla? swollen *barə? bara? rice *bəras bəras weight *berə?at *bərat give *bəray beŋ calf *bətiəs bətis lips *birbir biwih fruit *bua? bua? trap *bubu bubu moon *bulan bulan hair *bulu bulu blind *buca buta hair *bukes bukes house *balay bale star fruit *baliŋbiŋ bəlimbiŋ star fruit *baliŋbiŋ bəlimbiŋ (f2) afternoon *rabian kabian sugarcane *təbu təbu pig *babuy babi porridge *burbur bubur Data (f1) and (f2) show that PAN: *b is retained in Sasak only in initial and middle positions. (g) PAN *d Gloss PAN Sasak hear *dəŋər deŋer (g1) two *dusa dua chest *daSdaS dada forehead *da?is dahi blood *dara? dara? in *daləm daləm lick *dila? dela? life *?udip idup (g2) young *muda? ɔda? shrimp *?udaŋ udaŋ burn *cidu sədut Data (g1) and (g2) show that PAN: *g is retained in Sasak only in initial and final positions. (h) PAN *g Gloss PAN Sasak handful *gəŋgəm *əŋgəm The sound PAN: *g only has irregular retention in middle position in Sasak, in data (h) (i) PAN *m Gloss PAN Sasak pee *mi?mi? mEnE? (i1) eyes *maCa mata chicken *manuk manuk five *lima lima (i2) father *amax ama? cucumber *?atimun timun drink *inum inəm (i3) in *daləm daləm six *ənəm ənəm handful *gəŋgəm əŋgəm needle *zarəm jaum sharp *tazəm tajəm Data (i1) - (i3) show that PAN: *m in Sasak is retained in all positions (initial, middle, and final). Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 245 (j) PAN *n Gloss PAN Sasak chicken *manuk manuk (j1) burn *tunuh tunu? drink *inum inəm arrow *pana? pana? six *ənəm ənəm mother *ina? ina? stay *?inəp Enap this *ini ini name *ŋajan aran (j2) road *zalan jalan right *kawanan kawan weaving *tənun tənun cucumber *qatimun timun Data (j1) and (j2) show that PAN: *n in Sasak is retained only in middle and final position. (k) PAN *ŋ dan *ɲ Gloss PAN Sasak lift *aŋkat aŋkat (k1) sky *laŋiC laŋit ridgepole *bubuŋan buwuŋ ear *Caliŋa təliŋa nose *ijusuŋ iduŋ (k2) star fruit *baliŋbiŋ bəlimbiŋ mortar *lusuŋ lisuŋ shrimp *?udaŋ udaŋ coconut *ɲiuR ɲiur (k3) turtle *pəɲu pəɲu Data (k1) and (k2) show that PAN: *ŋ in Sasak is retained only in middle and final position, while PAN: *ɲ (in data (k3)) experiences irregular retention in the initial and middle positions. (l) PAN *s Gloss PAN Sasak sink *sələm sələm (l1) elbow *sikux siku dog *asu basɔŋ (l2) salt *?asira sia one *isa sai? son/daughter-in-law ?asawa sawa wet basa? basa? stab *tusuk tusuk (l3) clean *kərsik bərsi suck *hisəp hisəp calf *bətiəs bətis (l4) crying *caŋis taŋis on *acas atas thin *tipis tipis rice *bəras bəras Data (l1), (l2), and (l3) show that PAN: *s in Sasak is retained in all positions (initial, middle, and final). (m) PAN *l dan *r Gloss PAN Sasak five *lima lima (m1) sky *laŋiC laŋit run *lariw pəlai sea *lahut laut sail *layaR layar neck *liqər lir mortar *luSuŋ lisuŋ lice *lisə?əS lisa? return *balik balik (m2) split *bəla? bəla? moon *bulaN bulan hair *bulu bulu in *daləm daləm eight *walu balu? dig *kalih kali? soft *daliS alus tie *caliS tali? road *zalan jalan lick *dila? dEla? head *?uluh ulu tongue *dila? Ela? house *balay bale wrong *sala? sala? rope *CaliS tali swallow *tilən tələn ear *Caliŋa təliŋa egg *?itəlur *?itəlur sink *sələm kələm three *təlu təlu snake *Sular ular caterpillar *kulay ulət pariah *paria? paria (m3) scrath *garut karɔk Data (m1) and (m2) show that PAN: *l in Sasak experiences retention only in the initial and middle positions, while in data (m3) PAN: *r has irregular retention in the middle position (n) PAN *w dan *y Gloss PAN Sasak right *kawanan kawan (n1) nine *siwa siwa? son/daughter-in-law ?asawa sawa sail *layaR layar (n2) The sound PAN: *w in data (n1) is retained only in middle position in Sasak, while PAN: *y in data (n2) only experiences irregular retention in middle position. Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 246 (o) PAN *i Gloss PAN Sasak he *ia ia (o1) nose *ijuSuŋ iduŋ mother *ina? ina? this *ini ini we *ita ita they *ida ia drink *inum inem one *isa sai return *balik balik (o2) star fruit *balimbiŋ bəlimbiŋ calf *bətiəs bətis lips *birbir bibir dig *kalih kali? salt *?asira sia octopus *?urica kərita? life *?udip irup shark *?isu hiu nose *ijusuŋ iduŋ ear *Caliŋa təliŋa lice eggs *lisə?əs lisa? thin *tipis tipis coconut *ɲiur ɲiur left *kawiri kiri sew *Ca?is jait sky *laɲiC laɲit neck *li?er lir five *lima lima pariah *paria? paria stomach *tian tian flat *pipih pipi nine *Siwa siwa? cry *Caŋis təŋis afternoon *Rabian kəbian water *waSir ai? banana *punti puntiq (o3) white *puNi puti a little *kədi səkədi? now *daNi nani afternoon *wari təŋari feces *ca?i tai wife *binahi səbinian dream *sipi impi younger brother *Suaji adi? bitter *pa?i pait stingray *pari pari Data (o1) - (o3) show that PAN: *i is regularly retained in all positions in Sasak. (p) PAN *u Gloss PAN Sasak shrimp *?udaŋ udaŋ (p1) snake *sulaR ular caterpillar *kulay ulət fruit *buaq bua? trap *bubu buwuh open *huka? buka? two *duSa dua rain *?uzaN ujan moon *bulaN bulan blind *buCa buta burn *tunu tunu? nose *ijusuŋ iduŋ life *?udip irup scabies *kudis gudEs white *puNi puti? head *?uluh ulu? mortar *lusuŋ lisuŋ rattan *?uay uwe ask *kutaɲa katuan hair *bulu bulu index finger *Cuzu? tuju? ridgepole *bubuŋan buwuŋ coconut *ɲiur ɲiur (p2) horn *tanduk taŋge? banana *punti punti? flow *?alur arus chicken *manuk manuk new *ba?əruh baru weaving *tənun tənun cucumbers *?atimun timun blow *tiyup tiup porridge *buRbuR bubur cough *batuk batuk hair *bulu bulu (p3) grandchildren *apu əmpu eight *walu balu? shark *?isu hiu stone *batu batu you *kaSu kamu lice *kutu gutu person *Cau tau turtle *pəɲu pəɲu i *aku aku elbow *siku siku milk *susu susu know *Ca?u taɔ? sugar cane *təbu təbu Three *təlu təlu ash *?abu awu Data (p1) - (p3) show that PAN: *u is regularly retained in all positions in Sasak. (q) PAN *ə Gloss PAN Sasak four *əmpat əmpat (q1) six *ənəm ənəm Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 247 rice *bəRas bəRas (q2) heavy *bəRəqa bərat turtle *pəɲu pəɲu sugarcane *təbu təbu eggs *?icəlur təlɔ? weaving *tənun tənun three *təlu təlu roof *?atəp atəp (q3) clean *kərsik bərsi in *daləm daləm hear * dəŋər dəŋər handheld *gəŋggəm əŋggəm squeeze *pəRəs pəRəs navel *pujək pɔsət sharp *tazəm tajəm swallow *tilən tələn Data (q1) shows that PAN: *ə retains irregularly in initial position, while data (q2) and (q3) show regular retention in middle and final position in Sasak. (r) PAN *a Gloss PAN Sasak dog *asu acɔŋ (r1) root *akaR akar child *aNak anak lift *aŋkat aŋkat what *apa apa up *aCas atas father *amax amaq dead *aCay mate i *aku aku ash *?abu awu (r2) flow *?aluR arus water *wasiR ai? swollen *barə? bara? feces *ca?i tai fire *hapuy api roof *atəp atəp chicken *manuk manuk return *balik balik live coals *barah barak new *ba?əruh baru wet *basa? basa? stone *batu batu cough *batuk batuk eyebrows *daliS alis blood *dara? dara? flat *datar rata in *daləm daləm eight *walu balu? dig *kalih kali? road *zalaN jalan needle *zarəm jaum far *zau? jaɔ? wood *kaSiw kayu? you *kaSu kamu right *kawanan kawan sky *laŋiC laŋit run *laRiw pəlai sail *layaR layar climb *dakiS taEk name *ŋajan aran person *Cau tau rice *pajay pade bitter *pa?i pait arrow *pana? pana? loft *para? səmpara pariah *paria? parie know *Ca?u taɔ? year *CawiN taun sharp *tazəm *tajəm afraid *takut takut rope *CaliS tali cry *CaŋiS taŋis cucumber *?atimun timun hundred *Ratus ratus wrong *sala? sala? now *daNi nani old *tu?as tɔa? stingray *pari pari afternoon *waRi təŋari scratch *garut karɔk wife *binah səbinian brother *Suaji adi? stomacth *tiaN tian (r3) horn *tanduk taŋge? bamboo *?aur aur shrimp *?udaŋ udaŋ snake *?ulaR ular rain *?uzan ujan mother *ina? ina? lick *dila? dEla? tie *CaliS tali? tongue *dila? Ela? young *muda? ɔda? vomit *uta? uta? split *bəla? bəla? rice *bəras bəras heavy *bərə?at bərat fruit *bua? bua? open *huka? buka? moon *bulaN bulan four *əmpat əmpat right *kawanan kawan ridgepole *bubuŋan buwuŋ correct *kəna kəna? (r4) blind *buCa buta two *duSa dua Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 248 salt *?asiRa sia octopus *kuRiCa kərita? he, she *ia ia we *ita ita five *lima lim(a,e) eye *maCa mata they *ida sita one *isa sai? nine *siwa siwa son/doughter-in-law ear *Caliŋa təliŋa Data (r1) - (r3) show that PAN: *a is regularly retained in all positions (initial, middle, and final) in Sasak. Innovation of PAN to Sasak The data analysis identified several PAN elements that have been retained in Sasak, as shown in the following data. (s) PAN *k Gloss PAN Sasak lice *kutu gutu clean *kərsi? bərsih caterpillar *kulay ulət Data (s) shows that PAN: *k undergoes irregular innovation into Sasak: g, b, ø in the initial position. (t) PAN *C dan *c Gloss PAN Sasak person *Cau tau (t1) know *Ca?u tahu year *CawiN taun rope *CaliS tali cry *Caŋis taŋis ear *Caliŋa təliŋa index finger *Cuzu? tunjuk burn *CuNuh tunu? up *aCas atas (t2) kill *aCay mate? blind *buCa buta octopus *?uRiCa kərita? heart *?aCay ate that *iCu eto eye *maCa mata dead *aCay mate egg *?iCeluR təlɔ? Sky *laŋiC *laŋit (t3) feces *ca?i tai (t4) Data (t1) and (t2) show that PAN: *C undergoes regular innovation into Sasak: t in the initial and middle positions, while in the final position it occurs irregularly (data (c3). The data (t4) shows that PAN: *c experienced irregular innovation into Sasak: t in the initial position. (u) PAN *? Gloss PAN Sasak ash *?abu awu (u1) flow *?alur arus roof *?atəp atəp bamboo *aur aur salt *qasiRa sia heart *?acay ate life *?udip i(d,r)up shark *?isu hiu rain ?ujan ujan stay *?inəp Enap this *?ani ini head *?uluh ulu rattan *?uay uwe son/daughter-in-law ?asawa sawa egg *?itəluR təlɔq cucumber *?atimun timun shrimp *?udaŋ udaŋ new *ba?əruh baru (u2) sewing *Ca?iS jait neck *li?er lir bitter *pa?i pait know *ta?u taɔ? feces *ca?i tai lice eggs *lisə?əs lisa? (u3) eyebrows *da?iS alis pariah *paria? paria (u4) Data (u1) and (u2) show that PAN: *? undergoes regular innovation into Sasak: ø in the initial and middle positions, while in the final position it occurs irregularly (data (u3)). (v) PAN *b dan *d Gloss PAN Sasak ridgepole *bubuŋan buwuŋ (v1) ash *?abu awu climb *dakiS taek (v2) flat *datar rata (v3) soft *daliS alus (v4) Data (v1) shows that PAN: *b undergoes irregular innovation to Sasak:w in middle position. Data (v2), (v3), and (v4) each show the irregular innovation of PAN: *d to Sasak: d, r, and ø in initial position. (w) PAN *z, *j, dan *g Gloss PAN Sasak road *zalaN jalan (w1) needle *zarəm jaum far *zau? jaɔ? Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 249 sharp *tazəm tajəm (w2) rain *quzaN ujan younger brother *Suaji adi? (w3) nose *ijusuŋ iduŋ rice *pajay pad(i,e) name *ŋajan aran (w4) navel *pujək pɔsət handful *gəŋgəm əŋgəm (w5) Data sets (w1) and (w2) indicate that the Proto-Austronesian (PAN) phoneme *z regularly changes to /j/ in Sasak when it occurs in initial position. However, in medial position, the change is irregular. If data set (w2) is expanded, it is possible that a more regular pattern may emerge. Similarly, in data sets (w3) and (w4), PAN *j in the penultimate syllable consistently shifts to /r/ in Sasak, while in the final syllable, it changes to /r/ or /s/ irregularly. In data set (w5), PAN *g in initial position disappears irregularly in Sasak. (x) PAN *ŋ dan *N Gloss PAN Sasak name *ŋajan aran (x1) child *aNak anak (x2) now *daNi nani banana *puNi punti? stomach *tiaN tian (x3) moon *bulaN bulan rain *?uzaN ujan year *CawiN taun Data set (x1) shows that the Proto-Austronesian (PAN) phoneme *ŋ disappears irregularly in initial position in Sasak. In contrast, data sets (x2) and (x3) indicate that the PAN nasal phoneme *N consistently undergoes a regular sound change to /n/ in Sasak, both in medial and final positions. (y) PAN *S dan *h Gloss PAN Sasak nine *Siwa siwa? (y1) younger brother *Suaji adi? dream *Sipi impi you *kaSu kamu (y2) two *duSa dua shark *?iSu hiu chest *daSdaS dada (y3) nail *kuSkuS kuku? water *waSir ai? nose *ijuSuŋ iduŋ old *tu?aS tɔa? (y4) tie *CaliS tali? rope *CaliS tali lice egg *lisə?əS lisa? sewing *Ca?iS jait (y5) eyebrows *daliS alis (y6) up *dakS taEk (y7) fire *hapuy Api (y8) suck *hisəp isəp new *ba?əRuh Baru (y9) head *?uluh ulu cheek *pipih pipi dig *kalih Kali? (y10) Data set (y1) shows that the Proto-Austronesian (PAN) phoneme *S underwent irregular innovation (in the form of a split) into Sasak /s/ and zero (ø). In data set (y2), *S in the penultimate syllable also splits irregularly, resulting in /m/ and ø in Sasak. In contrast, in the ultimate syllable (see data (y3)), *S regularly disappears in Sasak. Data set (y4) shows a regular innovation of *S into glottal stop /ʔ/ in Sasak, while in data sets (y5) to (y7), *S irregularly changes into /t/, /s/, and ø, respectively. In data set (y8), PAN *h disappears irregularly in word- initial position in Sasak—though if the dataset is expanded, the change may prove to be regular. In final position (data (y9)), *h regularly disappears. However, in some cases, *h may also undergo irregular innovation into /ʔ/ in final position, as shown in data set (y10). (z) PAN *R Gloss PAN Sasak hundred *Ratus ratus (z1) salt *?asiRa sia (z2) octopus *kuRita kərita? left *kawiRi kiri stingray *paRi pari afternoon *waRi təŋari live coals *baRah barak (z3) new *baqəRuh baru swollen *baRew bara? rice *bəRas bəras heavy *bəRə?at bərat blood *daRa? dara? squeeze *pəRəs pərəs needle *zaRəm jaum lips *biRbiR Biwir (z4) porridge *buRbuR Bubur listen *dəŋər dəŋər snake *sulaR Ular bamboo *?auR aur sail *layaR Layar neck *liqəR Lir water *waSiR ai? (z5) egg *?itəluR təlɔ? give *bəRay bEŋ (z6) run *laRiw pəlai (z7) Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 250 Data set (z1) shows that the Proto-Austronesian (PAN) phoneme *R undergoes irregular innovation into /r/ in Sasak. In data sets (z2) and (z3), *R regularly changes into /r/ in both penultimate and ultimate syllables. In data set (z4), *R consistently becomes /r/, while in data set (z5), it irregularly changes into a glottal stop /ʔ/. Meanwhile, in data sets (z6) and (z7), the *R phoneme disappears irregularly in Sasak. (aa) PAN *w and *y Gloss PAN Sasak water *waSiR ai? (aa1) root *wakaR akar afternoon *wari təŋari eight *walu balu? (aa2) honey *wanu lani left *kawiri kiri (aa3) year *CawiN taun blow *tiyup tiup (aa3) Data (aa1) indicates that the PAN phoneme *w in initial position either disappears regularly or changes into Sasak /b/ or /l/ (see data (aa2)). In penultimate syllables (data aa3), *w disappears irregularly. Data (aa4) shows that PAN *y also disappears irregularly in Sasak. (bb) PAN *i Gloss PAN Sasak lick *dila? dEla? (bb1) tongue *dilaq Ela? swallow *tilən təlan (bb2) egg *qicəluR təlɔ? scabies *kudiS gudEs (bb3) climb *dakiS taEk soft *daliS alus (bb4) year *CawiN taun (bb5) Data (bb1) shows that PAN *i in penultimate syllables innovates into Sasak /E/, while in data (bb2), it changes to /ə/—both occurring irregularly. In data sets (bb3) to (bb5), *i in ultimate syllables undergoes irregular innovations, becoming /e/, /E/, and /u/, respectively. (cc) PAN *u Gloss PAN Sasak old *tu?aS tɔa? (cc1) navel *pujək pɔsət young *muda? ɔda? dog *asu acɔŋ that *iCu etɔ younger brother *Suaji adi? (cc2) octopus *?uriCa kərita? (cc3) egg *?icəlur təlɔ? (cc4) far *zau? jaɔ? sleep *tuduR tindu? (cc5) drink *inum inəm (cc6) Data (cc1) shows that PAN *u in penultimate syllables regularly innovates into Sasak /ɔ/. However, in some cases, it either disappears (data cc2) or changes to /ə/ irregularly (data cc3). In ultimate syllables, *u undergoes irregular innovations, becoming /ɔ/, /o/, and /ə/ in data (cc4), (cc5), and (cc6), respectively. (dd) PAN *ə dan *a Gloss PAN Sasak new *ba?əruh baru (dd1) swollen *barə? bara? (dd2) needle *zarəm jaum Data (dd1) and (dd2) indicate that PAN *ə in penultimate syllables irregularly innovates into Sasak /a/, while in ultimate syllables it also becomes /a/. (ee) PAN *ay, *aw, dan *uy Gloss PAN Sasak kill *acay mate? (ee1) dead *acay mate rattan *?uay uwe foot *qaqay nae rice *səmay mi (ee2) rice *pajay padi give *bəray bEŋ (ee3) caterpillar *kulay ulat (ee4) scratch *karaw karɔk (ee5) wood *kasaw kayu (ee6) fire *hapuy api (ee7) pig *babuy babi Data (ee1) shows that PAN *ay in final position regularly changes to Sasak /e/. However, in data (ee2), it changes irregularly to /i/. In data (ee3) and (ee4), it irregularly becomes /E/ and /a/, respectively, in final position. PAN *aw, as seen in data (ee5) and (ee6), undergoes irregular innovation to Sasak /ɔ/ and /u/ in final position. Similarly, PAN *uy in final position irregularly changes to Sasak /i/. IV. DISCUSSION As previously noted, of the 343 Proto- Austronesian (PAN) etymons identified in the Sasak language, 190 lexical items (55.39%) were classified as inherited, while the remaining 153 items (44.61%) were not. Among the 190 inherited Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 251 lexicons, two types of phonological traces of Austronesian origin were observed in Sasak: retentions and innovations. AN traces in the form of retention Retention elements refer to linguistic features that have remained unchanged from their parent language, Proto-Austronesian (PAN). Among the 190 inherited lexical items in Sasak—comprising both phonological retentions and innovations—25 items (13.16%) exhibit complete phonological retention. In these cases, all constituent sounds have been fully preserved without any modification from the original PAN forms (see data set (a)). Additional examples of retained lexicons in Sasak include words with meanings such as ‘feather/fur,’ ‘four,’ ‘six,’ ‘five,’ ‘vomit,’ ‘arrow,’ ‘turtle,’ ‘wrong,’ ‘me,’ ‘milk,’ ‘scared,’ ‘sugar,’ ‘three,’ ‘blowing,’ and ‘stab.’ The relatively low proportion of fully retained forms suggests that Sasak has been separated from its proto-language for a considerable duration, resulting in extensive lexical and phonological innovation. According to estimates by Austronesian linguists, the ancestors of Austronesian languages began migrating from their original homeland around 4,200 to 1,500 BCE. (Blust, 1984, 1995, & 2013; Bellwood, 1991, 2017, 2024; Ross, 2017; Klamer, 2019; Ross & Greenhill, 2024). The retained elements can be categorized into numerals (‘three,’ ‘four,’ ‘five,’ ‘six’), nouns, question words, and pronouns (‘fruit,’ ‘chicken,’ ‘feather,’ ‘turtle,’ ‘sugarcane,’ ‘milk,’ ‘I,’ and ‘what’), as well as verbs (‘lift,’ ‘turn,’ ‘cough,’ ‘split,’ ‘arrow,’ ‘blow,’ and ‘stab’). Phonologically, retention is observed in PAN phonemes such as *p, *t, *k, *ʔ, *b, *d, *g, *m, *n, *ŋ, *ɲ, *s, *l, *r, *w, *y, *i, *u, *e, and *a. However, while these phonemes are retained, they often appear in etymons that have undergone phonological changes due to shifts in other sounds. Despite experiencing retention, these sounds appear in etymons that have undergone innovation. This means that the PAN etymon where phonological retention occurs has undergone innovation due to changes in other sounds. Data (b) demonstrates the regular retention of PAN *p in initial, medial, and final positions, as observed in data (b1), (b2), and (b3) respectively. This retention occurs regularly. The etymon PAN: *pajay ‘rice’ > Sasak: pa(d,r)e, underwent changes following the process: *pajay > *paje > pa(d,r) e. This transformation indicates that innovation occurred due to the shift of PAN *ay to Sasak /e/, and PAN *j to Sasak /d/, rather than any modification of PAN *p. The change of PAN: *ay > Sasak: /e/ in the final position is a regular occurrence (see data (ee1)), as is the change in PAN: *j > Sasak: /d/ in the middle position (see data (w3)). Furthermore the change of PAN: *paraw ‘loft’, into Sasak: səmpare followed the process: *paraw > *pare > *mpare > Sasak: səmpare. Data (c) demonstrates the regular retention of PAN: *t in initial, medial, and final positions. The change of PAN: *tilən ‘swallow’ into Sasak: tələn, occurred due to the assimilation of *ə in the ultima syllable environment to *i in the penultimate syllable. Likewise, PAN: *?itəluR ‘egg’ changed into Sasak: təlɔ?, through the deletion of the initial syllable *?i- resulting in *təlur. This was followed by the lowering of the vowel *u > /ɔ/, producing *təlɔR, which then became Sasak: təlɔ?. The change of PAN: *R to Sasak /?/ is also observed in PAN: *waSiR ‘water’, which became Sasak: ai?. Additionally, data (d) indicates the retention of PAN *k in all positions within Sasak. For instance, PAN: *kawanan ‘right’ likely changed into: *kawaan following the deletion of /n/, which was then followed by the deletion of the vowel /a/), ultimately resulting in Sasak: kawan. For PAN *s, data (l) indicates regular retention in medial and final positions but irregular retention in the initial position. Data (m) shows that PAN *l is consistently retained in initial and medial positions, whereas *r displays irregular retention in the medial position. Finally, data (n) reveals that PAN *w is regularly retained in the medial position, while *y undergoes irregular retention. Data (e) shows the regular retention of PAN: *? in the final position. PAN: *Cuzu? is hypothesized to have first changed to *tuzu?, as the shift from PAN: *C to Sasak: /t/ occurs regularly (see data (t1), (t2), and (t3)). This was followed bt the change of PAN *z to Sasak /j/, another regular change (see data (w1), (w2), and (w3)), ultimately resulting in Sasak: tujuq ‘index finger’.. Data (f) and (g) confirm the regular retention of PAN: *b and *d in initial and medial positions, respectively. However, data (h) indicates an irregular retention of PAN: *g in medial position. Data (i) shows that PAN: *m is consistntly retained across all positions. Similarly, data (j) reveals that PAN: *n experienced Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 252 regular retention in medial and final positions. Nasal PAN: *ŋ is also consistntly retained in initial and medial positions (see data (k1) and (k2)), while PAN *ɲ exhibits irregular retention in both initial and medial positions (see data (k3)). For PAN: *s in data (l) indicates regular retention in medial and final positions, but irregular retention in the initial position. Data (m) shows that PAN: *l consistently retained in initial and medial positions, whereas *r displays irregular retention in the medial position. Finally, data (n) reveals that PAN: *w is regularly retained in the medial position, while *y underwent irregular retention. The PAN vowels *i, *u, and *a exhibit regular retention in initial position, penultimate syllables, ultimate syllables, and final position, as shown in data (o), (p), and (r), respectively. PAN *e, as seen in data (q2) and (q3), is also regularly retained in both penultimate and ultimate syllables, but its retention in the initial position is irregular (see data (q1)). The change of PAN *ijuSuŋ ‘nose’ into Sasak: iduŋ follows a systematic process: *ijuSuŋ > *ijuuŋ > *ijuŋ > iduŋ. The deletion of PAN *s in medial position occurs regularly in Sasak, as illustrated by PAN *waSir > *wair > *air > Sasak ai? ‘water’, as well as in PAN *duSa ‘two’ > Sasak dua. Similarly, the retention of PAN *u is evident in *ba?əRuh ‘new’ > *baəRuh > *baRuh > *baruh > Sasak baru. The deletion of the glottal stop *? in medial position is a common feature in Sasak (see data (u2)), as seen in PAN *li?er, *pa?i, *Ca?i, which become Sasak lir ‘neck,’ pait ‘bitter,’ and tai ‘feces’ respectively. Likewise, the change of PAN *R to Sasak /r/ in medial position follows a regular pattern. For example, the words for ‘give,’ ‘needle,’ and ‘run’ derive from PAN *beRay, *jaRum, and *laRiw, resulting in Sasak bEŋ, jaum, and pəlai. The likely stages of transformation are PAN *beRay > *beRi > *beri > *bei > *be > *beŋ > Sasak bEŋ; PAN *jaRum > Sasak jaum; and PAN *laRiw > *laRi > *lari > *lai > Sasak pəlai. Finally, the regular retention of PAN *a in the ultimate syllable is demonstrated by PAN *bəRə?at ‘heavy,’ which undergoes the following changes: *bəRə?at > *bəRəat (with the regular deletion of *?) > *bəRat > Sasak bərat. The PAN vowels *i, u, and *a exhibit regular retention in initial position, penultimate syllables, ultimate syllables, and final position, as seen in data (o), (p), and (r), respectively. PAN *e, as shown in data (q2) and (q3), is also regularly retained in penultimate and ultimate syllables, but its retention in the initial position is irregular (see data (q1)). The transformation of PAN *ijuSuŋ ‘nose’ into Sasak iduŋ follows a systematic process: *ijuSuŋ > *ijuuŋ > *ijuŋ > iduŋ. The deletion of PAN *s in medial position occurs regularly in Sasak, as illustrated by PAN *waSir > *wair > *air > Sasak ai? ‘water’, and by PAN *duSa ‘two’ > Sasak dua. Similarly, PAN *u is retained in *ba?əRuh ‘new’ through the stages: *baəRuh > *baRuh > *baruh > Sasak baru. The deletion of the glottal stop *? in medial position is a common feature in Sasak (see data (u2)). For instance, PAN *li?er, *pa?i, and *Ca?i become Sasak lir ‘neck,’ pait ‘bitter,’ and tai ‘feces,’ respectively. Similarly, the change of PAN *R to Sasak /r/ in medial position follows a regular pattern. The words for ‘give,’ ‘needle,’ and ‘run’ derive from PAN *beRay, *jaRum, and *laRiw, resulting in Sasak bEŋ, jaum, and pəlai respectively. The likely stages of transformation are PAN *beRay > *beRi > *beri > *bei > *be > *beŋ > Sasak bEŋ; PAN *jaRum > Sasak jaum; and PAN *laRiw > *laRi > *lari > *lai > Sasak pəlai. Finally, PAN *a is regularly retained in the ultimate syllable, as demonstrated by PAN *bəRə?at ‘heavy,’ which follows the process: *bəRə?at > *bəRəat (with the regular deletion of *?) > *bəRat > Sasak bərat. The Traces of AN in the Form of Innovation Innovative elements in language refer to features that have changes from their ancestral form in Proto-Austronesian (PAN) to Sasak. Of the 190 lexical items classified as inherited, 165 etymons (86.84%) exhibit phonological innovation. Analysis of these items reveals a range of phonological changes, as illustrated in data sets (s) through (ee). The high proportion of PAN etymons that have undergone innovation highlights the significant degree of linguistic evolution that Sasak has experienced since diverging from its ancestral roots. (Blust, 2013; Bellwood, 2017; Ross, 2017; Klamer, 2019; Ross & Greenhill, 2024). Data (s) highlights irregular innovations where PAN *k changes into Sasak /g/, /b/, or (/ø/) in the initial position. Data (t) shows a regular innovation pattern in which PAN *C changes to Sasak /t/ in initial and medial positions (see data (c1) and (c2)), while in the final position, the innovation is irregular, also resulting in /t/ (see data (c3)). The transformation of PAN *c into Sasak /t/ in the initial position occurs irregularly (see data (t5)). Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 253 Data (u) demonstrates that PAN *? is regularly lost (/ø/) in initial and medial positions (see data (u1) and (u2)), whereas in final position, its disappearance is irregular (see data (u3)). For example, PAN *?udip ‘life’ undergoes innovation through the stages: *?udip > *?urip > *urip > Sasak i(r,d)up, where metathesis shifts *u-i to i-u. Data (v1) shows irregular innovation where PAN *b changes to Sasak /w/ in medial position, as seen in PAN *?abu > *?awu > Sasak awu ‘ash’ (where the deletion of PAN *? in initial position is a common feature in Sasak). Data (v2) reveals an irregular transformation of PAN *d to Sasak /t/ in the initial position, while in data (v3), PAN *d disappears entirely in an irregular pattern. The word expressing ‘flat’ is thought to have evolved through the process: *dataR > *ataR > *atar > Sasak rata. The innovation of PAN *z to Sasak /j/ occurs regularly in the initial position (see data (w1)) but irregularly in the medial position (see data (w2)). Data (w3) shows a regular innovation where PAN *j becomes Sasak /d/ in the medial position, though some instances change irregularly to /r/ and /s/ (see data (w4)). PAN *g disappears irregularly in the initial position (see data (w5)). Data (x1) demonstrates that PAN *ŋ is lost irregularly in the initial position, while data (x2) and (x3) show a regular innovation of PAN *N to Sasak /n/ in medial and final positions. Data (y1) presents a regular innovation where PAN *S becomes Sasak /s/ or is lost (/ø/) in the initial position. In the penultimate syllable, PAN *S disappears and changes to /h/ (see data (y2)). In the final position of the initial syllable, PAN *S disappears regularly (see data (y3)). In final positions, PAN *S either disappears regularly (see data (y4)) or changes irregularly to /t/, /?/, or /k/ (see data (y5), (y6), and (y7)). In data (y8), PAN *h disappears irregularly in the initial position. In the final position, it either disappears regularly (see data (y9)) or changes irregularly to /?/ (see data (y10)). Data (z) illustrates a regular innovation where PAN *R becomes Sasak /r/ in medial and final positions (see data (z2) and (z4)). Additionally, in the medial position, *R is regularly lost (/ø/), while in the final position, it changes irregularly to /?/ (see data (z5)). In the initial position, *R undergoes irregular innovation to become /r/ (see data (z1)). An example of phonological change can be observed in the transformation of PAN *waRi > *wari > *ŋari > Sasak təŋari ‘afternoon’. Data (aa) shows the regular deletion of PAN *w in the initial position, while in the medial position, its deletion is irregular (see data (aa1) and (aa3)). In addition to being deleted, *w in the initial position can also change to /b/ or /l/ (see data (aa2)). Meanwhile, PAN *y disappears irregularly in the medial position (see data (aa4)). Data (bb) presents an irregular innovation where PAN *i changes to Sasak /E/ and /ə/ in the penultimate syllable. In the ultimate syllable, PAN *i undergoes irregular changes to /e/, /E/, and /u/ (see data (bb3), (bb4), and (bb5)). Data (cc) demonstrates a regular innovation where PAN *u becomes Sasak /ɔ/ in the penultimate syllable (see data (cc1)). Additionally, *u can disappear irregularly (see data (cc2)) or change to /ə/ in an irregular manner (see data (cc3)). In the ultimate syllable, PAN: *u changes to /ɔ/, /o/, and /ə/, each of which is irregular (see data (cc4), (cc5), and (cc6)). Data (dd) shows that PAN *ə undergoes irregular innovation in the penultimate syllable, changing to ø or /E/ (see data (dd1)). In the ultimate syllable, *ə changes irregularly to /a/, /u/, and /ø/ (see data (dd2)). Data (ee) highlights the innovation of PAN diphthongs *ay, *aw, and *uy in the final position. In the initial position, PAN *ay regularly changes to /e/ in Sasak (see data (ee1)), but it also undergoes irregular changes to /i/, /E/, or /a/ (see data (ee2), (ee3), and (ee4)). PAN *aw changes irregularly into Sasak /ɔ/ and /u/ (see data (ee5) and (ee6)). Similarly, the diphthong PAN *uy changes irregularly to Sasak /i/ (see data (ee7)). AN’s Traces in Sasak The Austronesian (AN) traces in Sasak can be summarized as follows. First, AN traces in Sasak consist of both retention and innovation. The number of PAN etymons that underwent retention is smaller than those that experienced innovation. This is likely due to the long period of separation between Sasak and its ancestral language. Second, retention occurs in the sounds *p, *t, *d, *m, *n, *ɲ, *s, *l, and *r, which represent 9 out of 28 PAN phonemes. The retention of these sounds is generally regular, except for *r and *ɲ, which show irregular retention. Third, several sounds exhibit both retention and innovation, including *k, *?, *w, *g, *ŋ, *y, *i, *u, *ə, and *a. Fourth, innovation occurs in the sounds *C, *c, *z, *j, *N, *S, *h, *R, *ay, *aw, and *uy (see Figure 2). Fifth, the patterns of retention and innovation can be categorized into four types: regular retention and regular innovation; Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 254 regular retention and irregular innovation; irregular retention and regular innovation; and, irregular retention and irregular innovation. A closer examination of sound changes in Austronesian (AN) traces within Sasak reveals several distinct types. The first type involves the changes of one sound into another, such as PAN *C > Sasak /t/ in initial and medial positions (see data (t1)). Similar cases are found in data (w1), (w2), (w3), (x), (y), (z), (bb), and (cc). The second type is deletion, exemplified by PAN *? > Sasak /ø/ (data (u)) and PAN *S > Sasak /ø/ (data (y)). The third type consists of additions, where a new sound appears in the Sasak form. For instance, PAN *ø > Sasak /?/ in the final position of words meaning ‘kill’ (e.g., PAN *aCay > Sasak mate?), or the addition of /t/ after diphthong changes, as seen in PAN *kulay ‘caterpillar’ > *kula > *ula > Sasak ulat. The fourth type is splitting, where a single PAN sound develops into multiple sounds in Sasak, such as PAN *ay > Sasak /e/ and /i/ (see data (ee1) and (ee2)). The fifth type involves merging, where two or more PAN sounds collapse into one, such as PAN *ay and *uy both becoming Sasak /i/ (data (ee2) and (ee7)). Another example is PAN *C and *c, which merge into Sasak /t/ in the initial position, as in PAN *Cau ‘person’ > Sasak tau and *Ca?i ‘feces’ > Sasak tai. The sixth type is assimilation, where one sound influences another. This occurs in PAN *tilən > Sasak tələn ‘swallow’ through regressive or total assimilation (*i assimilated by *e). Similar patterns appear in PAN *baRe? ‘swollen’ > Sasak bara? and *deŋar ‘hear’ > Sasak dəŋgər. The seventh type, dissimilation, occurs when similar sounds change to become more distinct. Examples include PAN *bubu ‘fish trap,’ *bubuŋan ‘ridgepole,’ and *lusung ‘mortar,’ which become Sasak buwu(ŋ), and lisung, respectively, due to dissimilation of /b-b/ to /b-w/ and /u-u/ to /i-u/. The eighth type, metathesis, involves the rearrangement of sounds, as seen in PAN *?udip ‘life’ > Sasak idup (u-i > i-u), *iSa ‘one’ > Sasak sai (i-a > a-i), and *datar ‘flat’ > Sasak rata (t-r > r-t). Finally, the ninth type is contraction, where vowels or syllables are reduced. This is evident in PAN *beRay ‘give’ > *beRi, which undergoes a series of contractions (*semay > *semi > *smi > Sasak mi ‘rice’ and *pajay > *paday > padi ‘rice’), ultimately leading to *bei > *bE > Sasak bEŋ. These diverse patterns of phonological change highlight the complex linguistic evolution of Sasak from its Austronesian roots. V. CONCLUSION The research findings indicate that traces of Austronesian (AN) influence in Sasak can be observed through two main processes: retention and innovation. However, the retention of AN elements in Sasak is relatively limited, with only 44.61% of the 343 examined etymons showing traces of AN, and just 13.16% (25 etymons) remaining unchanged. This suggests that Sasak has been separated from its Austronesian ancestors for a significant period. Although some AN phonemes (nine in total) exhibit retention in Sasak, they have undergone innovation due to changes in other sounds. The study also identifies phonological innovation in Sasak, with 10 phonemes exhibiting both retention and innovation, while 11 phonemes have undergone complete innovation. The changes observed in AN phonemes within Sasak can be classified as either regular or irregular. Notably, 19 out of 28 PAN phonemes have experienced innovation, a relatively high number. Thus, the types of phonological changes identified include sound shifts, deletions, additions, assimilation, dissimilation, metathesis, and contractions, indicating that all known types of phonological transformations are present in Sasak. These linguistic findings reinforce the classification of Sasak as an Austronesian language. Furthermore, a vertical (top-down and bottom- up) approach to Sasak’s linguistic features helps establish its genetic position within the Austronesian language family. This study contributes to historical linguistic research in Indonesia by supporting the classification of languages based on phonological evolution. In addition, the evidence of AN traces Figure 2. AN Phonological Trace Pattern in Sasak Burhanuddin / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 2 (2025) 255 in Sasak plays a crucial role in understanding the origins of the Sasak ethnic group on Lombok Island. To further substantiate these linguistic findings, interdisciplinary studies—such as archaeology and anthropology—are necessary to explore the historical connections between Sasak and its Austronesian ancestors. The evidence presented in this study enriches and opens new opportunities for comprehensive interdisciplinary research on the history of the Sasak ethnic group in Lombok. In addition, this linguistic study provides a valuable foundation for future etymological research, particularly in the development of an etymological dictionary of the Sasak language. ETHICS STATEMENT The authors declare that the data and descriptions in this paper do not involve human subjects, animal experiments, or were collected from social media platforms. CREDIT AUTHOR STATEMENT Burhanuddin: compiling the main framework of the manuscript which includes introduction, methods, results, discussion, and conclusion, and perfecting the manuscript; Boniesta Zulandha Melani: editing the manuscript regarding grammar, template suitability, and order of presentation of the manuscript; Saharudin: enriching each part of the manuscript with data and adding descriptions of each part. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thank you to the Directorate General of Higher Education, Directorate of Research, Technology and Community Service, Ministry of Education and Culture of the Republic of Indonesia for funding this research through the Fundamental Research scheme in the 2024 fiscal year. DECLARATION OF COMPETING INTERESTS The authors declare that they have no competing financial interests or personal relationships that that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper. REFERENCES Adelaar, A. (2005a). 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