Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 383 Online version available in : http://arbitrer.fib.unand.ac.id | 2339-1162 (Print) | 2550-1011 (Online) | JURNAL ARBITRER Submission Track A B S T R A C T Received: May 06, 2025 Final Revision: September 15, 2025 Accepted: September 18, 2025 Available Online: September 25, 2025 This research on the myth and ritual of Ine Pare among the Ende-Lio community in Nida Village, Flores, Indonesia, aims to reveal how linguistic expressions encode local wisdom amid cultural marginalization. An ethnographic approach and linguistic anthropological theory are employed as the formal framework of the study. Data were collected through 16 weeks of participant observation and in-depth interviews with the traditional elder (Mosalaki) and five other key informants. Thematic data analysis found that the myth and ritual of Ine Mbu—the Rice Mother—represent a socio-ecological knowledge system supported by local rationality and religiosity. Socio-ecological knowledge is reflected in communal solidarity, equitable resource distribution, and environmental taboos. Local rationality is expressed through agricultural and nutritional knowledge. Religiosity is manifested in ancestor veneration, ritual obligations, and moral ethics enforced through communal sanctions. In this context, the Lio language, used in myths and ritual mantras, functions as the preserver and transmitter of these local wisdom values. The Nida- Ende community and its oral traditions and local wisdom remain relatively resilient due to geographic isolation. However, youth migration, digital and social media influx, and tourism commodification threaten these traditions. The implication of this research is strengthening linguistic anthropological scholarship regarding the relationship between oral traditions and local competencies (knowledge, skills, and attitudes) in sustaining ecological balance and social cohesion. These findings recommend undertaking cultural revitalization efforts, including documentation of local cultural heritage, integration of local wisdom into formal education curricula, and development of cultural tourism. Keywords Ende-Lio, Ine Pare, local language and culture, local wisdom, myth, ritual Correspondence *E-mail: hasanuddin@hum.unand.ac.id Article Myth and Ritual of Ine Pare: An Anthropolinguistic Study of Ende-Lio Ethnic Culture, Flores Dentiana Rero1, Hasanuddin2*, Elly Malihah3, Sapriya4, Neiny Ratmaningsih5 1Universitas Flores, Kupang, Indonesia 2Universitas Andalas, Padang, Indonesia 1,3,4,5Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Bandung, Indonesia Under License of Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial 4.0 International.DOI: https://doi.org/10.25077/ar.12.3.383-400.2025 I. INTRODUCTION Local language and culture are increasingly being pushed aside by the growing pressures of nationalization, modernization, and globalization. As a result, marginalization occurs — a condition in which local-traditional cultural practices undergo transformation in form and shifts in meaning, function, and value due to internal or external pressures (Koentjaraningrat, 1985). This phenomenon is increasingly sweeping across Indonesian society, both at the local and national levels. This is also happening among the Ende- Lio community in Flores, East Nusa Tenggara Province, Indonesia. One factual reality revealed by Widyastuti (2020) concerns the decreasing frequency with which the Ine Pare ritual is performed in its complete form, due to changes in social structure and the influence of new religious beliefs. Cultural marginalization is marked by several indicators, including the decreasing frequency of traditional rituals or ceremonies, the shifting Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 384 of norms and values of old traditions within communities, the exodus of youth to urban areas, the dominance of popular culture promotion through mass media and digital technology, government policies that do not support the strengthening and revitalization of local culture, and no less importantly, the commodification of culture through tourism programs without considering the originality—including the sacredness—of that local culture (Suryadi & Wahyuni, 2021; Yulianto & Prasetyo, 2021). Several factors are causing cultural marginalization, among them nationalism, globalization, modernization, urbanization, migration, centralized policies, and others. The dominance of national language policy within the education and administrative systems often becomes a cause of local cultural marginalization (Geertz, 1980). Modernism within globalization— characterized by technological advancement that facilitates cross-national communication and information through social media, film, music, and fashion—has also contributed to shifting the younger generation’s perception of their local culture as outdated and irrelevant to contemporary life. The attractiveness of cities as centers of business and formal education has driven urbanization and further caused a shift in everyday spoken language, increasingly infused with mixed accents of Indonesian, thereby weakening the position of regional languages—such as Lio—in daily communication (Tarigan & Sembiring, 2019). As reported by UNESCO, the marginalization of regional languages has led to the extinction of one regional language in the world every two months. Such extinction inevitably results in the simultaneous loss of unique traditional knowledge systems, moral and philosophical values, and community-specific ecological systems (UNESCO, 2023). Equally influential in the marginalization of regional languages and cultures is government policy that prioritizes material infrastructure development over the protection of diverse and unique local cultures across regions. Similarly, in the context of tourism, cultural commodification frequently occurs—including of traditional rituals—where they are presented merely as attractions, without interpretive appreciation of their social and spiritual meanings, functions, and values (Cohen, 2015; UNESCO, 2023) Academics and policymakers need to pay special attention to the marginalization of local languages and cultures to find practical solutions. This is because the marginalization of local languages and cultures signals a threat to Indonesia’s multicultural national identity, the disruption of intergenerational cultural transmission, cultural exploitation, socio-ecological crises, and other related consequences. Therefore, steps toward reconstructing and revitalizing local wisdom must be taken to preserve cultural identity and ensure the continuity and dynamic development of local cultures so that they continue to grow rooted in their own foundations (Yaqin et al., 2024). Such reconstruction and revitalization of local culture are urgently needed, as any delay will cause the complexity of problems to become increasingly intricate (Hasanuddin et al., 2023). One local linguistic and cultural heritage facing the threat of marginalization and erosion of values is the myth and ritual of Ine Pare among the Ende-Lio community in East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia. The ritual, based on the myth of Ine Pare among the Ende-Lio people, is not merely folklore or an ordinary agricultural ceremony; rather, it is a cosmological, linguistic, and philosophical manifestation reflecting the Lio community’s relationship with nature, ancestors, and the divine. The local myth and ritual of Ine Pare constitute an intriguing subject for linguistic anthropological study, as they demonstrate a close and inseparable linkage between language and culture. The ritual contains distinctive Lio-language mantras from Nida Village, rich in symbolism, possessing unique linguistic structures, and expressing complex sociocultural functions. Hypothetically, the myth and its actualization through the Ine Pare ritual constitute the core of local wisdom in Nida Village, Ende-Lio, Flores. This local wisdom encompasses philosophy, knowledge systems, social systems, and spiritual intelligence. All these local wisdom dimensions and elements form an integral unity, serving as a marker of identity and simultaneously functioning as a benchmark for their cultural vitality. This research is relevant for documenting the form of the ritual and uncovering the richness of meanings, functions, and value systems embedded within it. This research is relevant for documenting the ritual’s form and uncovering the richness of meanings, functions, and value systems embedded within it. Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 385 Based on a literature review, previous studies (Takandewa, 2019; Larasati, 2018) have tended to remain descriptive, lacking analysis of the linguistic aspects of ritual mantras, failing to establish correlations between the myth and the supporting community’s cosmology, and neglecting contemporary dynamics such as shifting perceptions or the impacts of cultural commodification within tourism projects (Cohen, 2015). Moreover, systematic digital documentation initiatives involving community participation regarding the subjects and objects of the Ine Pare ritual have not yet been undertaken (UNESCO, 2023). This research aims to address these gaps through three focal points: (1) anthropological linguistic analysis of ritual incantations, (2) interpretation of the myth as a framework of cultural meaning, and (3) mapping of contemporary socio-cultural contexts influencing the ritual’s practice. This study aims to uncover the cultural meanings embedded in the myth and ritual incantations of Ine Pare in Nida Village, Ende, through an anthropological linguistic-ethnographic approach. Utilizing participatory observation and in-depth interviews, the research analyzes the linguistic structure of the incantations, their ritual contexts, and socio-cultural functions, in order to reconstruct the cosmology, philosophy, and local values of the Lio community. Thematic-interpretive analysis with data triangulation is employed to understand ritual language not as a static artifact, but as a living practice that actively shapes the community’s social and spiritual realities. II. METHODS This study employs a qualitative approach with a linguistic anthropological perspective. The method used is ethnography, aimed at describing the form and function and analyzing the cultural meanings embedded in the mythic narratives and ritual mantras of Ine Pare in Nida Village, Ende Regency, Flores (Map-1). This approach is expected to facilitate a deep understanding of language, social practices, and cultural values through participatory engagement with the research subject community (Moleong, 2007; Sibarani, 2015; Senft, 2018). Data was collected through participatory field observation over 16 weeks (May–August 2023). Information was gathered via in-depth interviews with six key informants, whose community representation was determined purposively, while individual informants were selected using snowball sampling. Observations were performed to observe and document the Ine Pare ritual, which consists of four phases: land clearing, planting, harvesting, and communal harvest consumption. Specific aspects Figure 1: Map of Indonesia and Ende (Nida Village) Photo adapted from: https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kabupaten_Ende#/map/0 and https://www.google.com/ search?q=Peta+kabupaten+ende&rlz Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 386 III. RESULTS From a linguistic perspective, the province of East Nusa Tenggara (NTT) is home to more than 50 regional languages, including several major ones such as: Kupang Malay (Kupang Melayu), Tetun, Rote, Sabu, Manggarai, Ngadha, Sumba, Ende, Lio, Lamaholot, and Alor (Grimes & Barbara, 1987; Capell, 1970; Lewis, 2016). Specifically in Ende Regency, there are six primary languages and several local dialects. The main languages in Ende Regency include: Ende, Lio, Nage, Soa, Wai Brama, and Nggela. In Nida Village, the community speaks Lio with the Nida dialect—referred to locally as Lio—which has been influenced by both the Ende and Indonesian languages. This linguistic diversity reflects the cultural richness of the Lio-Ende region (Mbete, 2006). Ine Pare consists of folk narratives containing myths and rituals. The storyline of Ine Pare serves as the foundation for its ritual stages; in other words, the Ine Pare ritual is a symbolic enactment of the underlying myth. Among the Nida villagers, the known version of the myth is Ine Mbu, one of three existing versions, alongside Boby No’o Nombi and Ana Kalo (Larasati, 2018). The ritual functions to commemorate and preserve the life journey of Ine Pare, from birth until death. The narrative is performed through ritual stages that begin with Poka Taba (clearing new fields by cutting trees and removing weeds), followed by Tedo Pare (rice planting), Keti Pare (rice harvesting), and conclude with Mi Are (the ceremonial consumption of newly harvested rice). The Myth of Ine Mbu According to Mr. Aloysius Wete (58 years old), the customary leader (Mosalaki) of Nida Village, Ine Mbu derives from the word “Ine”, meaning “mother”, and “Mbu”, the name of a girl who later became known as Ine Pare. Mbu was one of three children born to a couple named Raja and Kaja. Their children were named Ndale, Mbu, and Sipi. At first, the family lived happily. However, one day a tsunami disaster struck. They were forced to flee to another place, specifically to Keli Mbape. Not long after that incident, their father fell ill and passed away, followed shortly thereafter by their mother. The three orphaned siblings, left with no relatives, decided to live a nomadic life. On their journey, they encountered local receiving focused attention include the recitation of mantras, bodily gestures, ritual implements, and social interactions. In-depth interviews were conducted to explore mythic narratives, symbolic meanings, and the underlying philosophies of each ritual element (Geertz, 2018). Table 1: Informants Informant Name Age’s (Years) Status/ jobs Aloysius Wete 58 Mosalaki Damianus Jaghu (male) 52 Public Figure Agustus Pepa (female) 48 Farmer Susana Iso (male) 49 Farmer Bernadus Baru (male) 53 Farmer Hemanus Lagu (male) 50 Farmer Linguistic and ritual data were coded in a phased manner. This process has three stages: transcription, structural-functional classification, and thematic analysis. First, audio-video recordings of rituals and interviews were transcribed verbatim in the native language (Ende-Lio) and subsequently translated into Indonesian, while preserving key terminologies and original linguistic structures. Second, ritual texts (incantations) were coded according to: (1) linguistic structure (rhythm, repetition, metaphor); (2) event context (time, place, participants); and (3) sociocultural function (norm reinforcement, legitimization of authority, value transmission). Third, initial codes were grouped into broader thematic categories such as “Agricultural Cosmology,” “Human-Nature Relationships,” and “Spiritual Authority.” Data analysis was conducted thematically and interpretively within an anthropological linguistic framework. Ritual texts were analyzed as linguistic artifacts and cultural practices that construct social realities (Riyanto et al., 2021). The analysis followed a cyclical process: pattern identification, verification through source triangulation (observations, interviews, local documents), and contextual interpretation grounded in the local cultural framework. The analytical results were then synthesized to reconstruct the representation of cultural values embedded in the Ine Pare ritual, following Hanurawan’s (2016) recommendation for a phenomenological-cultural approach. Thus, this methodology does not merely document textual content but also deciphers the living layers of meaning embedded within ritual practices, positioning language as a window into understanding the cultural world of the Nida community. Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 387 communities suffering from food shortages. One day, while searching for firewood in a swampy area, Mbu injured her hand. Her blood dripped onto the muddy ground, and immediately rice began to grow where it had fallen. This miraculous event repeated itself daily, yet remained a secret among the three siblings. Eventually, Mbu received a divine calling to leave her human form behind and transform into a guardian spirit of nature. To fulfill this destiny, she willingly offered herself as a sacrifice, so that her blood could continue to produce rice to sustain the people’s needs (more complete story attached). Moments before the sacrificial ritual, Mbu recited a poetic farewell, as follows. Text 1: Mbu’s Final Words Before Sacrifice Text Translate Tebo neku mbale dowa awu Fara mbale dowa tana So aku peno dewa no’o nebo Pija no’o bita, ngere embu mamo Kobe lima rua aku tei tondo Wula telu aku te’a, wula sutu aku nuka nua (I am willing for) my body to turn into ash (I am willing for) my flesh and blood to become earth (I am willing to be) covered by the gods with grass Buried beneath the mud of our ancestors After two to five nights, I will sprout After three months, I will bear fruit, after four months, I will enter the village Soi renggi aku tei nei Sa ripi, sa buku, sa laru Aku Beke kau tango Nuwa kobe nuwa leja” I see those who lift me and carry me From seed, to shoot, to grain I affirm and guarantee it! By night and by day.” This myth illustrates a rational and empirical knowledge system related to rice cultivation, environmental awareness, social responsibility, and selfless sacrifice for communal welfare over personal or familial interests. As shown in Text 1, Mbu willingly sacrifices herself for the benefit of society. She offers her body to become awu (ash), tana (earth), nebo (dirt), and no’o bita (covered in ancestral mud), symbolizing her transformation into the very soil that nourishes rice—the primary source of carbohydrates for the community. Additionally, Text 1 contains scientific insight into rice growth patterns. It states that rice begins to sprout (tondo) within two to five nights (kobe lima rua) after sowing. After three months (wula telu), it bears fruit (te’a), and after four months (wula sutu), it is ready for harvest and brought back into the village (nuka nua). In the same passage, Mbu declares that she sees (aku tei) those who lift and carry her (soi renggi). She also watches over the development of the seeds (sa ripi), shoots (sa buku), and grains (sa laru). Finally, Mbu affirms (Aku Beke) and guarantees (kau tango) her eternal vigilance, watching over both night (nuwa kobe) and day (nuwa leja). The Ine Pare Ritual Based on the belief in the myth of Ine Mbu or Ine Pare, the people of Nida Village perform the Ine Pare ritual annually. This ritual consists of several stages: land clearing (poka taba), rice planting (tedo pare), harvesting (keti pare), and the ceremonial consumption of new rice (mi are). The ritual stages of Ine Pare are described as follows. 1. Land Clearing (Poka Taba) There are two types of land-clearing activities: opening new farmland and cleaning previously used fields for replanting. Each type has different ritual requirements. For clearing new land, the requirements include a large livestock animal such as a buffalo or cow, rice, spices, and traditional clothing. There are two types of land-clearing activities: opening new farmland and cleaning previously used fields for replanting. Each type has different ritual requirements. For clearing new land, the requirements include a large livestock animal such as a buffalo or cow, rice, spices, and traditional clothing. During the ceremony to open new land, the Mosalaki wears traditional attire consisting of ragi (sarong), lambu (shirt), podi (headband), and senai (sash). The Mosalaki then recites an incantation requesting permission from the spirits of the universe, accompanied by offerings. The incantation and its meaning, as interpreted by the Mosalaki, are as follows (Text 2): Text 2: Incantation for Opening New Farmland Text Translate Roo ma’e ale baja ma;e tana, boka kumu tua, zoo, kamu maku, kami kema gha” We ask permission to work from the spirits inhabiting this earth, the elders of the soil, trees, and ancestral beings.” Buku do rae sera sena si lae masa, tau pati ka tana watu nitu pa’i Kami do iwa mera leka ina eo kami molo kema gha. Kami eo janji kami kema leka ina kami do siap sawe no binata ria. Eo kami deo janji kami do ule age mae toki, topo mae neka, binata mae toki. Before sowing seeds on this wide land, we offer food to the guardian spirits of the land, stones, and large ancient trees. We do not live here; we only come to work. We promise only to work here, Mother, and we are ready to sacrifice large animals. We keep our promises—no snake bites, no wounds from blades, no attacks from wild animals. This text is an incantation seeking permission from the nitu pa’i (guardian spirits) who are Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 388 believed to be the owners of the land, stones, and forest. Therefore, land clearing must be conducted with their consent. Nitu pa’i permits can be obtained by offering sacrificial animals, such as large livestock like cows or buffaloes. The mantra recited during the offering contains their hopes for protection while working, for smooth progress without obstacles, and for avoidance of injuries from blades, snakebites, or attacks by wild animals. As stated in the above mantra, through the Mosalaki, the community comes and requests permission to work (to clear fields), not to settle permanently. The community believes that if they violate this agreement, it will result in disaster. Therefore, any misfortune experienced while working will be interpreted as a form or sign of the guardian spirits’ displeasure toward their actions. Forms of disaster are not limited to workplace accidents, such as injuries or animal bites. However, they may manifest as larger natural disasters like falling trees, landslides, or flash floods. Hence, they exercise great caution when clearing land or exploiting nature further. After the ritual, the land- clearing activity may begin. Text 3: Incantation for Cleaning Previously Cultivated Land Text Translate Kami pati ka eo miu tana watu, kami wi ndawi bene, mai ka si” We feed the owners of the land and stone (and request permission to start working), pulling weeds—we shall eat together. Kami nosi mai dhawi uma rema wi mula pare” We announce our gathering to clean the field to plant rice. 2. Rice Planting (Tedo Pare) Before planting rice, farmers must perform the Tedo Pare ritual, which involves sacrificing a cow. Its blood is mixed with rice grains and then planted. The process begins with preparing a basket containing seeds and a stone. On the stone is placed a mundi leaf, serving as a seat for Ine Pare. The basket is tied with aji leke (a piece of rope), along with a ragi (sarong), shawl, jewelry, and lengi feo (candlenut oil). Once all materials are prepared, the workers begin planting rice. The planting is done using a sharpened bamboo stick, one end of which is tied with pulu leaves. The bamboo is inserted into the ground, the rice seed is placed inside, and it is watered regularly. This act symbolizes an offering to Ine Pare, the beautiful spirit of fertility. The incantation recited before and during planting is as follows (Text 4): Text 4: Incantation Before and During Rice Planting Text Translate Seso tana uma ria, seso tana uma loo Arrange the soil for large fields, arrange the soil for small plots Latu esa telu tau wii tedo are: paki, pire, fai falu tedo There are three steps in rice planting: land preparation, taboo observance, and planting Dego do, oo… Mo, oo tebo, oo… wesa, oo.. mela o… bhuka... tebu ... si tiko esa… bhoka benu do uma rema… o…. Call again, oo… tired, oo… body, oo… water, oo… pests, oo… grow, sprout… around the grain, fill completely the fields… ooo… This text contains prayers for smooth progress throughout the planting process, whether on tana uma ria or tana uma loo (large or small fields), ensuring well-arranged and healthy growth. Line two states esa telu tau wii tedo are: paki, pire, fai falu tedo (“three steps in rice planting: land preparation, taboo observance, and planting”). During the planting, the Mosalaki and participating villagers chant the incantation together. The incantation includes instructions (e.g., dego do—”call again,” tebo—”flush”) and prayers expressing hopes (e.g., bhuka—”grow,” tebu— ”sprout”), all aimed at ensuring that the seeds sprout well and yield abundant harvests. One crucial stage is observing pire (taboos). The taboos are intended to maintain the conduciveness and harmony of horizontal relationships (among fellow community members) and vertical relationships (between humans and the divine). Violations of these taboos are believed to negatively impact the process and outcomes of their agriculture. Such impacts may include obstacles in land clearing and planting, pest infestations, crop failure, or even natural disasters. The mention of taboos within the incantation can serve as a symbolic function to reaffirm the sacred agreement not to commit such violations. The observed taboos during the performance of the Ine Pare Ritual in Nida Village, Ende-Lio, are as follows: • Prohibition of Quarreling — During the preparation and performance of the ritual, participants must maintain patience, suppress expressions of anger, refrain from uttering curses or insults, or engaging in fights. Negative emotions are believed to disrupt the sacred relationship between the community and ancestral and nature spirits. Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 389 • Obligation to Plant Simultaneously According to the Traditional Calendar — The community is prohibited from planting rice outside the time designated by the customary calendar or instructions from the Mosalaki; violation of this rule will adversely affect the harvest. • Prohibition of Using Harsh Language — Uttering harsh, offensive, hurtful, or impolite words during the ritual is believed to obstruct the fulfillment of prayers by ancestors and the rice goddess (Ine Pare). • Obligation to Participate in the Ritual Until Completion — Community participants in the ceremony are forbidden from leaving the location before the ceremony ends; violation of this rule is considered impolite and may bring misfortune upon the individual and their family. 3. Rice Harvesting (Keti Pare) Keti Pare (rice harvesting) is the ritual phase during which rice is harvested. In this part of the ceremony, all participants sing incantations containing prayers asking nature to bless the harvest so that it is abundant, high in quality, and delicious in taste for communal consumption. The incantations recited before and during the rice harvesting process are as follows (Text 5). Text 5: Incantation Before Harvesting Rice Text Translate Kami eo… pati ka tana watu nitu pa’i Kami wee dhawe pare Kami eo pakai pela ine pare Kaa si… We offer food to the guardian spirits of the land and stones. We are about to begin harvesting. We wear the adornments of Mother Rice. Come and eat together... Bele do.. bele do.. le.. le.. do.. Bele do…. le… le... do… le … Bele do… do… do… Bele dhae… be.. le.. do… Do.. be.. le.. do… dhae mai.. Bele … do… bele do.. mai.. Do… ro… a… Come together, come together, come, come. Come together… come .. come to .. gether Come together … came ,, come. Come to harvest rice…come .. come .. Together .. come to harvest rice. Come together… Come together… Come together and rejoice. Mai kau nai tangi, mai tenda wea dha ndawa ndota, Nai temua wau, teka temu tiro. Gather, please climb the ladder, gather in the bamboo hut made from split bamboo strips. Gather, stay inside, do not go out anymore, remain within This text contains the incantation recited before, during, and after harvesting rice. The ritual begins with offering food to tana watu nitu pa’i (guardian spirits of the land and stones), seeking their blessings for a successful harvest. As a sign of respect, participants wear pela ine pare (“Mother Rice’s ornaments”), which consist of traditional attire including ragi (sarong), lambu (shirt), podi (headband), and senai (shawl). In the second part, the incantation is sung throughout the harvesting process. Phrases such as “Bele do dhae mai” (“come together, gather, harvest rice”) are repeated continuously. The third section of the incantation is performed when the harvested rice is brought into the bamboo house, where it will be stored, threshed, and processed into rice grains. Text 5 expresses gratitude and reverence toward Ine Pare, who is believed to have protected the fields until harvest time. This shared joy symbolizes the importance of expressing happiness and appreciation for the blessings received through the harvest. Once harvested, the rice—still attached to its stalks—is carried in baskets to a designated bamboo house near the village. Ritual chants accompany the arrival of the rice. As reflected in the text, the rice is treated with care and appropriately housed, reflecting hopes that it remains safe from theft, animal damage, or other misfortunes. The harvested rice is regarded as kin—a human-like presence—whose well-being is expected to bring blessings to the community. 4. Consuming New Rice (Nuwa Bo’o) After harvesting, the rice must be separated from its stalks. Some of the rice is then pounded into rice grains for cooking. The new rice is prepared and served communally. A portion of the rice is roasted (singrai) and ground with stone (kibi) to be distributed among all present family members and community helpers. The incantation recited during this ritual is as follows (Text 6): Text 6: Incantation During the Consumption of New Rice Text Translate Ka se are pesa se rusa ndu’a, kura, leko, ule au. Gha mi do are, menga kai tuka ma’e ro, ka mo poto tondo, pesa mo nua saga. Ka paga tuka, pesa mo foko. Na mi dowa are, Menga kai sai pesa sai, Pire ji’e, gara pawe dowa. Eat rice, meat of wild goat (goat), shrimp, frog, and bamboo caterpillars. Here comes the cooked rice. May no stomach pain occur, may this meal nourish the body and make it grow taller. Eat to feed your body and make it strong. This rice is now ready. Only you I serve with my side dishes. The taboos are complete; only kind words have been spoken. This text describes the communal meal, the foods offered, and prayers uttered to ensure that the newly harvested rice brings blessings, fullness, and physical and spiritual growth. The communal Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 390 eating ritual is not limited to living community members but also includes ancestral spirits such as Ine Pare and guardian deities of nature. The menu items mentioned in the incantation include “Ka se are pesa se rusa ndu’a, kura, leko, ule au” (“Please eat rice, meat of wild goat/kid, shrimp, frog, and bamboo caterpillars”). The texts above, together with their associated rituals, illustrate that the people of Nida Village still hold deep beliefs in Ine Pare as an ancestral figure crucial to the success of their agricultural cycle. Therefore, they offer sacrifices to Ine Pare at key moments: clearing new farmland or replanting, planting rice, harvesting, and consuming new rice. These offerings are placed on a special altar called nabe pare. The altar is located in a small hut measuring approximately 2x3 meters or 3x4 meters, constructed from ngga au (split bamboo branches), tied together with nao (black palm fiber rope), roofed with ki (alang-alang grass), elevated about two meters off the ground, and equipped with a staircase of 2–3 steps leading to the entrance. A watu (stone) and peso re wewa (offering base) are placed at the foot of the stairs as the first step toward entering the nabe pare hut. There are several obligations and taboos related to the Ine Pare ritual, as follows. • Villagers are obligated to perform the Ine Pare ritual annually, following the annual cycle of upland rice cultivation. • According to the Mosalaki (customary leader): “Roo baja, sala susu, roo ale baja tana, kau susu iwa sala, nawu iwa bowa, Uma rema eo ula age” — “If the ritual is neglected, the community will suffer plagues, health disturbances, incurable illnesses, and rice infestations.” • Members of the Nida indigenous community classify failure to perform the Ine Pare ritual as a violation of customary law, punishable by expulsion enforced by the customary elders. • There are prohibitions against opening land for wet rice fields and cultivating farmland more than once per year. • Additionally, there is a taboo against telling the myth of Ine Pare to younger generations unless they are over fifty years old. Cultural Value of myth and ritual of Ine Pare Based on the aforementioned research findings, two critical domains can be identified: the linguistic domain and the domain of cultural values. The mythic and incantatory texts of Ine Pare reveal three principal features: performative syntax, derivational morphology, and symbolic poetic devices. Syntactically, the dominance of imperative and optative structures (e.g., “Roo ma’e ale baja ma...”) reflects a performative function— not merely descriptive, but actively constituting ritual reality. The use of the first-person plural pronoun “kami” (“we”) underscores a collective subjectivity, reinforcing communal responsibility. Parallelism and repetition (e.g., “Bele do… do… do…”) serve mnemonic and hypnotic functions, establishing sacred rhythm while facilitating memorization within oral tradition. Morphologically, the prefix “wi-” (e.g., wi ndawi bene — “to uproot grass”) functions as a marker of active verbs, indicating a structured conjugational system. Reduplication (e.g., do… do… do…) is not merely aesthetic but intensifies meaning and signals participant plurality. Poetically, the text abounds in natural metaphors (“Tebo neku mbale dowa awu” — “My body turns to ash”), which unify the human body with earthly elements, symbolizing sacrifice and regeneration. Personification of nature (“kamu maku” — “you who are hard,” referring to trees or stones) reflects an animistic cosmology. Binary rhythm and the use of the sacred number “three” (esa telu) construct a triadic structure, symbolizing cosmic harmony. These features are not merely aesthetic but profoundly functional: they forge bonds between humans, nature, and ancestors; transmit ecological knowledge; and reinforce social cohesion through sacred, ritually structured language. In the domain of cultural values, myth and ritual of Ine Pare can be identified and categorized into three main groups: values of rationality, social and environmental wisdom, and religious or spiritual values, as outlined below. 1. Values of Rationality The myth and ritual of Ine Pare contain elements of rational cultural values that offer explanations for natural phenomena within the logical framework available to the community at Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 391 that time, though these cannot be equated with modern scientific reasoning. For instance, in Text 1, the final words of Ine Mbu serve as a form of traditional scientific explanation (knowledge system) regarding rice cultivation. It states that rice seeds must be sown into the soil, watered (and thus become muddy), and will sprout within two to five days (kobe lima rua aku tei tondo), bear fruit after three months (wula telu aku te’a), and be ready for harvest and brought into homes after four months (wula sutu aku nuka nua). In Text 2 (Part 2), symbolic descriptions of the forest environment are evident, including strong tree trunks and deep roots (boka kumu tua, zoo, kamu maku), representing the importance of soil (tana), stone (batu), and guardian spirits (nitu pai) in maintaining ecological balance and fertility. Additionally, Text 6 (Incantation for Consuming New Rice) illustrates knowledge systems related to nutrition and health. The community recognizes protein sources beyond rice (as a carbohydrate source), such as wild goat or goat meat (pesa se rusa ndu’a), shrimp (kura), frog (leko), and bamboo caterpillars (ule au). Furthermore, nutrient-rich food is understood as necessary to prevent stomach ailments (menga kai tuka ma’e ro), support body growth (ka mo poto tondo pesa mo nua saga), and nourish physical development (ka paga tuka, pesa mo. 2. Social and Environmental Wisdom The myth and ritual of Ine Pare also reflect profound values of social and environmental wisdom. Social wisdom is exemplified by Ine Mbu’s sacrifice for the collective good—ensuring food security through rice grown from her own blood. As stated in Text 1, she willingly offers her body to become ash (tebo neku mbale dowa awu), her flesh and blood to become earth (fara mbale dowa tana), covered by grass and mud (so aku peno dewa no’o nebo, pija no’o bita). This act symbolizes her commitment to ensuring food availability for the community, as affirmed in “Aku Beke kau tango, Nuwa kobe nuwa leja” (“I affirm and guarantee it—by night and by day”). The Ine Pare narrative also embodies social solidarity, reflected in the communal practices before, during, and after the ritual. This shared experience extends beyond prayer and labor to include the enjoyment of harvest results, reflecting principles of equitable access to food. By fulfilling basic needs fairly and without economic disparity, social harmony is preserved. These values are further reinforced through respect for social hierarchy, particularly the role of the Mosalaki (customary leader) as the authority over the ritual, who upholds norms such as cooperation, obedience, and self-sacrifice for the common good. Ine Mbu’s sacrifice reflects group solidarity and serves as a model for resolving conflicts and reducing social tensions. Her story teaches values such as equality, tolerance, and social responsibility, fostering unity and justice within the community. Environmental wisdom is evident in the ritual of land clearing (poka taba), which requires the sacrifice of large livestock such as buffalo or cows—animals of high economic value. This practice implies a deep consideration for ecological sustainability; opening new land without proper justification would incur greater costs than the loss of an animal. Similarly, there is a taboo against cultivating the same land more than once per year, promoting restraint in excessive exploitation of natural resources. The harvesting ritual (keti pare) includes prayers for agricultural abundance alongside reverence for nature as a provider. This reflects educational values emphasizing balancing human needs and environmental sustainability. 3. Religious and Spiritual Values Religious values in the Ine Pare ritual are multidimensional, encompassing belief, ritual practice, ethics and morality, communal identity, and emotional and spiritual dimensions. The myth and ritual of Ine Pare reflect both individual and collective beliefs of the Nida community in Ende-Lio. In the village, belief in Dewata (God), the divine existence of Ine Mbu, and the supernatural forces surrounding and legitimizing the ritual are clearly manifested. These supernatural elements include threats of disease outbreaks, skin conditions, infertility, pest infestations, crop failures, and other misfortunes if the Ine Pare ritual is not performed at the four key stages of the rice cultivation cycle: land clearing (poka taba), planting (tedo pare), harvesting (keti pare), and consuming new rice (nuwa bo’o). The ritual itself constitutes one of the primary Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 392 expressions of religiosity, integrating formal and informal acts of worship. Within the ritual, ethical and moral teachings are embedded—such as bele (togetherness) in working, praying, and sharing the harvest—as well as adherence to pire (taboos). All activities are carried out collectively, rooted in shared emotions, solidarity, and spiritual beliefs. Emotional and spiritual dimensions are also present in the Ine Pare ritual, including gratitude, inner peace, and closeness to God and ancestral spirits. These values are reactualized through reflective practices such as meditation or communal prayer—even during the consumption of new rice. Such prayers are not only expressions of thanksgiving but also moments for contemplating the relationship between humans, nature, and the divine. The above analysis demonstrates that Ine Pare, as both a myth and a ritual, is more than just a fictional, mystical, or legendary story. Rather, it represents a multifaceted cultural expression that integrates rational knowledge, social and environmental wisdom, and spiritual-religious values. From a rational perspective, Ine Pare conveys traditional knowledge systems, educational functions, and sustainable practices in managing natural resources. From the perspective of social wisdom, it represents values, norms, ethics, and moral guidance that help build social order, strengthen community cohesion, and promote environmental stewardship. From a religious and spiritual viewpoint, Ine Pare holistically and multidimensionally reflects the beliefs, rituals, ethics, communal identity, and emotional and spiritual life of the people of Nida Village, Ende- Lio, Flores, East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia. IV. DISCUSSION The findings above indicate that Ine Pare is essentially a ritual that serves as a symbolic practice that actualizes the message of myth (a sacred narrative) in everyday life. In other words, myth and ritual in Ine Pare are two integrated entities. The phrase “integrated entities” implies that one cannot exist without its counterpart. It is neither possible nor necessary to determine which entity comes first—the myth or the ritual—since this question is analogous to asking whether the egg or the yam came first. Therefore, the relationship between myth and ritual in Ine Pare goes beyond being merely “interconnected” (Liénard & Boyer, 2018), or where “myth becomes the foundation of ritual” (Bell, 2020), or even where “ritual is a reactualization of myth” (Whitehouse & Lanman, 2018). Instead, they form a unified whole. If the myth of Ine Pare were to disappear, the ritual would lose its reference point; similarly, if the ritual were to vanish, the myth would become a mere story devoid of meaning. The Ine Pare myth and ritual represent traditional forms of rationality concerning knowledge, economics, society, psychology, ethics, and morality. Epistemic rationality relates to nature, weather, and the characteristics of forests and farmland. Knowledge about the forest is symbolized by terms like boka kumu tua, zoo, kamu maku, referring to trees with strong trunks and deep roots, within which not only snakes and other animals reside but also nitu pai—supernatural beings believed to maintain balance and fertility. The taboo against cultivating land more than once a year symbolically reflects knowledge of seasonal weather patterns, particularly rainfall, which enables crops to grow optimally. Additionally, sufficient time after harvest allows the soil to generate new humus as natural fertilizer. Another aspect of epistemic rationality lies in the educational function of the myth and ritual regarding agricultural methods and the importance of ensuring an adequate food supply. In this sense, the Ine Pare myth and ritual resemble Dayak myths about forest spirits that teach the importance of preserving forests as sources of life (Taylor, 2020). Both types of myths serve the dual function of rationally explaining weather patterns while regulating human behavior toward the environment (cf. Boyer & Liénard, 2021). In this context, Ine Pare fulfills the role of language as a repository of local knowledge about food resources and their management (Simanjuntak, 2021). The sub-ritual nuwa bo’o—the communal consumption and distribution of harvested rice— has economic dimensions, particularly in resource distribution and risk management. Categorizing individuals who do not perform the Ine Pare ritual as violators of customary law and imposing sanctions (such as expulsion) can be understood as a rational explanation of the supremacy of social law. Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 393 This phenomenon is not unique; many myths and rituals worldwide have served as tools of political rationality, legitimizing governance systems and the authority of leaders or supernatural figures over community members. Myths and rituals are not just fictional stories but also instruments of moral rationality that help societies maintain social cohesion (cf. Liénard & Boyer, 2018), and even legitimate aristocratic power, as seen in ancient Greek mythology (Bellah, 2017). Thus, Ine Pare supports the view that “language is not only a means of communication but also a repository of cultural knowledge and worldview” (Lucy, 1992). Furthermore, there are more than 70 regional languages in East Nusa Tenggara Province. The province consists of six relatively isolated inhabited islands, allowing each region to develop its own distinct language. Local communities tend to live in isolation, leading their languages to evolve independently. Population movements from prehistoric times through the colonial era have influenced language development across NTT. On Flores Island alone, there are six regional languages, each with several dialects. The local language used in Nida Village is Ende Lio, which has a specific dialect. The use of the Ende-Lio dialect in the Ine Pare ritual serves to strengthen group solidarity and identity. In this context, regional language functions as the main medium for maintaining social cohesion and cultural identity (Putra & Pradnyana, 2022), reinforcing group identity and shared values (Gumperz, 1982). Ine Pare is not only a myth and ritual but also a cultural expression that reflects environmental wisdom. This is demonstrated through the community’s respectful attitude toward ecological balance, symbolized by the spirit of Ine Pare. This respect is enacted through taboos against cultivating farmland more than once a year and imposing sanctions—such as expulsion—on community members who fail to perform the ritual. From a normative perspective, the fundamental principle behind customary sanctions lies in maintaining harmony with nature and ancestral spirits, upholding collective responsibility within families and villages, and adhering to spiritual and social values. Violations of these principles are perceived as threats to the harmony between humans, nature, and ancestral spirits (Barnes, 2015). Breaking the Ine Pare ritual is considered a serious offense because it disrupts the spiritual and social stability of the village, hence warranting temporary or permanent expulsion from the village (Heryanto, 2017). Nevertheless, developments in science and technology have opened Nida Village’s younger generation to the outside world, enabling them to communicate more broadly and think critically and practically. Events occurring beyond Nida Village inevitably influence how young people perceive their own traditions. A critical and sceptical attitude among youth—questioning the absolute authority of customary law and leading to selective compliance—is increasingly likely to emerge in Nida Village, as described by Heryanto and Suryadi (Suryadi, 2020; Heryanto, 2017). Moreover, adaptation and reinterpretation of traditional meanings may occur, potentially compromising the authenticity of local values and social identity. If such changes take place, the cultural identity of Nida Village and the broader Ende-Lio community will likely experience distortion and decline. Consequently, the functions of mythology and ritual—such as reinforcing group solidarity, as seen in African mythology (Norenzayan et al., 2021), or serving as tools for strengthening social cohesion (Whitehouse et al., 2019)—will become harder to uphold. Similarly, the adoption of values embedded in traditional myths and rituals as lessons for modern environmental movements (Berkes, 2018) or as foundations for global ecological initiatives (Grim & Tucker, 2021) will be increasingly difficult to realize in practice. Clifford Geertz stated that “Religious concepts are encoded in language through rituals, prayers, and myths that shape the community’s understanding of the cosmos” (Geertz, 1973). Belief often serves as the foundation for individual moral and ethical values (Saroglou, 2020). The moral and ethical dimensions guide individual behavior to align with prevailing societal norms. Rituals serve not only spiritual purposes but also reinforce group identity and social norms. Religiosity is not merely an individual matter—it is also a collective one (Bellah, 2017). This collective dimension is clearly visible in the Ine Pare ritual, which is regularly performed and participated in by the people of Nida Village. The finding also highlights that the myth and ritual of Ine Pare remain strongly preserved in Nida Village, Ndetukeli Subdistrict, Ende- Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 394 Flores, East Nusa Tenggara Province, Indonesia. This observation aligns with claims made by the Mosalaki (the sole customary leader in Nida Village) and several other field informants. Such claims are important in demonstrating that there are still villages in NTT where local cultural identities and values are relatively well-preserved. Field informants believe that Ine Pare will continue to exist due to the village’s relative isolation, which is located in the highlands with limited road access. However, interview results show that 10–15% of Nida Village high school graduates migrate to urban centers such as Kupang, Surabaya, or Malang each year. Comparatively, the urbanization rate in Ende Regency was 36% in 2023, up from 28% in 2010 (BPS, 2023). The attraction of cities and the drive of the younger generation to pursue personal development cannot be avoided. Increasing awareness of the importance of higher education and the shrinking availability of agricultural jobs are pushing youth toward urban migration. At the same time, cities offer modern lifestyles, digital technologies, and broader social opportunities. As a result, traditional local culture is gradually becoming marginalized. Several potential challenges threaten the local culture of Nida Village, among them nationalization, tourism, and globalization. Nationalization has led to the homogenization of language and culture (Tarigan & Sembiring, 2019), aiming at a cohesive national identity (Conversi, 2017). This trend often involves the adoption of dominant cultures, resulting in the stunting of local cultural growth (Barkah, 2021). While intended as a tool for political integration, it frequently sidelines minority cultures (Tolstykh & Aasi, 2020). Tourism development, although presenting local culture as an asset, carries the risk of commodifying traditional practices. Meanwhile, physical infrastructure development poses additional threats to cultural diversity. Globalization, though inevitable, enables the dominance of foreign cultures (Handayani et al., 2024; Lubis & Putri, 2024) through the proliferation of digital media platforms dominated by global content (A et al., 2025; Urbaite, 2024). To anticipate the marginalization and erosion of local culture, efforts must be made to reconstruct, refunctionalize, and revitalize local cultural values as tools for maintaining social cohesion while preserving unique characteristics (Ivanova, 2023). These revitalized values can support social resilience, community development, and overall well-being (Listyawati, 2018; Huraerah et al., 2023). By integrating traditional knowledge systems into contemporary frameworks— especially through digital documentation, formal education, and participatory cultural policies—the Ine Pare myth and ritual can continue to serve as a source of ecological wisdom, moral guidance, and communal identity, even in the face of rapid modernization and globalization. The findings contributes to strengthening the theory and practice of anthropological linguistics, preserving local language and cultural practices, and informing policies related to well-being, character education, and environmental awareness rooted in local culture in Indonesia. More broadly, the reinforcement of identity based on local culture must be continuously nurtured so that it remains dialectical, dynamic, and adaptive—capable of enduring the inevitable pressures of globalization that cannot be resisted through concrete walls or local isolation alone. Furthermore, the findings of this study are significant for recognizing, strengthening, and revitalizing the original local identity of the Nida Village community and other ethnic groups. Furthermore, this study offers an original anthropological linguistic approach to the myth and ritual of Ine Pare, distinguishing itself from prior studies that were either purely descriptive or narrowly focused on agrarian aspects. Takandewa (2019) merely documented ritual procedures without linguistic analysis, while Larasati (2018) examined a different ethnic group (Atoni Pah Meto), rendering her findings irrelevant to the Lio- Ende context. This research reveals the structure of Lio ritual incantations through performative syntax, derivational morphology (e.g., the wi- prefix and reduplication), and symbolic poetic devices— affirming ritual language as a practice that actively constructs socio-spiritual reality (Duranti, 1997; Senft, 2018). In contrast to Wahyuni & Yurnetti (2023), who neglected the mythological foundation, this study demonstrates that the Ine Mbu myth functions as an epistemological framework integrating rationality, ecological wisdom, and religiosity—consistent with Geertz’s (1973) conceptualization of myth as a cultural system. Moreover, it identifies contemporary threats— youth migration, tourism commodification, and Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 395 digital dominance—and documents indigenous sanction mechanisms (Barnes, 2015; Heryanto, 2017), aspects overlooked in earlier research. Theoretically, these findings reinforce Lucy’s (1992) notion of local languages as repositories of cultural knowledge; practically, they propose concrete revitalization strategies—digital archiving and curriculum integration—directly addressing UNESCO’s (2023) urgent call for safeguarding endangered intangible heritage. However, this study is limited to analyzing verbal texts (myths and incantations) and the ritual context of Ine Pare in Nida Village, Flores. It therefore does not encompass dialectal variations of the Lio language, cross-village comparisons, or broader tourism impacts. Methodologically, the qualitative research lacks quantitative data or multimodal analysis (e.g., bodily gestures, ritual artifacts). Findings are locally specific and have not addressed practical revitalization implementation, such as curriculum integration or digital documentation. Despite its significant scholarly contribution, substantial room for further development remains. Future research is recommended to explore the internal dialectal variations of the Ende-Lio language and its position within the linguistic diversity of East Nusa Tenggara (NTT)—a region encompassing more than 70 local languages. The scope should also be expanded to examine the correlation between linguistic variation and the local cultural content it reflects. A comparative and typological approach will enrich our understanding of how linguistic diversity across Flores and NTT serves as a mirror of complex, interrelated, and dynamic cultural wisdom—transcending the study of the Ine Pare ritual within a single village. V. CONCLUSION This study reveals that the myths and rituals of Ine Pare among the community of Nida Village, Ende-Lio, constitute a complex manifestation of local knowledge systems that integrate rational, socio-ecological, and spiritual-religious dimensions. Structurally, the mythic narrative of Ine Mbu and its accompanying ritual sequence— from Poka Taba (clearing the land), Tedo Pare (planting rice), Keti Pare (harvesting), to Nuwa Bo’o (consuming the new rice)—are not merely agricultural practices but symbolic texts that transmit collective values through ritual language in the Lio tongue. The incantations recited serve a dual function: as technical guides for cultivation and as moral prayers that regulate social and ecological conduct. At the substantive dimension, Ine Pare, through mythological symbols, represents and reflects the wisdom of traditional rationality that is relevant to modern scientific logic, encompassing an understanding of rice cultivation cycles, soil fertility management, and the importance of balanced nutrition. On the other hand, this ritual guides its community into cohesive social bonds. Principles of cooperation, principles of fairness in the harvest distribution system, and legal systems in the form of customary sanctions against community members who violate taboos constitute an ideal social order across time. Knowledge systems regarding ecology and its sustainability, and prohibitions against excessive exploitation of nature, are highly relevant to modern society today and into the future. Ine Pare also reflects a religious dimension, including belief in the divine power of ancestral spirits, affirmation of Mosalaki’s authority, and adherence to ritual practice as a guardian of microcosmic social harmony and macrocosmic spiritual harmony. Currently, the Ine Pare ritual, as a representation of local language and culture in Nida Village, remains relatively preserved due to geographic isolation. However, this village remains vulnerable to external influences and internal pressures for change. Several driving factors include the demand for youth migration for education and decent livelihoods, external influences of global modernity and popular culture, and pressures from development policies insensitive to local wisdom. Therefore, reconstruction, refunctionalization, and revitalization of local cultural values are necessary, including: (1) digital documentation of narratives and mantras; (2) integration of Ine Pare materials into formal education curricula; (3) empowerment of the younger generation as cultural inheritors; and (4) development of cultural tourism that preserves the sacred meaning of rituals without commodifying them. These findings enrich linguistic anthropology regarding regional languages in relation to culture, which store indigenous knowledge systems, while also providing an empirical foundation for policies to safeguard Indonesia’s intangible cultural Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 396 heritage. Ine Pare is not merely a relic of the past, but a living value system profoundly relevant for addressing contemporary global challenges: ecological crisis, social disintegration, and erosion of cultural identity. ETHICS STATEMENT This research is independently conducted with support from Yayasan Perguruan Tinggi Universitas Flores-Ende and in collaboration with partner researchers from UPI and UNAND. Informed consent was obtained from all informants for interview and publications. The research fully complies with the ethical standards and publication guidelines of Jurnal Arbitrer CREDIT AUTHOR STATEMENT Dentianan Rero: Conceptualized the study, collecting data and analyzing. Hasanuddin: Writing – review & editing, project administration, validation. Elly Malihah: Analyzed and contributed to the development of the framework. Sapriya: Analyzed and contributed to the development of theory. Neiny Ratmaningsih: Provided input on methodology and framework. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT We thank the Head of the Flores University Research and Development Center for funding this research. We also thank Theododisius F. 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Eo kile menga tana ne’e watu. Ebe fai, kaki,nee ana, mba nua Keli Mbape. Iwa sai seleja baba ebe rango do iwa ji’e leka mata sawe. Ana kolo telu muri ne’e ine ki. La’e se nala ine mata. Ebe ke..ate dho hiro haro muri ana kalo. Ebe mera imu telu, piki muri eo leja ka apa, ema ne’e ine mata sawe. Eo piki ngere emba, ebe kolo telu aji no’o kae mbana nua Mbenggu, nua nea sama ne’e nua ola Masa Ndale sama ne’e nua ola Koja Ndale ne’e nua Nanga Ndale. Se leja kiwa ebe Mbu, Ndale, Sipi mba leka nua ola Mase Ndale. Ebe ra’i leka nua Mase Ndale ebe imu telu kile manusia kaa awu kaju. Ebe kee, ate ebe hiro haro. Mbu nggae kaju leka uma, iwa do lama lima neka, raa Mbu deti leka tana bita. La’e nala pare tebu. Ebe imu telu iwa nosi manusia leka nua ola. Noo leja noo leja ebe mba uma , ebe rahasia noo nea. Ebe kolo telu tedo pare ne keti pare mesa kena. Leja noo leja muri ebe pawe. Ata nua ola piki re’e ebe tau apa muri ebe pawe. Ata nua ate ree noo ebe. Ebe paru leka nua Watu Kaka leka Paga, ebe mba nua Bu, Mbengu, Mego, noo Nua Nita leka Koro, mba leka lowo ae Endo noo Nanga Mbawe. Ebe mba noo sapa ke tanjung Watu Manu noo Tanjung Sada leka Ndondo. Ebe ngange mbana tana ata Lise Kurulande, nua ola ata Nita Barat. Ebe laje, ebe mba nua Ndondo, naja nua ola sama Ndondo Naka Taka. Ebe kolo telu mba leka keli Membu Toro, ebe deki nua Keli Koja noo nua Keli Lima. Nua ola Keli Lima so timur, naja ki Ndota Keli Lima. Ebe imu telu mba no’o leja no’o leja leka nua tana ata pawe latu leka ae ne’e uma rema. Ebe pawe ne’e nua ola ata Lise, ebe ngala mba Nua tana Lise Kurulande. Ebe nosi mba mesa-mesa. Mbu no’o Ndale mba leka Keli Koja, Sipi mba leka nua ola wesa pare leka timur nua Kowe Longgo. Ebe imu telu ate dhoa hiro haro ne’e kunu rana ola nua ata ebe mba iwa latu kaa.. Mbu ngaji Embu Mamo nooo Nggae Dewa. Mbu so roke, e..o nipi tei kai mata nooo jaga tana watu. Nebu nipi nea, Mbu rore tebo kai mo tebu pare,senua ola. Nipi tei Mbu sekobe, kai gare tei ne’e ka’e ki Ndale. Ndale ngange, rore aji kai, kai ngange. Ebe bha leka Nua Keli Koja. Leka nua Keli Koja. Dhu leka Keli Koja ebe kolo rua nara weta mera. Mbu nosi leka nara ki Ndale, pa’e si tebo aku naraku Ndale, demi eo manusia senua ola. Ndale nosi si ngange. Ndale ate hiro haro wi rore tebo Mbu. Eo nipi lei sawe. Ndale rore ne’e topo leka pu’u tengu Mbu. Mbu mata sawe, ra Mbu mbere senua ola Ende-Lio. Ana mae Mbu mbale ke Ine Pare. [Aloysius Wete (Laki-laki, 78 Tahun, Mosalaki), pada 9 June 2023]. Oral Story Ine Mbu to Become Ine Pare Once upon a time, three siblings lived, giants who were incarnations of the God of Rule in the Lio area, named Raja, Konde, and Ratu. Raja became the ruler in Keli Samba, Konde the ruler of Lake Kelimutu (three colors), and Ratu the ruler of Mbutu Busa (a child of Lake Kelimutu). Raja married Kaja, and they were blessed with three children. The first child was named Ndale, the second was named Mbu, and the third was named Sipi. Their family life was very happy. One day, suddenly, a disaster occurred throughout the Lio land with the local language term (Ae mesi nuka, tana lala: there was a tsunami). As a result of this natural disaster, the Raja and Kaja villages became shallow. Because the area was already shallow, Raja, Kaja, and their families decided to evacuate. They all took Dentiana Rero / Jurnal Arbitrer - Vol. 12 No. 3 (2025) 400 refuge in Keli Mbape. Not long after, the father of the three children fell ill and died. The children lived with their mother. Not long after, their mother also died. The three children were devastated to be orphans and have no one. After the death of both their parents, Ndale, Mbu, and Sipi had to live independently. Based on mutual considerations, the three of them decided to be nomadic, moving from one place to another. The area they then lived in was the land of the Mbengu alliance, known as the Mase Ndale area, the Koja Ndale area or the Nanga Ndale area. When Mbu, Ndale, and Sipi moved to Mase Ndale, they found the locals were suffering and still consuming rotten sawdust (local language: fata mewu). Their feelings were troubled by the incident. One day, when Mbu was looking for firewood in a swampy place, suddenly Mbu’s hand was suddenly injured. The blood from Mbu’s hand dripped onto the muddy ground. Instantly, rice grew where the blood from Mbu’s hand had touched. Incidents like this happened every day and became the secret of the three brothers. The three brothers continued to experiment with rice cultivation in secret. Day by day, their lives became better and more prosperous than those of other residents. This became a big question for the surrounding community. They were curious about the secret behind the increasingly prosperous lives of the Three Brothers. However, the Three Brothers remained firm in keeping their secret. The pressure from the surrounding community gradually turned into a very real threat. The Three Brothers felt afraid and decided to move. They fled to Watu Kaka in Paga, crossing the alliance lands of Bu, Mbengu, Mego, and the western outskirts of the Nita kingdom, namely Koro near the Endo river, which flows into Nanga Mbawe. They used boats past the Watu Manu and Sada capes to Ndondo without passing through the alliance lands of Lise Kurulande, from the West Nita region. Because they felt tired and weary, their stopover in Ndondo was known as the Ndondo Naka Taka area. The journey of the Three Brothers continued through the Membu Toro mountain region in order to quickly arrive at the Keli Koja and Keli Lima areas. The Keli Lima area is a little to the east and is now called Ndota Keli Lima. The journey of the three brothers, who passed from day to day, was through an agricultural area. In order to be fair to the Lise people, the Three Brothers were finally willing to return to cross the Lise Kurulande fellowship land. Not long afterward, the Three Brothers decided to separate. Mbu and Ndale headed to Keli Koja, while Sipi described spreading rice eastward starting from Kowe Longgo. Considering the suffering of the people in the areas they passed through, who needed a food source from rice, while rice only grew from Mbu’s blood drops, Mbu thought hard. Mbu then meditated and asked the Ancestral Spirits and Gods to provide a way out. Finally, Mbu was inspired to leave the world as a human and live a new destiny as a guardian of nature. To fulfill this order, Mbu was willing to sacrifice himself so that his blood could grow a lot of rice to meet food needs and for the welfare of the community. Mbu’s inspiration and willingness to sacrifice herself was conveyed to her brother Ndale. Ndale refused because his love made him unable to bear to sacrifice his sister. The journey to the Keli Koja area was finally carried out as if heading to a sacrifice ceremony for Mbu. Upon arriving at Kali Koja, the two had rested for a while. Ndale was still very reluctant to carry out the sacrifice ceremony for his sister Mbu. However, at the insistence of Mbu, who had been willing to sacrifice herself to save many people, Ndale finally gave in, inspired by the Ancestral Spirits and Gods. Mbu was sacrificed by being slaughtered, and her spirit was transformed into Ine Pare (Mother Rice). [Narrated by: Aloysius Wete (Male, 78 years old, Mosalaki), on June 9, 2023].