microsoft word editors’ introduction.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 3, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 1-2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2013, the authors editors’ introduction to volume 3, issue 1 (winter 2014) gary beckman, north carolina state university linda essig, arizona state university a new year is typically greeted with both hope and optimism of continuing success as well as new and sustained growth. the “new growth” in this issue focuses on the application of research. this edition of artivate also continues its emerging international presence. with the “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts higher education in australia, vikki pollard and emily wilson write about the continued interest in an “entrepreneurial mindset” as it applies to the field’s pedagogy and suggest ways this popular research topic could integrate into the arts classroom. this is a holistic and practical view of applying “mindset” research, which we view as a welcome addition to the field’s scholarly oeuvre. continuing the international perspective, stephen preece’s social bricolage in arts entrepreneurship: building a jazz society from scratch again takes a popular research trajectory and demonstrates its application. in his multi-faceted role of both founder and researcher, preece describes the development of waterloo, ontario’s grand river jazz society through the lens of another recent popular research stream – entrepreneurial bricolage. his description of the bricolage premise and its application in the arts is a valuable and practical contribution to the field. a reflective case study of the application of a theory of entrepreneurial process, this article may become required reading for both the field’s graduate programs and emerging educators. drawing on markusen and gadwa’s definition of “creative placemaking,” debra webb’s placemaking and social equity: expanding the framework of creative placemaking articulately describes how the arts can impact communities. yet far from simply advocating for art’s localized presence, webb outlines the importance of broadly surveying a community’s social construct as a precursor to entrepreneurial artistic action. perhaps more importantly, the author argues “that placemaking practitioners have a responsibility … to incite systemic social justice through place.” this “artist as social change agent” stance is important to educators and emerging arts entrepreneurs as it broadens the field’s practical applications, further challenges its educators and hopefully inspires future arts entrepreneurs. as promised in the previous issue, mark hager examines the michael rushton edited essay collection, creative communities: art works in economic development. for those interested in debra webb’s article on creative placemaking, mark’s review will be especially welcome. susan badger booth critiques lynn book and david phillips’ collection, creativity and entrepreneurship: changing currents in education and public life. this volume may interest readers seeking connections between the “entrepreneurial mindset” and “bricolage.” microsoft word editors intro 2(3).docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 2, issue 3 http://artivate.org pp. 1-2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2013, pave program in arts entrepreneurship editor’s introduction linda essig, arizona state university gary beckman, north carolina state university introduction this issue of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, while long in coming, represents a new stage in the development of the journal and, by extension, the field of arts entrepreneurship. in volume 2, issue 3, artivate expands its reach across the atlantic with the inclusion of an article by johan kolsteeg on the discourse surrounding cultural entrepreneurship in utrecht, the netherlands. in “situated cultural entrepreneurship,” kolsteeg describes both the national and local contexts for entrepreneurial activity by cultural organizations and posits a framework for understanding the relationship between cultural entrepreneurship and politics. in “culture coin: a commons-based, complementary currency for the arts and its impact on scarcity, virtue, ethics, and the imagination,” vijay mathew and polly carl take on the us arts ecosystem’s challenges to individual artist and arts organizations’ viability. they boldly offer a remedy in the form of “culture coin.” the “complementary currency” they propose is both an entrepreneurial endeavor in itself and supportive of the independent entrepreneurial activity of artists, specifically theatre artists working in the nonprofit sector. jason white turns our attention back to the state of arts entrepreneurship education in the academy. his analysis of strategic arts alumni project (snaap) data and arts program accreditation standards reveals barriers to the development of more robust arts entrepreneurship curricula. artivate’s co-editors wholeheartedly support his assertion that arts entrepreneurship education is “essential” to a professional arts degree, an assertion echoed at a recent convening of arts entrepreneurship educators. white’s article also provides us with the opportunity to fulfill our goal of publishing the work of first-time authors. finally, artivate expands its scope in this issue to include book reviews. stephani etheridge woodson reviews arts activist and entrepreneur arlene goldbard’s newest book, the culture of possibility. future issues will include reviews of lynn book and david phillip’s creativity and entrepreneurship (edward elgar press) and michael rushton’s edited collection on new growth theory, creative communities: art works in economic development (brookings institution). submissions artivate reviews submissions on a revolving basis at the end of each month, leading to publication twice per year. the first journal to focus on the emergent field of arts entrepreneurship, artivate seeks works of original scholarship in the following areas: entrepreneurship theory as applied to the arts; arts entrepreneurship education; arts management; arts and creative industries; public policy and the arts; the arts in community and economic development; nonprofit leadership; social entrepreneurship in or using the arts; evaluation and assessment in and of the field; public practice in the arts. the editors are particularly interested in articles that actively link theory with practice in ways that will be of interest and impact to the broad cross-section of artivate’s readership. self-reflective studies from arts entrepreneurs and empirical research from scholars are equally welcome. artivate is a peer-reviewed online publication for an academic and practitioner audience. editorial board members are affiliated with universities, foundations, and arts services essig and beckman editors’ introduction ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 2 organizations on three continents. for more information, please see the “for authors” page. inquiries to artivate.org@gmail.com. microsoft word artivate book review summer2013.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 2, issue 3 http://artivate.org pp. 40-42 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2013, the authors book review the culture of possibility: art, artists & the future, by arlene goldbard reviewed by stephani etheridge woodson, arizona state university the thoughtful work of cultural activist arlene goldbard has been foundational to many community cultural development artists and public scholars. her latest text, the culture of possibility: art, artists & the future, builds off her previous work with the ambitious goal to “reframe public interest in art and culture.” as she writes in her introduction: “the book incorporates arguments, stories, and perspectives i have evolved from years of writing and speaking on the subject, as well as considerable new material.” goldbard’s bold experimentation with structure continues to be one of her assets as a writer and public intellectual. the culture of possibility contains three distinct sections—as well as a companion work of fiction, the wave— each framing her argument and information in particular ways. the first section of the book, helpfully called “read this first,” serves as a brief introduction to the text while establishing goldbard’s terms and lenses. the second and longest section, “hidden in plain sight: twentyeight reasons to pursue the public interest in art,” provides exactly that in short, digestible and interrelated chunks. her last section, “the world is upside down” presents much of the same information while grounding her argument in a more traditional essay format. the text as a whole pulls from a broad range of western philosophy and cultural traditions weaving storytelling with economic analysis, spiritual traditions, poetry and neuroscience. goldbard’s scope is impressive as is her analysis of why current arguments on cultural inclusion and funding justifications undermine the cultural field, art and artists. she states: i fear for our future if we continue to muster only weak arguments and special pleading for art’s public purpose, minimizing the real value of culture in the service of democracy and freedom. in effect, the culture of possibility posits alternative frameworks for why culture and the arts matter. goldbard asks three questions grounding her exploration of alternative structures: who are we as a people? what do we stand for? how do we want to be remembered? goldbard’s discussion of how frames control not only public discourse but also private possibilities is a strength of the text. anyone concerned with articulating the “value” of cultural space and public practice of the arts should read and ponder her analysis. additionally, i believe almost anyone could find one or two of the twenty-eight alternative frames she offers useful or even game changing. as a theatre for youth specialist and the director of undergraduate studies in a school of film, dance and theatre, i found her number fifteen, “six skills intrinsic to art can actuate social change” particularly intriguing. using the example of the arab spring, goldbard suggests six abilities necessary to the young activists at the center of the revolutions in north africa: social imagination, empathy, the ability to improvise, cultural citizenship, connectivity, and creativity. for example she writes on cultural citizenship: woodson book review: the culture of possibility ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 41 […] to change an old order, people need awareness of cultural citizenship and the aspiration to inhabit it fully. this is not citizenship in the narrow legal sense of papers and voting rights, but about the inner sense of belonging that allows us to feel that we are welcome in our society and community, that our contributions count, that our heritage and our expressions are respected. in many societies, even people who possess the right to vote feel keenly the extent to which they are denied the fullness of cultural citizenship on account of race, religion, ethnicity, economic status, or other characteristics seen as social deficits. the right to cultural citizenship is core to virtually all liberation movements; without it, what are you fighting for? as an educator, thinking strategically about these six skills can reframe my justification narratives or how i assess learning. if you have been following the fascinating blog conversations on culture, art, diversity and whiteness (like this one by roberto bedoya of the pima arts council), you may be struck by how useful goldbard’s point could be in this context, too. in most of the material i have read—all strikingly honest—the underlying values have been oriented toward diversifying creativity, fairness or demographic transformation. what if we were to talk about cultural citizenship as liberation? how would that change our rhetoric? my one objection with the text rests on the binary metaphors used to organize the arguments. “hidden in plain sight” compares and contrasts what goldbard calls “the two main paradigms:” one is datastan, a world in which everything that counts can be counted; the other, the republic of stories, a world in which everything carries a story and all stories matter. in the first realm, art and culture are trivial—entertaining, perhaps, but in the end, nice but unnecessary. in the realm that’s hard to see if you are committed to datastan’s perspective, culture is the secret of survival, the connective tissue of the body politic, the matrix in which we cultivate identity, work out shared meanings, and fashion any hope of a modus vivendi, of a livable future. “the world is upside down” uses “corporation nation, where virtues like social responsibility, altruism, and compassion most often appear as advertising ploys, cynical jokes or acts of contrition.” ultimately, i believe these binaries limit goldbard’s thesis rather than clarify it. after all, science and data are still stories, and for-profit does not necessarily equate with a lack of social consciousness—for example, the majority of our film students seek employment in commercial settings but still focus on social responsibility. not to mention my discomfort with the term, “datastan” in general. ultimately, goldbard points out, “human beings exist simultaneously in physical, emotional, intellectual, and spiritual realms.” her text connects each of those aspects with cultural expression and the arts in grounded ways offering multiple paths into her discussion. whether or not goldbard succeeds in her evangelical desire to change “the meaning of all that we see and do” remains to be seen. still, her call to “cultivate individual awareness, spread woodson book review: the culture of possibility ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 42 ideas, create excitement and stimulate private-sector initiatives that can gather energy and bubble up into the public sector” excites me. microsoft word vakhariabookreview_formatted final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 4, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 49-52 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2015, the author book review performing policy: how contemporary politics and cultural programs redifined u.s. artists for the twenty-first century (london: palgrave macmillan) by paul bonin-rodriguez reviewed by neville k. vakharia, drexel university current perspectives and approaches to cultural policy in the united states have overwhelmingly focused on the role of the intermediary – the public and private funders, the policymakers and governments, and the formalized cultural enterprises that all play a part in shaping policy in their own way. very little has been written or studied about cultural policy from the perspective of the artists, those who are actually creating, performing, and producing the public goods and benefits that cultural policy seeks to shape. in performing policy, author paul bonin-rodriguez provides a much-needed perspective on the artist’s role both in cultural policy and in 21st-century american society. bonin-rodriguez draws extensively from his own experiences as a performing artist, teacher, and scholar to elevate the role of artists in cultural policy and to document their importance in being at the “policy table.” his book is timely and relevant, as expectations of artists’ roles have been elevated. artists are more frequently expected to participate in the creation of social, cultural, and economic capital, though effective policies and practices that collectively support this lofty role are yet to emerge. the author’s frequent references to pierre bourdieu’s forms of capital provide grounding for the reader in understanding the overall impact of artists in our communities. bonin-rodriguez begins by framing the somewhat broad term of “cultural policy” by adopting steven tepper’s definition: “cultural policy represents the decisions (by both public and private entities) that either directly or indirectly shape the environment in which the arts get created, disseminated, and consumed.” (2003) the author uses the culture wars of the 1990s as a point of departure for his assessment of the emergence of a new cultural policy movement. he describes how several landmark reports, studies, and convenings helped to redefine the practice and role of the artist in a community, primarily in response to the polarized public perception of artists and the role of government funding to support artists’ work. performing policy builds on a historical foundation of the seminal research reports, whitepapers, “gray literature,” and other studies that comprise a growing canon of cultural policy literature. bonin-rodriguez describes how the work of leading research and policy think tanks such as rand (the performing arts in a new era, the gifts of the muse, et al.), and the urban institute (arts and culture in communities, investing in creativity, et al.), as well leading thinkers such as kreidler (leverage lost: nonprofit arts in the post-ford era), markusen (crossover: how artists build careers across commercial, nonprofit and community work) and others have helped the cultural sector and its workforce understand the internal and external forces have that shaped the field’s current state. an ancillary benefit of this text is that boninrodriguez has created a compendium of critical literature relating to artists, policy, and related concepts suitable for anyone wishing to study these topics more deeply. bonin-rodriguez coins the term “artist-producer” to define how artists today must now “function as multidisciplinary professionals bridging the sectors of art, business, technology, vakharia book review: performing policy ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 50 policy and education” (p. 3). these artist-producers are also expected to create public value and serve as a critical component in building their communities. the author views the artist-producer taking on the role of policy entrepreneur, which he describes as the means by which “artists, as well as other cultural practitioners, might advance the importance of artists’ work in communities” (p. 144). the core of performing policy comprises six distinct chapters that combine historical developments in cultural policy with case analyses that demonstrate the role of artists in shaping, or attempting to shape, cultural policy. each chapter relates to the author’s definition of the artist-producer and provides a critical assessment of the artists’ impact on policy. boninrodriguez has been peripherally or integrally involved in all the developments and cases he outlines in these chapters, which provides a level of detail and insight otherwise unattainable though at times can seem to be singularly focused on his own perspectives of his professional activities. beginning with an assessment of the american assembly’s 1997 convening on “the arts and the public purpose” and ending with today’s current approaches to creative placemaking, bonin-rodriguez deftly and deeply assesses the role that artists played, or in some cases did not play, in forming cultural policy and practice. his firsthand knowledge of these activities and convenings, which includes interviews with key participants and access to unpublished materials combined with a historical and theoretical background, provides the reader with an unparalleled perspective on the development of policy. bonin-rodriguez does not shy from sharing the challenges or failures of artists’ participation in cultural policy development, using these as examples for ongoing efforts and sharing the ancillary benefits that resulted. the cases highlight critical successes, but also acknowledge that the development of cultural policy is a non-linear process and is as varied as the artistic forms it seeks to support. bonin-rodriguez cites the american assembly’s 1997 gathering as one of the first formal responses to the significant cuts to funding for the national endowment for the arts that resulted from the ongoing culture wars of that decade. he describes how the assembly’s final report and its nine recommendations kept artists at arm’s length, viewing them in the context of arts institutions and limiting their involvement in the creation of the report. despite this, the final report, “the arts and the public purpose,” became a rallying point that brought validity to the field at a critical time. a more artist-centric case is evaluated in bonin-rodriguez’s assessment of the “austin new works theatre community,” a loose collective of austin, texas theatre artists collaborating “to make austin a center for real [theatre] work” (p. 50). from his own interactions and communications with many of these artists, he describes how these artists, fueled by a planning grant from the andrew w. mellon foundation and with the promise for potential future funding, engaged in the policy process. his insights into the challenges the artists faced and the benefits of their collaboration provide an intimate look into the inner workings of artists attempting to plan for their future and engage in the policy process. while the overall outcomes they sought may not have been fully achieved, their efforts were successful in the context of the lessons learned and the continued collaboration that still exists today. support models for practicing artists and career expectations of emerging artists are addressed in two cases that exemplify the author’s artist-producer approach while also building on the current definitions of the “artist entrepreneur.” bonin-rodriguez’s involvement with and study of the creative capital foundation provides insights into how a market-driven approach to supporting artists both financially and through professional development builds sustainable artist vakharia book review: performing policy ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 51 careers. creative capital’s financial investment in an artist comes with the caveat that artists repay a portion of their grant funds based on the revenue their work generates (that is, if the work generates revenue), creating a potential cycle of new capital that sustains the foundation as well as the next generation of artists. bonin-rodriguez then incorporates the perspective of emerging artists through a research survey on his own students, assessing their “anticipated career and education outcomes.” using the strategic national arts alumni project’s findings on professional outcomes of fine arts graduates as a guide, he engages his own students in critical thinking about their future careers and expectations. he seeks to eliminate the narrow focus, or “curricular stenosis,” that is occurring in arts higher education due to a lack of responsive curricula that provides artist graduates with the skills to work in a variety of creative fields. this inevitably brings up the case for entrepreneurial skills and training, which aligns with the author’s artist-producer definition. he describes the resistance to arts entrepreneurship in some fine arts programs as an opportunity for a “critical cultural policy” approach that would ensure that artists are part of the policy community. performing policy’s final chapters delve into leveraging investments in creativity (linc) and the increasingly popular creative placemaking movement. linc was a major 10year initiative that recently concluded, which sought to “pursue innovative research-based practices to improve working conditions for the nation’s artists” (p. 107) while creative placemaking is an activity in which “partners from the public, private, nonprofit, and community sectors shape the physical and social character of a neighborhood, town, city, or region around arts and cultural activities” (p. 127). bonin-rodriguez identifies how linc’s research-driven approach provided important resources to artists but also sought to help artists serve as leaders in their communities, again exemplifying his artist-producer framework. in his analysis of creative placemaking, bonin-rodriguez sees the national endowment for the arts’ return to setting a national arts policy agenda that ultimately grew into a broader national movement, bringing artists into a broader community context. he views this relatively new movement, built upon many of the other programs and initiatives outlined in his book, as a means by which artists “actively contribute to the cultural identity and practices of a community” (p. 138). in performing policy, bonin-rodriguez has identified and thoroughly investigated the role of artists in shaping cultural policy. he adeptly weaves a common thread through three decades of policy and practice, demonstrating how cultural policies of the late 20th century have changed the role that artists must play in their communities. his first-hand experiences and knowledge combined with historical context has created a work that is content-rich and insightful. part case study, part history lesson, and part collegial conversation, bonin-rodriguez has re-framed how we talk about the artist’s role in cultural policy. in some ways, performing policy is a call to action for artists to become producers in their communities, to be creative entrepreneurs, and to move from a space-based and individualistic perspective to a place-based, holistic approach to their work that puts them at the center of the arts ecosystem. it is also a call to action for arts organizers, philanthropies, and policymakers to remember that cultural policy efforts must bring to the table those who create our culture. references tepper, s. j., & hinton, s. (2003). the measure of meetings: forums, deliberation, and cultural policy. princeton university. microsoft word perspectives_formattedfinal.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 4, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 3-7 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2015, the authors perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 e. andrew taylor, american university paul bonin-rodriguez, the university of texas at austin linda essig, arizona state university as the first peer reviewed research journal in the field of arts entrepreneurship, artivate: a journal of arts entrepreneurship takes its role as a framer of the discourse in and around arts entrepreneurship seriously. to advance that discourse, in addition to the articles and book reviews that have been regular features of artivate, we have invited members of our editorial board and staff to contribute short think pieces. for these pieces we asked contributors to consider open-ended questions to which they could respond in whole or in part: what is their position in relation to arts entrepreneurship; how is arts entrepreneurship situated in relation to other disciplines or fields; what are the problems we are grappling with as scholars, practitioners, teachers, and artists; and what are the research questions we are attempting to answer individually or as a field? following, you will find responses from: andrew taylor, associate professor of arts management at american university; paul bonin-rodriguez, assistant professor of performance as public practice at ut-austin and author of performing policy (reviewed in this issue); and artivate’s publisher and co-editor, linda essig, evelyn smith professor and director of the pave program in arts entrepreneurship at arizona state university. arts entrepreneurship vs. the sum of its parts e. andrew taylor, associate professor of arts management american university “arts entrepreneurship,” like its close relative “arts management,” has a complex pedigree and a sprawling footprint. its frameworks and practices span many disciplines. its areas of focus include the person, the process, and the outcome of entrepreneurial effort. but while we argue about the various branches and twists of this evolving ecosystem, we may be missing the forest for the trees. as an older sibling of arts entrepreneurship, arts management offers some useful markers to find our way. arts management has been aptly labeled a “borrower’s field” (devereaux and vartiainen, 2009, p. 8; brindle and devereaux, 2011, p. 5) as it draws from many disciplines in both theory and practice – visual and performing arts, humanities, business, political science, social science, and on and on. but arts management could also be labeled a “burrower’s field” as its practitioners, scholars, and supporters often dig their way into emerging and established domains in search of money, shelter, and positive attention. centuries ago, the arts found support by burrowing toward the values and vanities of affluent merchants, nobility, or organized religion, and borrowing the trappings of status and class. in the mid-20th century, artists and arts organizations burrowed toward public purpose, growing philanthropic wealth, and nationalism, borrowing the tools and tactics of the evolving not-for-profit sector. more recently, the arts have burrowed into urban renewal, educational achievement, health and wellness, social cohesion, and a range of other favored foci of philanthropy and policy, often borrowing the processes and practices of each related field. so it’s no wonder that “arts entrepreneurship” faces a similar kerfuffle about what it is and what it isn’t, and how we might practice, promote, or study it. the larger concept of taylor, bonin-rodriguez & essig perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 4 entrepreneurship is certainly burrow-worthy as the current coin of the realm for many donors, investors, funding crowds, policy-makers, and college administrators seeking same. entrepreneurship has also proven borrow-worthy, with an evolving set of processes and practices holding deep resonance with creative endeavor, and particular value to passion-rich but resourcepoor initiatives. but what are we talking about when we’re talking about entrepreneurship? and what are the unique and specific attributes of arts entrepreneurship? in his delphi study on the first question (gartner 1990), william gartner identified eight themes that ran through various definitions of entrepreneurship. the themes (as i sort them) focused on the person (the entrepreneur, the owner-manager), the process (innovation, organization creation, uniqueness), or the outcome (creating value, growth, and innovation serving as both process and outcome).1 these three perspectives on entrepreneurship track well with evolving discourse, which explores the qualities and attributes of entrepreneurial individuals and groups (person), the iterative and innovative methods of acquiring and integrating resources (process), and the unique and emergent forms of value created (outcome). however, understanding the reasons for and reach of arts entrepreneurship’s sprawling identity only helps us see the trees. the forest is defined by how its elements are inseparably intertwined. what if the unique and compelling aspect of arts entrepreneurship is not its separate parts, nor the paths between them, but its complete integration as a system? what if the person, the process, and the outcome inform and transform each other in ways we cannot observe or explain when considering them separately? systems scholar russell ackoff insisted that a “system is more than the sum of its parts; it is an indivisible whole. it loses its essential properties when it is taken apart” (ackoff 1973, p. 664). christian bruyat and pierre-andré julien suggest a similar perspective when they emphasize entrepreneurship as an inseparable dialogue between the individual and the new venture creation, where both are transformed and transforming. to them, “entrepreneurship is concerned first and foremost with a process of change, emergence, and creation: creation of new value, but also, and at the same time, change and creation for the individual” (bruyat and julien 2001, p. 173). there is potential in the perspective that arts entrepreneurship cannot be defined by the traveler, nor the road, nor the destination, but rather by the journey that combines all three. references ackoff, r. l. (1973). “science in the systems age: beyond ie, or, and ms.” operations research 21(3): 661–71. brindle, m., & devereaux. c. (2011). the arts management handbook: new directions for students and practitioners. m.e. sharpe. bruyat, c., & julien, p-a. (2001). “defining the field of research in entrepreneurship.” journal of business venturing 16(2): 165–80. devereaux, c., & vartiainen, p., eds. (2009). the science and art of cultural management. cultural management and the state of the field. helsinki, finland: humak. 1 the remaining theme, profit or nonprofit, captured the continuing discussion of whether entrepreneurship was purely profit-focused, or could have other goals as well…suggesting a theme that is about person, process, and outcome all at once. taylor, bonin-rodriguez & essig perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 5 gartner, w.b. (1990). “what are we talking about when we talk about entrepreneurship?” journal of business venturing 5(1): 15–28. putting a term to good use paul bonin-rodriguez the university of texas at austin i see arts entrepreneurship as an effective placeholder for a number of critical operations undergirding contemporary artistic practice and research. easily, the term reminds artists, arts administrators, and scholars to account for the benefits of artistic production (social, cultural and artistic, as well as economic) and to recognize the costs in producing that work. doing so is a political act. the naming of labor and creative contributions serves no one more than artists who have historically been imagined as unconcerned with money and been documented to make less their peers of similar education levels. at the same time, entrepreneurship need not be the only term for describing efficacy. some might prefer professional development or merely professionalism. others might refer to their practices as entrepreneurial, but still identity themselves as artists. still others may attempt to coin their own portmanteau, such as "actorpreneur" or "artrepreneur." in all of these cases, arts entrepreneurship scholarship invites critical engagement, and so i am less concerned with arguing the presence of the term as i am with putting it to good use. as the scholarship in artivate attests, the study of arts entrepreneurship also engages theories and practices developed in business and the social sciences and in doing so connects the arts to the opportunities in those disciplines. arts entrepreneurship deploys case-making for instance, a practice commonly used in philanthropy to describe the stories that that contribute to project development and sustain support. case-making resonates with efforts like branding and marketing, which can be used to gather a large following. all of these efforts contribute understanding to artistic expression from a broad and diverse constituency. arts entrepreneurship scholarship can also look to qualitative and quantitative analyses. as scholars have noted in artivate, arts entrepreneurship supports habits of mind that apply case-making to artistic processes. in my own work with entrepreneurship, i seek to counter the idea that art making is a solitary act, the work of a virtuosic, creative individual rather than the product of many stakeholders. consequently, i rely on the many disciplinary associations that touch upon arts entrepreneurship and make its hybridity more evident. these include social entrepreneurship. policy entrepreneurship, as well as business entrepreneurship. again, however, artivate’s focus offers the means to interrogate the relevance of these forms to contemporary arts practice, arts organization, and cultural vitality. the ouroboros of arts entrepreneurship2 linda essig arizona state university 2 excerpted from not about the benjamins: arts entrepreneurship in research, education, and practice. keynote address for the arts business symposium, uw-madison, march 13, 2014. taylor, bonin-rodriguez & essig perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 6 in the introductory article to the first issue of artivate (beckman & essig, 2012), i assert that “arts entrepreneurship” exists on a continuum from individual artists adopting entrepreneurial habits of mind in their practice at one end to new venture creation in the creative industries at the other. the former is the self-employment in the arts model, the goal of which is to teach individual artists to manage their own careers. the other end of the continuum is the creative industries entrepreneurship model where artists and arts organizations form firms. but why form an arts “firm?” in the literature of entrepreneurship, there are several complementary or even contradictory theories about the relationship between the means to and ends of entrepreneurial action, understood in this context to be new venture creation. shane and ventkataram (2000) would argue that entrepreneurial opportunity involves the discovery of new means and end relationships. that is probably true in the arts. that concept, however, is an expansion of one developed by austrian school economist ira kirzner who, along with his neoclassical brethren believe that profit maximization is the only reason to undertake entrepreneurial activity. for kirzner and others, the only viable reason – the only viable end – to entrepreneurial activity is the discovery of a new way to profit. but it is unlikely that anyone undertakes a new venture in the arts, especially the nonprofit arts, to maximize their financial gain. stephen preece points out, “in the absence of profits, entrepreneurs in the not-for-profit performing arts are necessarily motivated by selffulfillment within the execution of an artistic organizational mission” (2011, p. 108). while i don’t disagree with preece, there are probably several other reasons why arts firms forms: to decrease transaction costs (see, e.g., coase, 1937), to make more effective decisions, (see, e.g., cyert and march, 1963), or to share tacit knowledge (see, e.g., grant, 1996). ultimately, however, firm formation itself is only a means to a greater end, and in the arts and culture sector, that end is not profit maximization. people – artists and those who support artists – undertake entrepreneurial activity in the arts and culture sector, both for profit and nonprofit, in order to make art and to make art available to its audience in new and innovative ways. “entrepreneurship” or “entrepreneurial behavior” is itself the means and art is the end. the entrepreneurial behavior generates money that in turn feeds back to the art. i illustrated this concept with an ouroboros: figure 1. the ouroboros of arts entrepreneurship taylor, bonin-rodriguez & essig perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 7 art that is innovative must find its market. to be an innovation, according to mihaly csikszentmihalyi (1997), the creative product must influence its domain – it must have an impact. entrepreneurship then – in the form of new venture creation – is the tool, the means, by which the art and the audience connect. that new venture generates money that, like the ouroboros’s tail, feeds the creation of more art. so, in order to connect the innovation – the creative artistic product -to the money that will feed it, requires knowledge and understanding of entrepreneurial action. what does it take for, at one end, an artist to manage her own career effectively and at the other, start a venture that will generate enough money to keep the circular flow going? i often tell my students that the “discipline” of entrepreneurship is opportunity recognition and, in the arts, opportunity creation. when artists and those interested in advancing the arts recognize the opportunities to generate revenue, to create new businesses that support the arts, then we have arts entrepreneurship. there’s a long history of thought around the idea that money will taint art. kant (1914) said that the aesthetic is an end in itself. adorno (1975) said that art as commercial entertainment is suppressive and hans haake (1997) made a bit of a fuss when he said that when artists participate in gallery and museum exhibitions, they trade their symbolic capital for financial capital. but when we see money as nourishing art, as the product of arts entrepreneurship feeding the making of art itself, which is an end unto itself as kant said, then that taint is diminished if not done away with all together -money is not the ends, it is the means. in arts entrepreneurship, it’s not about the benjamins, it’s about the art. references adorno, t. w., & rabinbach, a. g. (1975). culture industry reconsidered. new german critique, 12-19. beckman, g. & essig, l. arts entrepreneurship: a conversation. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 1(1), 1-8. coase, r. h. (1937). the nature of the firm. economica, 4(16), 386-405. csikszentmihalyi, m. (1997). creativity: flow and the psychology of discovery and invention. harperperennial, new york. cyert, r. m., & march, j. g. (1963). a behavioral theory of the firm. englewood cliffs, nj, 2. grant, r. m. (1996). toward a knowledge‐based theory of the firm. strategic management journal, 17(s2), 109-122. haacke, h. (1997/1999). symbolic capital management or what to do with the good, the true and the beautiful. in s. dillemuth (ed.) the academy and the corporate public. kant, i. (1914). kant's critique of judgement. macmillan. preece, s. b. (2011). performing arts entrepreneurship: toward a research agenda. the journal of arts management, law, and society, 41(2), 103-120. shane, s., & venkataraman, s. (2000). the promise of entrepreneurship as a field of research. academy of management review, 25(1), 217-226. microsoft word perspectives_part 3 final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 5, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 3-6 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2016, the authors perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 3 neville vakharia, drexel university gordon shockley, arizona state university laura zabel, springboard for the arts we offer this as the third installment in our opinion series, “perspectives,” in which we invite artivate’s editorial board members and contributors to respond to open-ended prompts about: their position in relation to arts entrepreneurship; how arts entrepreneurship is situated in relation to other disciplines or fields; what problems we are grappling with as scholars, practitioners, teachers, and artists; and what are the research questions we are attempting to answer individually or as a field. this issue’s is a particularly diverse selection, drawn from various disciplines and across the transdisciplinary spectrum of scholarship and practice. we welcome our newest editorial board member, neville vakharia, with his essay on knowledge centricity and showcase the perspectives of two of our founding editorial board members, gordon shockley, professor of community resources and development at arizona state university, and laura zabel, executive director of springboard for the arts, who concludes with provocative questions for those who undertake research as the core of their enterprise. knowledge centricity and the artist entrepreneur neville vakharia drexel university as the united states continues its evolution to a post-industrial knowledge society, economic growth will continue to be driven by organizations and people that are able to create and use knowledge to advance their goals. knowledge is now both an economic variable and an economic activity (machlup, 1962). knowledge workers, who work with their heads – not their hands – to produce ideas and information, are driving innovation and growth (drucker, 1967). since so many artists work with their hands to realize their artistic vision, how could they play a stronger role in our knowledge society? i believe we need to start with the framework of knowledge centricity, which is built on the foundation of the critical role that knowledge plays within organizational structures and within a knowledge society. a knowledge-centric organization uses collective knowledge to advance organizational goals (crawford, hasan, linger, & warne, 2009), gaining a competitive edge through an increased ability to innovate, operate more effectively, and respond rapidly to changes in the environment (grant, 1996). in my own research on knowledge centricity in arts and cultural organizations, i found that organizations that exhibit knowledge-centric practices with regard to their leadership, technology, and staff development were positively associated with improved financial and operational performance (vakharia & janardhan, 2015). in developing a working definition of a knowledge-centric arts organization, i also found that many organizations were struggling with the practice of knowledge creation as a means to advance their goals, jeopardizing their sustainability and relevance. individual artists, too, face challenges of sustainability and relevance in their own careers, though there is limited research on the role of knowledge creation and artists. could knowledge centricity be applied to the individual artist as entrepreneur? going further, would knowledge-centric artists be better equipped to build a sustainable career by leveraging more opportunities for their work? because artists are individuals that must adopt vakharia, shockley, and zabel perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 3 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 4 “entrepreneurial habits of mind in their practice” (essig, 2014, p. 6), i would posit that knowledge centricity could play a key role for artists seeking to advance their careers. however, without empirical research leading to a definition of a knowledge-centric artist, we cannot understand how artists might benefit from knowledge centricity or what impact it could have on their work. such research into adapting the concepts of knowledge centricity from organizations to individuals could be a valuable effort that would provide artists with useful insights into practices that might enhance their entrepreneurial success. this would require the development of new measures of success as well as an assessment of individual practices that create knowledge. the benefits of creating a framework of knowledge centricity for artists could be significant for multiple stakeholders. artists would better understand how certain practices and approaches could improve the reach, scope, and impact of their work. academic researchers would be able to take a proactive leadership role in developing and implementing a research agenda with immediate applicability to artists, rapidly putting theory into practice. institutions that serve and support artists could strengthen their efforts by focusing on those efforts that would enhance knowledge centricity and entrepreneurial success. in a knowledge-driven society and economy, artists must create with both their hands and their heads. adapting the concepts of knowledge centricity could ensure that the role of the artist in our society continues to grow in relevance and impact. references crawford, k., hasan, h., warne, l., & linger, h. (2009). from traditional knowledge management in hierarchical organizations to a network centric paradigm for a changing world. emergence: complexity and organization, 11 (1), 1-18. drucker, p. (1967). the effective executive. vol. 1. new york: harper & row. essig, l. the ouroboros of arts entrepreneurship. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 4 (1), 5-7. grant, r. m. (1996). toward a knowledge‐based theory of the firm. strategic management journal, 17 (s2), 109-122. machlup, f. (1962). the production and distribution of knowledge in the united states. princeton, nj: princeton university press. vakharia, n. k. & janardhan, d. (2015, july). the knowledge-centric arts organization: connecting practice to performance. paper presented at the international conference on arts and cultural management. the nea in the 1990s: advent of the age of arts entrepreneurship gordon e. shockley arizona state university we now live in the age of arts entrepreneurship. thanks to the efforts of projects like artivate, it is axiomatic that the arts must be entrepreneurial to survive. i believe that the advent of the age of arts entrepreneurship can be traced to the travails of the national endowment for the arts (nea or endowment) in the 1990s. to survive the 1990s, the nea engaged in entrepreneurship – policy entrepreneurship – in order to survive repeated, credible threats to the agency’s existence. you might recall that the convergence of controversial art exhibits of, for example, those of robert mapplethorpe, andres serrano, and the nea four in the late 1980s and early 1990s vakharia, shockley, and zabel perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 3 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 5 and the conservative politics of sen. jesse helms, rep. newt gingich, and the republican revolution of the 104th congress threatened the existence of a budgetarily tiny and hitherto obscure federal agency created under the johnson administration in the 1960s to support the arts in the united states. “it was clear,” says jane alexander, nea chair in the early 1990s, “that we needed to make some changes at the endowment if we were going to survive elimination” (alexander, 2000, p. 243). and change they did: by engaging in policy entrepreneurship and recreating the agency. alert to the source of their travails (i.e., grants to controversial artists), the nea most significantly collapsed their decades-old grant-giving categories away from artistic disciplines like the visual arts and photography to a few broader, thematic categories like heritage & preservation. as the art critic michael brenson puts it, “the government decided that in order to save the endowment, it had to stop investing in artists and invest its cultural authority in institutions” (brenson, 2001, p. 89). the policy entrepreneurship of the nea enabled the agency to survive the 1990s. the policy entrepreneurship of the nea in the 1990s also serves as a cautionary tale for the age of arts entrepreneurship. entrepreneurship at its root is an economic behavior. as such, while keen to questions of efficiency, value, and thus survival, entrepreneurship by itself is mute on questions of fairness, justice, and right-or-wrong. yes, the nea’s entrepreneurship to change enabled it to survive, but at the precipitous cost of no longer directly supporting artists in the united states. as brenson once more observes, “in congress, in the endowment, and in society, there was a place for the art artists made and for the people who commissioned and administered it but there was no place for them” (brenson, 2001, p. 92). artists lost an important voice in the federal government and american culture. was it right for the federal agency supporting artists in the united states to abandon them to survive? entrepreneurship alone cannot answer that question. this is not a plea for art-for-art’s-sake; that has never existed in any meaningful or sustainable way. nor is it cry to eradicate money from the arts; that has never been the case, nor probably should it be. indeed, my favorite artist, the northern renaissance genius albrecht dürer might have been one of the most economically efficient, financially successful, and thoroughly entrepreneurial artist of all (see "portrait of the artist as an entrepreneur," 2011.) rather, it is a sincere wish to preserve the spirit of artistic creation and to respect the devotion of the artist to her craft along with utilizing the necessity of entrepreneurship in the age of arts entrepreneurship. references alexander, j. (2000). command performance: an actress in the theatre of politics. new york: public affairs. brenson, m. (2001). visionaries and outcasts: the nea, congress, and the place of the visual artist in america. new york: the new press. portrait of the artist as an entrepreneur. (2011, december 17). the economist, 401, 142(us). meaning-making and arts entrepreneurship laura zabel springboard for the arts my relationship to arts entrepreneurship is complicated. depending on the context, “arts entrepreneurship” is an idea that represents commodification and an attempt to define our most human expression in reductive, monetary terms. in another context it feels aspirational and full vakharia, shockley, and zabel perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 3 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 6 of possibility for us to remake an economy focused on meaning-making and exchange. most of the time it feels like the best, if flawed, way to describe the work we do at springboard for the arts and so i try not to get too hung up on the semantics and instead pursue the work that we believe will make our world a more creative, human place. most actual definitions of entrepreneur don’t start with the business-minded, tech-startup-in-a-hoodie, capital driven picture that is commonly imagined; most definitions start with opportunity, and risk, and initiative. that more elemental definition suits most artists perfectly. our work at springboard is about helping artists define success for themselves and then gather the tools and resources they need to work towards that success–financial success, recognition, a supportive community, respect, cultural preservation, conversation, and social change, these are all equally valid goals for an artist. what this means practically is that we try to see the full spectrum of artist needs and work to create a system that is open and as accessible as possible. it means we teach business skills and provide healthcare and legal services and we build mechanisms that connect artists with the other sectors of their community and demonstrate their value as creative thinkers and doers around community issues. our mission is to help artists make a living and a life—and to help communities tap into the creative power of artists. this guiding principle of our work is also our biggest challenge when it comes to measurement. we don’t measure our work in purely economic terms (does an artist make more money after they take a workshop?) because that narrow definition would exclude many artists’ goals. how do we measure reciprocity, trust, relevance, boldness, agency and power? over the years we’ve come up with some measurement tools for these ideas, or at least satisfactory proxies. for example, the degree to which a person is willing to name themselves as an artist sometimes helps us see agency and confidence. our ability to create bridges and mechanisms that help relationships continue to thrive beyond a project or program can help us measure reciprocity and trust. or the ways in which artists’ efforts can combine to impact social issues, contentious conversations, and change individual and community narratives can serve as a proxy for relevance and value. in the end, though, most of these measures still feel insufficient. they are insufficient in demonstrating the depth and potential of artists’ contributions. despite a lot of fantastic work across the country, artists remain an under-resourced and under-tapped asset in most places. i believe this is the core question facing the field of arts entrepreneurship: how do we measure the effectiveness of our work in a way that aligns with the scale of impact we know that artists can have and in a way that doesn’t minimize the most basic human need for creative expression? how do we measure meaning-making? microsoft word editors introduction layout.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 3, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 1-2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2014 editors’ introduction to volume 3, issue 2 (summer 2014) linda essig, arizona state university joseph roberts, webster university successful entrepreneurial endeavors are not the product of the lone individual working in isolation. rather, enterprises are launched and grown by entrepreneurs who leverage partnerships, resources, and collaborations. similarly, artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts is the product of the tam effort of its authors, volunteer editors and editorial board members, part-time staff, and feedback from its readership. recently, the editorial board and staff met (virtually) to discuss the journal, its focus, and its role in delineating arts entrepreneurship as a field and a discipline. in future issues, in addition to full-length articles, you are likely to see short pieces by our editorial board members conceptualizing arts entrepreneurship, its relationship to the arts and within individual arts disciplines, and to business research topics, including entrepreneurship studies. in every issue, we intend to continue to circumscribe the field of arts entrepreneurship in theory and in practice, and as it is increasingly taught in courses in colleges and universities across the us and elsewhere. we are pleased to include in this issue articles that touch on each of these: theory, pedagogy and curriculum, and practice. arts entrepreneurial action occurs at a grand city-changing scale as described by marisa enhuber in is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur?. but arts entrepreneurship also happens in the lean diy fashion described in julia griffey’s reflective case study, daily blogging for a year: a lean pathway to launching a web-based business. often, especially in higher education, arts entrepreneurship is viewed as the self-employment endeavors of individual artists, such as those surveyed by dianne welsh and her colleagues in responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs: an exploratory study of arts entrepreneurship in north carolina higher education. arts entrepreneurial enterprises are often launched in the social entrepreneurship sphere. this interconnection is highlighted in mark rabideau’s review of intrapreneurship and all that jazz, a new book on social “intrapreneurship” from greenleaf press. one of the thorniest issues for scholars and educators of arts entrepreneurship (or “cultural entrepreneurship” as it is more widely understood in europe) is the issue of boundary. what makes one type of action or enterprise “arts entrepreneurship” and another one not so? marisa enhuber examines this very question in is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? by theorizing on the delineation between an “economic entrepreneur” and a “cultural entrepreneur.” using the early work of damien hirst and framed by the kalmer’s “valorization model,” she finds that hirst’s spheres of action, especially in his revitalization of urban spaces in london, characterize him as a cultural entrepreneur, but one who blends the aesthetic and market spheres. as interest in arts entrepreneurship grows in academic institutions, educators are seeking both successful models for and empirical evidence about curriculum, pedagogy and institutional structures. welsh, onishi, dehoog, and syed, in the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs: an exploratory study of arts entrepreneurship in north carolina higher education, offer an overview of successful arts entrepreneurship training programs in north carolina and then analyze results of a pilot survey they conducted of participants at the southern entrepreneurship in the arts conference. they assert that cross-campus interdisciplinary efforts can be effective in arts entrepreneurship training. finally, julie griffey brings us into the realm of practice in daily blogging for a year: a lean pathway to launching a web-based business. in this reflective case study, griffey explains editors’ introduction ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (2) 2 how the very act of blogging enhanced her professional discipline while also increasing her own knowledge and her customer base. please note that the deadline for submissions to the winter 2015 edition (issue 4, number 1) is october 31, 2014. microsoft word book review booth winter 2014.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 3, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 49-50 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2013, the author book review creativity and entrepreneurship: changing currents in education and public life. lynn book and david peter phillips, editors. reviewed by susan badger booth, eastern michigan university creativity and entrepreneurship is a powerful collection of essays “examining creativity and entrepreneurship both separately and synergistically.” the introduction focuses on two primary concerns: 1) how can individuals as global citizens foster highly creative, critically active and socially accountable practices to co-create a just and imaginative world? 2) how can creativity and entrepreneurship animate institutional and social bodies to build a humane, vivid and interdependent world? these two large issues could easily be construed as overreaching in scope for such a collection. however, book and phillips approach the subject with a thoughtful interpretation of current research, a skillful assemblage of new perspectives, and a clear call for further research and engagement with a broad community of academics and practitioners. it is worth noting that this collection is the outcome of two national conferences: creativity: worlds in the making, 2009 and teaching creativity in higher education: current trends and critical encounters, 2011. the authors advise that “both conferences corroborated current research and practice, reframing creativity as inherently interdisciplinary and crosssectoral,” which establishes an important access point for contributors as they address the volume’s two significant themes. obviously, this confirmation places the importance of creativity first with “entrepreneurship as a particularly able partner for creativity and an important mechanism for social change.” the editors conclude their introduction by inviting the reader to see beyond a limited, discipline-specific definition of creativity as only a tool for the sculptor or actor. instead, they suggest “allying with entrepreneurship studies to produce economic and social value in new ways.” the collection moves forward in three sections: “reimagining higher education: creative experiments in teaching & learning”, “disciplinary immigrants: strategies in creative process & practice” and “public engagement & the duty of the imagination.” beginning with a powerful chapter on “creativity in the liberal arts,“ lynn book describes a semester-long project where she engages with students as part of a gateway course for wake forest university’s entrepreneurship and social enterprise degree program. her “concept for transformative practice . . . is designed to disrupt patterns and to foster experiments with even the most mundane actions to stimulate creative potential.” book reinforces the collection’s call to action in the introduction by moving smoothly between research and practice and making an impassioned case for thoughtful creative theory and essential creative practice. this first section includes an innovative chapter describing an interdisciplinary collaboration between physical geography and creative writing in heidi la moreaux’s chapter “natural history meets personal history: clorpt, cores and reference slides.” in this chapter, la moreaux offers “scientific ways of viewing the world . . . allowing writers and artists to examine factors that influenced their formation, the chronology and texture of events in their badger-booth book review: creativity and entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 50 lives and their value systems and beliefs more objectively and comprehensively.” using geological core samples as a metaphor for writing personal histories, la moreaux asks students to create a “core diagram of their life.” she suggests “creative writing teachers frequently lament that most students tell rather than show their ideas . . . metaphors of cores and reference slides may provide fresh ways to explore personal history and autobiographical writing.” in the second section, the editors include a chapter on imaginary worldplay, describing how a tool that “manifests spontaneously in childhood as part of the normal development of imaginative play” can be translated into formal curriculum for an older audience. “as a means of teaching learnable processes of pretense, imagination and knowledge construction, classroom initiatives in worldplay can purposefully take their place in part of a larger educational strategy to foster creative and inventive skills.” moving from worldplay to theatrical process and creation as a method for developing creative cognition, carolyn roark, kevin daum and mary abrahams title their chapter: “how to develop an entrepreneur: teaching creative process management in the academy and industry.” reflecting on creativity as a cognitive act, they suggest we are all capable of creativity the trick is having the tools to unlock this natural talent. the authors continue to playfully correlate theatre’s creative cycle into an accessible model for enhanced creative cognition. their broad applicable outcomes include: “1) identifying disparate parts, 2) envisioning how they can work together to provide value, 3) organizing the process and resources required, and 4) executing and sharing with others who can gain the value.” the third section of the book, although not as strong as the previous two, contains some important essays. one such gem is “the empathy imperative” by lyndo rego and philipp essl, which takes what some might perceive as a soft skill and elevates its importance through supporting research and skillful synthesis. rego and essl take a next step, however, in suggesting that emotional intelligence is not just measurable and important, but can be developed. they describe programs at the center for creative leadership that “cultivate empathy by helping individuals to understand their identity and values and to share them with others.” accompanying the rego and essl chapter is scott sherman’s practical essay “training the next generation of social entrepreneurs.” sherman is the executive director of the transformative action institute. he reflects on the plethora of college courses that analyze social problems and the huge void of courses that offer solutions to solve these problems. after years of studying social change, sherman’s organization developed a curriculum encouraging college students to establish social ventures. he discovered that students are not prepared to initiate a social venture and instead need to develop skills in “resilience – overcoming adversity, barriers and challenges, grit – perseverance, hard work and task commitment; creativity and innovation; and relationship–building and networking.” though creativity and entrepreneurship: changing currents in education and public life may be weighted a bit too heavily on the side of higher education, it takes a significant step forward in connecting theory and practice. instead of simply publishing more examples of creativity-building exercises and business plan development scenarios, creativity and entrepreneurship bravely suggests why this is important to us -, all of us -, both inside and outside of higher education. this reviewer highly recommends taking time to read through this at times dense, but often-enlightening, little book and will be looking forward to additional volumes. microsoft word perspectives_part 2.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 4, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 3-9 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2015, the authors perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 2 william b. gartner, copenhagen business school and california lutheran university joseph roberts, webster university mark rabideau, depauw university this is the second in our opinion series, “perspectives,” in which we invite artivate’s editorial board members and contributors to respond to open-ended prompts about their position in relation to arts entrepreneurship; how arts entrepreneurship is situated in relation to other disciplines or fields; what problems we are grappling with as scholars, practitioners, teachers, and artists; and what are the research questions we are attempting to answer individually or as a field. following, you will find responses from: william b. gartner, professor of entrepreneurship at copenhagen business school and california lutheran university; joseph roberts, director of the coleman fellows program, associate professor of management at webster university, and co-editor of artivate; and mark rabideau, director of the 21st century musician program at depauw university. arts entrepreneurship: scope, practice and community william b. gartner copenhagen business school and california lutheran university i have struggled with writing this short article on arts entrepreneurship. what i thought would take merely a day or so to write has now consumed significantly more time. the challenge: a few thoughts about what “arts entrepreneurship” is, how might “arts entrepreneurship” be situated vis-à-vis other disciplines and subjects, and, what might be the relevant problems and questions to address in “arts entrepreneurship.” the scope of this challenge is overwhelmingly daunting. to offer a précis on “arts entrepreneurship” is the problem of pascal’s muse: “i have made this letter longer than usual, only because i have not had time to make it shorter.” i realize this effort to write about “arts entrepreneurship” requires a much longer piece that, i hope, might be developed and published in the future. be-that-as-itmay… i have written about how entrepreneurship, as a subject of scholarly inquiry, intersects a variety of disciplinary topics, such as: philosophy, history, economics, sociology, psychology, political science, religion, literature, linguistics, and, the arts (gartner, 2014). the idea that i promulgate is that the nexus of entrepreneurship with other disciplines will produce two results: (1) how and why a particular discipline takes on an entrepreneurial sensibility (for example, how artists act in entrepreneurial ways); and (2) how entrepreneurship as a phenomenon, could be better understood through another disciplinary lens (that is, the theories and methods in the arts may be used to explore and understand entrepreneurship, itself).i am interested in both perspectives: how entrepreneurship contributes to the arts, and how the arts contribute to entrepreneurship. bringing these two broad perspectives together is more than challenging as these literatures and modes of scholarship require a substantial investment in time and effort to reach some level of expertise. what follows is my sense of what is necessary to gain some modicum of insight into entrepreneurship scholarship. i hope that art scholars will also offer some suggestions for how entrepreneurship scholars might enter their world. narrowing in on what “entrepreneurship” exactly, “is,” can be a bit of a conundrum. definitions abound (gartner, 1990) that address, in degrees of difference, issues about such gartner, roberts, & rabdieau perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 4 words as: entrepreneur, owner-manager, innovation, organization creation, uniqueness, value, and growth. there is no convergence on a specific definition, but the discussion of entrepreneurship is likely to include the above words rather than others. i gravitate towards viewing entrepreneurship as an organizing activity (gartner, 1985; 1988; 2008) or, more recently as “organizing emergence” (gartner, 2014). my empirical research and most of my writing (c.f., gartner, in press) focuses on how individuals “organize” organizations: typically a focus on new independent for-profit businesses. yet, organizing, as a phenomenon, can occur in various formats and situations that are not necessarily businesses, or for-profit, or, for that matter, anything other than a phenomenon that is assembled in a way that is: intentional, requires resources, bounded in scope, and entails exchanges between others (katz & gartner, 1988). the idea of “organizing” then, has connections to both schumpeter’s (1934) ideas about entrepreneurship as the creation of new combinations (e.g., markets, products, materials, organizations themselves, etc.), and weick’s (1979) ideas about organizing. so, i am hesitant to champion my viewpoint on what entrepreneurship “is” as the primary lens to view the phenomenon. it would behoove those scholars from outside the entrepreneurship area to explore the field more comprehensively by starting with brush, et. al.’s (2003) effort to identify the scope of the entrepreneurship field. a bonus of this article is that it offers an introductory reading list for those beginning their scholarly careers in the entrepreneurship field. i would also suggest current comprehensive overviews of the entrepreneurship field, such as baker and welter (2015) and fayolle (2014) and, please undertake a google search using the words “doctoral program reading lists in entrepreneurship.” such a search will surface a number of reading lists that will provide overviews of the entrepreneurship field (particularly the excellent list prepared by jerry katz at saint louis university). it would be of great value for those writing in the arts entrepreneurship area to have some awareness of this knowledge base. i cannot say i have any great awareness of the arts as it is related to entrepreneurship outside of beckman (2015), caves (2000), essig (2013), henry (2007) and scherdin & zander (2011). i would value having arts scholars offer insights into what arts scholarship entails, particularly in terms of providing reading lists on the theories and methods by which the arts are studied. my belief (gartner, 2013; gartner, davidsson & zahra, 2006) about how scholarship develops in a field assumes “progress” based on the cumulative development of knowledge generated from scholars who are familiar with each other’s work. my hope is that the articulation of reading lists in both entrepreneurship and the arts will help the arts entrepreneurship field coalesce in a way that we can develop a community of “writers and readers.” the arts entrepreneurship area will only grow as a scholarly community when there is a concerted effort to read each other’s work and engage in dialogue through writing. currently, scholarship tends to solidify around writing that appears in journals (such as artivate). i am sure, in the not to distant future, other forms of communication may supplant journal articles, but, until then…. it is journal articles, books and monographs that will comprise the core of what scholarship “is” in arts entrepreneurship. we need to write more (and read what our colleagues write). assuming then, that scholars might have some shared knowledge about the arts and entrepreneurship, and, based on my ignorance of the arts, here is the one broad question i would like the arts entrepreneurship field to address. (obviously, this issue reflects my interests rather than what might be more valuable or interesting to the arts entrepreneurship scholarly community, as a whole.) my apologies if the question i ask has already been answered; if so, please alert me to this information. gartner, roberts, & rabdieau perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 5 how do artists organize themselves, both in terms of how they generate art, and, in how what is produced, as art, is valued and exchanged? i assume that there are various forms of artistic practice (e.g., performance arts, visual arts, etc.) that are organized in different ways. also, that there are various ways that value is produced and perceived for these artistic practices and valued through some kind of exchange function. this is a more nuanced way of asking: “how do artists make money?” the question i pose recognizes that “art” is both a product of organizing as well as a sensibility in how organizing, itself, occurs. so, there would likely be an “organizing aesthetic” that artists are sensitive too that informs and guides organizing artistic practices. this question should also imply that there are various contexts in which artistic practices occur and that these contexts influence how and why entrepreneurial activities occur. so, for example, “dance” occurs in various contexts, and is therefore both influenced by established institutional structures in where, how and why “dance” as an artistic practice is valued by others. there are likely to be ways that “dance” is valued in certain established forms (e.g., a state subsidized ballet company, a not-forprofit modern dance company, an independent choreographer, etc.) that might be termed as the normal “rules of the game.” then, there are ways that artists push the boundaries of the “rules of the game” to institute both new artistic forms, but, also new ways in which these forms are valued by others. this is where “entrepreneurship” as some form of practice intersects the arts and where it connects to phenomenon of entrepreneurship as both schumpeter’s (1934) new combinations, and, how those new combinations are, themselves, organized (e.g., weick, 1979). so, whether this view of arts entrepreneurship is interesting (davis, 1971) to other scholars besides myself will depend on you, the reader. i look forward to your thoughts and efforts as they appear in artivate as we form this community of writers and readers creating this new field of “arts entrepreneurship.” references baker, t. & welter. f. (2015). routledge companion to entrepreneurship. new york: routledge. beckman, g. d. (2015). entrepreneuring the aesthetic. in baker, t. & welter. f. (2015). routledge companion to entrepreneurship. new york: routledge, pp. 296-308. brush, c. b., duhaime, i. m., gartner, w. b., stewart, a., katz, j., hitt, m. a., alvarez, s., meyer, g. d., & venkataraman, s. (2003). doctoral education in the field of entrepreneurship. journal of management. 29 (3): 309-331. caves, r. e. (2000). creative industries: contracts between art and commerce. cambridge, ma: harvard university press. davis, m. s. (1971). that's interesting. philosophy of the social sciences, 1 (2), 309-344. essig, l. (2013). frameworks for educating the artist of the future: teaching habits of mind for arts entrepreneurship. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts,1 (2): 65-77. fayolle, a. (2014). handbook of research in entrepreneurship. cheltenham, uk: edward elgar. gartner, w. b. (1985). a framework for describing and classifying the phenomenon of new venture creation. academy of management review, 10 (4): 696-706. gartner, w. b. (1988). who is an entrepreneur? is the wrong question. american journal of small business, 12 (4): 11-32. gartner, roberts, & rabdieau perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 6 gartner, w. b. (1990). what are we talking about when we talk about entrepreneurship? journal of business venturing, 5 (1): 15-28. gartner, w. b. (2008). variations in entrepreneurship.” small business economics. 31: 351-361. gartner, w. b. (2013). creating a community of difference in entrepreneurship scholarship. entrepreneurship and regional development, 25 (1-2): 5-15. gartner, w. b. (2014). organizing entrepreneurship (research). in a. fayolle (ed.) handbook of research in entrepreneurship. cheltenham, uk: edward elgar, pp. 13-22. gartner, w. b. (in press). entrepreneurship as organizing: selected work of william b. gartner. cheltenham, uk: edward elgar publishing. gartner, w. b., davidsson, p. & zahra, s. a. (2006). are you talking to me? the nature of community in entrepreneurship scholarship. entrepreneurship theory and practice, 30 (3): 321-331. henry, c. (ed.). (2007). entrepreneurship in the creative industries: an international perspective. cheltenham, uk: edward elgar. katz, j. & gartner, w. b. (1988). properties of emerging organizations. academy of management review, 13 (3): 429-441. scherdin, m. & zander, i. (eds.) (2011). art entrepreneurship. cheltenham, uk: edward elgar. schumpeter, j. a. (1934). the theory of economic development: an inquiry into profits, capital, credit, interest, and the business cycle. new york: transaction publishers. weick, k. e. (1979). the social psychology of organizing. new york: mcgraw-hill. entrepreneurship in the arts joseph roberts webster university “when bankers get together for dinner, they discuss art. when artists get together for dinner, they discuss money” – oscar wilde arts entrepreneurship educators and researchers over the years have found it somewhat difficult to define what arts entrepreneurship is or is not and outline a generally acceptable process to enable the work of the artist whereby one can make a living by practicing his or her passion for the arts. the starving artist myth that was romanticized more than a century ago has endured and perhaps helped create a divide between the arts and business. this division seems to be perpetuated by purists and practitioners alike, thus further separating the world of arts and the world of business. in addition, it is somewhat disheartening to see survey results such as the one shown following: gartner, roberts, & rabdieau perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 7 artists are typically creative individuals and can present stimulating illustrations of life, culture, current events and nature as they observe them for their own edification and that of others. in doing so artists perhaps forget that they are themselves “producers” and “consumers” of such representations. consider the case of estonia, which went from a soviet controlled central socio-economic system to a capitalistic socio-economic system almost overnight. kristin orav (2015) presents an interesting viewpoint of the arts in this period in estonia that perhaps can be extrapolated to develop a post-structuralist outlook for this discussion. “self-employment” in the arts is implied as “unemployment” in the arts in some circles today. in “the divide between subsistence and transformational entrepreneurship” antoinette schoar (2010) argues that there are barriers that subsistence entrepreneurs, like arts entrepreneurs, cannot overcome to become successful transformational entrepreneurs who develop large-scale firms and sometimes entire new industries. one such barrier is the lack of clear pathways subsistence entrepreneurs can pursue to develop larger firms and the other is possibly a lack of desire to pursue such goals. either way the intent as suggested here is not to add to this division but create a platform that acknowledges subsistence entrepreneurship that describes a majority of arts entrepreneurs and help them achieve success in their own terms. the expectation that such subsistence entrepreneurs should become transformational entrepreneurs is flawed and hopefully can be modified as we explore how we can develop a generally acceptable definition and process for arts entrepreneurs. references orav, k. (2015). the role of visualizing failure in estonian art, 1987–1999: the “winners’ generation.” signs and society 3(1), pp. 103-131. schoar, a. (2010). the divide between subsistence and transformational entrepreneurship. , 10(1), pp. 57-81. 5%# 6%# 70%# 72%# 0%# 10%# 20%# 30%# 40%# 50%# 60%# 70%# 80%# 90%# 100%# entrepreneurial#skills# financial#&#business#management#skills# two#skills#not#acquired#at#arts#school..# acquired#"very#much"# acquired#"very#lihle"#or#"not#at#all"# source:#strategic#namonal#arts#alumni#project,#2011q2012# gartner, roberts, & rabdieau perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 8 ae 2.0: moving beyond the single arts entrepreneurship course model mark rabideau depauw university artivate’s newly-launched “perspectives” series challenges contributors to reflect upon the questions we are grappling with in our own research and teaching with the hope that these same issues resonate with the challenges and opportunities facing our readership. as i reflect upon the sisyphean-efforts of colleagues from across the country honing pedagogical models and guiding students toward meaningful, project-based outcomes often as one-man-bands functioning within a one-course model i want to take a few moments and muse about what might lie beyond the single arts entrepreneurship course model. the increasing role arts entrepreneurship now plays within our arts programs speaks to what i believe must be the core definition of a 21st century education – preparing the next generation of change agents to make the world a better place. considering whence we have come, arts entrepreneurship's newly legitimized standing is praiseworthy. yet we must not lose sight of the bigger picture amidst these narrow victories. among the early adopters who have embraced arts entrepreneurship within the curriculum, 13 now offer a certificate, 14 have adopted minors, and 66 offer a single course (korzen, 2015). simply put, there is more work to be done and much of what lies ahead will not find a home within the scope of a single class entitled “arts entrepreneurship 101.” the field of arts entrepreneurship must remain forwardlooking as we envision what is truly required to prepare artists from across disciplines to navigate within the shifting cultural landscape of the contemporary moment. situating much of my own scholarship at the intersection of the innate characteristics of the artist and entrepreneur curiosity, creativity, collaboration, and tenacity i find the “perspectives” format freeing, as i imagine ways of connecting the shared worldview of the artist and the entrepreneur toward developing pedagogical practices that weave the entrepreneurial mindset throughout traditional curricular offerings of arts programs, and timely, as i transition into a new role as director of the 21st-century musician initiative, the new focus of the school of music at depauw university. what captivated me when first reading about 21cm efforts was this compelling phrase: “the 21st-century musician initiative is a complete re-imagining of the skills, tools and experiences necessary to create musicians [think: all artists] of the future…” it begs the question: is someone actually completely re-imagining how we prepare students for the uncertainty that lies ahead? and if so, how can we apply these efforts more broadly when developing an entrepreneurial mindset across the performing, visual and functional arts? my role is to help facilitate broad-ranging initiatives well underway, including redefining the relationship between performer and audience through innovative concert series, creating intimate experiences for students to engage with living composers, fostering deeper relationships within the community by opening a storefront venue on the town square, and developing new courses with rich, descriptive titles such as “chasing the perfect performance,” “funding priceless ideas,” and “psychographic research,” to complement core arts entrepreneurship classes on the “state of the art,” “arts entrepreneurship,” and internship opportunities. each of these dramatic steps moves the profession closer toward preparing emerging musicians to play in the messy, fertile space of the artist-entrepreneur. what stands out most notably? faculty throughout the school, not only the singular arts entrepreneurship “expert” or an administrative gartner, roberts, & rabdieau perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 9 mandate is launching these efforts. the results? a more integrated approach and a more relatable model for students who self-define as musicians first. it is my deep belief that all opportunities reside at the local level. the challenges and excitement unfolding at depauw are likely vastly different than the internal obstacles and dynamic opportunities that can unfold within your community. so our shared challenge is to build synergy across a unique set of local conditions. what i am certain of, if arts entrepreneurship 2.0 is to come about, is that it must thrive in non-curricular spaces, as much as be infused across curricular initiatives; cross pollinate among faculty, regardless of generational boundaries, traditional silos, and tenured lines; and unite campus and community, with particular attention to those at the margins of society. it is time to re-imagine what lies beyond the onecourse model of arts entrepreneurship and begin weaving innovative experiences throughout the broader student experience. our charge is to prepare students for a professional life of means, meaning, and the opportunity to give back, equipped to thrive within the world they will soon inherit, a world rife with challenges, yet ripe with opportunities. this can only come to fruition when we as a profession re-imagine our work as one that leverages the shared habits and characteristics of the artist and entrepreneur, toward creating a generation of artist-entrepreneurs, ushering beauty into our communities and around the world. references korzen, kimberly (2015. arts entrepreneurship in higher education: preliminary inventories and examinations. journal of arts entrepreneurship education, 1 (1). microsoft word kelsey review final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 5, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 43-44 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2016, the author book review arts management: an entrepreneurial approach by carla walter reviewed by patrick a. kelsey, savannah college of art and design russell belks, of york university in toronto states in his forward to carla walter’s arts management: an entrepreneurial approach, this is a “text for just how to accomplish such a reconciliation of art and business” (walter, 2015, p. xiii). this textbook delivers just that reconciliation and a lot more. arts management positions the arts or, more accurately, the cultural and creative industries, in such a way as to close the gap between art and commerce. in addition, arts management presents the production of art as a viable business model that indeed has the right to sit at the bargaining table next to other industries. early in the text, walter posits the “culturepreneur” as our focus of attention, using andrea hausmann’s definition of “artists undertaking business activities within one of the four traditional sectors of the arts who discover and evaluate opportunities in the arts and leisure markets and create a business to pursue them” (p. 10). arts management: an entrepreneurial approach is a compendium of all aspects of commerce, ranging from finance, production, and marketing to legal, talent management, and technology, “to provide a university upper-division undergraduate and graduate-level text that covers the principles of arts management and entrepreneurship” (walter, 2015, p. xvii). walter goes on to state, “its audiences are students who are not business majors,” and the textbook is designed “for fulfilling the prerequisite survey course in graduate arts management and entrepreneurship or the capstone undergraduate course” (p. xvii). as this reviewer is fluent in non-business majors studying for a career in arts management, arts management does fill the fissure of a comprehensive text connecting theory with practice. walter opens by differentiating the industry between cultural versus creative, with arts management siding with the cultural and leaving the text to provide special emphasis on fine, contemporary, and classical performing arts. provided the coverage of disciplines and regardless of profit motive, there is something for everyone. it is a versatile text to consider adopting in the classroom. walter goes on to describe arts management’s positioning as at the “intersection of a theoretical framework, with practical application and experiential exercises” (p. xvii). each of the fourteen chapters, grouped into five overarching topics totaling over 400 pages of extensive research and content, begins with a chapter outline and well-defined learning objectives. each chapter concludes with a brief summary, a spectrum of thought-provoking discussion questions designed for either an extensive in-class dialogue, or essays that exercise both the student’s knowledge of the reading as well as the synthesis of such. in addition, chapters finish with some very well thought out experiential exercises allowing the student to apply the content of the textbook in a pragmatic manner, which should only further the student’s understanding of the material. the writing, however, could be construed as a little dense, rendering its use primarily to the realm of academia and not necessarily a primer for a non-student or practitioner looking to better understand the industry. sprinkled throughout arts management are a fair balance of visual aids presenting the content for better understanding. though not a requirement, and a rarity among arts management texts, arts management does not itself provide the benefit of instructor resources, but it does provide the needed readings for the student to understand kelsey book review: arts management, an entrepreneurial approach ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 44 thoroughly the industry and enough content for the instructor to keep the conversation lively, active, and engaging. walters organizes arts management through four distinct sections with a fifth dedicated to two separate and in-depth case studies primed for a healthy classroom discussion. first is “understanding the cultural fine arts,” which provides the pre-requisite survey of the cultural or creative industries and brings students quickly up to speed with the positioning of the arts in our larger economy; a rundown of select cultural disciplines and their inner workings; a firm understanding of the positioning of the arts as a consumable good; and concludes with a simple overview of industry economics. “entrepreneurial development” is the second major section. it opens with an overview of the entrepreneurial process, covering financing to market opportunity. following are more in-depth and detailed chapters discussing consumer behavior and conducting market research. the third section is “management and processes,” which positions the arts as a service industry and how that impacts its perception within the marketplace; an overview of management and leadership within arts organizations in both for-profit and not-for-profit enterprises; a brief discussion about intellectual property and cultural policy; and, concludes with a perspective on technology and how it can help to leverage the enterprises operations. finally, “growth and succession” covers fundraising and development; financial management and investing; and the often-ignored and underappreciated topic of succession planning. supplementing these first four sections are resources for additional reading, research tools, and appendices to expand upon the subject material more. many chapters also provide a bonus “spotlight” that brings into perspective how the “real world” connects with chapter content. walter also goes beyond the confines of the printed text and supplements the readings with “what’s on?” which is a series of publicly available online video case studies lending themselves to additional in-depth classroom discussions. two in-depth and well-researched case studies by ruth rentschler of deakin university constitute the fifth and final section. the first case’s subject material focuses on museum governance while the second provides a detailed story or perspective of a board chair serving a major performing arts company. the latter dives into the discussion about the role of chair and the board as seen through the lens of women in leadership positions. pulled from the real world and primed for some debate and reflection, both case studies add additional depth to the content. in conclusion, walter has provided to higher education arts management programs arts management: an entrepreneurial approach at a time when students studying to take on leadership roles in the cultural industries absolutely need to think more creatively, more strategically, and more entrepreneurially. maintaining the status quo is no longer an option in this hyper-competitive, overly connected, global market and walter has provided a tool in this text to bring into focus what today’s students need for tomorrow. microsoft word kolsteeg for pdf.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 2, summer http://artivate.org pp. 3-13 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2013, the author situated cultural entpreneurship johan kolsteeg, hogeschool voor de kunsten utrecht abstract in this essay, i investigate the relationship between local political context and entrepreneurship in the arts, specifically entrepreneurship by cultural institutions, which i refer to as “cultural entrepreneurship.” i look at cultural entrepreneurship as a discourse and discuss one locus in particular, the city of utrecht in the netherlands. the discourse on cultural entrepreneurship in the dutch context is influenced by diminishing government responsibility for financial support of the arts. entrepreneurship is seen in that context as finding new sources of income. entrepreneurial values such as curiosity and experimentation are dominant in the routine relationship between cultural organizations and their subsidizing administrations but are not incorporated in the understanding of cultural entrepreneurship. after applying these considerations to the observation of the culture-political practice in the city of utrecht, i suggest a framework that allows us to understand the discourse on the relationship between cultural entrepreneurship and political context along two axes. one axis moves between risk acceptance and aversion, and the other between the private and public interests. introduction: definitions and discourses the discourse on entrepreneurship in the arts is characterized by issues concerning the unequivocal definition of central terms and the situatedness of discourses and practices. just as we understand art through a combination of universal connotations with the word and local discourses on aesthetics (pratt, 2005: 7), the term “entrepreneurship” also has both a universal connotation and practices defined by local culture. the motivation for individual entrepreneurship, for instance, is likely to vary with the level of importance given in different regional contexts to entrepreneurial values such as open-mindedness, perseverance, and risk acceptance. institutional conditions for entrepreneurship vary regionally (wennekers & thurik, 1999), as does the moral attitude towards entrepreneurial behaviour (klamer, 2011). further, there is the matter of what is included in the terms cultural and creative industries and products. since in the uk the term cultural industry was replaced by the term creative industry and was given the definition “those activities that have their origin in individual creativity, skill and talent and which have a potential for wealth and job creation through the general exploitation of intellectual property” (dcms, 1998), the terminology has suffered from a certain diffuseness. for one instance, the adjective creative has been employed to describe products we generally consider to be “cultural” (caves, 2003; hesmondalgh, 2002). unesco’s recursive definition of the cultural industries as industries that “combine the creation, production and commercialization of contents which are intangible and cultural in nature, and are involved in the commercialization of copyright protected goods and services” (unesco, 2008), suffers from a recurring association of cultural industry with adorno’s understanding of the “culture industry”, which confines itself “to standardization and mass production and sacrifices what once distinguished the logic of the work from that of society” (horkeimer and adorno, 2002, p. 95). throsby proposes a distinction between the cultural and the creative by which creative industries produce products “that require a reasonably significant level of creativity in their manufacture, without necessarily satisfying other criteria that would enable them to be labeled ‘cultural’” (throsby, 2009, p. 16). these “other criteria” refer to the symbolic, cultural value that cultural products communicate. in the european context, this distinction would roughly equal the kolsteeg situated cultural entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 4 distinction between commercial creative firms and cultural organizations that depend largely on government subsidies. commercial creative firms are entrepreneurial by some definitions of that term because they are financially self-sufficient. cultural organizations in the netherlands originated as public institutions with the task to conserve art and secure public access to art without claim to financial self-sufficiency. there are at least two diverse interpretations of “entrepreneurship,” as described following. cultural organizations are beginning to become aware of the possibilities of being entrepreneurial within a traditional european governmentsupported model. in the process they encounter institutional limitations and underlying suppositions. in the dutch discourse on cultural entrepreneurship, for instance, there is an expectation that economic circumstances will force cultural and creative organizations to increasingly merge into hybrid organizations, but in reality such organizational syntheses hardly ever materialize, if at all. in order to establish a definitional point of departure, i follow throsby’s understanding of creative and cultural industry and connect the distinction between them to the term entrepreneurship. so defined, creative entrepreneurship is found in for-profit firms that produce products or services that “require a reasonably significant level of creativity in their manufacture” (throsby, 2009, p. 16), and cultural entrepreneurship, the focus of this essay, is found in cultural (arts) organizations that produce products or services that communicate a symbolic, cultural value. this phrasing tells us nothing more than where to find cultural entrepreneurship, and doesn’t give us a substantive definition of the term. it is the position in this essay that a dynamic definition is arrived at in artistic and culture political discourse and practice. the essay does not aim to solve the problem of how to define cultural entrepreneurship, but to look at the lines along which it is given substance in discourse and communicative interaction. what we can say is that cultural and creative entrepreneurship have to do with balancing artistic freedom and entrepreneurial freedom (hagoort, 2007), or in other words balancing autonomy and heteronomy, while acknowledging a responsibility for cultural infrastructure. we look at cultural entrepreneurship as a moral act (klamer, 2011) in a culturally-cum-politically situated discourse and practice. in different geographical and political contexts, cultural entrepreneurship manifests itself in different ways, not only because art, culture and entrepreneurship have different connotations, but also because the process of mediating between artistic and political discourses is likely to progress differently in different contexts. following hagoort’s (2007) contention that cultural entrepreneurs tend to show responsibility for the greater picture, they are reminded of this responsibility in relationship to their direct environment as public and political stakeholders. given that how the process of balancing artistic and entrepreneurial freedom materializes is a situated matter, in order to understand the practice of entrepreneurship it is important to look at the relationship between the practice of mediating autonomy and heteronomy on the one hand, and socio-cultural political context on the other. a third discourse to be aware of when thinking about cultural entrepreneurship is that of the history of local support for the arts. in the netherlands, a country with a traditionally large government responsibility for arts support, the term cultural entrepreneurship became increasingly important with the gradual reduction of this government support during the period 2005–2010. here, entrepreneurship de facto has come to be about making ends meet and reducing dependence on government support. this reductionist position is deeply embedded in the discourse on cultural entrepreneurship in the netherlands. kolsteeg situated cultural entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 5 another element to take into account if we want to develop awareness of the discursive context of cultural entrepreneurship is that the general political discourse on entrepreneurship tends to be uncritically transferred to the cultural field as a whole. klamer points out that in economic science, the quantitative economic angle on entrepreneurship is easily transferred to the cultural and creative areas. klamer contends there is little mention of the cultural entrepreneur in economic literature since “they come with characteristics that are hard to specify, like creative, risk taking, and alert. how to put those in an equation?” (klamer, 2011, p. 143). cultural organizations and creative for-profit firms may value creative identity and network position higher than growth and profit (kolsteeg, forthcoming). yet there is considerable attention to the economic impact of the creative sector in terms of number and size of firms, financial growth potential, competitiveness and employment figures (stam, de jong, & marlet, 2008). also, growth of the sector is considered vital for the dutch economic agenda: “the government designated the creative industry as one of the top areas with a significant added value for holland” (government, 2011, p. 29). the approach to the creative sector as a whole in this quote is another typical element of the government’s approach, which continues despite awareness that the creative industry is strongly fragmented (government, 2009a, p.12; see also kooyman, 2009). that cultural and creative entrepreneurs are ‘different’ from other entpreneurs is also found in research from norway, which shows that cultural and creative entrepreneurs react differently to entrepreneurship support policy than non-creative entrepreneurs do. cultural entrepreneurs “did not find the support understandable, relevant and in a language that appealed. they also found that it was difficult to obtain support […] and they thought that in [innovation norway, a centralized state owned agency] consultants did not have the right competence and insight in the cultural field” (bille and de paoli, 2012, p. 83). bille and de paoli show that the norwegian support policy is not inadequate in itself, but that it fails because intermediaries relate to the internal discourse (“competence and insight”) of the cultural entrepreneur inadequately. in holland, comparable government programs are equally unsuccessful. one of these programs, meant to improve innovation and economic growth, and improve networking skills among creative entrepreneurs and their access to finance and connection to other societal areas, is evaluated as having little lasting effect (government, 2009b, p. 57), among other things, because policy targets were sometimes insufficiently supported or shared and support programs had entry barriers for parties outside an inner circle (den hertog et al., 2012). finally, to further bolster the importance of qualitative investigation of cultural entrepreneurship, it is important to realize that there is no entrepreneurship (cultural or otherwise) in a void. cultural entrepreneurs by definition work in a social, political, economic and artistic discourse. understanding what motivates a cultural entrepreneur in balancing creative identity with context is crucial to developing a relationship between ‘the cultural’ and ‘the political’ that can effectively explain entrepreneurial behavior. doing so requires awareness of the genealogy and context dependency of the terms and a framework in which the relationship between cultural entrepreneurs and their socio-political contexts can be understood. this article suggests the contours of such a framework. i use a case study of cultural entrepreneurship in the netherlands, not with the purpose to evaluate the quality of entrepreneurial choices made by organizations, but to see how we can understand cultural entrepreneurship as a situated discourse in a socio-political context, elaborating on the points made by hagoort (2007) and klamer (2011) that cultural entrepreneurship is to do with balancing cultural and economic values and also with caring for a society’s cultural infrastructure. kolsteeg situated cultural entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 6 methodology and theoretical construct a discourse analysis of the strategic interaction between cultural organizations and local administration was made during my phd research on strategy formation in subsidized cultural organizations and for-profit creative firms in utrecht, 2010-2012 (kolsteeg, forthcoming). the empirical data in this essay are extracted from this study, which used documents, observation of practice, and interviews. the research looks at the construction of creative identity in strategic practice. that study involves a discourse analysis (heracleous & barrett, 2001) along the lines of giddens’ structuration theory (giddens, 1984), applied to organizational practice. giddens contends that “social structure is constituted by human agency and yet is at the same time the very medium of this constitution” (p. 128, emphasis in original). institutional context, the “universe of objects”, is “constituted or produced by the active doings of subjects” (giddens, 1993, p. 168). actors are seen as knowledgeable individuals, and this knowledgeability is partly explicated and partly hidden in practice itself. people produce society in a situated structural context. analysis must clarify what aspects in human action display structural properties, where the boundary lies between intentional reflective actions and ‘occurences.’ structure is considered to show a duality in the recurrent influence of structure on action, and of action on structure: this process of structuration is observable in the “interplay of meanings, norms and power” (giddens, 1984) in daily routine. the analytical question is how in daily human interaction communication, power and sanction are instantiations of, and at the same time instantiate themselves, macro level structures. national context let’s take a short look at the history of the discourse on cultural entrepreneurship in the netherlands. in the 1950s a cultural policy was installed in which a large responsibility for funding the arts was given to the national government. based on the philosophy that the government may be the financer of art but should not be the judge of its quality, over time an elaborate system was developed in which cultural organizations apply for government funding for periods of four years. every four years, organizations write strategic plans, which are assessed by independent committees on whose advice the government decides on funding. this routine is dominated by arguments concerning the organizations’ creative identities and artistic development. in 1999 the secretary for the arts introduced a new element into the culture politics, pertaining to the cultural institutions’ responsibility to involve new audience groups. this was intended to result in democratization of participation in the arts and a measurable increase in ticket sales. at the end of the first decade of the current century, government support became connected to the question of whether or not an organization shows efforts to increase selfgenerated income (i.e. earned revenue). what started as a (social democratic) ideal of democratization of the arts changed over a decade into the position that an increase in selfgenerated income for cultural institutions is a goal in itself to be reached by what is called an entrepreneurial attitude. until the recent economic crisis, dutch cultural policy was generally seen as supportive towards all administrative levels (utrecht, 2011) but the economic crisis forced the administration to make radical choices: “all three administrative levels [national, provincial, municipal] will have to make sharp choices in the coming time.” this led to decentralization of national responsibilities to lower administrative levels, and it led to a smaller “cultural kolsteeg situated cultural entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 7 infrastructure” (government, 2011, p. 4). the government announced it would reduce its support in the arts to “those developments that don’t automatically come about in the market” (government, 2011, p. 4). the political rhetoric referred to a necessary radical change in cultural policy because of a changing society, historically developed excessive government dependence, too little entrepreneurship, and “giving culture back to the people,” leading to a reduction of the government budget for culture by twenty-five percent. because of the four-year system, the first instance to effectuate the new situation was january 1, 2013. entrepreneurship is invoked as a solution for the retreating government involvement. as of 2013, a set level of self-generated income is a condition to be admitted to the system of government arts subsidies: “a norm of 17.5% self generated income is conditional to be allowed into the basic cultural infrastructure for 2013-2016” (government, 2011, p. 11). in the netherlands, there is hardly any private patronage for the arts. in this context the involved players, cultural institutions and subsidizers, share an understanding of cultural entrepreneurship as synonymous with finding solutions to the problem of decreasing government support. cultural institutions respond to this in their strategic documents for government support in the period 2013-2016. i will not discuss individual documents but continue to follow the discourse by looking at an audit that was performed in 2012 for the ministry of culture. this audit contributes to the discussion on the level of entrepreneurship displayed in the strategic documents. the audit looks at quantitative (financial) criteria for good entrepreneurship such as cash position and solvency, as well as positioning, cooperation, marketing, governance and vision. the audited institutions were seen to be generally strong in explaining their position in a creative network, but poor in financial robustness and awareness of risks and opportunities. the audit concludes that many organizations do not convincingly ground their business models in creative strategy (in 't veld, gerdes, & gooskens, 2012). the importance given in the audit to the connection between the organizations’ artistic strategies and their business models is a new element in this survey of the discourse on cultural entrepreneurship. the poor foundation for the entrepreneurial figures (figures that would project the necessary increase of self generated income over 2013–2016) in substantive strategic policy leads the auditors to suggest that organizations relate to entrepreneurship only discursively (in 't veld et al., 2012). the audit is based on strategic documents of nationally supported organizations, but the conclusions can also be applied to cultural organizations in a local context. the auditors conclude that a relationship between artistic identity and entrepreneurship is missing. this omission can be explained by looking at discourse surrounding the routinized quadrennial subsidy exercise. cultural organizations, in their strategic documents, identify opportunities for artistic growth and innovation based on the need to further develop their artistic signature and work with a larger and more diverse ensemble. in its feedback to one such subsidy request, the local arts council accepts the growth ambition: “the ambition to scale up […] is sufficiently motivated from earlier successes” (utrecht, 2008). despite the general importance given to critical examination of the budgetary proposals of the applying organizations, in individual evaluations the local arts council considers financial aspects to be logically consequential to artistic growth ambitions. in fact, if organizations are critically reviewed at all, it is for lacking an articulated artistic vision. the traditional focus in the quadrennial subsidy exercise is on the organizations’ own artistic developments, and organizations make sense of the term entrepreneurship as synonymous with financial planning consequential to this artistic strategy. organizations do not feel invited to kolsteeg situated cultural entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 8 see their artistic identity as a starting point for entrepreneurial thought, nor do they see entrepreneurship as a way to identify and realize opportunities outside their direct artistic realm. entrepreneurship is a “paper value” (in 't veld et al., 2012) devoid of entrepreneurial values such as open-mindedness, perseverance, and risk acceptance, the very values that creative organizations familiarly refer to in the quadrennial subsidy application. as sketched in this national context, cultural entrepreneurship is used as a synonym for finding new sources of income as a response to the decreasing government support as a result of the economic crisis. entrepreneurship as it appears in strategic documents of cultural organizations comes out as restricted to politically acceptable (and accepted) predictions of selfgenerated income. the theme of cultural entrepreneurship does not fundamentally affect the artistic growth discourse that dominates the quadrennial subsidy applications. local context: utrecht on a local level the contours of a different interpretation of cultural entrepreneurship are drawn. this is illustrated in the case of the dutch city of utrecht. here, the local administration invites cultural organizations to connect to a larger societal agenda. the local administration connects cultural policy to underlying socio-political goals. in utrecht, cultural policy is closely connected to positioning the city internationally as a “city of knowledge and culture” and to improving its image as a good location for businesses. the city has lined up several large-scale cultural events, into the next decade. it connects to european policy in its ambition to look at culture as a tool to improve social cohesion in the city. the city specifically mentions the challenge to connect artistic autonomy to social inclusion and the policy to get the city structurally on a higher financial and economic and competitive level (utrecht, 2011). the city acknowledges that it needs support from cultural institutions to reach its longterm goals: “long term ambitions are expressed in the themes for utrecht 2018 [the ambition to become cultural capital of europe in 2018, jk], and co-determine our choice to support organizations. these organizations will be the bearing forces of 2018” (utrecht, 2011). cultural organizations are invited to propose artistically provocative projects to substantiate the image of the city and help it reach its long-term goals. new connections among players in the cultural field, educational field, and the corporate world are expected to be beneficial for experimentation, talent development, and innovation. after culture and knowledge became the city’s brand, the administration appealed to the entrepreneurship of the cultural sector to help substantiate this brand. “the cultural organizations and initiatives we need for the development of the city, on the one hand have to be able to inspire the city, and on the other must be of such high quality that they contribute to the international profiling of the city. cultural entrepreneurship must run through their veins” (utrecht, 2011, p. 12). without providing an exact definition of the cultural entrepreneur, the city understands the term as a “partner” in a wider political perspective. the administration’s position that organizations become partners on the basis of their contribution to a local long term political strategy is an addition to the routine policy to subsidize cultural organizations on the basis of the artistic quality of strategic plans and it is a new element in this survey of cultural entrepreneurship. the entrepreneurship that is appealed to on this local level is based on a broader definition than in the national discourse. the importance given to creative diversity and experimentation in relation to a higher goal indicates that the city understands cultural entrepreneurship to be driven by an organization’s artistic identity. the administration’s proposition is to give substance to the term cultural entrepreneurship through kolsteeg situated cultural entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 9 realizing projects in partnership for the good of the city’s general political strategy. partnership is introduced in the strategic discourse but it is left to the organizations to give it substance. the administration’s role is to “encourage a very diverse group of partners and stakeholders to work together in creating our common european future” (utrecht, 2012, p. 106). it is not the aim of this essay to evaluate the artistic success of the partnerships that have developed, but to see how they influence the discourse on entrepreneurship. two elements are of importance. first, the interpretation of entrepreneurship as a connection between organizations’ autonomous artistic identities and societal goals leads to the strategy for organizations to connect to higher goals in turn leads organizations to initiate ‘partnerships’ with the city (and with other cultural organizations) in a way that ‘fits’ the organization. such partnerships may be modest, as is one museum’s when it says it is fair that its enthusiasm towards the city is in line with the city’s contribution to the its subsistence (kolsteeg, forthcoming), or more elaborate. in the preparations for the cultural capital of europe bid, new creative partnerships were forged, leading to programs like ‘former west,’ an “artistic reflection on a new world order”, by the center for contemporary art plus international partners: “over a ten-year period (2008-2018), [this program] will seek answers and develop possible scenarios for our global future, […] involving universities and arts academies, and […] arts institutions from europe and beyond” (utrecht, 2012: 183). the program ‘hacking habitat’ proposed by a group of educational and artistic partners, ascertains a tendency among artists to “form alliances with colleagues and with other stakeholders such as local residents in order to ‘reclaim the public domain and design their own human habitat’” (utrecht, 2012, p. 170). second, we should address the implication in the term ‘partnership’ that in order for the city to be a credible partner, it, in turn, should show a risk-accepting, ‘we’re in this together,’ attitude. doing so is a struggle for the local administration. formal administrative procedures (and their bearers) are not easily tolerant of a risk accepting interpretation of cultural entrepreneurship. early in 2013, the city of utrecht organized a conference on cultural entrepreneurship at which it asked, “entrepreneurship often involves taking risks, artistically and financially. in return for subsidies, the administration requires that public money is spent responsibly and is accounted for adequately. how can the city of utrecht find a balance between freedom and control?” (utrecht, 2013). paradoxically, the answer to this question is to adopt the criteria developed in the above mentioned audit, along with setting up a structure that facilitates early identification of possible financial risks (utrecht, 2013). along with the invitation to the sector to partner in the city’s underlying strategy, the need for the local administration to execute its responsibility as a controlling government is a political and bounded reality. in the case of utrecht, a condition for establishing an entrepreneurial attitude that fits the context is that cultural organizations understand and share a sense of urgency about local underlying political targets, in this case targets such as the european cultural capital ambition, social cohesion, and/or city marketing. at the same time, it is important that the local administration understands how organizations strategically balance artistic and contextual elements, and how they feel about the importance of their creative identity. intermediaries need “the right competence and insight in the cultural field” (bille and de paoli, 2012, p. 83) to introduce cultural entrepreneurship as a discourse on creative positioning in relation to a political discourse. in summary, we see that in the dutch context, where support for the arts is (still) largely a government matter, the discourse on cultural entrepreneurship shows a limited financial interpretation of the term, separated from the artistic identity of organizations. on the local level kolsteeg situated cultural entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 10 of the city of utrecht, cultural entrepreneurship is themetized as using artistic creativity for realizing underlying socioand culture political goals, limited by the administrations formal controlling responsibility. cultural institutions in utrecht accommodate the partnership discourse within a strategic discourse of artistic innovation and positioning in a cultural network. one theatre organization, for instance, states, “an appealing international city of culture does not only present, but takes risks and makes a contribution to international developments. for this, an initiating producing role is needed. we want to play this role as an international production house” (interview, quoted in kolsteeg, forthcoming). framework in this essay, i have described the discourse on cultural entrepreneurship in the netherlands and in the city of utrecht. it is not the purpose of this essay to evaluate the success of cultural entrepreneurship in the described context, but to identify along which lines it is given meaning. i have discussed the different usages of the term cultural entrepreneurship. i have described the pressure from the national administration on cultural organizations to understand entrepreneurial behavior as the strategy to reduce subsidy-dependence. i have referred to a semiindependent audit that establishes entrepreneurship is a ‘paper value’ if the projected finances (self generated income) are not supported by strategic artistic choices. i have discussed the practice in the city of utrecht, where the local administration calls on the cultural field to contribute to the city’s long-term cultural-political ambitions. cultural organizations relate to this invitation in a pragmatic way. i propose now to look at cultural entrepreneurship in these observed cases along the lines of two discursive tensions deducted from the observations and considerations made thus far. there is the ‘risk-tension’, between understanding entrepreneurship as a safe and risk-averting way to secure a financial future and entrepreneurship as the risk-taking practice of realizing new artistic opportunities. the second tension is the perspective tension, between private or organizational interests (artistic development) and responsibility for societal infrastructure, an elaboration of hagoort’s (2007) observation on the entrepreneur’s responsibility to care for cultural infrastructure. these tensions are expressed in figure 1. they are to be understood as dynamics that occur in discourse, and i suggest the discourse on cultural entrepreneurship in this particular context is influenced by the way interlocutors make sense of these tensions. if we illustrate this framework with the cases discussed here, we see that the local administration attempts to provoke cultural entrepreneurship by involving cultural institutions in considerations concerning the top right quadrant of figure 1, while routine interactions on subsidy-requests traditionally are dominated by considerations found in the lower right quadrant. with awareness of (local) socio-political goals, cultural institutions can decide if and how they will develop artistic activities that connect to these targets. if they do connect to these goals pragmatically from within their own creative perspective they find themselves in the upper left quadrant, whereas the city invites them to develop innovation and artistic entrepreneurship and move to the ‘risky’ upper right quadrant. the lower left hand quadrant represents cultural entrepreneurship as a ‘paper value’, the most limited interpretation of the term. if cultural organizations would move to the upper right quadrant in the case of utrecht, this would create a situation in which the artistic diversity that the administration claims to need would give substance to its policy. both the local political interest and the organizations’ artistic interest would be met. the next step in using this model would be to identify what is needed to reach the upper right hand quadrant. it requires organizations to risk their routine position in a kolsteeg situated cultural entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 11 cultural network. in return, organizations need the local administration to review traditional structures and procedures that originated to control institutions in a subsidy situation but now hinder the development of the entrepreneurship it advocates. governments should become partners, co-entrepreneurs, and allow an innovation of the relationship between ad-ministration and cultural institutions to grow. figure 1. tensions surrounding interactions in cultural entrepreneurship conclusion in this essay, i have looked at cultural entrepreneurship as a societal and discursive practice in a national and local political context. i have discussed entrepreneurial practice in one case, the dutch city of utrecht, and i have sketched its culture-political context. the dominant interpretation of the term cultural entrepreneurship in the national context is limited to finding a safe financial strategy in times of diminishing government support. there is no connection to the creative core of the organization or to entrepreneurial values such as risk taking and experimentation. in the local context of the city of utrecht, the understanding of entrepreneurship is wider. cultural organizations are invited to connect profiling artistic projects public interest: care for societal infrastructure organizational sustainability; risk aversion organizational / private interest creative positioning development and innovation; risk acceptance o rg an iz at io na l pe rs pe ct iv e so ci et al pe rs pe ct iv e risk aversion risk acceptance kolsteeg situated cultural entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 12 to underlying municipal political ambitions. this invitation is at odds with underlying discourses such as tenacious institutional routines, the administration’s controlling responsibility, and the historical tendency to look at strategy of cultural organizations as limited to autonomous growth and development. i suggest to understand this process along the line of two tensions that influence the position taken up by the different interlocutors in the discourse on cultural entrepreneurship: risk and perspective. further research on this subject is needed. first, the question is whether the risk and perspective tension lines are helpful to understand cultural entrepreneurship as a situated discourse in other regional contexts, or whether the ‘tension-model’ in itself (with other tensions than the two identified here) can be used as a tool to understand entrepreneurship in other contexts. also, research into the working of cultural entrepreneurship needs to take into account regional and historical contextuality in order to find a translation into relevant strategic tools for cultural organizations. the model implies the transition process a cultural organization goes through towards being entrepreneurial. attention is needed for the elements that influence the changeability of cultural organizations and to the question of to what extent creative organizations can connect strategically to challenges in other contexts while guarding (or capitalizing on) their artistic core. finally, more research is needed on how these perspectives hold up in the practice of individual artists. . list of references bille, t. and d. de paoli (2012). approaches to stimulate and support the cultural entrepreneur: the case of denmark and norway. in: hagoort, thomassen and kooyman (ed.): pioneering minds worldwide. delft: eburon publishers. caves, r. e. (2003). contracts between art and commerce. journal of economic perspectives, 17(2) 73–84. dcms (1998). creative industries mapping document. department of culture, media and sports, uk. government, 2009a. waarde van creatie (the value of creation). brief cultuur en economie 2009. ministeries of culture and economic affairs. government, 2009b. verkenning creatieve industrie (understanding creative industry). ministerie van economische zaken en senternovem. government (2011). meer dan kwaliteit (more than quality). policy report, netherlands ministery of cultural affairs. hagoort, g. (2007). cultureel ondernemerschap. over het onderzoek naar de vrijheid van kunst maken en de vrijheid van ondernemen. hku/uu, speech, 6 june 2007. hertog, den, et al. (2012). evaluatie van de programmatische aanpak. ministery of economic affairs. dialogic. hesmondalgh (2007). the cultural industries. thousand oaks ca: sage. horkheimer, m. and th. adorno (2002): dialectic of enlightment. stanford university press. in 't veld, j., gerdes, e., & gooskens, b. (2012). meta-analyse ondernemerschap ('metaanalysis entrepreneurship'). ministery for culture. klamer, a. (2011). cultural entrepreneurship. the review of austrian economics, 24(2), 141– 156. kolsteeg, j. (forthcoming). construction of identit in cultural and creative organisations, utrecht 2010-2012. kolsteeg situated cultural entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 13 kooyman, r. (2009). entrepreneurial dimensions of cultural and creative industries. literature review. utrecht: hku. pratt, a. c. (2005). cultural industries and public policy. international journal of cultural policy, 11(1), 31–44. stam, e., de jong, j., & marlet, g. (2008). creative industries in the netherlands: structure, development, innovativeness and effects on urban growth. geografiska annaler: series b. throsby, d. (2009). the economics of cultural policy. cambridge: cambridge university press. unesco. (2008). creative economy report 2008. geneva: united nations. utrecht (2008). advice arts committee for 2009-2012. city and province of utrecht utrecht (2011). open spaces. cultural policy report for the city of utrecht, 2012-2020. utrecht, 2012: trust the future, create your city. candidate european capital of culture 2018. utrecht (2013). the future of cultural entrepreneurship in utrecht. conference report wennekers, s., & thurik, r. (1999). linking entrepreneurship to economic growth. small business economics, 13(1), 27–56. note: need consistent publication info on the 3 “government” 4 “utrecht” entries. if these are government reports or whitepapers, please format as in the following example and send in a separate word file: national institute of mental health. (1990). clinical training in serious mental illness (dhhs publication no. adm 90-1679). washington, dc: u.s. government printing office. microsoft word editorsintroduction_formatted.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 4, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2015, the author editor’s introduction joseph roberts, webster university as we launch the winter 2015 issue, 4 (1) with much fanfare and excitement, we start by congratulating our publisher, the pave program in arts entrepreneurship at arizona state university for receiving the united states association of small business and entrepreneurship (usasbe) award for excellence in entrepreneurship education specialty program, namely arts entrepreneurship. we are also ushering in a new feature, “editorial board perspectives on arts entrepreneurship.” such viewpoints will outline logics, schema and probable arts entrepreneurship research and pedagogical constructs. our editorial board members provide their assessments of challenges faced by the constantly shifting topography of arts entrepreneurship and provide their insights to effect changes that can help artists everywhere. we hope that such perspectives can provoke dialogue, diversity in thought and action, recognition of the need to always answer the “so what” question, and postulate a global platform for realistic and reasonable arts entrepreneurship dialogue. we have assembled contributions from a diverse collection of authors and an estimable book review for this winter 2015 issue. gareth smith and alex gillett explore how collaborative innovation networks (coin) function. shoshanah goldberg-miller’s article elucidates how toronto’s economy has yoked the power of arts and culture. in his review of the book performing policy, neville vakharia provides readers with his understanding of “artistproducers” and how they play a primary role in effectuating “performing policy.” in explaining the “so what” question we are happy to report the following. this winter issue reports and explains how a drummer and a guitar player (smith & gillett) advanced a framework based on “coin,” collaborative intelligent network that musicians and music educators can employ in their creative practice. goldberg-miller shares how the city of toronto became vibrant and provides valuable information that can help policy makers effect economic development by harnessing the power of arts and culture entrepreneurship. the book review in this issue provides a clear view of how the artist can work as an activist and provides a policy framework effecting sustainable performing arts policy. the perspectives provided by our editorial board members and our publisher, linda essig, elucidates how arts entrepreneurship can succeed as a field of practice and inquiry. contributors explore what entrepreneurship is, what it is perceived to be, and how we can bridge the gap between theory (the development of theory) and the practice of arts entrepreneurship. we believe that this issue fosters our understanding of arts entrepreneurship as a discipline, and how it is evolving and is positioned to help individuals practice their passions as viable economic ventures without compromising their standards and the sagacity of aesthetics and artistic values. roberts editor’s introduction ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 2 microsoft word artivate_sum2014_39to50.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 3, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 39-50 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2014, the author daily blogging for a year: a “lean” pathway to launching a webbased business julia griffey, webster university abstract a lean startup process is an attractive route to business ownership for people with limited funds or who are risk averse, as such a process is designed to avoid significant loss and support success (thickett, 2013). this article contends that ideal tools to facilitate this lean startup methodology of experimentation, reflection, and flexibility are social media platforms and third party selling. this reflective case study examines the author’s process using these tools to lean launch a niche web-based artisan business. introduction a lean startup process is an attractive route to business ownership for people with limited funds or for those who are risk averse, as it is designed to avoid significant loss and support success. (thickett, 2013) the ideal tools to facilitate this lean startup methodology of experimentation, reflection, and flexibility are new social media platforms and third party selling. this self-reflective case study examines my journey using these tools to lean launch a niche artisan web-based business. of all the possible business types to launch, a web-based business seems like it would be one of the least expensive. running a web-based business can be done without dedicated physical space, extensive inventory, or even employees. entire web sites and affiliated on-line stores can be set up quickly and inexpensively. web hosting companies offer do-it-yourself web sites and shopping carts that allow anyone to establish a web site with e-commerce functionality for less than $10 per month (godaddy, 2014). if it is that easy, why don’t more people start web-based businesses? during the dotcom boom, starting an on-line business was touted as a “small investment [with] big results” (tessler, 1999). however, as the on-line marketplace has become more saturated, simply establishing oneself on-line no longer guarantees monetary success. “no matter how adept you are at building a web site, no one will visit unless it’s properly marketed” (metz, 2005). generating web site traffic requires time and/or money. since 47 percent of all web site visits come from organic (non-sponsored) search results, it is important for a site to appear on the first pages of results when searches are performed on phrases related to the business (zeckman, 2014). optimizing a website to appear in organic search engine results means devoting a large amount of time developing content, strategically integrating keywords into content, obtaining high-quality incoming links, and continually evolving these techniques as the search engine algorithms for ranking sites change (killoran, 2013). running a pay-per-click advertising campaign is another way to gain exposure for a website. google offers a popular click pay-perclick advertising program where the highest bidding advertiser for a particular key phrase appears at the top of google’s sponsored results. if a searcher clicks on a company’s link within the advertisement, the company is charged for the click. the downside to pay-per-click advertising is that if an advertiser is not careful, he or she can end up spending a great deal of griffey daily blogging for a year _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 40 money on clicks that don’t convert into sales (kern, 2011) or become a victim of click fraud (bergfeld, 2006). another hurdle an entrepreneur must overcome in obtaining on-line sales is establishing trust so that the customer feels comfortable making a transaction on her or his website. if a vendor is unfamiliar to a shopper, a sale is unlikely to occur unless a consumer feels comfortable. consumers are skeptical of companies collecting and misusing personal and credit card data, especially when encountering unfamiliar e-commerce sites. for the owner of the e-commerce site, trust is difficult to establish (mcknight, choudhury & kacmar, 2002). conversely, due to a plethora of social media platforms and niche selling environments, on-line marketing and sales have become more accessible and effective for an entrepreneur. social media platforms make it easier to connect with niche audiences, as users voluntarily segment themselves in the interest groups they choose to join. engaging with these groups allows an entrepreneur to connect with niche audiences and hear their wants and needs. entrepreneurs can also take advantage of new on-line selling environments that provide a built-in audience as well as advertising. gone are the days of launching a web site and waiting for people to find you (smedescu, 2013). hypothesis having experienced some of the aforementioned hurdles in launching on-line businesses, and being curious about the power of new social media platforms and on-line selling environments, i was inspired to pursue a less conventional route in launching my own on-line business selling machine embroidery designs on-line: first establishing an on-line presence via a blog (a web log or on-line journal) before selling any product or service. my hypothesis is that aggressive blogging on a niche topic related to the business would allow me to learn about my product and market while building an audience and potential customer base, gain search engine recognition, and establish credibility in the field. to test this hypothesis, in january of 2013, i started a blog about machine embroidery called machine embroidery geek1. my plan was to blog every day on the topic of machine embroidery for an entire year. i felt that the process of blogging would help build my skills digitizing (creating the design files read by embroidery machines) and stitching out machine embroidery designs while building my credibility in the field. although i have a masters of art in apparel design and extensive experience designing and creating clothing, my experience with machine embroidery prior to starting the blog was minimal. the motivation to start the blog came from the idea that being the owner of an established blog about machine embroidery would make it easier to eventually successfully launch an e-commerce site selling machine embroidery designs. background although this case study pertains to establishing a blog as a jumping-off point for launching an e-commerce business, the practice of blogging to support an existing e-commerce business is quite common and has been demonstrated to be an effective marketing and sales tool. companies that blog have 97 percent more inbound links to their web site than companies that do not blog. web sites with blogs have 434 percent more indexed pages. sixty-one percent of us consumers 1 www.machineembroderygeek.com griffey daily blogging for a year _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 41 have made a purchase based on a blog post, and 37 percent of marketers believe blogs are the most important type of content marketing (mcgrail, 2013). blogs have been shown to be powerful marketing tools for existing businesses, but can they assist an entrepreneur in launching a new venture? many examples can be found of entrepreneurs who have launched blogs where the blog itself has become the source of business revenue. for example, gina lipa’s finance blog, the digeratie life earned over $10,000/month in advertising revenue only two years after it was launched (palmer, 2009). it is also possible to find instances where the entrepreneur produces a large volume of unique content on a blog and the blog subsequently becomes a launching pad for a niche business beyond the blog itself. for example, stefani pollack, owner of “the cupcake project” blog, built her empire by creating “extreme content.” her blog features over 250 unusual cupcake recipes that have been featured in major national publications, television shows and have earned her a contributor position with parade and elsewhere. pollack’s blog positioned her as an expert in the baking industry, leading to business opportunities she would not have had otherwise (mahe, 2013). while the end result of having written a robust blog can be advantageous to an entrepreneur, the process itself can be beneficial as well. writing a blog expands one’s knowledge and experience, which is essential for an entrepreneur who is launching a business in a field where she has limited experience (neidlinger, 2014). in the nonfiction book and film adaptation of julie and julia, the protagonist, julie powell, became an aggressive blogger while documenting her experience cooking every recipe in julia child’s mastering the art of french cooking and deepened her own knowledge of french cuisine in the process. the act of doing allows us to obtain experiential knowledge. how could julie powell not learn something about french cooking throughout her process? when one forces oneself to blog everyday on a niche subject, documenting experiences and sharing information, the blogger inevitably learns more about the subject area. another advantage of blogging is that the blogger is essentially executing the lean startup “build, measure, learn” cycle. in his book lean startup, eric ries states that a fundamental activity of a startup is to “turn ideas into products, measure how customers respond, and then learn whether to pivot or preserve” (ries, 2011, p.9). blogging allows the entrepreneur to test ideas with an audience and get feedback easily and efficiently. blogs also allow the entrepreneur to build a reliable audience (neidlinger, 2014). this audience who is interested in the blog topic is most likely the same audience who would be interested in buying products and services associated with that niche industry. as the blog owner, the blogger has an opportunity to “capture” this potential customer. readers may bookmark a page on the blog and return to it frequently, or, better yet, subscribe to the blog. collecting subscribers is valuable because subscribers are emailed every subsequent blog post. in the future, when new products are announced via a blog post, they will already be listening. another reason why subscribers have value is because the subscription process captures a subscriber’s name and email address; this list can be used for future e-mail marketing. google and other search engines tend to favor sites with a well-defined topic with pages that relate to one another (rowse & garrett, 2008). therefore, a niche blog with a lot of content is the ideal fodder for those searching for terms related to that niche industry. each blog post is a page that can be indexed by search engines (halligan & shaw, 2010). the more unique pages on the blog, the better the chance that the site will be found by search engines. griffey daily blogging for a year _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 42 while it is true that anyone can set up a blog and start writing, it takes time and commitment to build a collection of targeted content on a niche subject. a rich blog on a niche topic demonstrates expertise in the field and in turn builds credibility with readers and potential customers. a blog will establish the entrepreneur as a thought leader in their market, and build reputation (halligan & shaw, 2010; pellet, 2008). being able to demonstrate expertise and build trust is essential for an on-line seller because “without trust or expertise, customers hesitate to adopt the solutions presented by a salesperson” (liu & leach, 2001, p. 147). reflective case study background machine embroidery refers to the process of stitching out an embroidery design on a specialized sewing machine (“embroidery machine”) based on the instructions in a computer file (the “embroidery design”). a wide variety of embroidery machines are available on the market. most consumer-level embroidery machines are single needle machines, meaning that one color within a design is stitched at a time so spools of thread need to be changed for each thread color within a design. professional grade machines usually have several needles and can be retrofitted with a wide variety of hoops and clipping mechanisms that hold a greater assortment of embroidered items in place during stitching. figure 1. professional embroidery machine there are a few different kinds of embroidery designs: standard embroidery designs, appliqué designs, and in-the-hoop designs. with standard embroidery designs, the finished griffey daily blogging for a year _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 43 stitched-out design is comprised solely of embroidery thread. appliqué designs integrate pieces of fabric. the file is set up to integrate stitching for placement and tack down of the appliqué fabric. it pauses in the stitching to allow for trimming the appliqué fabric prior to finishing off the edges. in-the-hoop designs allow a creator to make stand-alone items with an embroidery machine. when making in-the-hoop items, the embroidery machine stitches seams, buttonholes and zippers in addition to decorative elements to make completed pieces. these items tend to be small, like coin-purses and ornaments because they must fit completely in the hoop. all types of machine embroidery designs must be created using digitizing software. however, most owners of embroidery machines often do not have this specialized software or knowledge about how to digitize the designs they want or need. in addition to being able to use digitizing software, a digitizer may also need embroidery conversion software to export the design into a suitable format for a machine to read, as there are many different types of embroidery machines (bernina, pfaff, brother, singer, etc…) that require different embroidery file formats (e.g. .pes, .vip, .jef, and so on). embroidery and appliqué designs can be purchased in fabric stores on cd-rom or via download from a variety of different web sites or stand-alone embroidery design stores and third party marketplaces such as ebay, etsy and bonanza. the cost of an embroidery file ranges from $0 to $10 and are often available as part of larger collections for purchase. having browsed many of the embroidery file offerings from these sources, i recognized an opportunity for innovation. many of the embroidery and appliqué designs that are currently available tend towards a country or cute homespun look and feel. what i found missing were machine embroidery designs with a more modern, quirky, and younger vibe. i found it intriguing and exciting that so few companies offered more modern embroidery designs. it seemed as if this was an untapped market that had potential to be exploited. after coming to this realization, i decided to launch a line of modern machine embroidery designs. however, a significant hurdle was that i did not have a deep enough level of understanding of the digitizing and machine embroidery industry to feel comfortable creating and selling a line of my own embroidery designs immediately. my dilemma was by no means unique. many people launch businesses in industries in which they have limited experience. since my research indicated that the process of writing a blog about my niche topic every day for a year would be an inexpensive and effective method for gaining expertise in an industry in which my experience was limited, i decided to start the blog. i surmised that if the process was effective, documenting and sharing this experience could be helpful for likeminded budding entrepreneurs. daily blogging my daily blogging commenced on january 1, 2013. initially i had no blogging schedule. my objective was simply to generate content in the topic area and to try to learn something that i could share in the process. blog topics included: • reviews of independent fabric stores around the world • embroidery design inspiration • reports on other blogs • issues related to machine embroidery and appliqué • interviews with experts in the field • show-and-tell demonstrations of my projects griffey daily blogging for a year _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 44 • how-tos for machine and embroidery projects • free embroidery designs subscriptions to my blog trickled in slowly until i provided some extra motivation for readers to subscribe. readers typically subscribe to a blog because they find the content so valuable that they want each new post emailed to them directly. one method of getting people to subscribe is to offer them something of value. so, each monday i began offering a free embroidery design on my blog to subscribers. this tactic proved to be successful. by the end of 2013, i had 250 subscribers to my blog. “free embroidery design monday” was just one of the theme days that i started integrating into the blogging schedule. i designated sunday as “inspiration sunday;” i wrote about things that inspired my designs and/or embroidery projects. tuesday was often “how-to tuesday” when i provided tutorials on how to make something with the reader’s home embroidery or sewing machine. establishing a blog calendar is a recommended tactic for business blogs, as readers come to expect content on a regular basis and look forward to a certain type of content (bakshi, 2011). another tactic i pursued for increasing awareness of my blog and bolstering both my credibility and search engine rankings was guest blogging on a more mature blog (halligan & shaw, 2010). to set up a guest blog post, i contacted more established blogs associated with machine embroidery and asked if i could create a guest spot. kelly jackson, the owner of “i have a notion,” a blog and on-line store selling sewing and embroidery notions, accepted my offer for a blog post. the post i created for her site generated some attention for my blog, several new subscribers, and established a high quality incoming link from her site to mine, bolstering (theoretically) my search engine ranking. special interest facebook groups in appliqué and embroidery were a source for blog topics, asking for advice, and sharing my work. many of these groups frown on blatant selfpromotion. however, it was acceptable to share finished projects that i had discussed on my blog, which was a non-commercial way to gain exposure by simply contributing to the group discussions. each week i announced my free designs to my facebook embroidery groups, which was also socially acceptable because i was giving away something for free rather than selling it. i found that sharing a helpful embroidery tip with my facebook groups that i subsequently wrote about on the blog could yield a dramatic spike in traffic to the blog and a flurry of new subscribers. for example, in july 2013, i published a post about patching a hooped piece of stabilizer. after i shared this post with my facebook groups, i received 825 views to the blog in a single day. the average number of daily views in july of 2013 (excluding the day i received 825 views) was 89. another powerful way in which a niche blog audience can grow is through the use of pinterest. when niche blog owners create “pinnable” content and integrate the “pin it” button on the blog, images from the blog can get “pinned” onto a user’s pin board. once an image is pinned on pinterest it has the potential to bring significant traffic to the site from which it was pinned. images on pinterest can get pinned and repinned, therefore the number of incoming links a pin produces can multiply rapidly (the power of pinterest, 2012). machine embroidery is an ideal topic to promote via pinterest due to its visual nature, the fact that it fits squarely into one of the most popular pinterest categories, crafts (cario, 2013), and that its target audience is primarily female. eighty percent of pinterest users are female and 25-54 years of age (loren & swiderski, 2013). states with the most active pinterest accounts, such as alabama and griffey daily blogging for a year _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 45 tennessee, are also states where machine embroidery is popular (cario, 2013). to encourage the sharing of images from my blog on pinterest, i integrated the “pin it” button on each page of the machine embroidery geek blog allowing readers to easily pin images from my blog onto their pin boards without having to have the pinterest browser plug-in installed. i also set up a pinterest board for my business and began pinning images from my blog as well as other web sources and started following pinners who collected embroidery-related images that i found visually appealing. figure 2. the machine embroidery geek pinterest board pinterest proved to be an excellent platform for drawing traffic to the machine embroidery geek blog. pinterest began showing up as a referring source multiple times each day because images from the blog were getting pinned and re-pinned. one image from my blog, a monogrammed straw hat, has been re-pinned 165 times from one pinner’s board (who pinned it from my blog) and regularly delivers an average of 5 visits to my blog every day. figure 3. monogrammed straw hat on jo meyer’s pinterest board griffey daily blogging for a year _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 46 e-commerce halfway through my year of daily blogging, i felt that i had generated enough content to establish my credibility as an embroidery professional and had learned enough about digitizing to start selling my own product line of embroidery designs. however, instead of launching my own store, i started selling my embroidery designs on etsy, the on-line craft marketplace because its selling platform has a low barrier to entry and built-in exposure. unlike an unknown standalone e-commerce site, etsy is a shopping destination for people looking for unique handmade goods. when sellers use etsy they become part of a larger marketplace. shoppers go to etsy looking for unique handmade products, so etsy sellers gain exposure via internal searches within the site. to date, 59 percent of the traffic to the machine embroidery geek etsy store came from internal searches within etsy. _____________________________________________________ top 20 traffic sources to embroiderygeek etsy store (5/1/2013 9/9/2014) _____________________________________________________ referrer number of hits _____________________________________________________ etsy.com 12,489 etsy app 2,437 direct traffic 1,645 google.com 1,255 machineembroiderygeek.com 1,023 google product listing ads 596 facebook.com 149 pinterest.com 148 m.facebook.com 147 search.yahoo.com 79 google.co.uk 78 google.com.au 65 google.de 63 bing.com 61 google.co.in 60 mail.yahoo.com 53 google.ca 47 google.fr 46 l.facebook.com 20 etsy mini 17 table 1. referral traffic to embroidery geek etsy store etsy also helps to bring customers to its sellers’ stores by advertising on google and facebook. frequently, when using google to search for embroidery designs, i would see advertisements for my own products. to date, 2.7 percent of the views to the machine griffey daily blogging for a year _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 47 embroidery geek etsy store have come from paid google ads. ads for my designs would also show up in the sidebar while i was using facebook. friends of mine engaged in machine embroidery communities on facebook also reported seeing ads for my designs. these ads were all funded by etsy. etsy provides an environment for fledgling business owners to start selling their goods; it is quick and easy to set up with a straightforward fee structure. there is no fee to set up an online store. you must provide information and graphics for your profile and bank routing numbers to get paid. however, once you start adding products, you simply pay $.20 to list each item. listed items remain on etsy until they are sold or they expire after three months. to prevent items from selling out, the seller can specify an inventory level higher than 1 or can simply relist each item after it sells. every time you relist, you are charged an additional $.20 and the listing is live for another three months. the only additional fees charged to the seller are credit card transaction fees (3%) or paypal fee of (3%) depending on how the customer chooses to pay and what options the seller chooses. while etsy’s product niche is in handmade and one-of-a-kind items, there are many other selling platforms that offer a similar service but are geared to different niches such as goodsmiths, bonanza and bitdazzle. goodsmiths is nearly identical to etsy but has only been in business since 2012. unlike etsy, where sellers pay per listing, goodsmiths allows a seller to upload 25 items for free and goodsmiths simply charges a commission for each item sold. for a small monthly fee ($5), a seller can upload more items. bonanza’s site touts that it sells products that are unique and one-of-a-kind but not necessarily handmade. bitdazzle is like bonanza but allows customers to purchase items with bit coins. for information products, leanpub is a free tool for generating e-books that can be sold through their store or through other on-line retailers. selling on behemoths like ebay and amazon are other alternatives for a small start-up. while definitely not as niche-driven as some of the other selling platforms, they do offer a potential to yield a tremendous amount of exposure. one industry-specific selling platform that proved to be fruitful for selling my embroidery designs was swak2. swak is an exclusive collaborative boutique of embroidery and appliqué designs. sellers must submit an application and have their designs tested and approved before they can start submitting designs for sale on the site. assessment while the machine embroidery geek blog and associated on-line selling efforts are still young and modest, a number of events have occurred that indicate my original hypothesis was correct. the machine embroidery geek blog helped establish me as a credible expert in the field of machine embroidery, generated consumer interest in my projects and designs, and played a significant role in directing traffic to the associated etsy store. the first clue that my blog was helping to establish me as an expert in the field of machine embroidery was when i began receiving emails asking for my opinion on individuals’ embroidery projects. my readers began asking a variety of questions about hooping, thread, typefaces, and general embroidery techniques: can you identify the font used in this bear? if you can't can you suggest some who could? the closest i've seen is lydian. 2 www.swakembroidery.com griffey daily blogging for a year _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 48 so i was hoping you may give me some guidance. a friend of my son's bought his girlfriend a beautiful straw hat, but it isn't the inexpensive ones from wal-mart. he asked me to monogram it! i have a few concerns and actually am terrified to do it. it is thicker that the ones from wal-mart. also it is natural color on the top but the underside is black. should i use a different needle than on the wal-mart straw hats, since this one is thicker? also, since the underside is black should i use a black bobbin and what about the sticky stabilizer it's white. i have a brother pe770 and have only been embroidering for a few months. the machine embroidery geek blog demonstrated my commitment to the industry when being considered for acceptance in publications and restricted web sites. in january of 2014, i was approved to start selling my embroidery designs on the swak web site. prior to applying to sell on the site, i had already signed up to participate in the swak affiliate program. because i had a blog delivering traffic to the swak web site, i was already demonstrating my commitment to the industry. in the same month, i was contacted unexpectedly by the web editor of creative machine embroidery magazine who asked for my approval to feature the machine embroidery geek blog in the magazine. she also asked if i would be interested in submitting ideas for articles for the magazine. since then, two of my pitches to the magazine have been approved and my articles will be published in the magazine in the spring of 2015. it is common for editors and journalists to troll the web for blogs, looking for experts to interview and assess the writing skills of potential contributors (pellet, 2008). in reviewing the referring sources to the machine embroidery geek blog within the blog’s analytics, i discovered reader interest in what i was writing. i noticed that my blog had been picked up by blog directories that were delivering traffic. one such site, bloglovin’, facilitates the discovery of new blogs in niche areas of interest and allows members to follow their favorite blogs through their interface. currently 54 people follow the machine embroidery geek blog through bloglovin’. i regularly see web traffic from bloglovin’ as well as other blog directories. another discovery i made in studying referral traffic is that the machine embroidery geek site was being mentioned on other sewing blogs as being a source for free designs. i noticed spikes in traffic when someone mentioned my site on a forum touting my content or free designs, and from this mention i would acquire several new subscribers. ultimately, my goal in establishing the blog was to generate sales of my embroidery designs, and it is clear from the statistics on my etsy store that the machine embroidery geek blog is an excellent referring source to the corresponding etsy store. to date, the machine embroidery geek blog is the third highest source of referring traffic to the machine embroidery geek etsy store behind internal etsy searches and google. it is difficult to assess which sales came from the blog, as visitors may have taken a circuitous route to making a purchase due to the interlinking of social media accounts. consider the following example: a visitor could have visited the blog, which may have led them to the machine embroidery geek facebook page where they saw a posting about a new design; they could have clicked on this design, which led them into the etsy store, and then they made a purchase. thus, direct sales resulting from the blog are difficult to track. griffey daily blogging for a year _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 49 conclusion while there are positive indicators that the blog was a great route to establishing an online business, i believe that the greatest advantage that a commitment to writing a blog provides is that it helps the entrepreneur maintain focus. when one commits to blogging every day on a niche topic, one has to stay engaged. had it not been for my commitment to the blog, my attention may have waned and i would not have been able to get my business established. the field of machine embroidery lends itself to this type of an exploration and might not be suitable for every industry. machine embroidery is a unique niche where participants actively share their work online. in these forums, i could get to know people as a co-participant because i was also making things on my embroidery machine. however, my co-creators were also my potential customers because i was digitizing the designs as well. because of this unique paradigm, my blog and social media activity had the potential to be very effective. another advantage this business niche provides is that the product i am selling is digital. therefore the challenges of dealing with shipping, production and inventory are virtually non-existent. for this reason, i could devote more attention to marketing and promotion than entrepreneurs selling nondigital products possibly could. while blogging proved to be helpful in developing a market-driven line of embroidery designs, it could also benefit entrepreneurs in arenas that are less market-driven. for fine art collectors, “the ultimate personal connection to an artwork is to know the artist personally and be invited into the artist’s world” (peterson, 2002, p.21). a personal connection is a factor that can motivate a collector to purchase a work of art; an artist’s blog can facilitate these personal connections. in evaluating the effectiveness of starting a blog to aid in launching an on-line business, it is important to consider the amount of time spent in working on the blog. would have it been more effective to focus marketing efforts in a different way? content creation had no direct cost and, in my case, bolstered the skills on which my business depends. but, if one is not a sole entrepreneur and assigns blogging to a lower level employee, the entrepreneur does not gain the expertise from the act of blogging. if an entrepreneur is not using the blog for multiple purposes, then she may argue that blogging might not be worth her while. nevertheless, blogging is still considered by many experts to be a low-cost, high-return marketing tool (alboher, 2007). while the process of blogging every day for a year was a time consuming process, i believe that it was extremely worthwhile in helping me launch my business. i also contend that the full benefit of generating so much content about machine embroidery on my blog has not yet been realized. i imagine that when opportunities arise such as presenting at industry related conferences and contributing to other sources, the blog will be a valuable resource in demonstrating my experience and knowledge within the field of machine embroidery, increasing my customer base, and referring more traffic to my on-line store. references alboher, m. (2007, december 27). blogging as a low-cost, high-return marketing tool. new york times, p. c3. bakshi, s. (2011). blogged down: what makes a good blog. public relations tactics, 18(3), 16. bergfeld, c. (2006). counting up click fraud's toll. businessweek online, retrieved from http://www.businessweek.com/stories/2006-07-06/counting-up-click-frauds-toll. griffey daily blogging for a year _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 50 cario, j. e. (2013). pinterest marketing: an hour a day. indianapolis, in: john wiley & sons. godaddy. (2014). web page. retrieved from http://www.godaddy.com halligan, b., & shah, d. (2010). inbound marketing: get found using google, social media and blogs. hoboken, new jersey: john wiley & sons. kern, t. (2011). reaching clients through pay-per-click advertising. annals of psychotherapy & integrative health, 14(2), 10-11. killoran, j. b. 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(2002). developing and validating trust measures for e-commerce: an integrative typology. information systems research, 13(3), 334-359. metz, c. (2005, february 8). marketing on the web: true stories. pc magazine, 24, 124-124. neidlinger, j. (2013, december 9). how to start a niche blog (and why you should). web page. retrieved from http://coschedule.com/blog/start-a-niche-blog palmer, k. (2009, may). how to go from pajamas to riches. u.s.news & world report, 146, 3636. pellet, j. (2008, soring). what a blog can do for you. nafe magazine, 31, 6-6. peterson, g. j. (2002). what motivates a collector? american artist, 66 (717), 18-21. ries, e. (2011). the lean startup. new york, ny: crown publishing group. rowse, d., & garrett, c. (2008). problogger. indianapolis, in: john wiley & sons. smedescu, d. a. (2013). social media marketing tools. romanian journal of marketing, 4, 2329. tessler, j. (1999, november 22). small investment, big results. wall street journal eastern edition, p. r16. thickett, r. (2013). media spotlight: the lean startup by eric ries. mortgage strategy online edition, 10. zeckman, a. (2014). organic search accounts for up to 64% of website traffic. search engine watch. retrieved from http://searchenginewatch.com/article/2355020/organic-searchaccounts-for-up-to-64-of-website-traffic-study microsoft word editors intro layout092517.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 6, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 1-4 pp. 8-32 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2017, the authors editors’ introduction to special issue: creative placemaking and arts entrepreneurship the pave program in arts entrepreneurship, now herberger institute enterprise and entrepreneurship programs, not only publishes artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, but also holds a biennial national symposium on entrepreneurship and the arts. in 2013 and then again in 2017, the symposium focused on the interaction between arts entrepreneurs and creative placemaking. artivate is pleased to be able to now devote a very special issue to this topic as well. the journal solicited submissions broadly but also specifically from presenters at the 2017 symposium. four of the five articles in this special issue developed from presentations at the 2017 symposium, “arts entrepreneurship in, with, and for communities,” held in tempe, phoenix and mesa may 5-7, 2017. dr. maria rosario jackson and greg esser were invited to serve as guest editors of this special issue and contribute the introductory essays below. the articles that follow move from the perception of individuals -the artists who work in creative placemaking and other contexts -to the implications of system-level change in the planning and policy sectors. between, articles explore ways to expand pedagogy to build the knowledge and skills needed to support place-based strategies that integrate art, culture and community engaged design. equity-based creative placemaking maria rosario jackson arizona state university this collection of articles represents an important contribution to a nascent and growing body of literature about creative placemaking—the integration of arts, culture, and community engaged design into comprehensive community development efforts towards building places where all people can thrive. placemaking has roots in urban planning and urban design concepts of the 1960s and 1970s intended to encourage planning and design processes anchored in a people-centered and community-driven approach. creative placemaking, coined in 2010 in a publication of the national endowment for the arts, intentionally brings into relief the centrality of arts, culture and community engaged design as crucial elements of comprehensive and crosssectoral efforts to improve communities (markusen and gadwa, 2010). recent and longstanding research contributing to the rise of creative placemaking points to the roles of artists, arts organizations, and formal and informal participatory art practices in community contexts and their contributions to the strengthening of social fabric, civic engagement, stewardship, physical transformation, and narrative of place as well as economic, education, and health outcomes among others (jackson and herranz, 2003; wali, 2010; stern and seifert, 2013). at its best, creative placemaking is based on recognition of the following (jackson, 2016): • existing community creativity, traditions, history, wisdom, and aesthetic expressions of its residents as well as a community’s natural and built environment are assets from which to build; • the contributions of artists, designers, heritage and tradition-bearers are necessary at critical junctures in community change processes including helping to frame community issues and devise solutions; • the integration of art, culture and design is not a panacea, but an important element of jackson and esser editors’ introduction: creative placemaking and arts entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 2 necessarily multi-pronged approaches to complex conditions, and • care must be taken to ensure that residents in vulnerable and often historically marginalized communities, in fact, benefit from change. with the growing proliferation of creative placemaking and evidence of demand for artists and arts administrators to go beyond conventional well-established patterns of professional practice in the arts sector, what are the implications of creative placemaking for the field of arts entrepreneurship? how does the integration of art, culture, and design into community development impact arts entrepreneurs’ sense of how they can contribute in community contexts? how does it impact societal perceptions about the roles of artists, arts organizations and their contributions? how does it impact arts entrepreneurship training and professional development? are existing validation mechanisms sufficient to recognize the increasingly complex and legitimate ways in which artists and arts administrators are creating their careers and contributing to society? does creative placemaking impact our current concepts of an arts ecology? how does creative placemaking impact the boundaries of cultural policy and planning? this issue of artivate and the specific articles herein signal an emerging strand of arts entrepreneurship scholarship critical to the evolution of creative placemaking and, more generally, to our understanding of what it takes and who is implicated in helping to build healthy, equitable, and artful communities. on this trajectory, as creative placemaking and related practices continue to proliferate and be topical in arts entrepreneurship, we can expect to see areas of scholarship and pedagogy blending. optimally, topics in arts entrepreneurship will be relevant to community development, urban planning, public health, and social services among other fields where there is evidence of arts entrepreneurs working strategically towards equitable communities and improved quality of life. the reverse is also true. optimally, scholarship and pedagogy in community development, urban planning, public health, social services, and related areas will also be relevant to arts entrepreneurship as the field recognizes its potential influence in a broader and more complex terrain. moreover, we will increasingly need to interrogate our current structures, assess the extent to which they impede or facilitate this trajectory, and be open to adaptation or the invention of new structures that make strategic synergies possible. we are in the early stages of a generative and paradigm-altering period where we can reposition arts, culture, and design in how we conceive of healthy and just places where all people can thrive. our charge is to move out of our respective comfort zones, seize the opportunity to learn across traditional boundaries, and forge new frameworks and alliances that benefit us all. this issue of artivate is a step in that direction, with anticipation that future scholarship will have an even stronger grounding in an equity framework. at arizona state university, through the efforts of the herberger institute for design and the arts, the college of public service and community solutions, and other asu divisions, we are committed to advancing a national and international body of scholarship, pedagogy, and practice anchored in an equity framework that includes the sustained integration of arts, culture, and communityengaged design in place-based strategies that address structural barriers to opportunity and improve quality of life for all, and especially for historically marginalized communities. references markusen, a and gadwa, a. (2010). creative placemaking. a white paper for the mayors’ institute on city design. washington dc: national endowment for the arts. jackson and esser editors’ introduction: creative placemaking and arts entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 3 jackson, m.r. (2016). creative placemaking: towards a sustainable practice, in scchupach, j. (ed). how to do creative placemaking: an action oriented guide to arts in community development. washington, d.c.: national endowment for the arts. wali, a., marchesi, e., severson, r. and longoni, m. (2010). more than a hobby: adult participation in the informal arts. journal of arts management, law, and society 31 (3), 212-230. jackson, m.r. and herranz, j. (2003). culture counts in communities: a framework for measurement. washington, d.c.: the urban institute. stern, m. and seifert, s, (2013). cultural ecology, neighborhood vitality and social well-being: a philadelphia project. social impact of the arts project, university of pennsylvania. creative placemaking is not one thing greg esser arizona state university creative placemaking is not one thing. creative placemaking, even as a contested and debated term, is currently one of the most rapidly adopted and absorbed terms within cultural policy in the united states, due in part to investments totaling more than $200 million and the implementation of on-the-ground projects in communities of all sizes throughout the country through artplace america, the national endowment for the arts, kresge foundation and others. dr. steven tepper, dean of the herberger institute for design and the arts at arizona state university has referred to creative placemaking as “the most robust cultural policy framework in the united states since the establishment of the national endowment for the arts.” this issue of artivate, along with the recent 5th biennial pave symposium on entrepreneurship and the arts, “arts entrepreneurship in, with, and for communities,” explores intersections between arts entrepreneurship and creative placemaking. the five essays collected in this special issue point to emerging and evolving strands of research and opportunities to deepen work and practices within the frame of creative placemaking while beginning to map future ways creative placemaking might influence more equitable communities. if creative placemaking advocates for expanding the role of individual artists in society, and we are to measure those changes over time, it is also critically important to understand how we define and think of artists, and how the general public understands artists and their roles in communities as distinct and apart from their output as creators. jennifer l. novak-leonard and rachel skaggs explore the public perception of artists and point to the role of public perception in shaping public policy. we need to distinguish between the composer and the composition, the painter and the painting. while we value process as much or more than product, we must also decenter traditional notions that privilege professionalization over participation. in so doing, we expand the circle of creators to more fully embrace those who might not readily self-identify as artists. one of the challenges with standard arts funding models and practice is the artificial creation and reinforcement of the perception of an environment of scarcity that may be contrary to collaboration. one of the key concepts behind creative placemaking is that the comprehensive integration of creativity into other sectors leads not only to new and unprecedented opportunities for artists prepared to work in new contexts, but better outcomes for the challenges addressed through new collaboration across sectors. creative placemaking envisions new professional pathways for artists and designers not solely dependent upon traditional arts funding models. amy whitaker’s essay addresses a “more is more” approach. as senator al franken often quotes the late senator paul wellstone, “we all do better when we all do better.” jackson and esser editors’ introduction: creative placemaking and arts entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 4 reimagining and rebuilding new models for 21st century design and arts education is critical to empowering the leaders of tomorrow. roger mantie and kevin wilson embark on a project to begin to redefine how current education models might evolve through cross-sectoral collaboration within the university and by bridging traditionally siloed students in new place-based projects and environments. this approach is more notable in that it originates within a conservatory education model, arguably the least flexible of contexts in arts and design higher education. another key concept within creative placemaking is that place-based cross-sectoral collaboration can drive innovation, synergy, and more equitable outcomes for more people. yet traditional professional sectors are too often reinforced “to protect territory” through a perception of limited resources to the detriment of new ways of thinking and new innovative solutions. tom borrup explores some of the traditional and sectoral barriers that have stymied more collaboration between the fields of urban planning and arts and culture in his call for “just planning.” kiley arroyo situates lessons from creative placemaking into the need for systems change at the level of public policy, arguably one of the most significant sectors where more creativity is needed. as she posits, “human imagination is the generative basis on which individuals and societies successfully engage with complexity, envision alternative futures, transform systems, and successfully adapt to change.” it is artists who can ignite our imaginations and build bridges to better futures. we hope the diverse range of approaches to examining the many facets within the creative placemaking policy framework reflected in these pieces complicates and deepens your appreciation for the complexity, the value, and the diversity that creative placemaking encompasses. we also hope that this issue inspires you to add your own research questions. arizona state university, as the new american university defined by access, impact and excellence, is driven by equity as the leading value for this work. our definition of creative placemaking at asu centers on the strategic integration of arts, culture and community engaged design into comprehensive community planning and development. we believe: ● all communities have cultural assets--including the creativity, imagination and wisdom of residents—from which to build. ● art, culture and community engaged design are intrinsically important and are crucial elements of strategies aimed at building equitable communities where all people can thrive. they contribute positively to a range of interrelated community conditions and dynamics such as, but not limited to: ○ strengthening community fabric and stewardship, ○ physical transformation of place, ○ changes in community narrative, ○ civic engagement, ○ health and economic development, and more. to learn more about this evolving work, please visit: creativeplacemaking.asu.edu microsoft word preece winter 2014.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 3, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 23-34 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2013, the author social bricolage in arts entrepreneurship: building a jazz society from scratch stephen b. preece, wilfrid laurier university abstract this paper applies the social bricolage construct to arts entrepreneurship, utilizing an indepth case study for illustration. the importance of six key elements including: making do, a refusal to be constrained by limitations, improvisation, social value creation, stakeholder participation, and persuasion, are identified and discussed in light of the recent formation of the grand river jazz society. bricolage is shown to be a process whereby entrepreneurs with local knowledge and access to local resources are best able to create enterprises using the materials at hand, rather than overextending their efforts with externally directed attributes requiring unattainable resources. as such, entrepreneurial process elements may be emulated from successful social bricolage examples, recognizing that each context, community, and circumstances will require their own unique solutions. introduction bricolage has become one of the leading emergent theories within the entrepreneurship literature (baker and nelson, 2005; fisher, 2012). originating with anthropologist lévi-strauss, bricolage reflects the spirit of “making do with what is at hand” (1966, p. 17) when solving problems and uncovering opportunities and has been adapted to areas as diverse as education, art, business, and law (fisher, 2012). in entrepreneurship literature, bricolage asserts a more constructivist start-up approach within constrained resource environments, as compared to the more objectivist views, which dominated entrepreneurial thinking in previous decades (duymedjian and rüling, 2010). entrepreneurial “bricoleurs” are argued to take an action-oriented, improvisational approach to business formulation, refusing to acquiesce to standard norms and expectations within industries (tracey and phillips, 2007). traditional entrepreneurship perspectives, that is, “causal” models focusing on planned, rational, and linear processes (sarasvathy, 2001), have given ground to more adaptive theories, including elements of improvisation, effectuation, and bricolage (fisher, 2012). these approaches suggest that entrepreneurial opportunities are more enacted than discovered (baker and nelson, 2005). bricolage holds promise in the field of entrepreneurship for both descriptive and normative reasons. emerging research suggests that bricolage represents a more authentic portrayal of entrepreneurial process as it occurs in practice, enabling stakeholders in and around the entrepreneurial world to better grasp the realities of start-up processes and behaviors (fisher, 2012). arguably, this more accurate depiction can lead to better systems, supports, and incentives to encourage entrepreneurial activity. further, the bricolage metaphor is potentially a more accessible approach for would-be entrepreneurs evaluating start-up opportunities, where challenges are conceptualized within the grasp of individual capabilities, rather than postulating unreasonable requirements as externally imposed. the concept of “social bricolage” has been recently applied to particular challenges concerning social enterprise start-ups (di domenico, haugh, and tracey, 2010). special attention has been given to topics such as community engagement, stakeholder participation, and maintaining external legitimacy, all within the particularly resource-constrained area of social enterprise entrepreneurship (gundry, kickuo, griffiths, and bacq, 2011). social venture preece social bricolage in arts entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 24 literature tends to focus on nascent organizations addressing such areas as poverty alleviation, environmental degradation, literacy, and health care issues (zeyen, et al., 2013). within this context, organizational challenges related to arts and culture are not always a natural fit. organizations in this sector typically enrich entire communities across the socioeconomic spectrum, yet may be seen as serving the privileged and elite, rather than the downtrodden (feder and katz-gerro, 2012). this combined with the unique challenges of managing within the arts and culture sector (preece, 2005), can result in these organizations becoming conceptually marginalized and neglected from a research standpoint (smith, besharov, wessels, and chertok, 2012). with this in mind, this paper seeks to initially confirm and reinforce the emerging “social bricolage” model forwarded by di domenico, et al., (2010). it further seeks to broaden the theoretical application of the social bricolage model as it applies to the arts and culture sector. using details and data from a recent case study, this paper examines the start-up experience first-hand through the lens of bricolage in the arts world. the case is built on the experience of starting the grand river jazz society (grjs), a non-profit arts organization presenting professional music in a venue called the jazz room in waterloo, ontario, canada. since opening in september 2011, the grjs presented 80 weekend performances annually to over 6500 audience members per year, in partnership with the huether hotel. the author is a participant-observer in the start-up as founder and president of the society. while this dual role presents the expected challenges to objectivity and bias, benefits include access to an extraordinary amount of data and otherwise difficult-to-access information (watson, 2011). social bricolage in arts entrepreneurship drawing data from eight social enterprise start-up cases in the united kingdom, di domenico et al. (2010) developed a theoretical framework for social bricolage. using their model as a launching point for this paper, the six tenets of social bricolage include: making do, a refusal to be constrained by limitations, improvisation, social value creation, stakeholder participation, and persuasion. for purposes of this paper, we start with a conceptual discussion of each of these six components, followed by a description from the grjs case including illustration, application, and discussion (see figure 1). making do the entrepreneurial application of social bricolage theory suggests the concept of making do to assume one or more of three different forms: 1) creating something from nothing (a market or service emerging where there was previously none); 2) using discarded, disused, or unwanted resources for new purposes; and 3) engaging hidden, untapped local resources others fail to recognize, value or use (baker and nelson, 2005). operating under the assumption of extreme resource scarcity (peredo and chrisman, 2006), emerging social enterprises also operate in fields where markets function particularly poorly (di domenico et al., 2010), creating a pernicious challenge for social entrepreneurs. with traditional assets not readily available, the prospects of a functioning social enterprise will frequently be deemed unmanageable, comprising hurdles too formidable to overcome. in the social sector, alternative start-up measures require ingenuity and insight to find or uncover value through non-obvious sources. as such, these challenges require a kind of “opportunity arbitrage” (arentz, sautet, and storr, 2012), drawing on the insight and experience preece social bricolage in arts entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 25 of the entrepreneur to envision value—both social and economic—that others neglected or failed to identify. figure 1. principles of social bricolage applied to the grand river jazz society the emergence of the grjs included all three elements of making do (see figure 1). presenting professional jazz on a regular, weekend basis in a club format was something new in the local community. while jazz appeared in a variety of concert, festival, and dinner-music settings, the club presentation format and frequency was both untried and untested. the concept of a persistent and reliable flow of professional music performance, every weekend during the 10-month season created a consistent frame and concept to build the society. as such, the grjs thrust a new service format onto a scene where there previously was none—essentially creating “something out of nothing.” further, the new venue setting represented a largely abandoned and discarded resource, possessing significant repurposing potential. part of a large hospitality complex of rooms within a historic hotel (including café, movie theatre, bar, billiards room, deck-patio, and restaurant), a substantial room (seating for 130) was sitting empty most nights of the year and suffered from neglect. for decades, the venue was used for a hodgepodge of purposes, including a several-year stint with exotic dancers, complete with stage, wall-sized mirrors, and brass pole. once adultentertainment had run its course, other short-lived efforts emerged, including one-off rock n’ roll preece social bricolage in arts entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 26 shows and karaoke nights, though none persisted. except for a smattering of special events throughout the year, the room stood empty, essentially discarded, disused, and unwanted (di dominico et al., 2010). as a long-time city resident and aware of the hotel’s various offerings, the founder of the grjs was aware of the room, though it was not until an active search for a shared-space venue took place that the inspiration to convert to a jazz club occurred. it took substantial imagination to transform the room from a dodgy strip club to a classy jazz venue, including rethinking floor plans, installing curtains, relocating the stage, and painting the walls. these changes, combined with the installation of sound, lighting, and a house piano, completed the transformation of an all but discarded building into a lively functioning entertainment venue. another needed resource was a concert grand piano costing over $50,000. this seemingly overwhelming capital expense during the initial start-up phase seemed insurmountable when resources were in dramatically short supply. options were discussed, such as eliminating the piano, using an electric keyboard and employing a substantially smaller instrument, yet none aligned with the founding team’s aspirations. substantial networking in the community yielded information about a former theater concert grand piano, which had fallen into disrepair. the owner was a developer, supportive of the jazz club concept, and ultimately sold the piano to the grjs for roughly half the cost of a new instrument, even after refurbishment. once again, during its initial start-up phase, the grjs was able to “make do” with an unwanted and underutilized asset. finally, there was the question of finding talent for the headline acts. an important component of the grjs was to present top artists from nearby toronto, other parts of canada and beyond, including showcasing local artists. given the dearth of existing performance opportunities available, it was difficult to know if there were enough jazz musicians in the area who possessed the capacity to headline on the weekends. there was a strong aspiration to keep the artistic level high for all headline bookings, thus requiring musicians with substantial training and experience. once the club began operating, however, an abundance of highly talented, local jazz artists surfaced. it was an impressive cohort previously fragmented and unknown to the community, arguably due to the lack of appropriate venues. in retrospect, a major accomplishment of the grjs was the enabling and galvanization of a scattered and unacknowledged local jazz “scene.” in sum, each of these three elements illustrates the theoretical frame for “making do” (di domenico et al., 2010). the act of constructing a weekly presentation in a club format created the structure for a regular art offering essentially “creating something out of nothing” (p. 689). the transformation of an abandoned strip club into a professional music venue represented “using discarded, disused, or unwanted resources for new purposes” (p. 691). finally, galvanizing a formerly scattered and disparate community of jazz players drew on “. . . hidden or untapped local resources that other organizations fail to recognize, value or use” (p. 691). limitations and constraints the second conceptual dimension in the social bricolage framework is characterized by a refusal to be constrained by limitations (di domenico et al., 2010). this includes “trying out solutions to counteract limitations imposed by institutional/political settings,” as well as “subverting limitations imposed by available resource environments in their ability to create social value” (p. 691). social entrepreneurs are particularly subject to harsh resource constraints (zahra et al., 2009). limitations imposed either by traditional practice, sector norms, or preece social bricolage in arts entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 27 institutional rules are frequently formidable barriers to progress, arguably creating enough disincentive for would-be entrepreneurs to give up -and are necessarily circumvented in order to achieve necessary progress. relentless effort and creativity are essential to work through the barriers, complexities, and even paradoxes of achieving financial viability while maintaining a core social value focus (smith, besharov, wessels, and chertok, 2012). for the grjs, standard jazz presentation operating models, 90% of which were reported to be functioning with a for-profit organizational frame (powell and steinberg, 2006), were considered problematic. the traditional model where private sector bar owners ran venues selling food and beverages while also programming music was showing signs of strain, and even failure. paying appropriate artist fees was proving difficult with audiences unwilling to pay adequate ticket prices, which necessitated food and drink sales to cover entertainment costs. nearby toronto with a population of 4 million, experienced the closing of two major dedicated jazz clubs in recent memory (both for-profit models) and despite the existence of a large number of talented performers, the club format had trouble flourishing, leaving some wondering if jazz as an art form was dead or, at best, floundering (infantry, 2006; teachout, 2009). regardless of overall audience trends, the traditional model seemed broken, leaving potential jazz entrepreneurs no choice but to innovate around established norms. the application of an alternative model was showing some promise in a least two other canadian cities, edmonton, alberta and saskatoon, saskatchewan, both operating as not-forprofits. however, in both those cases, these organizations were the beneficiaries of government grants where special building rental rates were provided at no cost by municipalities interested in encouraging cultural nightlife. the grjs had no such luck in gaining these municipal support resources. recognizing the dilemma and unwilling to be constrained by limitations imposed by existing norms and practices in the jazz presentation world, the grjs realized it needed to explore other options to contravene these constraints. one option was to consider the possibility of a shared space in order to avoid the high cost of building maintenance with the hope of some kind of organizational synergy. numerous options explored included: existing restaurants, a community arts center, club buildings, and even an abandoned train station. one afternoon, while riding bikes around the city with the express purpose of searching for a venue, two of the grjs team members happened onto what was essentially an abandoned hotel bar room and in a moment of epiphany, imagined its potential as a dedicated jazz venue. in an effort to subvert traditional norms, the grjs business model was taking shape. not only would it benefit from the not-for-profit model, it would also benefit from a shared space arrangement that would essentially create a for-profit/not-for-profit partnership. the hotel would manage all building maintenance (security, insurance, wait staff, cleaning, upkeep, etc.) in exchange for food and beverage sales on the premises. the grjs would use the venue without paying a fee, securing and paying for musical talent, while also raising funds from ticket sales, government grants, and corporate sponsorships; both saw the arrangement as mutually beneficial. more than two years into the operation, the model was working extremely well with the huether hotel seeing a steady flow of customers on friday and saturday nights (as well as a variety of miscellaneous users on off-nights), while the grjs received full use of a venue rent free and not burdened with providing food and beverage service. breaking free from the idea that the venue needed to be constructed from scratch, or operated with full ownership and control, the grjs was able to envision an arrangement that would include a substantial collaborative element. in the words of di domenico et al., (2010) preece social bricolage in arts entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 28 the grjs was “ . . . subverting limitations imposed by available resource environments in their ability to create social value” (p. 691). improvisation the third component in the social bricolage model suggests creative thinking through improvisation is necessary to counteract environmental limitations. improvising in this context occurs by “initiating a range of projects and constantly responding to potential opportunities” (di domenico et al., 2010: p. 694). this approach enables the social enterprise organization to evolve and grow in an organic way, seizing opportunities to achieve organizational effectiveness as opportunities arise, while also expanding social value when possible. for the grjs, the start-up process required numerous improvisational decisions. while consultation and advice was frequently sought, there was no reliable template for this type of organization. it was recognized early on that not all the answers were clear, but that action was required. attempts were made to “get things right” yet the final bias was towards “getting things going” and improvising along the way. musician compensation serves as an example of this improvisation. as an initial impulse, the founder originally intended to pay all artists the same fee across the board. in consultation with those experienced in the entertainment industry, fixed financial obligations associated with a consistent payment schedule could be risky, inflexible, and onerous. playing with possibilities, it was determined that while the bands from out of town would need enticements to perform for a fixed fee (including travel expenses), local performers could be conceptualized differently. a suggestion was made that local bands possess a local following and could therefore— with some motivation—convince their supporters (relatives, friends, colleagues, etc.) to attend performances. to initiate this, there would be a minimal flat fee provided to local players, in combination with a portion of “the door.” if the musicians were successful in bringing in a crowd, they would walk home with substantially greater compensation. this improvised alternative to high fixed artist costs, also motivated a kind of partnership with local artists to market themselves (and the club), which encouraged a deeper engagement with the society and minimized financial risks. interestingly, this flexible approach to compensation resulted in strong audience numbers compared to visiting artists. other improvised efforts included the concept of opening acts (6:00-8:00pm) prior to the headline performances (8:30-11:30pm). it was determined that an opening slot for musicians during the dinner hour would give emerging artists (not quite ready for headline status) an opportunity to perform and gain experience; the problem was paying these artists. various experiments ensued, including “passing the hat” for these opening act, an activity that cheapened the experience for both musicians and audiences, and later abandoned for that reason. subsequent permutations included gaining grants and sponsorships dedicated to paying these emerging artists for their performances, a concept that resonated well with donors. this approach to experimentation, adjustment, and evolution embodied the spirit of improvisation for the grjs from the start, eventually solving these challenges through trial and error. other improvised efforts of varying success included: workshop/clinics, jam sessions, participation in a summer jazz festival, and collaboration with other arts groups (e.g., visual artists, authors). in each case, attempts were made to achieve the best outcome, while iterating until the arrangement “felt right.” as a volunteer-driven, not-for-profit, the grjs is willing to expand its operations while taking on new initiatives and activities as individuals step forward and champion efforts. not all ideas work. regardless of the result, all improvised efforts are put preece social bricolage in arts entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 29 forward in good faith and are seen as both creating social value, as well as raising the profile of the grjs and its various activities. creation of social value a defining element of social entrepreneurship, in contrast to the broader field of entrepreneurship, is the central purpose of creating social value (di domenico et al., 2010). while social enterprises possess numerous formats, purposes, and business models (zahra et al., 2009), the common denominator is contributing to solve a social problem. as mentioned earlier, the broadest sweep of these types of organizations come from what would be “the creation of social value for disenfranchised members of society” (gundry, kickuo, griffiths, and bacq, 2011). arts and culture organizations, however, serve to enrich the social landscape for individuals from across the spectrum, emphasizing inclusion, cohesiveness, and societal enrichment for the broader community. while there are many university-aged entertainment services available in waterloo, onterio, the grjs provides an exceptional cultural amenity in a city where such opportunities are limited for adults over the age of 25. urban planners have long recognized the value of such amenities to the perceived liveability of cities (bailey, miles, and stark, 2004). not only do citizens have a place to hear quality music, they also benefit from living in a city where such activities take are present and supported. art spaces such as theaters, venues, galleries and the like are—in addition to serving the specific artistic delivery—physical manifestations of culture with substantial symbolic value to both regular citizens and, even more significantly, to artists who have the option and potential to live and conduct their art anywhere. municipalities that sustain and encourage such artistic spaces send a signal that art is valued and that the work of artists matters. even if the work or events are tangentially related to their daily work and art, the existence of artistic amenities have a proportionately large impact when it comes to welcoming artists, integrating artists into the broader community, and forging a robust and healthy cultural identity (cohendet, grandadam, and simon, 2010). the commitment of the grjs to promoting local artists generated substantial impact in galvanizing a local music scene. what was previously fragmented, isolated, and largely hidden, now moves towards cohesiveness, collectivist and pride, due in part to the availability of an exceptional performance venue. one indicator is the high level of audience attendance as local artists’ family, friends, colleagues, and associates can now publically support these ensembles. the ripple effects for this dynamic are many: helping sustain artistic careers, forwarding the reputation of the club, keeping overall venue revenues up, enhancing a sense of “a scene,” stepping up performance professionalism and enriching the appeal of the art form. broader reputation also factors into the creation of social value. maintaining a venue that becomes renowned beyond its borders contributes to a pride of place that infuses a city with a sense of value and cohesion. being known for something positive beyond municipal borders creates many spillover effects, not least of which is a collective sense of community pride and identity, as well as impacting the tourism and hospitality industries (deeke and walter, 2011). in a very short period of time, the grjs has risen to the top of select canadian jazz venues for major national and international talent. adherence to top quality production values, relatively sophisticated audiences, and respectable artist fees propelled the grjs and the jazz room to amongst the elite clubs in canada (knowles, 2014; toman, 2014). preece social bricolage in arts entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 30 word can spread quickly in the art world, filtering back through aficionados and then to the general public who may not be interested in a particular art form, but benefit from the city’s reputation nonetheless. the social value created at the instigation of the grjs is representative of the kind of contribution the arts can make in general. while the arts do not address social ills or the disenfranchised directly, it can encourage social cohesion, artistic expression and community health across the board (kagan and hahn, 2011). stakeholder participation active involvement with stakeholders in the “creation, management, and governance of their social enterprise” is a uniquely critical component for social bricolage (di domenico, et al, 2010, p. 695). stakeholder engagement has the dual advantage of enabling access to specific resources in otherwise difficult environments, as well as building interest in, and support for, what is being created. this is particularly important for an artistic endeavor, where resources are perpetually tight, but also where audience, reputation, and broader word-of-mouth is so critical to the well being and survival of the venture. the grjs opted for a completely volunteer-management model where only artists and technical support people are paid; the rest of the operation functions with unpaid volunteers. in addition to this format decreasing costs, it also builds a “volunteer ethic” into the cultural dna of the operation. on the downside, there can be cracks where volunteer priorities can vary for individuals, though this is counterbalanced with an overall enthusiasm and commitment to create a successful venture. numerous levels of stakeholder participation propelled the grjs during its establishment and growth. one key area of engagement was the contribution of in-kind donations by friends and acquaintances. such efforts included: web-site design, logo development, posters and visual arts design, accounting, legal, book-keeping, and marketing—all donated by professionals and contributed with the intent of building a community arts resource. in addition, volunteers were solicited to take on numerous tasks such as putting up posters, taking tickets, managing web listings, staffing promotional booths, taking photographs, and organizing events. feeling the venue to be a kind of “home” for the jazz scene, local bands are active stakeholders by recruiting audience members to their shows and those of their peers, essentially becoming partners in the venture. an eclectic mix of other partners also contributed. the family who owns and operates the huether hotel (where the jazz room is housed) is obviously a key stakeholder in management and operation decisions. other arts have also been pulled into the mix. a local visual artist painted three oversized murals depicting musicians performing live on stage, adding a unique level of “class,” meaning, and aesthetic beauty to the venue. the paintings are for sale and when sold, are replaced with a similar work. a local literary quarterly also has an annual writer’s festival event in the jazz room, collaborating on a theme straddling music and the written word. finally, other music presenters use the venue on off-nights for other genres including contemporary classical and world music, among others. the collective impact of these eclectic actors further cements the notion of stakeholder participation as the central guiding energy behind the overall endeavor. with an organization consisting of all volunteers (except musicians and technical support) there exists a communal culture encouraging individuals to “pitch in” and make it all happen. stakeholder participation (both in-kind and financial support) is critical to the functioning of emergent social enterprises; preece social bricolage in arts entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 31 with social mission as a central tenet, individuals from many sectors are pulled into the collective effort. persuasion persuasion is central to any start-up and accessing resources via social assets such as friendship, liking, trust, obligation, and gratitude are key (starr and macmillan, 1990). persuasion plays a particularly significant role in social bricolage—the sixth component outlined by di domenico, et al., (2010)—where stakeholders engage to dedicate resources, capital, time, expertise, and energy towards a social cause. necessary conditions are set to bring about change through social legitimacy. this persuasive effort is relevant to individuals, private sector businesses, political players, employees, volunteers and all other stakeholders needed to piece together a social enterprise in the face of resource-poor environments. multiple levels of persuasion engaged stakeholders in the grjs start-up process including an indefinable number of micro efforts such as: conversations, formal bids, speeches, emails, letters, facebook posts, etc. conceptually defining these efforts, essential stakeholder supporters can be divided into four major groupings, along with the key success factor when it comes to persuasion towards support: governments/foundations respond to mission, individuals respond to vision, private sector businesses are most sensitive to action, and audience members seek connection (preece, 2013). we now examine these stakeholder relationships as encountered by the grjs. initially, some government funders were wary of the ability of grjs to achieve its aspirations. the ontario arts council turned down their first grant application, suggesting the program was too ambitious and should be scaled down. a revised grant proposal reduced the request amount, and more directly reflected priorities articulated by the provincial arts granting body. this was successful and subsequent application to municipal, provincial, and federal funders have been encouraging. in this context, persuasion centers on the ability to deliver on the articulated government mission. personal networks were lobbied to purchase an annual pass ($350 per year for unlimited access to the club). this is a substantial amount for many and success pivoted on both the pass’ value (80 shows per year), but more importantly, on the ability to communicate a sense of a community’s collective vision, which was articulated though media articles, presentations, direct conversations and correspondences. private sector businesses were persuaded to “give back,” leveraging social responsibility and company reputation. a local construction company ceo with a particular taste for jazz emerged as the initial corporate sponsor. his enthusiasm and support, even amongst other sponsors, has been pivotal in securing broader private sector support. to give some definition to the “ask,” the grjs devised the notion of room sponsors (defined by three distinct sections in the venue) at the cost of $10,000 per room. finally, audiences were persuaded. there was little initial indication as to what they would be willing to pay, however. some suggested anything over $10 was too much, while others thought $20 was a bargain given the quality of the club. the grjs now charges each audience member between $10 and $20 per show, while reserving the right to adjust pricing over time. with audiences averaging around 80 per performance, this proved to be the correct decision. audiences are responding to the exceptional production values (lights, sound, stage, etc.) and in many ways, needed training as to the value of the performances. preece social bricolage in arts entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 32 as discussed, the entire process of social bricolage is a non-stop stream of persuasive effort. convincing key stakeholders to devote resources towards a legitimate social good that achieves public benefit, while also remaining fiscally viable (or even profitable) is the essential job of any social entrepreneur. discussion this paper presents case study data further validating the social bricolage model put forward by di domenico et al., (2010) including the key elements of: making do, refusal to be constrained by limitation, improvisation, creation of social value, stakeholder participation, and persuasion. while intimate connection by the author to the focal organization creates challenges of perspective and bias, it counters with the benefit of data access and examples otherwise difficult to obtain. this paper also extends the social bricolage discussion into the arts and culture sector, an oft-neglected area of study within the social ventures literature. mentioned above, the initial years of operation resulted in a substantial level of success for the grjs. a post-hoc conceptual analysis maintains that the core principles of social bricolage played a major role in achieving significant outcomes. this brings us to an important question possessing both theoretical and practical importance: to what degree might the insights from this research—and the experience of the grjs—be transferable to other settings, organizations and new ventures? noted for embracing “hero” stories that sometimes perpetuate stereotypes and overinflated perceptions, the entrepreneurship field has been doing little to encourage start-up activity in the real world (warren, 2005). by uncovering the processes followed by the grjs as an illustration using conceptual analysis, the attempt has been to peer behind the scenes and thereby providing encouragement to others who may follow a similar path. identified as one of the brighter lights of success in a jazz sector (knowles, 2014; taman, 2014), the grjs now encounters more good news than bad (james, 2013). visitors from out of town inquire about replicating the grjs’ successes in their own communities. what should be the reply? the key point is that social bricolage refers primarily to a process or conceptual approach that may be emulated, recognizing that each context, community, problem and set of resources will be different. a major assumption is that local knowledge enables the necessary adaptations once the bricolage process is initiated. this becomes an essential point within the bricolage framework: only those intimately familiar with the local context, local resources, and local community will be able to work the essential materials to piece together a successful arts start-up organization. for the formidable resource constraints confronting the arts, this is arguably the most viable route to start-up success. successful examples can present potential ideas and act as inspirational starting points, yet do not represent a definitive formula. in the case of the grjs, its volunteer-driven, not-for-profit model was inspired by the yardbird jazz venue in edmonton, alberta. at that venue, local government saw fit to bequeath a performance space to the local jazz society for one dollar a year, making the municipal government an important supporter in the venue. the grjs had no such advantage and therefore needed to explore other options for support. management at the yardbird was also leery of engaging corporate funding with the baggage it might bring, at one point cheekily suggesting the only appropriate place for a corporate logo in the club would be at the bottom of the urinals in the bathroom. in contrast, the grjs benefited by substantial corporate support, which enabled the club to thrive. such differences illustrate the variety evolving within specific contexts while trying to solve similar problems, though each following principles of social bricolage uniquely. preece social bricolage in arts entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 33 given the highly specific coupling of problems, resources and entrepreneurs exclusively shaped by the unique context, there is little likelihood for direct replication to make sense in another context. the emphasis, however, would be towards embracing a process for identifying problems and assembling resources within one’s own unique context, with the end result being naturally tailored to each specific environment. for would-be arts entrepreneurs, the initial path is defined by the people, ideas, and resources immediately at hand, rather than following a prescribed formula and assembling a pre-conceived, perfectly-construed set of circumstances—a situation most likely to never exist. list of references arentz, j., sautet, f., and 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(2010). “towards a foundation of bricolage in organization and management theory.” organization studies, 31(2), 133-151. feder, t., and katz-gerro, t. (2012). “who benefits from public funding of the performing arts? comparing the art provision and the hegemony–distinction approaches.” poetics, 40(4), 359-381. fisher, g. (2012). “effectuation, causation, and bricolage: a behavioral comparison of emerging theories in entrepreneurship research.” entrepreneurship theory and practice, 36(5), 1019-1051. gundry, l. k., kickul, j. r., griffiths, m. d., and bacq, s. c. (2011). “creating social change out of nothing: the role of entrepreneurial bricolage in social entrepreneurs' catalytic innovations.” advances in entrepreneurship, firm emergence and growth, 13, 1-24. infantry, a. (2006). “her jazz dream dies: montreal bistro abruptly closes after 25 years, shocking patrons.” toronto star, july 6. james, r. 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(2006). “toward a theory of community-based enterprise.” academy of management review, 31(2), 309-328. powell, w., and steinberg, r. (eds.). (2006). the nonprofit sector: a research handbook. new haven: yale university press. preece, s. (2005). “the performing arts value chain.” international journal of arts management. 8(1): 21-32. preece, s. (2013). “managing the emergent arts organization: assembling a portfolio of support.” wilfrid laurier university, working paper. sarasvathy, s. d. (2001). “causation and effectuation: toward a theoretical shift from economic inevitability to entrepreneurial contingency.” academy of management review, 26(2), 243-263. smith, w. k., besharov, m. l., wessels, a. k.,and chertok, m. (2012). “a paradoxical leadership model for social entrepreneurs: challenges, leadership skills, and pedagogical tools for managing social and commercial demands.” academy of management learning & education, 11(3), 463-478. starr, j. a., & macmillan, i. (1990). “resource cooptation via social contracting: resource acquisition strategies for new ventures.” strategic management journal, 11, 79-92. teachout, t. (2009). “can jazz be saved?” wall street journal. aug 9. toman, s. (2014). “always room for jazz: music fans treated to the best thanks to flourishing non-profit in waterloo.” grand magazine, january-february: 56-59. tracey, p., and phillips, n. (2007). “the distinctive challenge of educating social entrepreneurs: a postscript and rejoinder to the special issue on entrepreneurship education.” academy of management learning & education, 6(2), 264-271. warren, l. (2005). “images of entrepreneurship: still searching for the hero?.” the international journal of entrepreneurship and innovation, 6(4), 221-229. watson, t. j. (2011). “ethnography, reality, and truth: the vital need for studies of ‘how things work in organizations and management.” journal of management studies, 48(1), 202-217. zahra, s. a., gedajlovic, e., neubaum, d. o., and shulman, j. m. (2009). “a typology of social entrepreneurs: motives, search processes and ethical challenges.” journal of business venturing, 24(5), 519-532. zeyen, a., beckmann, m., mueller, s., dees, j. g., khanin, d., krueger, n., and zacharakis, a. (2013). “social entrepreneurship and broader theories: shedding new light on the ‘bigger picture’.” journal of social entrepreneurship, 4(1), 88-107. microsoft word editors intro w16 _mf.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 5, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 1-2 ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2016, the author editor’s introduction to the winter 2016 issue linda essig, arizona state university this winter 2016 issue of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts focuses on curriculum and pedagogy. two book reviews also contribute to this theme. both feature articles, marco thom’s “crucial skills for the entrepreneurial success of fine artists” and stephen brandenburg, tim roosen, and mettina veenstra’s “toward an adapted business modeling method to improve entrepreneurial skills among art students” delineate skills required for entrepreneurial success by artists and creative industries professionals as determined through qualitative or quantitative surveys of art and design instructors and students. brandenburg and his collaborators evaluate the usefulness of several common business modeling tools for teaching toward these skillsets and finds that these tools are more effective for teaching entrepreneurial process than for building personal skills. two earlier articles in artivate, pollard and wilson (2014) and welsh, et al. (2014), also identify arts entrepreneurial skills through empirical inquiry. thus, when taken together, an intersecting inventory of arts entrepreneurial skills begins to emerge from these four articles. table 1 summarizes that inventory and attempts to create linkages across the skills articulated in each article. pollard and wilson welsh et al. thom brandenburg et al. collaboration1 networking networking exchanging experiences business management finance technology strategic/analytical thinking strategic thinking diverging and converging creative thinking idea generation validating ideas confidence leadership developing personal identity communication marketing sales/marketing communicating visually understanding context opportunity recognition determining professional value table 1. arts entrepreneurship skills articulate in recent artivate articles. interestingly, only two families of skillsets are delineated in all four articles. while there are some variations in how the various authors define the skillsets they describe, it seems as though families of skills related to networking and collaboration and marketing communication appear across all four. these align with preliminary findings from a national (us) survey of professional artists in which respondents indicate that marketing and networking are among their most pressing professional development needs (flanagan and essig, 2016).                                                                                                                           1 krebs and holley suggest that networks are built or “woven” to bring people together “to learn to collaborate” (2006, p. 10). essig editor’s introduction ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 2 the ongoing maturation of arts entrepreneurship as an academic field of inquiry and practice is further evidenced by the recent or imminent publication of several books on the topic, two of which are reviewed in this issue. global perspectives are both represented in creating cultural capital: cultural entrepreneurship in theory, practice, and pedagogy, a volume of essays that grew out of a 2015 conference on the topic at university of minnesota – duluth. paul bonin-rodriguez, author of performing policy, writes in his review that the volume is both ambitious and rigorous as well as “a handy teaching tool for arts, entrepreneurship, and public policy educators and practitioners working at all levels and locations.” sally packard reviews bonita kolb’s teaching text, entrepreneurship for the creative and cultural industries: mastering management in the creative and cultural industries, that offers an australian perspective on arts entrepreneurship, a perspective that appears to speak more to managers than to the individual student artists/entrepreneur who is the unit of analysis in the feature articles. references flanagan m. and essig, l. (2016). summary of findings and recommendations: organization and artist survey. unpublished whitepaper for the emily hall tremaine foundation. krebs, v., & holley, j. (2006). building smart communities through network weaving. appalachian center for economic networks. retrieved from www. acenetworks.org. pollard, v. & wilson, e. (2014). the “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts higher education in australia. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 3 (1), 3-22. welsh, d.h.b., onishi, t., dehoog, r.h., syed. s. (2014). responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs: an exploratory study of arts entrepreneurship in north carolina higher education. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 3 (2), 21-37. microsoft word webb artivate winter 2014.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 3, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 35-48 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2013, the author placemaking and social equity: expanding the framework of creative placemaking debra webb, seattle university abstract artists play a seminal role in advancing humanity through place-based creative initiatives that change not only the aesthetics of place, but also the aesthetics of belonging. creative placemaking initiatives should provide authentic opportunities for community members to express their relationship with their physical and social environment. current models of creative placemaking are tethered to the built environment and urban revitalization. an expanded model of creative placemaking is needed to address the complexities of today’s urban neighborhoods, a new model that develops places of belonging for the collective good; measures empowerment, cultural stewardship and community attachment as indicators of success; and is committed to addressing the root causes of social inequity through artist-led civic engagement activities. artists develop arts-based initiatives that fully engage and empower a community’s capacity to self-express their distinct cultural identity through place. artists equipped with nimble entrepreneurial skills who are guided by a spirit of authentic collaboration can be significant change agents in their communities. established and emerging creative practitioners will benefit from identifying cross-sector collaboration that expands the role of artistic life into civic life. introduction creative placemaking that is rooted in social equity can foster aesthetics of belonging through place-based arts initiatives. current models of creative placemaking are tethered to the built environment and urban revitalization. an expanded model of creative placemaking is needed to address the complexities of today’s urban neighborhoods, a new model that develops places of belonging for the collective good; measures empowerment, cultural stewardship and community attachment as indicators of success; and is committed to addressing the root causes of social inequity through artist-led civic engagement activities. emerging themes within my scholarly inquiry are: 1) the principles and practice of creative placemaking; 2) the politics of belonging and dis-belonging; 3) placemaking in immigrant communities; and 4) the role of artists as placemakers. my research coalesced from reviews of extant literature, informal fieldwork, interviews, and case study analysis of more than ten artistled projects that explore housing, displacement and cultural identity as themes of engagement. theoretical insights have emerged from close observation and analysis of artists of color practicing expansive creative placemaking. the artist-led projects i investigated are unique in their practitioner, mission, partners, and geography, but all have authentic community collaboration and a deep commitment to social change through the arts. a key finding in my research is that the practice of creative placemaking has generated vocal skepticism. several highly respected cultural leaders argue that placemaking initiatives that are tethered to the built environment and urban renewal are shortsighted and suffocating for today’s complex social, political and economic landscapes. creative placemaking initiatives should be intentional and purposeful, preserving and advancing the existing communities pluralistic identity and aspirations. i recommend that visionary artists develop arts-based initiatives that fully engage and empower a community’s capacity to self-express their distinct cultural identity through place. webb placemaking and social equity ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 36 artists equipped with nimble entrepreneurial skills who are guided by a spirit of authentic collaboration can be significant change agents in their communities. established and emerging creative practitioners will benefit from identifying cross-sector collaboration that expands the role of artistic life into civic life. creative placemaking ann markusen and anne gadwa (2010) define creative placemaking as “partnerships with the public, private, non-profit, and community sectors to strategically shape the economic, physical and social characteristics of a place around arts and cultural activities. creative placemaking animates public and private spaces, rejuvenates structures and streetscapes, improves local business viability and public safety, and brings diverse people together to celebrate, inspire, and be inspired.” (p.3). when rocco landesman arrived at the national endowment for the arts as its new chair in 2009, he observed what was happening all across the country. from the little haiti neighborhood in miami, florida, to the cultural district that sprang up around the museum of glass in tacoma, washington cities and towns were using the arts to help shape their social, physical, and economic characters. like any good producer, landesman realized that we could not create a community of practice without a name for our shared endeavor, and so the phrase “creative placemaking” was introduced into our national lexicon (schupbach, 2012). landesman launched “our town” the federal government’s signature investment in creative placemaking and artplace, an independent consortium of philanthropic and corporate investors who grant twenty-six million dollars annually to creative placemaking projects across america. landesman traveled the country reframing the way we position arts and culture in our communities. he wanted to create an entirely new conversation that was based not on what the arts needed, but on what they bring to the table. landesman explained his creative vision in an interview with ann mcqueen for grantmakers in the arts (mcqueen, 2013) in which he said, “the entire impulse behind the creative placemaking conversation was to be explicit about the ways that the arts change the social, physical, and economic characters of places.” (p. 13). theory and practice the goal of creative placemaking is to advance humanity through artistic initiatives that build healthy, strong communities. creative placemaking is a movement of artists and designers, cultural groups and arts organizations that get out of their silos and into their neighborhoods. it is about cross-sector partnerships that leverage the power of art to transform and advance our neighborhoods, initiated by an entrepreneur or entrepreneurial team (see markusen and gadwa, 2010). influential research defined a framework for cultural practitioners to envision, partner and implement placemaking initiatives that would contribute to the economic growth and livability of their communities. the creative city vision (markusen, 2006) was intended to serve livability, diversity, and economic development goals. it addressed safety, aesthetic, expressive, and environmental concerns of people who live, work, and visit. resident artists, often traversing the neighborhood at all hours, make the streets livelier and safer, as do patrons of cultural venues and well-designed streetscapes (markusen and gadwa, 2010 p.15) . markusen and gadwa identify six components of successful placemaking strategies: 1. each effort starts with an entrepreneurial initiator often an artist. 2. demonstrates a commitment to place and its distinctive character. webb placemaking and social equity ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 37 3. mobilizes public will, both in local government and the citizenry. 4. attracts private sector support, from cultural industries or developers. 5. wins the active participation of arts and cultural leaders. 6. succeeds in building partnerships across sectors, missions and levels of government. (p.26) outcomes and indicators in october 2012, artplace published their “vibrancy indicators,” metrics for program evaluation that attempt to measure placemaking outcomes. the indicators are divided into three broad categories: people, activity and value. for the initial iteration of the indicators, artplace developed both the “people” and “activity” families of indicators. they are currently gathering data on appropriate value indicators. by late 2012, markusen, and other outspoken cultural leaders and scholars, expanded the national dialogue on the practice and purpose of creative placemaking. they argued that a new framework for creative placemaking is needed that transcends economic growth to value social equity and belonging through place. ann markusen offered a revised definition of creative placemaking in a keynote presentation “placemaking & belonging: a national conversation” sponsored by the national alliance for media arts and culture (markusen,2013). she acknowledged that placemaking has immense potential to create belonging, address challenging social issues and connect people to each other and strengthen their communities. markusen affirmed that the intrinsic values of the arts are to inspire, entertain, deliver beauty, critique social issues, communicate our rich differences and make us think in new ways. she noted that successful creative placemaking does not judge itself by higher property values and livelier streets; it seeks to build community and a better world with arts and culture at its core. jeo soule and kimberley hodgson from the american planning association research center offer three key points to consider when creating meaningful place in their white paper “community character: how arts and cultural strategies create, reinforce, and enhance sense of place” (soule, hodgson, and beavers, 2011). they suggest that to develop a strong sense of place we must: 1) understand community character by articulating the historic, cultural, economic, and cultural context of the community; 2) locally implement the framework; and 3) include robust arts and cultural programming (p.2). this is an example of insightful cultural leaders expanding the conversation of placemaking to include social equity, cultural inclusion and people, not just place at the core of the movement. the politics of belonging and dis-belonging roberto bedoya, executive director of tucson pima arts council asserts that “there is a lack of insight in creative placemaking discourse and practice that does not acknowledge nor address the politics of belonging and dis-belonging that operate in civic society.” he continues, “before you have places of belonging, you must first feel like you belong. before you have a vibrant street, you need to understand the social dynamics on the street” (2012, p.1). bedoya challenges creative placemaking initiatives that are ingrained in a construct of placemaking that is generated by dominant white ideology. he asserts that the nea and artplace are tethered to a meaning of place that is manifested in the built environment. artist live/work spaces, cultural districts, and spatial landscapes that are rooted in the disciplines of economic development and urban planning are entrenched in urban planning initiatives from the 1960s. they sought to eliminate urban blight, but in doing so destroyed many working class ethnic webb placemaking and social equity ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 38 communities. bedoya argues that creative placemaking that is tied to the allure of speculation culture and its economic thinking of “build it and they will come” is suffocating, unethical, and supports a politics of dis-belonging employed to manufacture a “place.” (p.2). i assert that highly skilled creative practitioners have the responsibility and capacity to examine institutional racism, social inequities and cultural intolerances through arts-based civic engagement initiatives. i am in full support of re-imagining and rebuilding our neighborhoods with ambitious and innovative vision. however, it is not enough to inject a vacant lot with quirky art happenings, or develop an artist live/work collective in an old, dank warehouse district. before we can envision placemaking, we must first acknowledge our legacy of place-taking and seek to establish places of connection, social equity and economic opportunity for everyone. i had the privilege of interviewing mr. bedoya while attending the 2013 pave biennial symposium at arizona state university in tempe, arizona. i asked bedoya what role race and social equity have on place. he shared that he has witnessed a troubling tenor of creative placemaking discourse, which is an avoidance to address social and racial injustices at work in society. he argues that “race, class and poverty have everything to do with shaping place, and that we need to know our own legacy of colonization, displacement, encampment and the removal of entire ethnic groups before we can construct a healthy future.” i inquired, “what is a more just and equitable model for creative placemaking?” he proposed two key concepts that need to be in motion for placemakers to do good work. “first, the aesthetics of belonging and its ability to shape a community of aesthetics. that means creating an articulation of beauty that is not tied to objects and experiences, but beauty as it relates to community. the second concept that must be at work is cultural stewardship. it’s the idea of listening, looking and learning all the time with who you are, and who you are working with.” bedoya’s insights remind us that art does not exist on its own, but is interlinked with our social and political systems. he fervently challenges the cultural sector to acknowledge and transform dominant ideologies of placemaking by expanding the canons of aesthetics. native american values on the aesthetics of belonging are holistic and offer wisdom for expansive discussions on arts-based initiatives. pamela kingfisher, a native cultural consultant, offers her insights on aesthetics in “diversity is knowledge: cultural assets from our collective medicine bundle” (kingfisher, 2013). she notes, “there is no word for art in our native language. we see ‘living in beauty’ as inextricably intertwined with community building, spirituality and religion, land and natural resources, health, intergenerational learning, economic development, cultural continuity, and other important aspects of individual and community life. art for art’s sake does not exist in our communities. art is sovereignty art is survival” (p. 38). immigrant communities and placemaking what is the role of placemaking in immigrant communities? how do immigrant communities create a sense of belonging in a new country? dr. pia moriarity (2004) investigated the role of everyday people engaging in artistic practice through participatory arts. moriarity found that the dominant reason for amateur arts groups in immigrant communities derives from a strong desire of parents to maintain the structure, values, and traditions of their families. participatory community arts are one of the strongest channels that immigrants have for selfassertion as authoritative adults, teachers of their children, and allies to their new friends and neighbors (p.6). within moriarity’s framework, creative placemaking has the potential to bond cultural identities and bridge a sense of belonging for immigrant communities in their new host community. for this paradigm shift in theory and practice to occur, the definition of place must webb placemaking and social equity ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 39 encompass much more than the built environment. new approaches can provide culturally relevant arts-based opportunities to gather, express, exchange and understand one another. for example, “place” could be a cultural center that authentically reflects the unique character and aspirations of the community; “place” could be a vibrant mural that depicts the visual history of a refugee’s journey to america; “place” could be a youth led multi-media arts program that invites youth to share their stories through poetry, graphics and photography; “place” could be a literacy and weaving collective of immigrant women that hosts ell classes while weaving traditional textiles from their homeland. further investigation of the role of arts-based activities in immigrant communities lead to erika byrd and anne gadwa’s 2009 community based research report “working effectively with somali residents through the arts: collective wisdom from the cedar riverside neighborhood.” the cedar riverside community located in minneapolis, minnesota has the largest concentration of somali immigrants in the united states. their research objective was to empower arts providers to work more effectively with somali residents. core findings of the research concluded that somali community members value arts activities for enjoyment and recreational opportunities, and as a means to facilitate communication, preserve cultural traditions, and empower individuals (p.4). byrd and gadwa offer four guiding principles to consider when working with somali community member: 1) employ empowered collaborations by fostering open communication and trust, seeking intersecting goals and sharing power; 2) be sensitive of cultural differences especially around gender and religion; 3) ensure accessibility by recruiting “link” people, providing compensation, using spaces somalis feel comfortable accessing; and 4) use relevant artistic forms and content especially poetry, theater or craft and active arts participation that builds skills or celebrates somali cultural heritage. (p.6) byrd and gadwa advocate for a new, more culturally informed partnership with immigrant communities that are based on authentic partnerships, shared power and artistic relevance. their findings and practical tools for engaging immigrants can inform a new framework for placemaking that is rooted in creating places that authentically establish belonging and provide dynamic opportunities for cross-cultural exchange. artists as placemakers artist-led initiatives are a catalyst for root cause discourse that spurs social change. in their book, placemaking: the art and practice of building communities, lynda schneekloth and robert shibley (1995) assert that placemaking is embodied in the fields of architecture, urban planning, and landscape design and that it has traditionally denied community participation in the fundamental role of creating place. they argue that artists have the potential to affect positive social change by being active civic engagement initiators through arts-based interventions. schneekloth and shibley outline an approach for creative interventions. practitioners should follow three principles: 1) make “dialogic space” by facilitating respectful and open discussion; 2) conduct exercises of “confirmation” (affirming aspects that are working) and “interrogation” (critically analyzing conventions and challenges); and 3) employ “framing action” by allowing these insights to guide and inform subsequent actions. (p. 8) these methods of engagement are based on an ethos that acknowledges the legitimacy of every person’s experience of living, the potential competence and compassion of human action, and the fundamental importance of place as an actor in living well. webb placemaking and social equity ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 40 artist-led civic engagement initiatives require modification and flexibility from the practitioner. it requires artists to expand their studio practice and become civic agitators, negotiators, entrepreneurs, interpreters and storytellers. suzanne lacy, artist, activist, and writer, in her well known book, mapping the terrain: new genre public art, (1995), illustrates the transition artists must make to practice socially engaged work, “when art moves outside studio production and becomes a process of community or institutional negotiation, when it must be responsive to a social dynamic and address the needs of others, when it is collaborative in nature, or when it draws upon the expertise of other fields, it becomes a more open-ended and fluid process” (p.24). artists who move fluidly beyond their studio practice and into a collaborative, civicbased practice have tremendous potential to connect, inspire and transform their communities through art. artistic change agents do not create merely to beautify and ignite urban renewal. many have the capacity and desire to broaden the role of artists in urban planning and design. david pinder, professor of geography at the university of london, (2005) asserts, “it is not simply an issue of asking what artists can do in a narrow instrumental sense to bring about progressive urban change, but rather of opening up through such practices the potential for collaboration, interventions, re-imaginings that disrupt and expand senses of both the city and self" (2005, p.404). in my research, i examined artists of color whose path-breaking approach to placemaking is significant and notable. i conducted a study of three artists or arts programs that placemaking as it relates to housing, displacement, and urban redevelopment. these artists agitate, strengthen, and transform their communities with art and culture. they are highly skilled creative change agents on the frontier of expanding creative placemaking practices that harness social equity, empowerment, and an articulation of the aesthetics of belonging; in a phrase, they are arts entrepreneurs. case profiles i: the women’s textile collective in a high-rise apartment complex in minneapolis, east african women of all ages including elders, girls, and mothers with small children gather at the east african women’s center. in the cozy, sun-drenched rooms they take advantage of early childhood education programs, connect with the neighboring cedar riverside adult education collaborative (craec) to study esl or work towards entering a ged program, and most intriguingly, they sew and weave (byrd, 2010). to encourage participation, the center started offering sewing classes. the weaving happened organically as recounted by program director doroth mayer: when the women’s center opened, we did not plan on including weaving in our program; in fact, its start-up could be called “serendipity.” one day, a somali woman saw yarn through one of the windows of the center and came in to ask how much it cost. a staff member asked her what she was going to make, and to everyone’s surprise, she pulled a beautiful weaving from her bag. through this happy accident, the staff at the center learned that there were elder women in the twin cities who still remembered how to create the twined weavings of somalia. the women’s center started providing these weavers with materials, connecting them with each other, and finding them opportunities to display their work. (qtd in petersen-roach, 2010). webb placemaking and social equity ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 41 artist-led initiatives that explicitly fill the gaps in service and support to families are tangible and measurable mechanisms for social change through the arts. the women’s weaving collective honors cultural traditions through weaving and provides a gathering place for women to bridge their traditions and bond with their new host community. the project supports aesthetics of belonging that are culturally informed and communal in nature. participants earn supplemental income, acquire essential literacy skills and valuable business skills as they make and sell their goods. literacy and income are quantifiable results that help women thrive and achieve independence in america. intrinsic outcomes of the program are preserving traditions, cross-cultural understanding, empowerment and a transformative sense of belonging. “the display of intricate twined weavings from the east african women’s center represents an important step for local somali women to reclaim and pass along a valuable artistic tradition,” offered kate wolford, president of the mcknight foundation (qtd in petersen-roach, 2010). program director doroth mayer emphasizes that forging personal relationships and being open to doing things a little differently are key to working effectively across cultures. although mayer feels there is no one right way, utilizing art forms that are familiar and comfortable to new americans, such as textiles, provides an effective platform from which to build (byrd and gadwa, 2010). ii: takashi horisaki – social dress takashi horisaki is an artist who moves fluidly beyond his studio practice. he is a brooklyn-based, japanese born artist who investigates housing and displacement in his series social dress. social dress explores the human impact of social theory, government planning, and political activism as it relates to housing, displacement and individual memories. in his site specific interactive work social dress, horisaki creates latex casts of architectural facades and meaningful objects community members want to honor and preserve. his goal is to trace the evolution of urban landscapes with art. (see figure 1) figure 1. latex casts from takashi horisaki’s social dress. used with permission of the artist. webb placemaking and social equity ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 42 social dress also investigates the meaning of materiality, place, and identity with a focus on the architecture of abandoned neighborhoods. horisaki uses the latex casting process as a means of circumventing the normal hierarchy of social activism, creating a situation in which the focus on art-making allows space and time for frank, informal dialogue about the history and potential of these neighborhoods. in my recent interview with takashi, i asked him how his art spurs social change, he noted, “for the local residents, i wanted to create time and space to chat and perhaps address their issues and concerns while working together on an art project. this allows for a sort of indirect investigation so people can be more open but also think about issues from different perspective.” the final sculptures, assembled from cast latex, stand as memorials to these communities, souvenirs of the conversations, and potential structures to house extended dialogue on alternative solutions to the recurring dilemmas of urban planning (horisaki, 2012). in the interview, horisaki reflects on the experience of civically engaged art-making, “from this experience, i have continued to work with communities, and tried to create open platforms for discussion with the art-making as a safe space for casual conversation: the artmaking allows participants a different kind of focus and a shared activity that lets them address each other in different ways, avoiding usual stereotypical or canned responses and the limitations of established hierarchies.” (see figure 2) figure 2. social dress by takashi horisaki. used with permission of the artist. horisaki is a skilled artistic anthropologist. he records, preserves and connects through socially engaged art. his process agitates dominant ideologies of the built environment and challenges current housing policies. horisaki facilitates meaningful dialogues with community webb placemaking and social equity ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 43 members that support and articulate an aesthetic of belonging that is self-generated and selfpreserved. in my research to better understand how artists make the fluid shift from studio practice to civic practice, i asked horisaki what the challenges and benefits of moving from a solo studio practice to an interactive civic practice are. he offered an insightful response: i would say that the benefits of an interactive practice are the ability to open up your own work style and learn to use materials and develop ideas in different ways. the difficulty is that you cannot move forward at your own pace, and you must keep in mind the goals of your collaborators that may be very different from your own goals. you have to adapt yourself to the pace of your collaborators, and learn how to motivate and push them while still giving them space to keep their own voice and their own stake in the project. i asked also what specific entrepreneurial skills and tools he finds essential in building a successful artistic practice that interfaces with multiple stakeholders: i rarely think of myself as an entrepreneur. certainly flexibility is an important skill, and in doing the kind of community interactive projects i do, being able to develop and write up grant proposals is also extremely important as most of my projects are dependent on such funding. another key skill is being able to talk with a range of people, from curators and collectors to heads of community organizations and workshop participants. while art-making skills like basic carpentry, molding and casting, painting and the like are important, i often develop new techniques as i try to incorporate new materials based on each new project's parameters, so again flexibility and problem-solving, and an ability to find people to help you learn new skills are essential to a practice that moves forward. iii: yesler terrace youth media built in 1941, yesler terrace is our nation’s first racially integrated public housing community. it is home to 1,239 residents and represents one of the most ethnically diverse and economically challenged communities in seattle, washington. the majority of residents are refugees and immigrants from east africa and southeast asia. in 2012, seattle housing authority began a historic fifteen-year redevelopment of the twenty-acre yesler terrace neighborhood. yesler terrace is currently comprised of 500 low-slung townhouse style residents with private yards and expansive green space. at full build out, the neighborhood is projected to provide 5,000 high-rise housing units and dense commercial space to accommodate more than 30,000 people (see figure 3). claire garoutte of seattle university’s fine arts department partnered with asfaha lemlem, coordinator of the yesler terrace rechtec computer lab and learning center, kat vellos, program director at youth in focus, and assaye abunie, executive director of the multimedia resource and training institute to lead a group of 13 teens in a summer youth media program at yesler terrace. the students tackled a range of historical topics over six weeks about the subsidized housing project. “it’s good for the university to engage with the community for something like this,” says abunie, whose nonprofit serves seattle immigrant communities and seeks to mobilize young media enthusiasts through multimedia training. youth in focus is an after school photography program for disadvantaged teens. (seattle university, 2012). webb placemaking and social equity ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 44 figure 3. architectural rendering of the yesler terrace redevelopment. image used courtesy of stephanie bower. the yesler terrace youth media program inspires youth to become powerful advocates for their community through documentary photography and video. the program connects them to community leaders and residents, and empowers them to be outspoken activists for their changing neighborhood. as residents prepare to move to make way for the fifteen-year redevelopment, dislocation and alienation threaten to undermine the benefits of redevelopment. robust arts programming during construction strives to connect residents to their changing neighborhood and each other. a sustained dialogue concerning issues of community and shared voice through the arts will also inform how communal areas such as parks, gardens, and commercial spaces will reflect and serve the rich cultural diversity of the yesler terrace neighborhood. one youth participant discovered that the loss of private garden plots is a serious concern for many residents. “lovely little gardens will not exist when the redevelopment is finished. the loss of these private patches of land is a serious concern for the residents who treat their gardens as an extension of themselves,” he observed in a written comment about the program. as a result of the compelling photographs and videos produced by the youth, seattle housing authority executives and seattle civic leaders now have an honest and unedited critique of the redevelopment efforts (see figure 4). important issues of childcare and communal gardens were highlighted in the youth films. with twenty-five in-home day care providers residing in yesler terrace, the redevelopment threatens their livelihood, independence and social cohesion. webb placemaking and social equity ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 45 by illuminating important social issues through film, the youth were able to shift the construct of power and bring community perspective to the housing authority. figure 4. "the land use signs go up and the bulldozers roll in." photo and caption by r. meshesha, 2012. yesler terrace youth media is an exceptional example of advocacy through documentation that incorporates current placemaking practices and expands the framework to include racial justice through social activism, youth empowerment, and a shared community voice through artistic practice. another youth participant explains the power of art best, “i know that i have a voice and i’ve learned that this community will face a lot of big changes because of the redevelopment. this makes me want to share my opinions and let people hear from a youth’s perspective. there needs to be a change in voice.” conclusion and recommendations at the intersection of art and society lies the change agent, the dogged practitioner who creates place and purpose in the vastness of humanity. a change agent agitates, inspires and transforms society through artistic practice. a skilled change agent asks how can i animate the root causes of injustice? how can i contribute to a shared aesthetic of belonging? how can i use art as a tool for civic engagement and social change? following extensive literature reviews, interviews and informal fieldwork, i assert that placemaking practitioners have a responsibility and an opportunity to incite systemic social webb placemaking and social equity ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 46 change through place-based artistic activities. artists are storytellers, preservers of cultural identity and critics to the injustices that stagnate humanity. in the case of yesler terrace youth media, youth generated documentary photography and film provided powerful tools for advocacy and community activism. the arts gave voice to youth of color who are often misrepresented and underrepresented. to envision a new neighborhood, yesler terrace youth residents contextualize the past, present and future dynamics of their neighborhood before they began articulating a new, more equitable neighborhood. seattle civic leaders, creative practitioners and citizens have an opportunity to articulate an inclusive placemaking model in partnership with the residents of yesler terrace. a model that provides abundant opportunities for residents to lead artistic initiatives that promote, preserve, and advance their community. as the gardens shrink, structures rise, and demographics shift, the arts are a powerful catalyst for celebrating culture, encouraging social cohesion, and articulating the aesthetics of belonging for all residents. in the case of takashi horisaki’s social dress, the temporal latex objects preserved place, recorded identity, and skillfully commented on widespread housing inequities across our nation. social dress provided opportunities for citizens to express their relationship with their social and physical environment through art and civic engagement. horisaki’s intent is to incite further discussions on housing inequities through community based art workshops. his ability to collaborate with multiple stakeholders, authentically engage residents and promote aesthetics of belonging through place are essential skills for creative change agents. in the case of the women’s textile collective, art became a tool for bonding and bridging for the somali community. local textile artists expanded their studio practice and partnered with service providers, educators and cultural groups to establish a shared experience through art. the somali women were able to celebrate their cultural identity, pass on weaving traditions to their children and share their rich heritage with others. the collective is a dynamic example of cross-sector with art at the epicenter. for artists who have the capacity and courage to incite social change through arts-based place initiatives, i recommend that an expanded framework of placemaking include three key components: 1) placemaking that is guided by civic engagement activities that foster cultural stewardship; 2) placemaking that spurs systemic social change and youth empowerment; and 3) placemaking that articulates a shared aesthetic of belonging. diana boros, artist, scholar and political theorist, affirms the importance and potential for transformative artistic practice, “truly transcendent visionary art opens the way to freedom of thought, real conceptual change, and an expanded worldview that extends individual concerns into concern for the greater human community.” (boros, 2012, p. 142). list of references bedoya, r. (2012) . the politics of belonging and dis-belonging. arts in a changing america. webpage retrieved from www.artinachangingamerica.net boros, d. (2012). creative rebellion for the twenty-first century: the importance of public and interactive art to political life in america. new york: palgrave macmillan. borrup, t. (2011). the creative community builder’s handbook: how to transform communities using local assets, art and culture. new york: fieldstone alliance. webb placemaking and social equity ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 47 byrd, e. and gadwa, a. (2010). working effectively with somali residents through the arts: collective wisdom from the cedar riverside neighborhood. chance community-based research project. retrieved from www.leadership.umn.edu catherwood-ginn, j. and leonard, b. (2012). playing for the public good: the arts in planning and government. americans for the arts. webpage retrieved from www.animatingdemocracy.org coletta, c. (2012). creative placemaking: investing in arts and culture to drive vibrancy and diversity. artplace. webpage retrieved from www.artplaceamerica.org. coryat, d. (2012). youth media agenda for social justice. animating democracy. retrieved from http://animatingdemocracy.org/sites/default/files/dcoryat%20trend%20paper.pdf crane, l. (2011). building worlds together: the many functions and forms of arts and community development. americans for the arts. retrieved from www.artsusa.org/animatingdemocracy horisaki, t. (2012). social dress artist statement. retrieved from www.takashihorisaki.com kingfisher, p. (2013). diversity is knowledge: cultural assets from our collective medicine bundle. gia reader, vol. 24 no.1, winter 2013. lacy, s. (1995). mapping the terrain: new genre public art. seattle, wa: bay press. manne, l. (2010). immigration: arts, culture and media 2010 cultural change report. the opportunity agenda. webpage retrieved from www.opportunityagenda.org. markusen, a. and gadwa, a. (2010). creative placemaking. washington dc: national endowment for the arts. markusen, a. (2006). cultural planning and the creative city. project on regional and industrial economics humphrey institute of public affairs university of minnesota. markusen, a. (2013). placemaking & belonging: a national conversation conference. national alliance for media arts and culture. retrieved from http://namac.org/creativeplacemaking-national-conversation-arts-democracy-culture-community-belonging mcqueen, a. (2013). an interview with rocco landesman: chairman, national endowment for the arts. grantmakers in the arts reader. vol. 24 no.1, winter 2013. moriarity, p. (2004). immigrant participatory arts: an insight into community building in silicon valley. webpage retrieved from www.massculturalcouncil.org/news/2004/immigrants peterson-roach, d. (2010). the confederation of somali community of minnesota’s east african women’s center. webpage retrieved from webb placemaking and social equity ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 48 http://www.ethniccommunities.org/spotlight/the-confederation-of-somali-community-ofminnesota%e2%80%99s-east-african-women%e2%80%99s-center/ rebuild foundation. (2013). about/mission/projects. rebuild foundation. webpage retrieved from www.rebuild-foundation.org schneekloth, l.h. and shibley, r.g. (1995). placemaking: the art and practice of building communities. new york, ny: john wiley & sons, inc. schupback, j. and lyengar, s. (2012). our view of creative placemaking, two years in. createquity blog. retrieved from http://createquity.com soule, j., hodgson, k., and beavers, k. (2011). community character: how arts & cultural strategies create, reinforce, and enhance sense of place. american planning association. retrieved from www.planning.org/research/arts. seattle university, (2012). teens explore history of yesler terrace. seattle university connections. retrieved from http://www.seattleu.edu/connections/inner.aspx?id=98177 microsoft word editors intro.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 4, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 1-2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2015, the author editor’s introduction linda essig, arizona state university as the first peer reviewed research journal in the field of arts entrepreneurship, artivate: a journal of arts entrepreneurship takes its role as a framer of the discourse in and around arts entrepreneurship seriously. to advance that discourse, in addition to the articles and book reviews that have been regular features of artivate, we have invited members of our editorial board and staff to contribute short think pieces. in the second installment of our “perspectives,” series, renown entrepreneurship scholar william garnter writes, “my hope is that the articulation of reading lists in both entrepreneurship and the arts will help the arts entrepreneurship field coalesce in a way that we can develop a community of ‘writers and readers’” (p. 4). it is fitting, then, that the first feature article in this summer 2015 issue of artivate is a systematic literature review of definitions of the field. woong jo chang and margaret wyszomirski examine journals in the fields of arts management, cultural policy, entrepreneurship, and nonprofit marketing published 2003-2013 to assess the defining characteristics of arts entrepreneurship in this body of literature and suggest a management-oriented definition of “arts entrepreneurship” as well as a road map for further research. michael seman explores arts entrepreneurship practice in the context of “music scenes,” which he defines as “spatially-based cultural agglomerations of human and physical capital that include musicians, consumers, entrepreneurs, technicians, venues, and studios” (p. 33). he applies economic cluster theory to a case study of music entrepreneurship in denton, texas to show how denton’s music scene behaves as an economic cluster. two articles in this summer issue explore pedagogy. marco thom studies higher education arts training programs in the us and germany as a foundation for considering whether arts venture incubation might be a viable way for students to acquire the necessary skills for arts entrepreneurial success. he delineates a set of seven necessary skills that can be learned through residency in an incubator environment. sonia bassheva manjon and wen guo contribute a reflective case study of the work of “think tank,” an engaged learning program that worked for over a year with the iconic a cappella group sweet honey in the rock to introduce entrepreneurial thinking into their organizational learning. taken together, these four articles on arts entrepreneurship theory, practice, and pedagogy, along with the perspectives of our editorial board members, represent an important step forward in the developing discourse in and about the field of arts entrepreneurship. microsoft word jsr final 2 for pdf.doc artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts             volume  1,  issue  2   http://artivate.org                                            pp.  53-­‐63   ________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)               53   infusing entrepreneurship within non-business disciplines: preparing artists and others for self-employment and entrepreneurship joseph s. roberts, webster university abstract the demand for interdisciplinary and cross campus courses has increased substantially over the past few years resulting in increased program offerings and modifications to existing coursework in universities across the nation. this is very clearly evident in the arts realm. however, there is no clear agreement of knowledge, skills and abilities deemed important to the success of selfemployed artists and arts entrepreneurs. this essay presents qualitative data collected from personal conversations and other data collected over the past several years from students and faculty members engaged in lessons learned from the coleman foundation faculty fellows program, a national initiative of the coleman foundation. building upon the lessons learned from this initiative a framework is presented to embed entrepreneurship content across several arts subjects. suggestions for conceiving and designing entrepreneurship course content are portrayed. the “modules” approach to the infusion of entrepreneurship within the arts and other disciplines are presented. assessment methods to measure the impact of using such modules to infuse entrepreneurship are explained. pedagogical constructs and pedagogical resources are presented. the implications for future research are postulated and suggested. introduction and background sarasvathy and venkatraman (2011), patzelt and shepherd (2011), and mcmullen (2011), among others, seem to agree that entrepreneurship is a force for creating a better world. dale meyer stated that there are a number of “elephants in the room” when discussing entrepreneurship education, and he suggests that one of these “elephants” is a perception that entrepreneurship is not the property of b-schools (2011). supporters of meyer’s statement argue that a significant number of start-ups arise from non-business disciplines, thus entrepreneurship is an interdisciplinary endeavor. regardless of where entrepreneurship belongs and how it should be positioned in higher education, it is safe to say that over the past two decades efforts to spread entrepreneurship education across campuses have taken root. one such effort is the coleman foundation faculty fellows program launched in 2009 and funded by the coleman foundation incorporated. the coleman foundation faculty fellows program promotes the infusion of entrepreneurship across non-business disciplines, the eduction of artists, and preparation of them for self-employment. the foundation supports entrepreneurship education across non-business disciplines, supports having faculty infuse entrepreneurship content in their courses, and helps prepare students for a possible career as an entrepreneur in their chosen field of study. further details of the program, examples of syllabi, and other content are available at the website www.colemanfellows.com. this essay discusses the infusion of entrepreneurship in arts curricula. to further explain the infusion of entrepreneurship content into the arts realm, consider the myth of the starving artist romantically pursuing the muse in a cold-water garret that seems embedded in the psyche of human beings even now (rich, roberts, et al., 2002). the fact is, artists, artisans, actors, producers and novelists have found ways to function in the world of artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts             volume  1,  issue  2   http://artivate.org                                            pp.  53-­‐63   ________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)               54   commerce without sacrificing their love and passion of art. such self-employed or freelance artists and others who own arts-based businesses are entrepreneurs in the arts and culture. rembrandt van rijn (1606–1669) is considered an important, influential dutch artist of the seventeenth century; his extraordinary production is equal to that of other significant european artists. when we think of rembrandt, we think of a great painter, but he was also a teacher and an arts entrepreneur. he earned large sums of money from the sale of his works especially commissioned portraits and prints. like many entrepreneurs, he experienced both great wealth and financial difficulties. although still debated, there exists support for the left-brain/right-brain dominance concept for thinking patterns, as suggested by jarrett (christian, 2012). educators, policy makers, and leaders of industry tend to agree with daniel pink’s suggestion that traditional roles of leaders in organizations are shifting thinking patterns from left-brain reliance to right-brain reliance (2005). steve blank, silicon valley entrepreneur, suggested that right-brain behavior seemed to contribute to innovation and innovative behavior (blank, 2011). regardless of which side of the left-brain/right-brain dominance argument one chooses, it can be agreed that it is the well-connected coordinated flow of information between the two hemispheres of the brain that seem to make the connection between business and arts effective and productive. however, the universe of arts education and universe of entrepreneurship education do not seem to overlap in schools. there exist perceptions and myths that prevent various artists from becoming arts entrepreneurs. still, since the 1990s there has been a concerted effort in the united states to link arts and entrepreneurship disciplines. in 1999, i was given an opportunity to establish curriculum and develop pedagogical content at columbia college to find common areas of interest and content within the individual disciplines of arts and entrepreneurship. a collection of lessons learned from the trials and tribulations of this pedagogical journey of the past fourteen years are presented in this article. addressing this challenge with the skills of a business owner/entrepreneur/artist, this journey allowed me to achieve both success and failure in my quest. my successes and failures also stem from an initiative to coordinate and lead a national charge to integrate entrepreneurial thinking, knowledge, and skill-sets within arts education at the tertiary level. students’ perspectives over the past decade, i have been fortunate to interact with numerous artists interested in obtaining entrepreneurial skills at events like the self–employment in the arts and ceo conferences (see www.selfemploymentinthearts.com, www.c-e-o.org) these student-based conferences are designed to initiate activities that go beyond the learning that occurs in the classroom, to “service learning” and “experiential learning.” students and entrepreneurs from all types of industries and trades are brought together to facilitate the exchange of entrepreneurial knowledge and skills. the following ten “points” are synthesized from more than approximately 370 conversations with students. these are guiding thoughts as educators pursue options to educate art students. 1. arts students do not think about themselves as the “starving kind;” only their parents seem to. 2. arts students demand entrepreneurship knowledge and skill sets. 3. arts students see courses in accounting, law, marketing and management as designed to prepare students for corporate jobs. none of these arts students wanted to work for artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts             volume  1,  issue  2   http://artivate.org                                            pp.  53-­‐63   ________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)               55   medium and big corporations. rather, they want to practice their art form more than anything else and are willing to sacrifice for this goal. 4. most of them did not see themselves as “entrepreneurs.” they are interested in selfemployment, rather than starting a business, growing it and then selling it. there is normally no exit strategy for artists and arts businesses. 5. when students hear about facebook, ebay, twitter, groupon, etc., they make it clear that they are interested in bread and butter entrepreneurial businesses rather than such high-techs and gazelles. 6. the “commercial art” vs. “art for art sake” debate is not a concern for students. students perceive this as a discussion within the community of arts educators rather than the community of students. 7. students are concerned about their own aesthetic values and connecting with their audiences as artists, more so than as business owners. for artists, the primacy of creating art is important, and making huge profits is less important. 8. arts students are not opposed to working as waitresses, production assistants, and such minimum wage jobs to support their creative endeavors. 9. if given a choice between making a lot of money and pursuing their passion as artists, students would rather put their passion first than worry about money. 10. instead of focusing on revenues, arts students are more concerned with aesthetics, ethics, the “purity” of art, and impact on environment than non-arts students. these conversations gathered from the students i talked with need further exploration to separate opinions from facts. such an undertaking is underway, but we do not have the time to wait for the results. we need to continue to develop effective pedagogy coursework to address the needs of arts students now. pedagogical challenges as program coordinator of the coleman fellows program, i took on the charge of developing a process for designing modules to establish a pedagogical base for infusing entrepreneurship into the fellows’ coursework. from the time i led the formation of a special interest group (sig) within the united states association of small business and entrepreneurship (usasbe), to the time i built undergraduate and graduate degree offerings in arts entrepreneurship directly and indirectly at several institutions, this path has been filled with pedagogical pitfalls and challenges. it was a coleman white paper on the topic of entrepreneurship in the arts that provided a way of exploring a twin track proposition, namely a track for students engaged in arts education seeking a means of survival as self-employed artists and entrepreneurs and a track for students who were business majors seeking to engage the arts as a commodity and wanting to become arts business owners (rich, roberts, et al., 2002). while artists populated one group, non-artists populated the other group. though at the time this approach seemed to make sense, looking back i realize that this was a mistake primarily because non-arts students seemed to have failed as artists, but wanted to hold on to the idea of a peripheral association with the arts. faculty resistance to pedagogy integration andrea haussmann (2010) questioned the impact entrepreneurship education and training has on long-term success of cultural start-ups. internationally and in the u.s., researchers seem artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts             volume  1,  issue  2   http://artivate.org                                            pp.  53-­‐63   ________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)               56   to agree that it is the beneficiary of arts entrepreneurship education is the economic viability economic viability of arts and cultural industries that benefit from arts entrepreneurship, education, and training, not just individual arts entrepreneurs. this distinction is what we need to examine further (beckman, 2007; mandel, 2011). perhaps viewing this from a culture and arts funding policy perspective could be one approach. regardless, to increase the chance of success of start-ups within the arts and cultural sector, arts education needs to integrate management, leadership, and business skills rather than trying to integrate arts education within business programs. at the time, some business faculty expressed opinions that arts students were incapable of understanding business concepts, gaining business knowledge, and skills. based on my experience of teaching numerous arts students over the years i can say with confidence that this is absolutely not true. the perception that arts students will not be successful in their business endeavor to become a business owner is misplaced. arts students make a choice. they choose not to pursue a career as an accountant or a lawyer, for example. as one student said to me, “it is not that i cannot learn how to develop a balance sheet, but i choose not to. i would rather hire an accountant or a cpa and monitor them and supervise them for outcomes that i define and expect from my enterprise as an arts entrepreneur, so please teach me to do that effectively,” (personal conversations, 2000 2010). the challenge then is to help arts students develop business skills allowing them to be successful. artists should be able to, as an example, review financial statements, understand them, and ask the correct questions. to advance arts entrepreneurship, the latter approach is better. starting with accounting students and asking them to learn to draw or play music or some other art form will not better serve arts entrepreneurship. over the years i have heard several arguments and suggestions around how to teach non-artists arts appreciation and thus enable them to become arts entrepreneurs. but i have come to realize that doing so is ill conceived. instead, we have to focus on pedagogy that infuses entrepreneurship in to the arts curriculum. my efforts to integrate these two different areas of pedagogy were augmented with the formation of the usasbe arts special interest group in 2001. trends in integrating arts and entrepreneurship since 1999, when this journey started for me, arts entrepreneurship has achieved national and international recognition as a serious topic of research and education in higher learning. there is still work ahead, but we seem to agree that there exists content and substance that defines arts entrepreneurship. according to the acton foundation for entrepreneurial excellence based in austin texas, entrepreneurs are heroes.1 i view artists who become entrepreneurs similarly. the julliard school of music and several ivy league institutions have embraced entrepreneurship in the arts as a suitable topic to be included in the curriculum. groups such as association of arts administration educators (aaae) and usasbe have embraced arts entrepreneurship as a segment of larger disciplines. based on usasbei membership over the years since its inception, 2001, there are hundreds of arts entrepreneurship courses. according to members of the usasbe arts entrepreneurship special interest group, estimates are as high as 450 arts entrepreneurship courses. as educators, we need to take a closer look at these courses and also address some of the academic/structural barriers that may prevent arts entrepreneurship from becoming a concentration, emphasis, or major at graduate and undergraduate levels. when i proposed a                                                                                                                 1  see  actonhero.org   2  see http://www.aacsb.edu/accreditation/business/standards/   artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts             volume  1,  issue  2   http://artivate.org                                            pp.  53-­‐63   ________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)               57   major in arts entrepreneurship at several institutions there was significant opposition from various quarters. after several contentious discussions, my efforts succeeded and the proposal was approved as a major at both graduate and undergraduate levels. i found that primary opposition came from arts faculty who taught music, visual arts, photography; i received less opposition from graphic designers and digital media faculty. the performing arts faculty as a group was perhaps the most willing to embrace these efforts. it was remarkable that business faculty were also less enthusiastic and obstructionist at various levels. one specific criticism was, “is there really a difference between teaching business skills and teaching entrepreneurship skills? entrepreneurship is nothing more than a subset of strategic management mixed with some marketing content, opportunity recognition, and market expansion methods. also, since business plans seem to be the final product graduate and undergraduate programs produce, is there a difference between graduate and undergraduate coursework?” (rich, roberts, et al., 2002). these kinds of questions were used to block arts entrepreneurship course approvals and their permanent addition to curriculum and programs. the best answer to address the questions about grad/undergrad levels is the following quote; “this is no different than in accounting – graduates and undergraduates are taught at different levels of rigor and intensity and depth,” (personal conversations, 2000 2010). in addition, it was always a struggle to get the business faculty not to dumb down the content for artists. misguided and false perceptions were responsible for this mistake on their part. musicians, dancers and visual artists are as capable of learning accounting as business students. theater and arts administration programs seem to have made it past these criticisms. though it is reasonable to expect some resistance, what surprised me were its sources. primarily arts education faculty and administrators were more reluctant to accept and embrace a change in thinking and attitude. the one positive in all of this is that students do not care about these conflicts; they are demanding arts entrepreneurship education now. they realize that it is simply not enough to just learn to play an instrument, take wonderful pictures, sing, direct, and so on. arts students simply accept the fact that they need to learn business skills and competencies. entrepreneurs vs. administrators arts entrepreneurs differ from arts managers in their perspectives on the business of arts. there are key differences between these two groups. administrators are usually concerned with maintaining resources rather than risking resources on innovative ideas that may or may not succeed. entrepreneurs pursue new opportunities with a willingness to risk failure. arts entrepreneurship programs designed by arts administrators run the risk, therefore, of being more focused on rationality, predictive management processes, and pedagogy. this difference is reflected in the struggles some faculty trying to integrate entrepreneurship and the arts face across the landscape of academia, as well as within professional organizations such as the association of arts administration educators (aaae). it is not clear if some of this resistance is due to “turf and fiefdom battles,” or simply administrator vs. entrepreneur attitudes. regardless of this situation, educators must push on to infuse entrepreneurship within the arts curriculum. infusing entrepreneurship in to the arts curriculum entrepreneurial knowledge and skills are still being developed and refined by business school programs. the field is very young and is just beginning to grow its body of knowledge. as of now, accrediting agencies such as association to advance collegiate schools of business artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts             volume  1,  issue  2   http://artivate.org                                            pp.  53-­‐63   ________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)               58   do not recognize entrepreneurship as a body of knowledge2. john hughes, chairman at emeritus, and michael hennessy, president of the coleman foundation, both state that the best thing to happen to entrepreneurship is that it has escaped business school (personal conversation, 2008). this is based on their collective experience of distributing close to $40,000,000 dollars in grants to support entrepreneurship education programs over several decades. it is against this backdrop that i have been engaged in the development and modification of arts entrepreneurship curriculum over the past several years. collective experiences from coordinating the coleman foundation faculty fellows program, the experiences gained with self-employment in the arts, and (sea) conference3, an annual student artist conference, have instilled within me an understanding of how to best prepare artists for arts entrepreneurship careers. first is the realization that teaching entrepreneurship to artists is a messy proposition. students from other areas such as engineering, sciences, and health also seem to have perceptions about entrepreneurship similar to art majors. however, as evidenced by a recent article by caitlin dewey (2012), it is safe to say that educators have a moral obligation to provide the best education and training to help artists become successful arts entrepreneurs. artists also seem to be stuck with the “selling out” and “commercial artist” syndrome. “selling out,” as faculty and students explained to me, is the act of pursuing commercial success without regard to the purity of the art form and compromising aesthetics for money (iannone, 2011). “commercial artist” are those who think of producing art in terms of an assembly line, akin to the manufacturing of paper cups with designs painted on them by a machine. though this attitude is surely not as prevalent today as it was in the early 2000s, it is important to create a balance between purity of art and how well audiences accept and financially support them. arts educators are also sometimes known to perpetuate the myth of the starving artists. individuals like lisa canning4 and genevieve thiers5, among others, demonstrate that artists could become entrepreneurs. arts educators need to embrace the idea that artists can become arts entrepreneurs. i have concluded that it is not critical to develop definitions of whom or what an arts entrepreneur is. students and parents of students who pay for their education do not care about definitions. parents only care about how their sons and daughters will survive as artists. they are often satisfied when we explain the linkage of entrepreneurship to arts education. infusing entrepreneurship modules seeking to find the best solution, informed with qualitative data from the coleman fellows, faculty who have engaged in teaching entrepreneurship to artists, and by collective experiences over the years, i started using the term “infusing entrepreneurship” to describe my approach. “infusing” is achieved by the modification of learning objectives in disciplinary courses supported by lesson plans that adopt entrepreneurship knowledge, skills, and abilities. furthermore, the lesson plans translate the knowledge, skills and abilities into discipline specific language and semantics. infusing entrepreneurship into arts curricula seems best accomplished by developing modules of information, knowledge, skills, and abilities. a review of papers                                                                                                                 2  see http://www.aacsb.edu/accreditation/business/standards/   3  www.selfemploymentinthearts.org     4  lisa  canning  –  entrepreneurthearts.com   5  opera  singer  &  founder  sittercity.com   artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts             volume  1,  issue  2   http://artivate.org                                            pp.  53-­‐63   ________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)               59   presented at the international association of arts and cultural management, (aimac) between 1991 and 2009 reveal that arts research papers focused on marketing, management, and consumer behavior (pérez-cabañero & cuadrado-garcía, 2011), which suggests that infusing these entrepreneurship topics is not such a far-fetched idea for the arts education community. a module is a collection of thoughts, knowledge, and skills that can be delivered in two or three class sessions. such modules are ideal to get students thinking about entrepreneurship as a process rather than an event. there are several key elements to module building that have been tested and re-tested since the 1980s by the author. this follows a cry for curriculum reform in engineering, mathematics, and chemistry (us department of education report, 1983). educators have been championing these approaches to obtain the same end result, to prepare students for successful career paths. combining module learning with entrepreneurship education and training seems to be taking root. although modules would be primarily based on direct experience from working with fellows, there is plenty of room to expand the modules approach across the entire academic landscape. based on various conversations with coleman fellows and faculty over the years, it seems pedagogically there is a challenge because entrepreneurship knowledge, skills, and abilities seem best taught in an experiential setting. successful entrepreneurs seem to agree that “doing” is the best teacher for entrepreneurship. in my experience, “doing” entrepreneurship can best be achieved with the modules approach. students are taught basic entrepreneurial concepts and knowledge. they are then engaged in an exercise in which they perform several tasks and record data. one such task could be establishing an e-bay account and finding items to sell. the item, if sold, should be shipped, money collected, and net profit calculated. this is easily achieved with a modular approach. a module that captures this activity is easily adaptable into any arts entrepreneurship course. thus, i have come to believe that the modules approach is the best option we have, as educators. sample dance entrepreneurship module several educators who teach dance have infused entrepreneurship in their coursework. one required her students to create a portfolio. with most dance students seeking to become selfemployed or freelance, they seek a “gig” or a job with a dance company nationally or internationally. the other path centers on the creation of dance studios or dance competitions. based on several observations in this realm, a typical module for infusing entrepreneurship is: • session 1 o passion as skill – benefits of entrepreneurship – thinking like an entrepreneur – o building your entrepreneurship portfolio • session 2 o your passion for dance -your genre – aesthetics – reaching your audience – the business of dance – your action plan • session 3 o elevator pitch – how will you create value – new genres? o innovation in dance forms there are several dance instructors who adopt aspects of this module. some created lesson plans and compressed this content into one, or in some cases, part of a class session. the effectiveness of doing so is not clear at this time and needs further research. artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts             volume  1,  issue  2   http://artivate.org                                            pp.  53-­‐63   ________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)               60   sample visual arts entrepreneurship module: as a batik artist, i engaged the challenge of infusing entrepreneurship in visual arts courses differently than other art forms. mixing genres or converging genres with an entrepreneurial attitude should guide the infusion of entrepreneurship in visual arts. opportunity recognition within visual communications is not just developing an audience and reaching them, but changing the way we communicate. a typical entrepreneurship model for visual arts: • session 1 o visual arts as a converging art form – photography – paintings – sculptures – water colors – functional arts o introduce opportunity recognition concepts – market innovation techniques – o developing a feasibility analysis • session 2 o develop an entrepreneurial action plan – define your aesthetic – develop an understanding of the multiple genres that can be converged – develop a method to blend performing and visual arts genres • session 3 o finalize a portfolio ready for galleries – juried shows and events – financial plan to assess viability and pricing model options learning outcomes modification as best practice the following are sampled from syllabi posted to the coleman fellows website (www.colemanfellows.com). these learning objectives were added to arts course syllabi: • identify your passion and potential for success as a business owner • identify skills necessary to execute a new business idea • identify resources necessary to launch a new business • demonstrate how opportunities can become businesses • synthesize and demonstrate effective collaborative and communication skills • develop concepts and understanding of financial restraints to start a business • identify the role leadership plays in entrepreneurship in the arts • identify and synthesize a process for recognizing new business opportunities • explore and develop new market entry strategies • research and craft an elevator pitch and business plan for an arts related business enterprise. there are several other examples of business and entrepreneurship related learning objectives that are now guiding dance, music, fashion, and graphic design faculty in infusing entrepreneurship and small business concepts in their course work. more examples can be found on the coleman fellows website listed above. this is a best practice because the results point to a palpable student enthusiasm in entrepreneurship. based on personal knowledge, reports from fellows, and talking to arts students, it is clear that students exposed to entrepreneurship content are starting businesses or becoming self-employed. it also seems that more arts students are starting businesses than business majors at several coleman fellows program schools. this approach seems to be working and deemed best practice. artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts             volume  1,  issue  2   http://artivate.org                                            pp.  53-­‐63   ________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)               61   assessing the impact of arts entrepreneurship education as these efforts were under way, one question concerned testing, “how do we know that this is working?” one of my tasks as coleman fellows program coordinator was to help design assessment tools. as entrepreneurship modules, learning objectives, and lesson plans were implemented, it became obvious these efforts required measuring. a pretest-posttest approach was chosen to address this need. the following is a summary of this effort. assessing modules and modified learning objectives to infuse entrepreneurship knowledge, skills, and competencies has yet to be defined. although there are several examples and studies on how to assess modules in non-arts disciplines, there is no proven method to test entrepreneurship (personal conversation usasbe annual meeting 2011). an experiment with preand posttesting was attempted. thus far, the results have been mixed due to the problem of testing bias. to reduce bias we had to implement a new approach to the test design. we designed a test given to half the students in the class when the course began. we then taught the course as usual only to follow the conclusion of the course with a posttest administered to the other half of the class. this is not a silver bullet to cure all the issues of preand posttest method, but it seems to reduce the test bias. moreover, when this approach was used, the results seem to point to a better understanding of the views students hold about entrepreneurship. however, the answer to the question whether arts entrepreneurship education is producing or helping more artists become arts entrepreneurs, or self-employed as artists is not clear from an empirical and scientific perspective. (www.colemanfellows.com) conclusion and future research topics in conclusion, it appears safe to say that entrepreneurship in the arts is a developing field that proves a viable career option for artists. over the years, students have demonstrated their acquired abilities to become self-employed as photographers, writers, actors, designers, musicians, and painters. still, the educator’s job to effectively blend entrepreneurship and arts is far from complete. as future artists seek to debunk the myth of the starving artist, the process of artists becoming entrepreneurs is becoming clearer. in addition to the undeniable and demonstrable key advances in the field, it is also clear there are several serious questions about entrepreneurship in the arts. 1. what are the administrative and curricular barriers that prevent arts students from enrolling in entrepreneurship courses? 2. what are the pedagogical constructs that define arts entrepreneurship? 3. what differences exist between entrepreneurship in the arts and arts administration pedagogy? 4. what are the best module designs to infuse entrepreneurship in the arts? who is teaching them and where are they being taught? 5. assessing impact of entrepreneurship in the arts education as a two-pronged initiative, namely, pedagogy effectiveness and conversion ratio of arts students to arts entrepreneurs. is arts entrepreneurship education producing arts businesses or selfemployment in the arts? there are probably several more avenues of inquiry available, but these questions are ones that interest several of the coleman fellows. it is my belief that convergence of disciplines such as communications, graphic design, and game design, among others is trending, as are integrative skills and the blending of aesthetic artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts             volume  1,  issue  2   http://artivate.org                                            pp.  53-­‐63   ________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)               62   reasoning. entrepreneurship in the arts goes beyond helping artists acquire business start-up skills and its pedagogy could include innovation through genre blending. for example, musicians can start blending genres that were thought of as impossible to blend, a bluegrass banjo player dj who can rap. the future is looking bright and full of opportunity for artists, arts entrepreneurs and arts entrepreneurship educators.   references:       beckman,  d.  (2007).  "adventuring"  arts  entrepreneurship  curriculum  in  higher  education:   an  examination  of  present  efforts,  obstacles,  and  best  practices.  journal  of  arts   management,  law  &  society,  37  (2),  87.     blank,  s.  &  dorf,  b.  (2012)  the  start-­‐up  owner’s  manual:  the  step  by  step  guide  for  building  a   great  company.    pescadaro,  ca:  k&s  ranch     christian  (2012)  brain  myths.  psychology  today  online.  retrieved  december  12.  2012,  from   www.psychologytoday.com     dewey,  c.  (2012)  worst  college  majors  for  your  career.  kiplinger.  retrieved  december  12,   2012  from  http://finance.yahoo.com     hausmann,  a.  (2010).  german  artists  between  bohemian  ideals  and  entrepreneurial   dynamics:  reflections  on  cultural  entrepreneurship  and  the  need  for  start-­‐up   management.  international  journal  of  arts  management,  12  (2),  17.       iannone,  (2011).  5  artistic  geniuses  who  became  great  only  after  selling  out.  retrieved   november  12,  2012  from  http://www.cracked.com     mandel,  s.  w.,  &  virgil,  s.  (2011).  creativity  and  feasibility:  applying  the  ideo  innovation   processes  to  current  societal  challenges.  international  journal  of  entrepreneurship   and  small  business,  13(1),  32-­‐37.     meyer,  dale.  (2011)  the  reinvention  of  academic  entrepreneurship.  journal    of   small  business  management,  2011    49(1),  1–8.     mcmullen,  j.  (2011).  delineating  the  domain  of  development  entrepreneurship:  a  market-­‐ based  approach  to  facilitating  inclusive  economic  growth.  entrepreneurship  theory   and  practice,  35(1),  185–193.     patzelt,  h.  &  sheperd,  d.  (2011).  recognizing  opportunities  for  sustainable  development.   entrepreneurship  theory  and  practice,  35  (4),  pp.  631-­‐652.       pérez-cabañero & cuadrado-garcía, (2011). evolution of arts and cultural management research over the first ten aimac conferences (1991 – 2009), international journal of arts management, 13 (3), 55.   artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts             volume  1,  issue  2   http://artivate.org                                            pp.  53-­‐63   ________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)               63     pink,  d.  (2006)  a  whole   new  mind.    new  york,  ny:    riverhead  books.     rich,  roberts,  j.  et  al.  (2002)  arts  entrepreneurship:  the  next  generation.  coleman   foundation  white  paper.      united  states  association  of  small  business  and   entrepreneurship.  reno,  nv.     sarasvathy,  s.  &  venkataraman,  s.  (2011).  entrepreneurship  as  method:  open  questions  for   an  entrepreneurial  future.  entrepreneurship  theory  and  practice,  35(1),  113–135.     united  states  department  of  education.  a  nation  at  risk:  the  imperative  for  education   reform.  national  commission  on  excellence  in  education.  washington  d.c.  1983.                                                                                                                     microsoft word packard review scratch.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 5, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 37-38 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2016, the author book review entrepreneurship for the creative and cultural industries: mastering management in the creative and cultural industries by bonita m. kolb reviewed by sally packard, texas christian university entrepreneurship for the creative and cultural industries is an earnest attempt to assist artists who are interested in starting a business, offering a comprehensive layout of the nuts and bolts of the business planning process. the book is punctuated by business startup experiences in the form of artist entrepreneur testimonials and advice from creative industry professionals. dr. kolb ends each chapter with a summary, a list of “tasks to complete” and suggestions for visualization exercises. it is significant to note that entrepreneurship for the creative and cultural industries is unique, in that it targets artists (“creative”) and their particular business startup challenges. however, from my point of view as a professional visual artist, there are some issues with kolb’s book. she begins the first paragraph of the introduction by alerting the reader that they may be surprised to find what awaits the aspiring artist after university graduation. many creative people have known that they are artists, musicians, writers, designers and performers from a young age. they may have spent years at a university, college, art school or conservatory being inspired, finding role models and perfecting techniques. during this exciting few years of their lives, not much may have been said about what awaits them after they graduate. (p. 1) university faculty teaching in the arts today are well aware of the paucity of opportunities available to their artist students outside of the academy. while some arts faculty may choose not to advise their students to take business courses or engage in the activity of entrepreneurship, it is not due to a lack of awareness on their part of the economic realities facing aspiring artists. kolb’s use of the third person in this passage establishes a distance between writer and reader (art students?) that persists throughout the textbook. a characterization is set here wherein the artist is the subject (outside) of the conversation, not part of it. by indirectly addressing her artist audience, the book assumes a didactic tone. admittedly, as an artist this reader is hypersensitive to being sidelined in a conversation about the arts. in the first chapter, in the section “art and people,” kolb provides a brief rundown of her version of the history of art. the information is cobbled together from a variety of sources to support her premise that artists “must” understand business if they are to be successful. not only is her presentation of what art “was and is now” awkward, it does not reflect the expertise already possessed by a student in the arts who might be reading this book for a class. this approach brings into question the end user of the textbook. is kolb speaking to artists or about them? is entrepreneurship for the creative and cultural industries to be used by arts faculty teaching art students or is the information to be taught in the context of a business class to nonartists interested in the creative industries? the answers are unclear. over the past few years, arts entrepreneurship has been established in many university arts programs as an academic discipline. this new discipline has sparked critical conversations among university arts faculty as they work to develop curricula appropriate to their programs and their students’ needs. this has resulted in a rich array of approaches and curricular offerings in arts entrepreneurship. simultaneously, a sub-industry has evolved around arts entrepreneurship, packard book review: entrepreneurship for the creative and cultural industries ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 38 generating books and articles by non-artists defining the artist’s place in the “cultural and creative industries.” entrepreneurship for the creative and cultural industries is one example of this phenomenon and demonstrates the recurring issue in some of this literature, wherein the non-artist instructs the artist on how to go about the business of art. the lack of acknowledgement by kolb of the artist-generated entrepreneurial activity in and outside of academia is frustrating. dr. kolb must be aware of this activity as evidenced by the rise of arts entrepreneurship as a discipline, as well as the myriad professional, high profile, contemporary artist entrepreneurs currently working in the so-called “cultural industries.” this critique is not meant to imply that artists should not develop an understanding of business principles; they are useful. artists have always known they must create their own opportunities, which requires a working knowledge of opportunity recognition and implementation. old mythologies need to be replaced by the recognition that artists understand what they need to be successful. they do not exist on the cultural fringe but contribute to the whole of society. if the (academic) community truly wants to share its knowledge with the arts, there needs to be a shift in attitude by non-artists when addressing issues critical to the arts. it would be productive if the specialists – arts faculty teaching the next generation of artists -were consulted for their expertise as part of this larger dialogue on the creative economy. many arts faculty in higher education would welcome a conversation from their peers across campus to explore the ways in which their disciplines intersect. an understanding of the connections between these different areas is key to working together to ensure the success of all of our students. the fact that entrepreneurship for the creative and cultural industries is the first textbook to address business practices as applied to the arts should be applauded. but it may also be the bellwether needed to stimulate a long-delayed inclusion of arts professionals in this conversation about art practice and entrepreneurship. microsoft word whitaker final 092517.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 6, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 23-31 pp. 8-32 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2017, amy whitaker partnership strategies for creative placemaking in teaching entrepreneurial artists amy whitaker new york university abstract as entrepreneurship education for artists expands, business strategy itself gets adapted to the particular ways in which artists and other creative placemakers work. traditional business strategy is based on competition for scarce resources—as exemplified in michael porter’s iconic porter’s five forces analysis and as extended to non-profit management by sharon oster’s six forces framework, which includes donors. yet creative placemaking often entails collaboration more than zero-sum competition. even in underfunded fields in which resources are scarce, business strategy frameworks that are based on partnership and collaboration, most notably brandenburger and nalebuff’s “value net,” more effectively support community engagement and partnership strategies associated with creative placemaking. this paper takes as a case study a workshop taught to choreographers and other movement artists as part of a business structures and planning curriculum i developed in 2016 for the lower manhattan cultural council (lmcc) and the actors fund. the core question of the value net, “if i succeed, who succeeds with me?," led to unexpected ways of mapping the ecosystem of the arts and to fruitful community engagement. in reimagining business strategy more holistically, this approach is also part of a larger pedagogy toward a principles-based, rather than rules-based, model of teaching business as a creative design medium itself. keywords: creative placemaking, arts entrepreneurship, competitive strategy, co-opetition in may and august of 2016, i led two pilot workshops of a curriculum i designed as a “2.0” approach to “business structures and planning” for a partnership between the lower manhattan cultural council (lmcc) and the actors fund (whitaker, 2017). the aim was to teach practitioners with a substantial track record in the field how to shift their practices to achieve scale and sustainability on their own terms. a core component of the workshop was partnership strategy. unlike traditional business strategy, which is predicated on the assumption of competition, partnership strategy is based on a non-zerosum structure in which multiple stakeholders can succeed by working together. particularly in the case of artists with a creative placemaking practice, and artists whose work exists in performance and public-art venues, these partnership strategies map the arts ecosystem in usefully networked systems that follow from the question: if i succeed, who succeeds with me? this paper illustrates specific approaches to teaching partnership strategy as a lens onto pedagogical approaches to business as a creative discipline itself, and places these teaching experiments in a larger context of business education for artists. the history of teaching business to artists the field of teaching business to artists has evolved and grown substantially in the last twenty years. the tremaine foundation has piloted funding of business and professional practice programs, as well as initiatives to study these programs. in 2015, the herberger institute at arizona state university and the tremaine foundation released a report, how it’s being done: art business training across the u.s. studying the current state of business resources for artists (essig and flanagan, updated 2016). in the same year, the strategic national arts alumni project (snaap) released the career skills and entrepreneurship training for artists (skaggs, 2016). whitaker partnership strategies for creative placemaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 24 this paper takes as its case study a pilot program co-organized by the lower manhattan cultural council which, along with creative capital and the new york foundation for the arts, has piloted business education programs for artists, both within new york city and nationally. the teaching described in this paper stems from a framework that models approaches to business education for artists at various levels, first published in the essay “why teach business to artists” in hyperallergic (whitaker, 2016a). an accompanying diagram mapped these levels of business engagement in a triangle, following the visual structure of abraham maslow’s hierarchy of needs, which models human motivation from basic survival through an apex of “self-actualization” (maslow, 1943). these “levels” of pedagogical methodology for teaching business to artists are illustrated in figure 1: figure 1 a framework of methods for teaching business to artists (whitaker, 2016a) at the base of the pyramid is a “0.0” approach to business in which one pretends that business does not exist. this attitude is intended to foster a focus on the art itself but often leaves artists without skills to navigate the practical world. at the “1.0” level, business is taught as a set of rules that are enacted in a specific way. the “1.0” is normative; it includes assumptions about how business should work. in contrast, the “2.0” level presents business as a set of building blocks that can be used however a person sees fit. in this framework, business is a parallel creative practice, in essence, a medium that can be approached with the same creative methods one brings to one’s art. finally, in the “3.0” realm at the top of the pyramid, business is a tool for civic engagement, a way of talking collectively about the design of the world. the 2.0 and 3.0 levels are particularly significant to partnership strategy because so many financial challenges that artists and other creative workers face are collectively held. solutions often involve pooling resources, either to save money by sharing overhead or to create critical mass by working together. this focus on business as a creative design medium dovetails with principles-based theories of pedagogy, in which students are invited to work open-endedly by applying the first principles of a field, rather than having to work toward a single known solution or a right way to do something by following a set of rules. these theories are subject to subsequent study via priming methods in social psychology. one hypothesizes that artists and other creative placemakers who are taught business by first principle would be primed to engage more imaginatively and resourcefully in an assigned problem-solving task. from an artist’s standpoint, the first principles of designing with business are to amplify the reach of your work and to protect space in which to make the work in the first place. these applications of business whitaker partnership strategies for creative placemaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 25 align with the shift described in this paper from competitive to cooperative strategy. if traditional business strategy is normative in a “1.0” way, carrying an assumption of competition, partnership strategy carries a “2.0” ability to think laterally about collective success as well. sometimes it is the creation of collective success—the elevation of the field or the critical mass of convening power—that leads to individual success at all. this collective success is central to community engagement and creative placemaking (florida, 2002). from competitive to cooperative strategy modern competitive strategy is perhaps best encapsulated in michael e. porter’s 1979 framework porter’s five forces. built on the spine of a supply chain, a manufacturing-centric diagram of the linear progression from raw materials to finished products, the core axis of porter’s five forces is from suppliers to buyers. the framework also isolates different aspects of an organization’s strengths and weaknesses as expressed as vulnerabilities to new competition (“barriers to entry”) and protections of product differentiation (“threat of substitutes”). the center of the diagram holds space to describe the structural nature and degree of competition within an industry. figure 2 illustrates these relationships. note that the original diagram was drawn with a horizontal axis from suppliers to buyers. the vertical axis here lent itself to the way the workshop was taught. figure 2 porter’s five forces, adapted from “forces governing competition in an industry” (porter, 1979, p. 141) the diagram lends itself easily to the analysis of more traditional business models but, critically in the case of partnership strategy, it does not model network externalities well. that is, it does not take into account systemic creation of value rather than competition for scarce resources. if a positive externality is defined as a benefit that is not priced in, a network externality is a subset of a positive externality in which the benefit arises from a critical mass of common behavior. examples of network externalities include community platforms such as facebook, city districts for shopping or art, destination events such as art fairs with satellites, or even philosophically basic shared knowledge like speaking a common language. creative placemaking and arts entrepreneurship projects of widely divergent method often share a fundamental concern with systemic value creation. these efforts therefore rest on a consideration of competitors— rivalry in the industry supplier power buyer power availability of substitutes barriers to entry whitaker partnership strategies for creative placemaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 26 networked creation of value that is often not priced in. a simple vector of competition does not encompass that shared creation of value among many different stakeholders in a community. for example, in the airline industry, the capital intensiveness -or money required -to purchase airplanes and the difficulty of securing gates at an airport constitute key barriers to entry. in contrast, applying porter’s five forces analysis to a performing arts festival does not easily model the upside involved in the creation of partnerships; it more so models the risk that competition may follow, once those partnerships are established and a marketplace is saturated. thus, the framework assumes that even where partnerships are concerned, there is a fight for resources, rather than any avenue by which collaboration could be generative. the different parts of the framework succeed in mapping aspects of competition and the overall fierceness of rivalry in a field without mapping the ecosystem of mutually dependent and collaborative relationships. supplier power the fewer suppliers an organization has, the more power those suppliers have because there is more dependence on them and a resulting inability to switch to a competitor, or to play off a competitor in a negotiation. suppliers also have greater power if there are relatively high “switching costs” of moving a relationship to another supplier. stuckey and white (1993) discuss three different kinds of asset specificity: site, technical, and human capital. this specificity of fit between buyers and suppliers greatly affects one side’s switching costs. for instance, if the buyers of supplies have had to build factories located in a certain place, machinery and systems geared toward that supplier, or employee familiarity and know-how specific to that supplier, then that asset specificity gives the supplier more power by increasing the buyer’s level of commitment and related switching cost. conversely, if there are available substitutes and if it is relatively inexpensive to switch to another supplier, then the supplier has less power. the supplier’s own business strategy and structural nature will also characterize its power. if the supplier’s business success depends on producing goods in volume, then they have an incentive to maintain their sales relationships and therefore have less power. if your supplier could easily get into the same business that you are in (to forward integrate) then the supplier has more power because it is, in a way, a potential competitor of yours. in a performing arts context, one could imagine a producer who has the capacity to present work, or an artist who has the ability to circumvent a gallery and sell directly to collectors. buyer power buyer and supplier power are often flipsides of the same coin because the dynamics are structurally similar, just seen from different sides. buyers have power when they have many available alternatives to your product offering. to the extent they can compete with a supplier at its own product offering, the buyer will have more general forms of leverage in negotiating price. in this framework, the ability to set price is often analogous to market power. in an artistic context, many other forms of value—social, aesthetic, relational, reputational—and power come into play. rivalry a key aspect of rivalry within a field is how many other actors there are, that is, the industry concentration. the more actors in a field, the more they compete against one another for opportunities. at the same time, if an industry is concentrated into a handful of powerful companies, it is hard to compete if you are not one of those powerful players. economic theory models free entry and exit from fields, meaning free mobility of resources to follow opportunities. if, in reality, there are barriers to exit—obstacles to leaving the field—then the rivalry will be more intense. whitaker partnership strategies for creative placemaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 27 regarding barriers to exit, in economic theory, any previous investment (education in a field, years already spent trying to break in) is considered a “sunk cost,” that is, money already paid that cannot be recouped and that therefore should not be considered in decision-making. however, practically speaking, many people would consider this investment as a barrier to exit, because they have tried so hard already. other barriers to exit might include long-term leases or other commitments. the cost structure within a field also characterizes the competitive nature of the field. if companies are fixed-cost-intensive, meaning they mostly have overhead as opposed to more flexible ad-hoc or variable costs, then they will strive to compete for audience members to defray that overhead. performing arts venues have this characteristic of fixed cost intensiveness and extremely low cost of an incremental audience member when the seats are not all full. lastly, if the industry is growing overall, the competition will be less severe because there is more room for everyone. in constricting fields, rivalry can be fierce, even for fewer resources. barriers to entry barriers to entry are factors that stop other actors who see your success from copying you. the economic basis of this risk is a belief that if others enter your field, they will compete with you for customers. some barriers to entry are structural: organizations that have operated for a long time may have achieved a scale that gives them cost advantages, or they may have amassed specialized knowledge from a history of operations. a firm may also have a long history of working relationships, partnerships, and access to distribution (e.g., stores, performance venues, customers). other barriers stem from regulation: intellectual property frameworks such as patent and trademark stop other actors from copying a technology or replicating a successful brand. the sheer money needed to start up also constitutes a barrier, one that varies substantially across fields. (the money needed to start as an etsy seller is markedly different from the capital needed to start an airline.) the presence of existing customers can also constitute a barrier if there is a high “switching cost” for that customer to change over from an incumbent company to a new one. one can imagine the time and effort required to change bank accounts from one institution to another. even exploring a new performing arts venue as an audience member involves switching cost of learning how to get to the new venue and to navigate its space. threat of substitutes switching costs also characterize the threat of substitutes. if it is expensive to shift to a new product, then the threat of the substitute is lower (see stuckey and white (1993) on “asset specificity”). with regard to substitutes, the entire marketing campaign and enduring brand of coca-cola aim to teach us that there is no substitute. the competitive dynamic around substitutes maps onto microeconomic analysis of price elasticity, indifference curves, and other aspects of consumer demand. it also maps onto intuitive consumer tastes, so one knows at what price or under what circumstances you would make do with a stand-in. resource scarcity: classical economics the entire map of porter’s five forces emanates from neoclassical business assumptions of scarcity. as leonard read argued in his classic essay “i pencil,” (1958) and as retold by milton friedman (1980) in a pbs special on free market economics, no one person could singlehandedly manage all the parts of creating a pencil. it is the miracle of the pricing system that allows people to come together and coordinate making the different parts. this assumption of market efficiency was first argued by adam smith (1776) in his famous example of workers creating straight pins more efficiently by dividing the process into steps. these assumptions of resource scarcity do not, in general, model innovation or, specifically, artistic creativity. they show how a pencil is made efficiently but not how it is invented. efficiency applies to whitaker partnership strategies for creative placemaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 28 competitors— rivalry in the industry supplier power users availability of substitutes barriers to entry donors manufacturing what you already know how to make, but not to research and development of new work (whitaker, 2016b). the theory of economics thus holds in tension the notion of efficiency and the necessity of invention, what joseph schumpeter called the “creative destruction” that is required to make progress (1942). one must be willing to move beyond, or even to destroy, previously successful products in order to maintain long-term success. this theory follows the economic incentive to innovate: a firm makes profits, other firms enter the market and compete those profits away, and then the first firm must innovate in order to make profits again. these assumptions have been adapted to non-profit management by sharon oster (1995) with the addition of a “sixth force” for donors, alongside buyers. donors are, strictly speaking, those people who pay for the product disproportionately to their own use, where “users” are buyers who pay proportionately to their usage. see figure 3. figure 3 sharon oster’s six forces model (oster, 1995) competitive strategy and efficiency in teaching context in practice, in applying both porter’s five forces and sharon oster’s six forces in the lmccactors fund pilots and otherwise, artists are often confused by the distinction between buyers and suppliers. they often perceive donors as suppliers of capital. and the supply chain by which art is made is often nonlinear and circuitous, which is to say, hard to shoehorn into a strict linear chain. oster’s original diagram was drawn with suppliers to the left and buyers to the right. for teaching purposes, both porter’s and oster’s diagrams were drawn with a vertical instead of horizontal supplier-buyer axis. in addition, although efficiency of manufacture and messiness of innovation are often at odds, efficiency is still important for artists. esther robinson, the founder of arthome and a teacher of business to artists, often says that artists think they are bad with money. they are actually good with money; they just have an income problem. that is to say, artists are incredibly resourceful, sometimes ingeniously so, but are whitaker partnership strategies for creative placemaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 29 often simply too resource-constrained for their valiant efforts toward efficiency to be enough. in teaching business to choreographers and movement artists, as compared to teaching visual artists, notable distinctions emerged in what one might call lottery-ticket hopefulness. because the visual art world sits adjacent to the upper echelons of art fair and auction price points, even though only 1% of artists of all time have sold work for over $1 million (mcandrew, 2017), there is a perception that that level of success could conceivably happen, the same way that a holder of a lottery ticket could conceivably win the jackpot, however slim the odds. choreographers perceived greater hopefulness or upside potential in the careers of visual artists. in addition, the specter of competition is real. artists and arts organizations do compete with one another for limited funding. yet at the same time, constriction in funding and the challenge of finding adequate support are larger obstacles that are collectively held and experienced across the field. there is space to collaborate and to share resources, and to work together to elevate the overall level of funding within the arts and beyond. partner strategy partner strategy adapts competitive strategy to consider mutual and simultaneous success. in 1996, barry nalebuff and adam brandenburger wrote a book called co-opetition proposing, as the title portends, a combination of competitive and cooperative strategy. they took traditional business cases, such as the rivalry between coca-cola and pepsi, and argued that, although the two companies look like fierce rivals, it is the competition that, in effect, normalizes the fact of ingesting a fizzy brown liquid capable of dissolving a penny. a competitive advertising campaign actually benefits both firms. similar strategic outcomes occur in more overtly collaborative contexts. for example, the milk board is a consortium of local dairy farms who together build the overall audience for drinking milk. a rising tide lifts all boats. extending that theory to the arts here, you can compete—and have to apply for the same grants and presenting opportunities—but also collaborate to develop the field. the central idea of co-opetition is to accept the objective advantage of holding a smaller part of a larger pie. that smaller slice is larger in absolute terms. as figure 4, illustrates, the entirety of the smaller pie fits inside the fractional share of the larger pie. everyone is better off. figure 4 increasing the size of the pie before dividing it up (from “business structures and planning” participant workbook for the lmcc-actors fund curriculum, 2017) whitaker partnership strategies for creative placemaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 30 figure 5 the value net (brandenburger and nalebuff, 1997) in the language of economics, this shift from competitive to collaborative strategy is a shift from focusing on substitutes, those other offerings with which your success is zero sum, to focusing on complements, those products that are enjoyed together, like a left and right shoe or wine and cheese. in the co-opetition framework, called the value net, the axis of suppliers and buyers still exists, but it is buoyed by a split between substitutes and complements. the framework is expanded not just to look at threats (availability of substitutes) and protections (barriers to entry), but also at complementors. the fundamental question for defining a complement is to ask: if i succeed, who succeeds with me? in the case of experimental dance, the mexican restaurant that serves compelling guacamole and tequila across the street from the chocolate factory theater, an artist-led experimental performance venue in queens, is a clear complement. if the dance venue succeeds, the restaurant does too, and vice versa. within the larger creative ecosystem, if one performer wins a coveted commission at the brooklyn academy of music (bam) and beats out other contenders, it is possible that their success and rave reviews will prime a larger audience for the difficulties and rewards of engaging with experimental performance. a festival or showcase provides a clearer case of partnership strategy. returning to the idea of a network externality, a positive attribute that is not priced in and that comes about through collective action like a friends and family cell phone plan or the critical mass of a gallery district, an event like a performing arts festival that relies on critical mass lends itself to value creation through partnership and collaboration. ben pryor’s founding of american realness, a festival that occurs at abrons art center during the annual association of performing arts presenters (apap) conference, is a case in point, and a case study used in the lmcc curriculum. the critical mass of presenting organizations from all over the world who have representatives attending apap creates the chance to bring emerging performers together for a second showcase via american realness. the phenomenon of art fairs and satellite fairs has a similar pattern. these event-driven partnerships’ micro-economies relate to larger, enduring creative placemaking efforts in which multiple arts venues band together to create a destination or creative hub. the answer to “if i succeed, who succeeds with me” ranges from the arts venue and the performing arts space, to the restaurant next door, to the bank or corporation that recruits top employees to a vibrant city, to the field in general, as new work is created, championed, and shared. conclusions partnership strategy lends itself to creative placemaking at the same time that it opens up pedagogy around business education for artists. seeking partnerships is essentially open-ended. one can have infinitely many partners, in theory, and so the question, “if i succeed, who succeeds with me” does not have a single right answer but many. at the same time, co-opetition creates a nimbleness or code-switching between the vectors of competition and individual excellence, and those of expansiveness and critical mass. company suppliers customers complementors competitors whitaker partnership strategies for creative placemaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 31 in the experience described here of teaching the lmcc-actors fund workshops, the juncture of partnership strategy was critical for opening up the study of business to encompass an entire ecosystem of creative activity. as such, the teaching of partnership strategy had its own effect on the intersection of art and business: taking two fields that often compete and finding their complementary. partnership strategy created a lens onto the multiplicity of ways in which art and business interact, including the ways that artistic intervention leads to economic development, that business knowledge leads to artistic robustness, and that the two together build the fabric of community partnerships and sense of place. references brandenburger, a.m. and nalebuff, b.j. (1996). co-opetition. new york: crown. essig, l. and flanagan, m. (2015; updated 2016). how it’s being done: art business training across the u.s. emily hall tremaine foundation and arizona state university. retrieved from https://herbergerinstitute.asu.edu/sites/default/files/arts_business_training_across_the_u.s.__hibd_2016.pdf florida, r. (2002). the rise of the creative class. new york: basic books. friedman, m. (1980). “power of the market,” free to choose, pbs, retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r5gppi-o3a8 jackson, m.r., kabwasa-green, f., swenson, d., herranz jr., j., ferryman, k., atlas, c., wallner, e., & rosenstein, c. (2003). investing in creativity: a study of the support structure for u.s. artists. washington, dc: urban institute, n.d. maslow, a.h. (1943). a hierarchy of human motivation, psychological review, 50, 370-396. mcandrew, c. (2017). the art market 2017. basel and zurich: art basel and ubs. oster, s.m. (1995) strategic management for non-profit organizations. new york: oxford. porter, m.e. (1979, 2007 reprint). how competitive forces shape strategy. harvard business review 57, no. 2 (march–april 1979): 137–145. read, l.e. (december 1958). i, pencil: my family tree as told to leonard e. read, library of economics and liberty. retrieved from http://www.econlib.org/ library/essays/rdpncl1.html schumpeter, j.a. (1942). capitalism, socialism, and democracy, 3rd ed. london and new york: routledge. smith, a. (1776; edited by andrew skinner, 1999). an inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations, books i–iii. new york and london: penguin classics, 109–10. skaggs, r. (2016). the career skills and entrepreneurship training for artist: results of the 2015 snaap survey module. emily hall tremaine foundation and indiana university. stuckey, j. and white, j. (1993). when and when not to vertically integrate. sloan management review, 34 (3) 71. whitaker, a. (2016a). art thinking. new york: harper business. whitaker, a. (2016b). why teach business to artists, hyperallergic [web log post]. retrieved from https://hyperallergic.com/312390/why-teach-business-to-artists/ whitaker, a. (2017). business structures and planning: performance practice" 2016 pilot, lower manhattan cultural council and the actors fund with curriculum design by amy whitaker. anticipated to be published in 2018 under a creative commons license. microsoft word artivate_sum2014_3to20.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 3, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 3-20 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2014, the author how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? marisa enhuber, maastricht university abstract an on-going academic debate occupying entrepreneurship researchers for the past several decades is concerned with defining what an entrepreneur is and what an entrepreneur does. the debate also extends to exploring the influence different types of entrepreneurs have on their environment. in the new creative economy, entrepreneurship has become a central issue for the regeneration of urban space. this essay first differentiates between economic and cultural entrepreneurs and second explores what influence cultural entrepreneurs, especially, have on urban developments. by using damien hirst as exemplar for the discussion of the entrepreneurial character and spheres of action, the analysis of his career demonstrates how difficult it is in practice to draw a line between artistic, cultural and commercial activities in the creative economy. hirst’s approach to contemporary conceptual art and his factory-like art production are both controversial and successful as defined by the author. nevertheless, there seems to be agreement that his entrepreneurial artistic work has had a profound impact on the revitalization of east london and thus can be used as model for urban planners. the author posits that hirst is a cultural entrepreneur based on this model for creating/regenerating viable economic urban spaces who embraces the blending of the artistic and market spheres. introduction the true artist, in other words, should presumably be conceptualized as an entrepreneur; and just as the economic entrepreneur has his imitators and followers, so does the artist. (swedberg, 2006, p.249) an on-going academic debate about the definition of entrepreneurship occupies researchers on the topic. to date, there is ample research but little agreement among scholars on the definition of economic entrepreneurship, while even less agreement exists for the term cultural entrepreneurship. is this owed to the fact that entrepreneurs are individuals about whom no generalizations can be deployed? what characterizes an entrepreneur? what distinctions can be drawn to differentiate economic and cultural entrepreneurs? how are the different types influencing and influenced by the urban environment? this essay aims first to discern between the two entrepreneurial types (economic and cultural) and second to explore the different urban spaces with which they engage. primarily, economic and cultural entrepreneurs can be distinguished by the industries in which they operate. to this effect the essay researches how cultural entrepreneurs explicitly nurture a city’s regeneration using the example of damien hirst’s career as it reflects the transformation of east london’s creative scene. hirst is one of the most successful and widely discussed artists of this century. the controversies around his art, person, and career make him an exemplar to elucidate the discussion about cultural entrepreneurs. thus, the essay has been organized in the following way: the first section treats common entrepreneurial traits, which the literature attributes to the entrepreneurial character. through the ensuing investigation of klamer’s (2006, 2011) model of cultural valorization, economic and enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 4 cultural entrepreneurship is discerned by highlighting their different spheres of influence. subsequently, the cultural entrepreneur’s role in the creative economy is expanded, with specific focus on the impact on urban innovation. based upon these theoretical frameworks, the second analytical section discusses the question of how damien hirst can be considered a cultural entrepreneur. what distinguishes cultural and economic entrepreneurs? entrepreneurship in an economic definition depicts “someone who perceives an opportunity and creates an organization to pursue it” (bygrave & hofer, 1991). deviating from this, cultural entrepreneurship can be understood to refer to “cultural change agents and resourceful visionaries who organize cultural, financial, social and human capital, to generate revenue from a cultural activity” (tremblay, 2013). still, one can benefit from a clearer definition of the terms. a juxtaposition of different theories of entrepreneurial traits exposes that both cultural as well as economic entrepreneurs are perceived as a specific type or character. so what is the difference? after elaborating on general entrepreneurial traits, this section introduces klamer’s model of cultural valorization, which proves a valuable tool for visualizing and clarifying the spheres of a cultural and economic entrepreneur’s activities and influences. theories on entrepreneurial traits or who is an entrepreneur? based upon both “the creation and economic exploitation” (moss, 2011, p.163) of tangible and intangible products for audience consumption, the arts and creative industries grant experience in return for value, mostly monetary. according to moss, the distinction between an economic and a cultural entrepreneur is that the product created by a cultural entrepreneur, an artist for example, is an idea or inner vision that invites the consumer to individually experience it. however, this distinction is disputable when considering companies that transform their products through experiential marketing strategies into brands with the aim to elicit a specific feeling when being consumed (pine & gilmore, 1998). steve jobs, the archetype of contemporary entrepreneurs, applied this tactic to his apple devices. moss further discerns that to design a cultural or artistic product is a creative, collective process, requiring special qualities of the creator’s personality, which are described as “entrepreneurial” (moss, 2011, p.170). these personal qualities include leadership, creativity, innovation, future thinking (i.e. planning), risktaking, internal locus of control, non-conformism, and energy (moss, 2011, p.164). but are these characteristics different than what economic authors depict as entrepreneurial traits? rauch and frese studied the psychological attributes of an economic entrepreneur and defined the successful factors related to entrepreneurship to be: the need for achievement, strategic planning, innovation, low risk taking, internal locus of control, capable deployment of resources, and environmental adaption (rauch & frese, 2000, p.37f). the trait theory of entrepreneurship argues likewise, noting that observing individuals with certain creative and innovative skills and competencies such as the “propensity to take risks, ability of building on organization and managing it effectively, perseverance, and foreseeability” (entrepreneurship blogspot, 2008) expands the study of what constitutes entrepreneurs. the alignment of attributed characteristics in table 1 demonstrates that there exists little difference between moss’s personal attributes, rauch and frese’s success factors, and the skills and competencies described by the trait theory of entrepreneurship (see table 1). all of these traits represent schumpeter’s unternehmergeist, which klamer summarizes as “successful in business, interested in the arts, willing to assume responsibility, creatively break with routines and put their money where their mouth is” (klamer, 2006). theorists agree that entrepreneurs have some sort of innovation agenda as they pursue enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 5 and implement their own ideas. schumpeter repeatedly notes that the entrepreneur is “a man of action (mann der tat) to underscore the fact that what characterizes any entrepreneur is action, not ideas” (swedberg, 2006, p. 246). table 1 definitions of entrepreneurial traits economic entrepreneurs cultural entrepreneurs “…is someone who perceives an opportunity and creates an organization to pursue it” (bygrave & hofer, 1991) “…are cultural change agents and resourceful visionaries who organize cultural, financial, social and human capital, to generate revenue from a cultural activity” (tremblay, 2013) “… direct their attention, experience, and action toward a business concept, set the form and direction of organizations at their inception” (bird, 1988) “…design products that are driven by an idea or inner vision, which invites the consumer to individually experience it” (moss, 2011) “…show the need of achievement, strategic planning, innovation, low risk taking, internal locus of control, capable deployment of resources and environmental adaption” (rauch & frese, 2000) “…show leadership, creativity, innovation, futurism (i.e. planning), risk-taking, internal locus of control, non-conformism and energy” (moss, 2011) “… have propensity to take risks, ability of building on organization and managing it effectively, perseverance, and foreseeability” (entrepreneurshipblogspot, 2008) “…are successful in business, interested in the arts, willing to assume responsibility, creatively break with routines and put their money where their mouth is” (a. klamer, 2006) klamer’s model of valorization and entrepreneurial spheres of action what then, is the difference between economic and cultural entrepreneurs? klamer’s model of cultural valorization (figure1) provides a provisional answer: starting from the enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 6 entrepreneur her-/himself, all entrepreneurs have the oikos1 in common, meaning that they are driven by an idea or an inner vision that they strongly support. klamer’s oikos-sphere represents the common denominator of attributes, skills, and competencies ascribed to “entrepreneurs” by the presented definitions. what differentiates the two types of entrepreneurs according to klamer is the process of realization. cultural entrepreneurs, he argues, realize values in different spheres that their economic counterparts do not: “the real challenge for the cultural entrepreneur will be to contribute to the common good that art is … being focused on the (cultural) content, being about the art itself and the creative process is a moral attribute of the cultural entrepreneur” (klamer, 2011, p.154). cultural entrepreneurs therefore have the uncompromisingly altruistic mission to provide their consumers with some kind of transcendent experience through their product. they appoint their consumers to be co-creators and need the consumer’s contribution to the creative process in order to fulfill the purpose of their product, and ultimately realize their mission. thus, cultural entrepreneurs mainly interact within the social sphere, which represents the social and cultural values that convey “a sense of meaningful life” (klamer, 2011, p.153), such as friendships or aestheticism. according to klamer, they perceive the market sphere as a place that follows the logic of supply and demand with the goal of monetary profit maximization. thus to operate in a market is only a means to create an open space for the consumer’s coproducing role, a space for conversation. in comparison, an economic entrepreneur might use the social contribution solely to maximize the interaction with the market: “someone who sees in cultural trade a way of adding profit, becomes suspect as culture is his instrument and not his mission. he is rather a businessman. that does not make him a bad character but he is miscast as a cultural entrepreneur” (klamer, 2011, p.154). in contrast to economic entrepreneurs who embrace the market sphere, the aversion of this sphere perhaps causes cultural entrepreneurs to interact with the governmental sphere in which they can find shareholders and patrons. the governmental sphere in cohesion with the social sphere facilitates communal partnerships, which extends the support, conversation and area of cultural or artistic activity. thus, to interact within the governmental and the social sphere enables cultural entrepreneurs to extensively implement their mission. in conclusion and in accordance with klamer, the distinction between cultural and economic entrepreneurs is that cultural entrepreneurs have faith in culture and a passionate conviction to contribute to the artistic content, “everything else, including the economics, is subsidiary” (klamer, 2011, p.155) to sum up, a successful cultural entrepreneur is “persuasive in the sense that [he/she is] able to convince good artists to work with them, bring about interest in the art, get people involved and are able to generate the necessary funds, including donations” (p.155). klamer outlines the theoretical conception of cultural entrepreneurs. practically, however, the fine lines—the academic distinctions between the two entrepreneurial characters— are blurring as the overlapping spheres in klamer’s model illustrate. 1 oikos [οἶκος], greek for eco-logy, equivalent to “household” or “family” (cox, 1998); conceivable here as “inner household”, i.e. personality, selfhood enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 7 figure 1. cultural valorization model (klamer, 2006) klamer discerns that just as the governmental sphere overlaps with the market sphere it likewise facilitates the moneymaking business of economic entrepreneurs by developing conducive frameworks for economic transactions (e.g. taxation, regulation). similarly the social and the market spheres interact when art and artistic services are comprehended as “common goods” that cost money in production and can be experienced by a broad public in exchange for remuneration (arjo klamer, 2011). he is clear to distinguish, however, that the artistic experience is singular and superior to experiences with industrial or commercial goods because the consumer’s engagement level is deeper in artistic or cultural products than in wholesale products (klamer, 2011, csikszentmihalyi, 1975). this circle of how artistic goods are produced and consumed illustrates the complex interaction between all spheres. klamer therefore warns of oversimplifying and limiting the cultural entrepreneur’s scope of action to only one of the spheres: “here you have art, there you have the market so that leaves the cultural entrepreneur with the challenge of going from here to there. this picture does not do justice to the complexities of artistic processes. the art world is not just a matter of demand and supply meeting … and of inputs that produce an output … because of the commonness of art, cultural entrepreneurship has to involve more than marketing skills and sensitivity to the artistic process” (klamer, 2011, p.153). thus, similar to their economic counterparts cultural entrepreneurs interact with multiple spheres. damien hirst exemplifies this comprehensive approach of cultural entrepreneurs. his entrance into the art world supports theories of the synergies between entrepreneurial traits and actions within the creative and cultural industries and urban development. entrepreneurship in the context of the creative and cultural industries and within creative cities in determining damien hirst’s role as cultural or economic entrepreneur, his work has to be put in the context of the creative and cultural industries to explore his contribution to the art market and to the urban development of london as a creative hub. to this end, the following sections introduce the creative and cultural industries concept to delineate the business sectors in which entrepreneurs work and to highlight their role in providing innovative impetus to cities. enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 8 an approach to defining the cultural and creative economy the terms and concepts outlined—entrepreneurship and creative industries—are descriptions of phenomena that have existed at least since the industrialization of the 1850s. their definitions however have evolved as a consequence of globalization processes, including new information and communication technologies (ict) and internationalization of markets (hku, 2010). such processes “have radically changed our environment and the way we produce and consume cultural products and services… creativity is now acknowledged as fostering cultural, social as well as economic gains” (p.8). in this context the concept of entrepreneurship in the creative economy or cultural industries arose, which can be described as the dynamic effects of globalization on growing global “interfaces between culture, economics and technology” (bop-consulting, 2010, p.9). there are several terms for these industry-overlapping advancements. first labeled by the uk’s department of culture, media and sport (dcms) in 1998, the creative or cultural industries or cci (hesmondhalgh, 2002) relate to the generation of knowledge “through creativity and innovation” (landry & bianchini, 1995, p.117). also referred to as “creative economy,” these industries are constituted by people who work on the basis of exploiting skills and talent to create intellectual property2 (caves, 2000; dcms, 1998; howkins, 2001). identified at the center of knowledge and idea creation, the cci are characterized as a “source of innovation for the wider economy, particularly through design, branding and advertising … [and play a role] in urban regeneration and community cohesion” (bopconsulting, 2010, p.12). the exploitable dissemination of intellectual property connects them through a web of knowledge to adjacent industrial sectors. cultural industries are primarily concerned with the deliverance of cultural or social values rather than generating monetary values (zembylas, 2005). nonetheless, for the purpose of simplicity and to give an overview, the following list published by the dcms recognizes twelve creative sectors: arts (fine as well as performing arts) and antique markets, crafts, design (also communication), fashion, architecture, film/ video/ photography, music, software/ computer games, publishing and advertising (dcms, 1998). from these deliberations on the conceptualization of cci or the creative economy, it becomes apparent that there are myriad action spheres intertwining global cultures and industries, since creativity has become a buzzword in economic development. with a contribution of approximately 4% to the eu and u.s. gdp in 2013 and the creation of substantial employment, the ccis provide innovative spillover effects on peripheral industries and the spaces in which they operate (national endowment for the arts, 2013; hku, 2010). the british council (2010), for instance, highlights their knock-on effect as they add value to other businesses through cultural branding, usher new educational fields, bring communities together through shared experiences and support urban regeneration (p.18). consequently, the cci accommodate those who have creativity and talent to pursue their own ideas either for the purpose of self-fulfillment or social inclusion (hku, 2010). this accommodation specifically addresses cultural entrepreneurs who use their creative potential twofold and in all spheres: for themselves (oikos), in favor of the collective engagement (social) and urban spaces (governmental), and also to commercialize their ideas in order to make a profit (market). entrepreneurs, however, do not only depend on the industry they work in, but also the (urban) 2 intellectual property is defined as “the creations of the mind [i.e.] inventions; literary and artistic works; designs; and symbols, names and images used in commerce”(wipo, 2014) and it is protected by law (patents, copyright and trademarks). it earns people “the recognition or financial benefit from what they invent or create” (ibid.). enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 9 environment they engage with. several authors studied the importance and impact of entrepreneurship on regenerative urban developments (e.g. florida, 2003; markusen, 2013; zukin, 1995). the following sections, therefore, examine the spillover effects on urbanscapes and outline a framework for how cities can nurture and be nurtured by cultural entrepreneurs. how entrepreneurial artistic innovation changes the urban narrative space changes according to how it is used. cities have been “landscapes of power” (zukin, 1992, p.198) ever since urbanization. the persistent trend of metropolization has reinforced urban landscapes of power from the beginning of industrialization onwards. in the development of capital and cultural centers, metropolises like paris in the late 19th century, new york in the first half of the 20th century, and london since the 1980s have experienced constant spatial renewal and re-invention. metropolitan heydays have mostly been accompanied by flourishing cultural and artistic expression, leading to an agglomeration of cultural activities that eventually changed cities’ narratives. this process works on the basis of increasing a city’s creative allurement: the artistic innovation attracts a critical mass of influential dealers, galleries, auction houses, affluent collectors and tone-setting museums and critics, acting in turn as magnets for more artists, dealers etc. (while, 2003). this self-reinforcing circle of urban regeneration through a change in the population composition creates a network of relationships that spills over to adjacent industries and establishes a powerful web of actors who can make or break urban trends. it influences a city’s narrative by enriching and reproducing meaning and values. we can speak of city branding that alters an urban image through the attribution of experiences. examples can be found throughout western history in renaissance florence, postwar new york and modern london. another side effect of urbanization is an increase in economic activity resulting in an accumulation of financial capital, which increases the level of societal wealth within a city. however, this also exacerbates disparate social stratification of wealth and becomes evident in residential settlement patterns and choice of certain goods and services, which reproduce intangible social distinctions (thrift & leyshon, 1992).3 “much of the social quality of urbanity on which a world city depends reflects both the polished landscape and the gritty vernacular as well as the tension between them“ (zukin, 1992, p.198). artistic innovation often revitalizes squalid areas. new york’s urban landscape for example was transformed when artists invaded soho in the 1970s, as analyzed by sharon zukin in her renowned loft living (1989). however, in doing so, low-income residents are often displaced in the process of gentrification. zukin (1992) describes this process of urban redevelopment as replacing “the old, diversified urban center …for new offices and cultural consumption … [with] governmental priorities shifting from public goods to private developments” (p.198). gentrification is therefore largely connected to the transformation of former subcultural artistic spaces into landscapes of the intelligentsia’s commercialization. as a result, the revitalization entailed by artists’ settlement is a two-edged approach to the urban redevelopment as it shows the disparity between interlacing the production and consumption of urban culture and mirrors a city’s landscape of power. thus, urban planners have to attract all sorts of investment in order to offer heterogeneous lifestyles to their manifold residents. 3 to this end, the sociologist pierre bourdieu defined social capital as a person’s network that produces mutual recognition and cultural capital as stock of commonly accepted behavioral habitus. put simply, the difference between them is “knowing the right people and knowing the right things” (thrift & leyshon, 1992, p.297) . enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 10 investments in arts and culture in particular have been fostered of late as “creative placemaking to improve the quality of life” (markusen, 2013, p.2). a new awareness has spread among city councils that cultural entrepreneurs empower a change in urban landscapes through the creative economy. “city appreciation for cultural entrepreneurship has grown following economists’ and city planners’ documentations of the roles that artists play in the local economy” (p.2). markusen (2013) specifically mentions the social role of cultural entrepreneurs as collective innovators, who enliven neighborhoods by attracting cultural production in large commercial industries while also boosting the cutting-edge potential of small and middle-sized companies. concurrently, they also promote cultural consumption by supporting nonprofits and their communities with their creative capabilities. however, this creative potential is ripe for abuse by city marketers who see quick gains in branding a city with the image of bohemian creativity. a new policy framework for cultural entrepreneurs during the last decade, policy makers realized that traditional plans for urban development are impeding the innovative transformation of the cityscape (markusen, 2013). as a result, urban planning has to be readjusted to encourage the mutual benefits between creative entrepreneurs on the city space. markusen (2013) outlines, for example, that city councils need to segment their artistic workforce in order to best support their local cultural entrepreneurs. she identifies that the most pressing needs in global metropolises are adequate workspaces and lowcost-of-living communities (markusen & schrock, 2006). since cultural entrepreneurs are more likely to be self-employed and on a tight budget, a city has to encourage “convening and equipment-sharing artist centers” (markusen, 2013, p.5). this collective creative space supports cross-disciplinary learning and co-working and therefore operates as an incubator of cultural entrepreneurship. the conversion of vacant industrial warehouse areas into such creative hubs would occur occasionally, which this paper addresses later on the example of east london and the community around damien hirst and the young british artists. creative spaces moreover offer the opportunity to build networks that overcome the “isolation of self-employment and capitalize on synergies ” (p.7) among cultural entrepreneurs. amplifying social networks also guarantees success in the commercial realm as it exposes the artistic products to customers and other professionals from the cci. furthermore, as exposed above, it adds to urban modernization. in conclusion, cultural or specifically artistic entrepreneurs remake a city. coupled with conducive economic developments, urban planning can initialize a fruitful exchange between cultural entrepreneurs and the city, resulting in a renewal of the city’s narrative. subsequently, this paper proceeds with demonstrating the outlined theoretical concepts in the analysis of damien hirst and the making of london’s east end. damien hirst and the city of london cultural or economic entrepreneur? according to thompson (2008), hirst is one of a few artists “who can claim to have altered our concept of what art and an art career can be. … the story of damien hirst – his art, his prices, his shark and his client charles saatchi – is a good introduction to … conceptual art and to the role of the artist in marketing” (p.67). at the apex of his career, in 2008, he broke the rules of the art market, only to rebuild it according to his own benchmarks. that characterizes him as an innovative entrepreneur but what kind of an entrepreneur is he? damien hirst can be considered either a cultural or an economic entrepreneur. this section therefore elaborates on some of hirst’s traits and his modus operandi, showing how hirst exhibits characteristics of both enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 11 entrepreneurial types. likewise, it aims at analyzing how hirst and the city of london mutually benefit from each other. as the examination of his early entrepreneurial career demonstrates, his sphere of action was specifically depending on the idiosyncratic environment of east london. thus, as the course of his artistic career shows, to portray hirst only as cultural entrepreneur is controversial due to his significant interactions and operations within the market sphere. he switched the scope of his artistic production activity similarly to how east london changed its landscape of power. hirst’s early career and impact on the creative east london hirst, born in 1965, grew up in leeds. after attending an art school there and working on construction sites for two years, he eventually was accepted at goldsmiths college in london where he studied from 1986 until 1989 (reckhenrich, anderson, & kupp, 2009). in retrospect – as is often the case with an entrepreneur’s path – hirst’s art school attendance was a stroke of luck, since goldsmiths’ accepted candidates with an “innovative curriculum” (thompson, 2008, p.68). candidates did not necessarily have to be artistically well versed but instead show creative potential. consequently, goldsmiths can be perceived as an incubator for new creative sector entrepreneurs, an artistic environment receptive to new ideas and concepts of art by eliminating traditional department divisions, following the bauhaus’ example. moreover, it offered an unusual, commercial type of artistic education it encouraged its students to engage with the art market early on, for example through actively approaching dealers in order to counteract governmental subsidy cutbacks (shone, 1997). as a result, it taught its young artists an important entrepreneurial skill: to look for funding opportunities. soon, a circle of artists formed around hirst, who became known as the young british artists (yba) and who are said to have had “more impact than any preceding british art movement” (while, 2003, p.256). thus, already at college, a collective spirit strengthened this newly developing artistic movement. the social ties between the ybas provided valuable creative support and “the flexibility to unite disparate artists under one banner” (while, 2003, p.257), which made it easier for potential patrons and dealers to recognize them. at goldsmiths, hirst laid the groundwork to expand this small artistic network into the bespoke web of powerful trend-setting actors, who lastingly impacted london’s urban environment. goldsmiths was not the only boon to hirst’s entrepreneurial career. london of the 1990s, specifically its eastern shores, was a key location that provided an area for the production of innovative art. necessary to plant the seeds for a creative hub, it had a vast amount of abandoned manufacturing buildings, remnants of bygone victorian industry (zukin, 1992).4 the area of these docklands, like canary wharf, offered an ideal terrain for the establishment of an artistic convening, working and living space, with spacious and cheap accommodations fostering strong creative communities. thus, the cheap space with its attractive vacant buildings advanced the settlement of a new artistic labor force. what moreover attracted the ybas to settle there was the docklands’ identity: “the east end as a place of deprivation, poverty and undiluted workingclass culture persisted until well after the second world war, becoming overlaid with a certain gangster glamour in the 1960s” (wedd, peltz, & ross, 2001, p.140). as a result, london’s east end appealed to the creative artists in the early 1990s it became “the symbolic capital of vision … where art, culture and design [were] in the air” (zukin, 1995). in this favorable environment, hirst’s entrepreneurial endeavors found fertile ground. in 1988 – one year before his graduation– 4 canary warf alone had 71 acres of such vacant industrial buildings (zukin, 1992). enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 12 he organized and curated the well-known freeze, an exhibition of 16 fellow students in east london’s derelict dockland warehouses (while, 2003). hirst not only secured the funding from the london docklands development corporation, but also bore the risk that freeze, mounted in an unpopular area of london, could be a failure. with this project, hirst exhibited entrepreneurial behavior, which weber (1898) described as: “entrepreneurship means the taking over and organization of some part of an economy, in which people’s needs are satisfied through exchange, for the sake of making a profit and at one’s own economic risk” (qtd in swedberg, 2006, p.251). against all skepticism, freeze was resoundingly successful. the 16 exhibiting artists5, hirst’s fellow students, later dominated london’s contemporary art scene. the success of freeze showed that hirst, at an early stage in his career, was persuasive and able to establish an artistic collaboration. in reference to klamer’s model and the theories of entrepreneurial traits, this activity represents the characteristics the literature attributes to cultural as well as economic entrepreneurs. he is what weber described as a “charismatic person who makes other people want to follow him…by virtue of his…extraordinary personality” (swedberg, 2006, p.251). undeniably, hirst held a leadership role within the ybas. what did he do to make freeze work? alongside exhibiting art he intertwined media and marketing promotion by attracting and linking the up-and-coming brit art to an international network of influencers such as the tate galleries’ director nicholas serota and royal academy chairman norman rosenthal (thompson, 2008a). hirst epitomized entrepreneurial behavior such as taking the initiative and strategically planning. an often-recounted anecdote is that hirst himself picked up rosenthal and drove him to his freeze exhibition. in another feat, at his second east london warehouse exhibition gambler in 1990, he invited charles saatchi, who is said to have stood open-mouthed in front of hirst’s installation a thousand years.6 saatchi immediately started to invest in hirst, providing him with needed validation: by involving england’s postmodern medici, the young british artist established himself on the highest rung of the career ladder. hirst effectively used his charismatic, entrepreneurial skills to grasp the mantle and strike up a business relationship with saatchi that provided him with a “carte blanche ... to fund whatever he produce” (reckhenrich et al., 2009, p. 42). with saatchi’s full backing, he turned his early successes into an ongoing career that would revolutionize the art world around him. the legacy of damien hirst’s entrepreneurial activity on east london hirst’s freeze initiated a gentrification process in london’s east end, in particular shoreditch, hoxton, and hackney, resulting in a shift of artistic production from the west to east. this relocation of creative space was reflected in numerous gallery openings, e.g. the white cube in the 1990s and the establishment of other cci agencies (tinari, 2014). the increasing media interest and “pop-star status” (while, 2003, p.255) of its leading movement, the ybas - with hirst at the top -accelerated the change of london’s east end narrative: “the dominance of a knowledge-based economy has brought new spatial practices and an expansion into previously undeveloped areas like docklands” (budd, 1992, p.281). from low-rent quarters with little artisanal workshop areas, canary wharf especially has developed into “a new landscape of 5 tracey emin, rachel whiteread, marc quinn, chris ofili, marcus harvey, gavin turk, gilian wearing, sarah lucas, fiona rae, simon palterson, richard, patterson, michael landy, sam taylor-wood, gary hume (while, 2003, p.257) 6 a thousand years represents the circle of life and death in which flies inside a vitrine migrate over a cow’s rotting head. enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 13 power” (zukin, 1992 p.202). traditionally, political, administrative and commercial activities had been performed in london’s west (budd, 1992). the rise of the yba’s publicity in the east end however, induced a shift in london’s cultural and economic activity spheres: “drawing on the sudden international prominence of young british artists (britart), architects, fashion designers (britfashion, britstyle) and bands (britpop), by the mid-1990s the uk was being promoted by the media and politicians as a major center for innovation in culture and lifestyle dubbed “cool britannia'” (while, 2003, p. 260). accordingly, the yba’s spirit altered east london’s identity, laying the groundwork for a deep conversion of its economy. today, east london is europe’s most successful “startup ecosystem, producing the largest output of startups in the european union” (myers, 2014). with 3,000 tech start ups based in the “condensed area of east london” (myers, 2014) in 2014, london’s urban landscape still experiences the potent spillover effects from a small artistic movement that had initiated this change in london’s urban narrative and the one artist that was its driving its force: damien hirst. hirst’s artistic branding the physical freezing of the shock hirst’s oeuvre is divisible into six categories, chronologically enumerated as the formaldehyde “tank pieces” (e.g., away from the flock, divided, 1995,), the “cabinet series,” showing medical and surgical tools (e.g., the blood of christ, 2005), the life-size reconstruction of a pharmacy (e.g., the pharmacy restaurant, 1998-2003), the spot, spin, and butterfly paintings (e.g., in a spin, 2002), and finally photo-realist paintings (e.g., a crack addict, 2004) (reckhenrich et al., 2009; thompson, 2008a). hirst’s energetic creativity is reflected in his artwork. his art is provocative, “exhilarating and exasperating” (anderson-spivy et al., 1998, p.90) and above all, non-conforming. his early works contribute to the audience’s co-creation by drawing attention to the discomforting experience of the antipode between the inferior human sublimity expressed in the post-modern societal paranoiac denial of death to irrefutable mortality (thompson, 2008a; white, 2013). by displaying a conserved dead shark in 1992 in his first saatchi-funded exhibition, which is perhaps the symbol of primeval monstrous nature, and preserving it for eternity, hirst allegorically reminds the viewer of the human desire for perpetuity and his inescapable transience. in an interview, he clarifies his mission: “i wanted [my artwork] to be about something particular and i wanted to say something worth saying. life and death as a sculpture is a surprise. and the acceptable look of it is a bigger surprise … you are or you aren’t. if you are, you’re experiencing something delicious. if you’re not, then you’re out of love with somebody” (morgan, 1991). according to hirst, his art unites the idea of liveliness and nothingness (morgan, 1991). therefore, he denoted his art to be neo-gothic due to his insinuations on the divine eternity and apocalyptic mortality. titles are an integral part of his conceptual art as “much of the meaning flows from the title” (thompson, 2008, p.68) and resultantly, they help to construct ideas in the viewer’s mind. freeze, for instance, alludes to his eponymous formaldehyde pieces and with a title like the physical impossibility of death in the mind of someone living for his pickled shark, hirst reinforces the neo-gothic tenet in his contemporary artworks (anderson-spivy et al., 1998). being largely about life and death, his artworks are consequently based on anthropological and psychological concepts such as primordial fears and horror but also ecstatic joy, visualized in an iconic form and transmitted to the viewer through the experience of shock and excitement (white, 2013). thus, his artworks represent emotive ideas. hirst’s skill to market his art by branding it early and onward with the ideology of “shock” is characteristic of his entrepreneurial approach and had been encouraged by enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 14 goldsmiths’ market-oriented education. he departed from the local creative east london scene in 1993, when he presented mother and child divided7 at the international venice biennale (reckhenrich et al., 2009). marking the beginning of hirst’s skyrocketing international career and with his shows fully backed by saatchi, the success of his neo-gothic conceptual art was authenticated with the turner prize in 1995. international media attention finished the minting of this successful cultural entrepreneur when it reported on a ban imposed by new york’s health office on his rotting pieces evoking “vomiting among the visitors” (reckhenrich et al., 2009, p.42). the ban only added to the mystique around hirst’s apocalyptic art and the media coverage leveraged him into the spotlight of an international audience. it also engendered a modification of his art production. hirst’s self-branding: a mirror of his artistic production with increasing success, hirst gradually produced – or rather let be produced by a team of forty assistants in four studios, similar to warhol’s factory-like artistic production – what hirst named science ltd. (reckhenrich et al., 2009, p.46). this factory-like approach towards art production separates the art idea from its crafting. hirst gave the actual making of his artworks into other, in his view more artistically skilled hands, as in the instance when he admitted to only having contributed with three dots to his total series of the dot paintings: ”the best spot painting you can have by me is one painted by rachel” (reckhenrich et al., 2009, p.46). this provocative statement demonstrates hirst’s perception of the production and authenticity of art, which certainly was influenced or even resulted from goldsmith’s schooling: hirst produces art based on the model of outsourcing redundant business areas to optimize them. as he says, “it’s a very democratic way … and it feels like a natural evolution for contemporary art” (reckhenrich et al., 2009, p.46). the shift in his art manufacturing can be seen as creative disengagement from the object to validate the innovation of the artistic idea itself. this approach shows his socioeconomic roots in two ways: it exemplifies his role as an artistic entrepreneur operating in the cci as he exploits his talent to (only) create intellectual property, i.e. conceptual art, and to trade upon this skill. furthermore, he was aware that efficient deployment of other creative resources would allow him to exceed his volume of artistic production far beyond the level of an individual’s creational capability. hirst not only manufactured his artistic creation because he liked the idea: with this step of alternation in warhol’s and koons’s tradition, he established the “damien hirst” brand. he reused the entrepreneurial course of his own biography, with his working-class background resembling the self-made manner in warhol’s tradition. as one of the first of his kind, the american cultural entrepreneur andy warhol went from roustabout to pop-art magnate by equally selling his ideas and not his craftsmanship. additionally, with the shift from individual to mass artistic production, hirst mass-customized his ideology of shock and provocation. the anticipation of a universal interest in the shocking was what empowered hirst’s art to rewrite the art market’s history: through his marketing skills, he was able to capitalize on people’s demand to be entertained by the shock (jalloh, 2012). saltz appositely discerns that “damien hirst is producing damien hirsts” (thompson, 2008, p.73) on the image of the “bad boy of contemporary art” (reckhenrich et al., 2009, p.42). he anchored his branded reputation by parting with saatchi and exhibiting next to francis bacon in 2006 at the gagosian gallery. the tranquility of solitude, a triptych of his bisected animals in formaldehyde inspired by bacon was 7 a cow and a calf sliced in halves and displayed in juxtaposed glass tanks of formaldehyde. enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 15 a strategic move that positioned his art next to an established market operator like bacon and intended to assure skeptical dealers and buyers. consequently, hirst’s next production in 2007 was designed to finally secure and solidify his brand position on the contemporary art market. for the love of god stretched all boundaries of art production as this human skull adorned with 8,601 diamonds cost £15 million to manufacture and was labeled with a stiff price of £50 million. it sparked a controversy around the extravagance of hirst’s iteration of art history’s popular vanitas or memento mori subject, effectively contrasting the piece’s artistic to its economic value. although hirst and the white cube gallery brought the skull in, this artwork guaranteed hirst the full entry into art history. he was finally affirmed throughout the art world when it was exhibited in the “well-established home of traditional art” (reckhenrich et al., 2009, p.4), the rijksmuseum of amsterdam. thus, in the patrilineal succession of other art manufacturers and in branding himself as well as his oeuvre, hirst established his “role in popular culture, which has translated into high prices in galleries and at auctions” (thompson, 2008b, p.72). the success of hirst’s neo-gothic concept catapulted him not only into renowned circles, it proved that there was a “multimillion dollar market for artworks incorporating rotting meat, maggots, dead sheep and all manner of other unique materials that stretched the boundaries of the physical manifestations of art” (reckhenrich et al., 2009, p. 46). these developments mark a turning point in the perception of hirst as cultural entrepreneur. from cultural entrepreneur to economic businessman: how hirst rebuilds the contemporary art market “it's clear by now that the entrepreneurial artist … is first and foremost a genius at selfpromotion” (anderson-spivy et al., 1998, p.90). hirst absorbed the art market capitalization, the zeitgeist of the 1990 and early millennium decade. sensation, yba’s and hirst’s third groundbreaking exhibition in 1997 was the most successful uk art exhibition (while, 2003). the breakthrough of hirst’s individual and international success in the years after characterize a shift in his entrepreneurial behavior as he expanded his action sphere beyond the scope of east london. according to the critic anderson–spivy, the royal academy exhibited more a “sophisticated awareness of marketing, design, and techniques of selfpromotion rather than an aesthetic innovation” at sensation (1998, p. 89). evoking rejection, hirst’s artistic element of success – the shock – was said to have become comparable to the “sex sells” ticking the box. white (2013) goes so far as to say that viewers of hirst’s art miss the encounter with the intrinsic nature of the artwork and therefore lack the sensation. by comparing hirst’s shark to the inhumane capitalist infiltration of the art world, white (2013) explains how hirst self-marketed his personal brand to capitalize his art: “however much this art work may in other respects accommodate itself to the spectacular forms and ideologies of the market, it nonetheless speaks volumes about the experience of being locked within spatio-practical logics of modern, capitalist and technocratic society” (para. 20). for some art critics like white, hirst became the shark himself, a predator for the “soulless” capital.8 appropriately, financial times author skapinker depicts hirst as businessman, revealing his four faces of commerce: showman, adman, luxury brand manager and trader (skapinker, 2012). after 2003 and his establishment in the art world, 8 aptly, hirst’s second stuffed shark was purchased by the american hedge fund broker steve cohen for $12 million; the art critic robert hughes commented “the idea that … cohen, out of a hypnotized form of culturesnobbery, would pay an alleged $12 million for a third of a ton of shark, far gone in decay, is so risible that it beggars the imagination” (reckhenrich et al., 2009, p.45). enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 16 hirst’s name emerged more and more in business magazines, which illustrates that his extrinsic monetary success is intertwining with what klamer’s model refers to as the market sphere. in 2010 the economist announced hirst’s market value at us $210 million (the economist, 2010). still at the zenith of his economic success, hirst demonstrates his entrepreneurial spirit when he self-initiated auctions at sotheby’s and christie’s and thereby bypassed his long-term relationship with dealers and galleries. with total revenues of £111 million for 218 items, hirst skimmed off the profit that his brand yielded. auctioning his artworks first-hand like primary art market dealers countered claims that his way of mass artistic production would negatively impact the prices for his art. quite the contrary, it set a world record for first-time auctioneered artworks from a single artist. one of hirst’s collectors was the prominent luxury fashion designer miuccia prada, who bought the dream for us $10 million and who considers his work beyond monetary value (the economist, 2010). another bidder at hirst’s auctions was the ukrainian steel magnate viktor pinchuk. perceiving his art as a valuable asset, oligarchic buyers trust in the future return on their investment, which hirst assures through the constant incremental growth of his brand value. whether the escalating profit margins of the post-millennial art market have shifted hirst’s sphere of artistic activity to a high-end clientele or he himself has deliberately pushed his artworks in that direction with the aid of marketing and media is mostly irrelevant to the current discussion. the question should rather be rephrased to how hirst adopted the contemporary art market’s mechanisms for his own purpose. similar to how shrewd he acted when initiating freeze, hirst broke with traditional concepts of an artist career and formed himself a market space for his artistic products. to this effect, the economists reckhenrich, anderson, and kupp (2009) point out hirst’s ability to overcome what they label as “the inattentional blindness“ (p. 42). adopted from psychology, inattentional blindness denotes the human inability to multi-task when we are strongly focused on one specific task. to think “out of the box” indicates the creative talent of entrepreneurs. according to the authors, hirst recognized that what defined art in the 20th century has become narrowly limited. for this reason hirst reinterpreted the archaic artistic topic of life and death that would also grant him unique symbolism. “while animals (alive and dead) had been exhibited in museums … for centuries, the art world had remained largely blind to the potential of incorporating biological elements” (reckhenrich et al., 2009, p.45). hirst himself sarcastically commented this strategic move: i can’t wait to get into a position to make really bad art and get away with it. at the moment, if i did certain things, people would look at it, consider it and then say ‘fuck off’. but after a while you can get away with things. (qtd in stallabrass, 1999, p.31) the jewel encrusted human skull particularly epitomizes the vanitas reiteration and refinement of commodity value on the global art market (hopson, 2014). finally, hirst also set a new framework for an artist’s prototypical career: from the beginning on he relied on the provoking effect that would distinguish his art from others additionally, he would bypass impeding traditional hierarchies in order to reach a potent class of buyers. in a way, one could assume that all the professional relationships he had established were foremost to boost his career. in being his own curator, brand manager and dealer, hirst inaugurated himself as paradigm of economic artistic entrepreneurs. criticism of the damien hirst brand: what kind of artistic entrepreneur to be? recapitulating the question of whether hirst is to be seen as cultural or economic entrepreneur, the analysis explicitly reveals the dilemma that a distinction between those two entrepreneurial concepts illuminates. in regard of hirst’s career, his entrepreneurial skills made a enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 17 damien-hirst artwork the most successful self-established brand worldwide. “because branding raises the value of the ordinary, the public activities of a branded artist like hirst often end up being about money and publicity” (thompson, 2008, p.73). hirst has been accused of prioritizing money and some critics such as hopson (2012) have argued that this has come at a price: “… his oeuvre has been characterized by financial exchange, both by money spent on production and of price reached at sale, rather than on artistic merit” (hopson, 2012, para. 2) similarly, graw interprets hirst’s skull “as compensation for a symbolic value that falls short of the high expectations placed on it, coming up instead with platitudes…. at best, the work can be taken as an opportunity to sound off about death and transitoriness, or about the fact that luxury alone will not lead to happiness, especially as death awaits us all” (graw, 2010, p.38). in accordance, hirst’s art has been belittled as lacking complexity for the purpose of being easily consumable but being disappointing on an artistically transcending level. this view of hirst’s art also portrays the collision between the altruistic perception of the cultural entrepreneur, whose artwork should figuratively build a bridge between the real and the transcendent world of imagination, and the purpose to embark the viewer on a mission of transformational experience. in contrast to jeff koons, who is also a disputed artist due to his focus on sexuality and factory– styled production and who shows a modest and conservative market behavior, hirst desires to offer pieces at any high price (the economist, 2010). in consideration of klamer’s valorization model, the noticeable jumping between the oikos, social, governmental, and market spheres in hirst’s career reflects the fluctuation and interaction with all spheres that artists encounter on their path. consequently, artists have to ask themselves: what is my mission? are markets still only a means to realize the creation of a co-productive space to exchange my work with the audience or am i producing for the market and for making profit? “i've definitely had the goal to make the primary market more expensive” states hirst in an article in the economist (2010, p. 99). whether this is an explicit testimonial, indicating that he became a businessman rather than remaining a cultural entrepreneur or not, this analysis presents how difficult it is in practice to draw a line between artistic, cultural or social activities in the creative economy. conclusion: from beery bluster to blowsy bathos? saltz incisively summarizes how hirst transformed himself from a cultural entrepreneur to a grand-scale undertaker: what's sad about hirst's new show is that this rebel of 1988 (when he curated the legendary "freeze" exhibition in london), this grandfather of oldschool british shock tactics and entrepreneurial razzmatazz, this minimogul who has the means to make images of anything he wants in any style at all […] this artist chose to render such runofthemill sensationalist subjects in such runofthemill ways. this truculent pumpkin, once so adept at failing in flamboyant ways, has gone from beery bluster to blowsy bathos. (saltz, 2006, para. 2) as delineated above, hirst serves as a paradigm of cultural entrepreneurship by exemplifying klamer’s (2006, 2011) model of valorization: his inner drive, referring to the oikos and social sphere, made him the cutting edge artist of the 1990s, lauded for his innovative entrepreneurial spirit. the energetic activities as a cultural entrepreneur in his early career and his preeminent leadership of the artists collective yba nurtured east london as a creative hub: hirst symbolically returned the city’s favor by boosting east london’s economy, for the docklands provided him with vast, vacant and cheap space. the spillover effects to other cci enhuber how is damien hirst a cultural entrepreneur? _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3(2) 18 are still noticeable. east london today attracts more cultural and artistic production than any other metropolis (myers, 2014). in advancing his international career, hirst likewise leveraged london’s artistic scene so that it has become the art center of the millennium, catching up to new york and paris. thanks to damien hirst, london plays a tone-setting role in the art world, and as he constantly augments his brand imperium he rallies evermore crucial art market players around his personality. by reiterating oblivious artistic concepts of life and death or joy and fear and by shifting from individualto mass-production of art with expensive materials in a factorylike manner, hirst set up new rules for price conceptualization on the art market. he formed a niche market for his shock-art, whose profit he appropriates almost exclusively. this involvement with the market sphere rewarded him with higher prices, however problematizing his credibility in the cultural sector. the future hirst will still be confronted with questions about the authenticity of his art production and his reiteration of outmoded artistic concepts. notwithstanding such criticism, his entrepreneurial skills might once again set a precedent in the art world. “perhaps in his death he will get his assistants to diamond encrust his pickled grinning face, suspended in formaldehyde in a gilded, butterfly decorated vitrine and call it the inevitability of a record breaking sale of an artist who is now entirely spent” (hopson, 2014). references anderson-spivy, a. 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(1995). the cultures of the cities. london: blackwell publishing ltd. microsoft word eruptors formatted_mf3 .docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 4, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 9-24 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2015, the authors creativities, innovation, and networks in garage punk rock: a case study of the eruptörs gareth dylan smith, institute of contemporary music performance alex gillett, the york management school, university of york abstract the two authors are members of punk rock trio the eruptörs. both also teach in higher education – one in popular music, and the other in management and marketing. writing from experience in the eruptörs, we present a case study of the band, and draw on theoretical perspectives from our respective, intersecting fields to explore the eruptörs’ entrepreneurship, collaborations, networks, and creativities in the “diy” underground punk rock scene. the paper provides cross-disciplinary insights into internal and external cultures of the eruptörs. proposing this as a teaching case, the authors conclude that students, scholars, and practitioners in music education, popular music studies, and related disciplines and fields involving entrepreneurship could benefit from engaging in reflexive and entrepreneurial practice which explores and incorporates ideas, models, and syntheses discussed in this paper. keywords: creativities, innovation, networks, diy, punk rock. introduction and methodology the eruptörs is a three-piece rock band, sonically and aesthetically influenced by punk, garage rock, and punk/metal cross-over bands such as motörhead, gluecifer, electric frankenstein, and the hellacopters, defining its output as “1000% rock.” the authors of this paper are members of the eruptörs. our classic “power trio” instrumentation consists of guitar (alex gillett), bass (geoff irwin) and drums (gareth dylan smith), with all three of us responsible for vocals. irwin and gillett share lead vocals, with smith joining in for the “gang” vocal sections of some songs. the eruptörs share creative responsibilities as evenly as possible, working collaboratively in ways that burnard (2012, p. 43) terms “collective creativity” (writing, rehearsing, and performing music together) and “production creativity” (making recordings and albums together). these intra-band creativities support and are enabled by “entrepreneurial creativity” (burnard, 2012, p. 71) – marketing our music and carving a niche for the band – in collaboration with external agents, in ways similar to those identified as typical for (necessarily) entrepreneurial musicians for hundreds of years (hallam & gaunt, 2010; menger, 1999; weber, 2004). in this paper the authors use selected frameworks from scholarship in business and marketing to approach a richer understanding of the eruptörs’ entrepreneurship and multiple creativities. rashidi (2012, p. 84) states that punk rock is “a genre formulated on critical thinking” and advocates for “self-awareness.” reflecting cook’s observation (2012, p. 120) that “rock [musicians] prefer an intuitive approach over creativity toolboxes,” the account that we present is a reflexive, post-facto framing of ways in which the eruptörs have worked, rather than an explicit re-presentation of past strategies. we do not seek to claim that the eruptörs’ experience exemplifies or epitomizes that of garage punk/metal cross-over bands in the u.k. or anywhere else. rather, we are aware through our work as a band and in the members’ other musical activities (including working in other bands of various sorts and, for one of us, in popular music in higher education) that many bands work with similar – although different and necessarily unique – practices (burnard, 2012; mckinna, 2014; shank, 1994; smith, 2013a). we have in smith & gillett perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 10 common with other punk bands and punk musicians an “assumptive frame of reference” (tiryakian, 1973, p. 199; jorgensen, 2003, 29); acknowledging the “we-pole” orientation (tiryakian, 1973, p. 193) or the “emic” perspective (feleppa, 1986, p. 244) on our ways of working that we share with others in the punk community. there is an increasing emphasis in the literature in music education, and especially in higher music education, on preparing students for portfolio careers in music (bennett, 2008, 2013; halla m & gaunt, 2012; parkinson, 2014; smith, 2013b) and musical lives external to institutional education (e.g. partti, 2012). with the majority of literature in popular music studies focusing on commercially successful bands and coverage in mainstream media also privileging artists and performers that are highly visible (and audible) to the general public (smith, 2013b, pp. 29–30), we hope to offer an alternative, authentic (mckinna, 2014, p. 57) account of being in a band. in a statement reflecting the cases of popular music studies and higher music education, john berger (2002, p. 176) observes that “there is a huge gap between the experience of living a normal life at this moment on the planet and the public narratives being offered to give a sense to that life.” bennett (2013, p. 238) asserts that students in higher education “need to form themselves for entrepreneurship, even while they are studying.” the authors thus hope that this paper might help to bridge some of this gap, thereby serving the higher music education and broader higher education community by helping to orient students towards conceiving of themselves as entrepreneurs. bresler & stake (2006, p. 278) advise that “in music education, we have a need for… experiential understandings of particular situations.” we argue that these types of understanding, such as we offer in this paper, are likely to be helpful in other educational contexts beyond music. musicians do not, after all, exist in a field-specific epistemological vacuum, and as such we are reminded of miles & huberman’s (1984, p. 27) observation that “a ‘case’ always occurs in a specified social and physical setting: we cannot study individual cases devoid of their context.” the context on which we position this paper is cross-disciplinary, involving music, education, and business. we propose, therefore, that this interdisciplinary study may be helpful as a teaching case – in (at least) both marketing and popular music education contexts. in the authors’ respective pedagogical contexts of marketing and higher popular music education, applied “real-world” experience as collaborative musician-entrepreneurs affords us what bourdieu & passeron (1977, p. 19) have termed “pedagogic authority” – credibility, ascribed by learners, that is arguably essential, and certainly highly beneficial, to teaching in these environments. this is perhaps especially important in the current climate where “employability has become a dominant concept through which the value and purpose of higher education has been rationalized in official discourse in the u.k.” (parkinson & smith, in press). as bourdieu and passeron (1977, p. 19) go on to explain: in real learning situations ... recognition of the legitimacy of the act of transmission, that is, of the [pedagogic authority] of the transmitter, conditions the reception of the information and, even more, the accomplishment of the transformative action capable of transforming that information into a mental formation (training). we therefore encourage colleagues in higher education to discuss and analyze examples of their own and others’ interdisciplinary practice (in music or other domains) in similar ways. the eruptörs as a collaborative innovation network in searching for a means to frame the way that members of the eruptörs collaborate, we smith & gillett perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 11 were especially drawn to peter gloor’s work on collaborative innovation networks (coins). the coin model has been applied in fields as wide-ranging as medical research (gloor et al., 2011) and collaborative editing of wiki sites (iba et al., 2011). while the concept is often applied to larger-scale collaborations such as these, when introducing the model, gloor (2006, p. 23) also uses the example of a trio of collaborative musical composer-performers to illustrate the functions of coins, indicating how the coin construct can be applicable to musicians (and others) working in networks of various sizes. gloor (2006, p. 3–4) observes that groups of people have behaved in ways framed in his research for hundreds years – “many of us have already collaborated in coins without even knowing it.” the eruptörs can be seen as a quintessential example of a functioning “coin,” for the model captures much of what is termed by punk and other musicians as a “diy” approach, explored further below. gloor tells us that “in a coin, knowledge workers collaborate and share in internal transparency. they communicate directly rather than through hierarchies. and they innovate and work toward common goals in selforganization instead of being ordered to do so” (gloor, 2006, p. 4). this is certainly true of the eruptörs. swarm creativity the eruptörs’ website (eruptörs) states that the band members play, respectively, lead guitar, lead bass, and lead drums. we position ourselves all as “leaders,” not because we are competitors for superiority, but to show that we are all of equal importance as parts of the whole, all of our ideas have equal validity, and we are all equally in control. none of us can achieve the band’s goals without the other members, and we all want to be a part of the eruptörs. in order to realize our shared (individual and collective) goals, we share expertise, knowledge and skills openly. gareth dylan smith wants to be the drummer in the eruptörs, and the other two members of the band want his drumming to be a part of what they do in that context. if we each contribute for the collective and individual good then we all gain in ways unachievable on our own; this type of working together gloor identifies as “swarm creativity” – taken from studies into how insects such as bees and ants work individually and together in colonies – and it is fast being recognized as a highly efficient and productive modus operandi for human interaction (gloor, 2006, p. 75). in gloor’s terms, the eruptörs “share the same goal and are convinced of the their common cause… coin members develop new ideas as a team; the whole is much greater than the sum of its parts” (gloor, 2006, p. 11). in burnard’s terms (2012, pp. 43 & 71), thus does the band realize its collective and production creativities in writing, rehearsing and performing music, and in making and recording albums together. the eruptörs is not a money-making project. it is a rock band; it exists to make rock music, which we find inherently worthwhile. although the eruptörs is not a financially motivated venture, in order to write, perform, record, produce, and generate interest in the band, it has been necessary to interact with elements of the “business,” which we explore in detail, below, with reference to relevant concepts and theories. our peers (other musicians and fans of the rock and originals band scenes) understand our raison d’être. we will probably never have a “hit” song, undertake a major world tour or become household names, but that has never been an objective of the band. this is also a typical coin characteristic, in that “people initially join coins because they are fascinated by the challenge and care deeply about the goals… the primary currency of reward is peer recognition” (gloor, 2006, p. 75). the number of peer-fans of the eruptörs’ music is small, but the band members are all pleased with the music we have produced. being in the band is to a large extent its own reward (the notion of “unpopular” smith & gillett perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 12 popular music like ours is discussed further by smith, 2013c, p. 33). ehls describes collaborations such as the eruptörs’ as a “social exchange processes” in which: as long as the organizational stimuli (inducements) are greater or in equilibrium with the individual’s objectives, the individual will continue to participate (make contributions). in other words, as long as the organization provides sufficient benefits, it will attract participants to contribute to the organizational objective and ensure the success of the coalition. (ehls, 2014, pp. 45-46) dawkins (2010, p. 273) calls this commitment to the band’s cause, for its and our own sakes, “the logic of self-fulfilling labor.” this ethos is common among “do-it-yourself (diy)” practitioners (milne, 2008), and is not, of course, limited to punk music scenes. it has been observed among “niche communities” online (andreini & cassia, 2009, p. 1), and is theorized in literature across domains including crafting and human computer interaction where scholars have “emphasized the pleasure, expressiveness, and communicative practices involved… rather than the utility of their end products or their ability to generate profit” (tanenbaum et al., 2013, p. 2604). functioning as a coin gloor identifies three characteristics that define the behavior of coins. collaborative innovation networks: 1. innovate through massive collaborative creativity 2. collaborate under a strict ethical code 3. communicate in direct-contact networks (gloor, 2006, p.12) we now look at how the eruptörs meets each of these characteristics. innovation through massive collaborative creativity. the extent to which the eruptörs could be described as “innovating” is debateable from a visual or aural aesthetic perspective; we consciously pay homage in our music to our interests and our influences. as burnard (2012, p. 44) observes, this is quite normal for a band, for the fact that we are able to identify ourselves as a garage rock or punk outfit places us firmly in a recognizable canon of stylized rock music in which there has been arguably very little real innovation in the several decades during which the music has been around. this being said, the eruptörs have certainly created “new” music – our songs and albums did not exist until we created them, although the idea of three people on bass, guitar and drums all playing very loudly and fast has not been genuinely novel for over half a century. in this sense, the eruptörs are, then, in the business rather of renovating rock than of innovating it – we deal in evolution rather than revolution, a type of innovation identified as “sustained” as opposed to “disruptive” (gloor, 2006, p. 31–32). in her descriptions of collective creativity in action among originals bands, burnard (2012, p. 65) finds that: being in originals bands involves players as individuals, but, critically, as members of a long-standing collective of finely tuned musicians, who are able to improvise, embellish, jam, and “pick each other’s brains” during group interactions in band rehearsals and performances. being in the eruptörs involves precisely these practices and processes in the contexts that burnard identifies, as well as in the exercising of our production creativity (burnard, 2012, p. 43) smith & gillett perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 13 in the recording studio, creating the music that later comes to define the experience that others have of us as a collective – on record and “live” at gigs. when the band comes together to record at eruptörs’ hq in co. cork in the republic of ireland, our goal is usually to capture as much material as we can in a short time-frame that is usually determined by members’ commitments to day-jobs. our means of writing and learning songs together are the archetypal rock band “informal” writing and learning practices explained so well in green’s classic (2002) text, how popular musicians learn. when we meet to record, we usually also write the songs prior to recording. we have no written guidelines about what an eruptörs composition should sound like, contain or do, but we all come with the assumption that if an idea comes from an eruptör then it’s worthy of the others’ attention and collective creative effort toward realization. each member contributes anything from a one-bar riff, drum rhythm or lyric idea, which we share to see what the idea will become once it has been experimented with by the collective. our quality controls – the deciding factors over whether a song is worth recording or not – are a) whether we can all play the song, b) if it feels like an eruptörs song. despite being ostensibly a punk/metal band, we recently recorded a couple of tracks that sounded almost country; this is not a problem for us – if we all like it and we all played on it, then it’s an eruptörs song. we share an understanding in the band that no-one tells anyone else what to do. eruptörs teach one another riffs and/or song structures that we have written individually, but if another member hears the riff differently, plays it “wrong” or only wants to use half of it, we accept this as part of the group’s collective creativity (burnard, 2012, p. 43). it is because we all understand that it is only because the collective is comprised of precisely these individuals’ attitudes, preferences, limitations, predispositions, creativities and musicalities (burnard, 2012; smith & shafighian, 2013) that the eruptörs sounds like the eruptörs. we follow a similar process when creating mixes and adding lyrics to songs. if one of us was expecting a mix to sound a certain way, or was sure we had agreed on a certain take of a given song, only to find that one or both of the other members has mixed the song differently or included something that someone else in the band initially disliked, we are able to stand back and say “yes, this is an eruptörs song, and it sounds like us. i am part of the bigger picture and defer to creativity of the collective.” this is swarm creativity in action (gloor, 2006) – the band’s music ends up somewhere that none of the individuals would have wanted, chosen or could have foreseen; but we all accept it as ultimately better for the band. this type of behavior results from what sennett (2012, p. 22) identifies as a group collectively operating in the “subjunctive mood,” where people allow for possibilities, make suggestions and wait for things to move along by no-one committing to a position. sennett explains that the most useful kind of discussion is a “dialogic” conversation, defined as “a conversation that does not resolve itself by finding common ground.” in the eruptörs, we combine disparate musical elements and perspectives, creating a new “common ground” rather than all adhering to a preconceived consensus. we all accept the collectively produced outcome and can ultimately agree when we have reached it, but with each little step we might individually refuse to do what would perhaps make the easiest, most closely-fitting musical choice. our commonality lies in our higher-level, cooperative and tacit, never-before-now-articulated decision that it is our differences that make us work as a whole. of course, sometimes things proceed more synchronously, and the outcome is more musically obvious – by no means less desirable for it. working creatively in both of these ways is crucial to the eruptörs’ sound. it is, as sennett acknowledges (2012, p. 22), in a subtle dance between the dialectic (discussion smith & gillett perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 14 moving toward clear consensus) and the dialogic (discussion leading to a more open, more innovative product) that the best creative collaborations occur. as science journalist ed yong puts it, “that’s the beauty of being part of the swarm: even if you don’t know where you’re going, you still get there” (yong, 2013, p. 133). for sennett, the most productive and meaningful conversations and collaborations happen in empathic relationships. empathy is a more mature response to another individual, and is more difficult to manage, than its close cousin, sympathy. in sympathetic exchanges, one person tries to mimic another, to feel, speak or behave similarly. in empathic relationships, by contrast, each person listens and tries to understand the other, but then responds in his or her unique way to the situation, thus inviting – indeed, requiring – a deeper, more considered response in turn. sennett (2012, p. 19) observes of musicians that “the players do not sound entirely on the same page, the performance has more texture, more complexity, but still the players are sparking off one another – as true in classic chamber music as in jazz [and garage punk/metal cross-over 1000% rock].” thus, deeper mutual musical understanding is embedded, and individuals have more opportunity to develop, the collective benefiting exponentially more from what each person brings. sennett (2012, p. 23) describes empathy as “the sentiment of curiosity about who people are in themselves;” it is on this that the eruptörs’ creativities thrive. collaboration under a strict ethical code. the eruptörs have never discussed a shared ethical code per se. it is tacitly understood that we all wish and intend to succeed in our collaborations, and we each do what we can to help us achieve as a band in the domain of punk rock in what gloor (2006, p. 71) describes as a “delicate balance of reciprocity” where there is “a normally unwritten code of ethics that is adhered to… the ‘tao of coins.’” (gloor, 2006, p. 76). this tao of coins constitutes a shared understanding that we all pull our weight because we are motivated deeply and intrinsically by our shared goals in the band. burnard (2012, p. 46) observes that “the practice of group composition [and broader group collaboration] inspires the popular musician with a sense of higher purpose.” as partti explains, “the more generously an individual contributes [his] expertise to improve the practice of a community, the more [he] may benefit from participating in the practice of that community… at the junction of generosity and self-interest” (2012, p. 95). as a result of feeling this sense of higher purpose, members of the eruptörs are each willing to contribute resources discovered independently of the band for the group’s collective benefit, and when one member is able to offer an opportunity or resource for the good of the ensemble we are all eager to take advantage of this as it benefits us collectively, and – therefore – individually (because we all relish the process and product of participation in the band). members are each connected to a range of third parties, all making us many times more capable as a whole – this is explored further below. it is the assumption of each member of the band – as part of the tao of coins – that each of the others will use his network of contacts to the mutual benefit of the collective. we each feel a strong sense of having a stake in the band because of our own individual networks of contacts; each is thus valued all the more by each other member of the band, since the connections of the individuals make possible the better work of the whole. this is the eruptörs’ entrepreneurial creativity (burnard, 2012, p. 43) at work. alex gillett (6-string lead electric guitar, vocals) is connected with the visual artist who created the artwork for the eruptörs’ first two albums and who designed and printed our merchandise (including t-shirts and underwear); it was a connection of alex’s that also saw a compilation of our songs released in japan under the title of microwave massacre (named after the record company owner’s favorite horror film); gillett’s colleagues at printand web-based smith & gillett perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 15 “zines” saw the eruptörs’ music reviewed in the “underground” music press; and gillett’s knowledge of contemporary marketing strategies saw the band on its way to having a substantial web presence (discussed in more detail below). irwin (4-string lead electric bass, vocals) has cost-free access to a recording studio in rural cork that band refers to as “eruptörs’ hq;” he can access numerous musical instruments, microphones and amplifiers that we can borrow at no cost or hire very cheaply for recording, and a network of very able musicians and actors who have appeared on our recordings to augment the sound-world. gareth dylan smith (lead drums, vocals, “more cowbell”1) sourced a bass player who was willing to learn our songs and perform with us live in london; he found the record label that released our first two albums, and facilitated opportunities for us to perform with other popular bands at venues in london. it was initially through mutual membership and individual fandom of another band that the eruptörs was formed; irwin and smith were playing in an irish punk band in london called neck, and gillett attended neck’s gigs in london, so when irwin and gillett decided to transform and rebrand their previous band into the eruptörs, they asked smith to join. thus was the tao of the eruptörs’ coin established, in spring of 2002. communication in direct-contact networks. in swarm creativity, gloor provides a wide variety of case studies in which coins function in both digital and corporeal realms to actualize what burnard (2012, p. 43) calls their entrepreneurial creativity, without recourse to management “lines” or consultative hierarchies; members are equally empowered (as in lead bass, lead guitar, lead drums), and thus are at liberty to make all decisions regarding the future of the coin amongst themselves. the authors elaborate, below, on how this has worked for the eruptörs, functioning independently of contracts with record companies, marketing teams, agents, promoters and managers. gloor emphasizes coins’ utilization of the internet to achieve optimum performance as a team, writing (2006, p. 3–4) that a coin “is a cyberteam of self-motivated people with a collective vision, enabled by the web to collaborate in achieving a common goal by sharing ideas, information, and work.” it is not that working together in physical space and real time are rejected from the coin construct; rather, these traditional modes of operation are to be viewed only as part of the essential functionality of a group, for collaborators who embrace the working practices and potentials offered by the internet become more nimble, thereby expanding their opportunities for success. it is fairly certain that without extensive use of the internet, the eruptörs would not have survived as a band for as long as it has. the eruptörs came to function as an internet-savvy coin, not because we had specifically sought out this way of working, but owing to more mundane factors. irwin returned from london to live in co. cork, ireland, whence he hailed, because he felt (correctly, as it turned out) that he would find more work as a musician and a better life “back home;” gillett left london for his native teesside to be closer to the university where he was studying, and to live less expensively than in london. smith remained in london because of family, financial and logistical ties, with his band-mates now both at a radius of 250 to 300 miles away. the easiest, cheapest and most effective way for us all to communicate was via the internet, using “democratized technological practices” identified as part of a “broad cultural shift in how people engage with technologies” in “diy and maker cultures” (tanenbaum et al., 2013, p. 2604) such as the punk culture within which the band operates 1 “more cowbell” references a comedy sketch from nbc’s saturday night live, aired on april 8, 2000. smith & gillett perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 16 (discussed further below). it remains via email that the three of us work on musical collaborations, and that two of us wrote this paper, underlining some of the parallels that rashidi (2012, p. 84) observes between being a punk musician and an academic. since 2005 the eruptörs have written, arranged, recorded, produced and released three albums – bad time to be having a good time, seduce and destroy and eruptors/culo a boca (a split album with californian punk band culo a boca) as well as microwave massacre, a compilation of demo recordings released in japan. for only one of these albums was the entire membership of the band present during a majority of the recording process; for the first album, we all headed to eruptörs’ hq in the heart of rural cork to record drums, guitars and vocals. we did not record many bass guitar parts or lead vocals on that occasion, as irwin was able to contribute most of these to the recordings after gillett and smith had flown home. post-cork, we all emailed, downloaded and discussed various takes and mixes, and occasionally even used telephones to confer with one another about the latest music sent by irwin and what to do with it. thus did we actualize our production creativity as a coin. at times it has proved more effective for the eruptörs to work online, and at other times it was better “simply” to meet up in the studio. we were, as ever, relying on one another’s commitment, motivation and coin-tao to get the jobs done. sennett acknowledges the limits of online cooperation – even with the most effective and mutually understanding of groups – when he writes of another project that, “instead of working online, we increasingly started to board aeroplanes – the hideous torture-tools of modern society – meeting face to face to practice more effective lateral thinking, including everyone fully in the conversation” (2012, p. 28). the eruptörs, or sometimes two of us, meet up in person often to record drums; we also sometimes, although less frequently, meet in person to mix or master songs. discussions over mixes are sometimes better conducted face-to-face, for among the eruptörs, as in other bands, collaborators are often especially sensitive around the engineering and production of recordings where the empathic, dialogic process can be most visibly at work (sennett; smith and shafighian). networks and entrepreneurial creativity so far this paper has focussed mostly on the eruptörs’ collective and production creativities (burnard, 2012, p. 43) within the band, underpinned by the coin framework and swarm creativity. to understand more fully how the eruptörs has functioned, it is important to focus more on the band’s entrepreneurial creativity (burnard, 2012, p. 43) involving other, external actors such as record labels, artists/designers and so on. two helpful constructs in this regard are relationship marketing (rm) and the associated service-dominant (s-d) logic. rm theory has emerged internationally to address perceived limitations of “traditional” marketing approaches, although debate remains as to what exactly rm is, as there is no single agreed definition. a useful summary is provided by gummesson (2008, p. 289) who states “rm is a marketing perspective on the network organization and the network society.” most recent definitions encompass relationships with any stakeholders including not-for-profit, government and voluntary organizations: [the purpose of] marketing is to identify and establish, maintain and enhance, and when necessary terminate relationships with customers (and other parties) so that the objectives regarding economic and other variables of all parties are met. this is achieved through a mutual exchange and fulfilment of promises. (grönroos, 2007, p. 29) gummesson (2008, p. 5) summarizes that “relationship marketing is interaction in networks of relationships.” such explanations indicate the fuzzy nature and breadth of scope that characterize smith & gillett perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 17 rm theory. various models exist to conceptualize the scope of rm but again no general framework has been agreed, although a tentative attempt was made by clarkson et al. (1997); this synthesis has been supported and updated by gillett (2012). this framework identifies four broad stakeholder groups or “markets:” customers, suppliers, internal and external. gillett raises the important point that the four categories are not mutually exclusive and that there are areas of overlap where multiple types of relationship exist between the organization and stakeholder (in gillett’s analysis of local government procurement the example is given of residents as being “customers” as well as internal [e.g.] employees and/or suppliers to local authorities). in the case of the eruptörs, the scope of relationships is summarized by table 1, which provides an overview of the most significant parties with which the band interacts. the scope of the eruptörs’ relationships is discussed below. table 1. scope of the eruptörs’ network of relationships rm theory thus provides a useful framework for categorising and identifying the broader those to whom the band supplies (directly or indirectly) • promoters of live music • venues • record “companies”/labels to whom we license our music • followers/fans/consumers of music – pre-recorded – live • media/production companies/tv and radio who we supply with music those who supply to the band (directly or indirectly) • cd manufacturers • social media websites • ‘guest’ musicians • music services, e.g. “mastering” of audio • art/graphic design • merchandise • instruments, equipment, repairs, endorsements within the band • locations • communication • availability • complimentary experience and skill-sets • fairly defined roles. outside of the band/broader stakeholders, including political, legal, and regulatory • performance royalty societies (prs and ppl in the united kingdom, ascap or bmi in the usa) • press/media/cultural influences – production companies – magazines, radio, websites – other musicians • “day jobs” and education: – all university educated – two of the band have ph.ds. – author 2 and author 1 work in academia (some contrast with our identities as musicians) • legal contexts (copyright, etc.) smith & gillett perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 18 network of interactions and relationships in which the eruptörs is involved. the related concept of service-dominant (s-d) logic for marketing (vargo & lusch, 2004, 2008) is consistent with rm and swarm creativity models. in s-d, actors create value through service experiences and relationships, co-creating and sharing tangible and intangible resources with one another. from a marketing perspective this is usually applied to co-creation between customers and suppliers, although, as the s-d logic explains that every organization is in the “service business,” the terms “customers” and “suppliers” may be used very loosely to mean any one (or any organization) which exchanges value with others. differentiation is made between operant resources, which are often invisible and intangible and produce effects such as core competences or organizational processes, and operand resources – those upon which an operation or act is performed to produce an effect, such as land, minerals and other natural resources. because operand resources are often finite, groups that possess them have traditionally been considered wealthy, and a goods-centred logic has dominated where operand resources are considered primary (vargo & lusch, 2004). in contrast, s-d logic places greater significance on operant resources, which lead to excellent service where value is co-created between supplier and buyer. a supplier offers value propositions and brings resources together for customers. organizations and customers interact to co-create value in use, rather than organizations marketing to customers. this is a process that cartwright, gillett & smith (in press) refer to as “orchestration.” applying these ideas to the context of the eruptörs, it is possible to view the three band members as suppliers of operant resources (e.g. expertise and creativity in their respective areas of instrumentation, access to one another’s networks of contacts) as well as operand resources (e.g. drum kits, guitars, irwin’s recording studio, money to finance certain activities such as rehearsals and so on). s-d logic also positions the band collectively as a supplier and co-creator of value with its network of relationships, perhaps most evidently when performing live where co-creation may take the form of song requests or the rapport constructed through iterative responses between musicians and the audience. thus we see the realization of the eruptörs’ entrepreneurial creativities. rm and s-d logic in practice s-d logic highlights the production and entrepreneurial creativities (burnard, 2012; menger, 1999) realized in the production of albums. for example, for the microwave massacre compilation the band (based in the u.k. and republic of ireland) wrote, recorded and supplied the music to the record company – fixing a hole, a not-for-profit specialist punk label located in japan. the record company’s mission is to champion and make available the music of (particularly english) punk rock bands in japan. fixing a hole then designed the cover art, named the album and mastered the supplied music for sonic consistency. all of these activities were undertaken with constant communication between band members and record company, from the writing and recording of songs through to the distribution for retail of the physical compact disk albums. the importance of “relationships” within the punk movement more generally is evident, particularly if we consider the marketing activities “promotion” (i.e. advertising and publicity) and “place” (i.e. distribution). today, social networking websites such as facebook, twitter and punkrockers.com provide platforms for bands and artists to interact with audiences on a global scale. social networking, though, has always played an important part in punk culture, long before the ubiquity and ease-of-use of the internet (gordon, 2012; tanenbaum et al., 2013). smith & gillett perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 19 gillett brought to the eruptörs insider diy punk knowledge gained writing for fanzines and purchasing diy punk, rock and heavy metal records via mail order. bands operating on an “underground” (non-mainstream) level did so without the investment or involvement of full-time for-profit record companies, thus the diy approach required artists to self-finance their recordings. bands would thus often source the physical format (usually cassette tapes or vinyl records) and distribute and advertise releases themselves (gordon, 2012, pp. 106–107). when fans purchased a record or demo tape from a band it was common also to receive flyers advertising the work of other bands from the “scene,” and catalogues from independent/not-forprofit record labels and distributors advertising recordings, fanzines, and even other record labels and distributors. the eruptörs adopted such an approach. this diy approach appears more collaborative than competitive, paralleling the spirit that galuszka (2012, p. 70) identifies in today’s wider music climate (beyond the attention of mainstream media) as one where bands “do not compete for listeners’ money but for their attention.” often diy record companies and distribution services have been operated by people who were members of a band or bands and who had the skills, knowledge, means and motivation to undertake such activities; consistent with s-d logic, such individuals provided these operant services to their peers. an example is the u.k. band active minds, who since 1986 have operated a mail-order (and latterly also internet-based) record label and distribution network called looney tunes records (2014). active minds’ approach is common across sub-genres such as death metal and grindcore as well as the diy punk scene, which typically do not distribute through mainstream channels. as well as furthering the music and the message of the bands, and enabling them to gain recognition internationally, the economies-of-scale achievable through a global reach can make the self-financing approach more achievable. an important factor illustrating the blurred lines between stakeholder categories of customers, suppliers, internal and external (mentioned above), is that many of the consumers of the music in diy scenes tend also to be active within the subculture as musicians and/or distributors, record labels, merchandisers, providers of artwork services, written media and so on, and would forward flyers and catalogues to other people with whom they corresponded by post or at live events. therefore, bands have developed and maintained multiple types of relationship with others within the networks. an individual may, for instance, be a supplier of music via their own band’s recordings, a distributor of their friend’s band’s records, as well as a consumer and audience member of other artists’ music. the authors contend that it is appropriate to view garage punk rock culture as a niche, international service-economy for which social networking has been an important means by which it has sustained itself, despite having only minimal exposure to mainstream marketing channels. the exchange of operant resources between bands and others in the network of relationships – such as expertise and access to contacts (and thus audience “reach”) and the winwin nature of rm and s-d logic – has been essential for the eruptörs and for other entrepreneurial underground punk genres more generally. operand resources of “material” products such as records, cassettes and cds, and the financial means to produce them, are a secondary means to existence in a diy music culture. in this mostly not-for-profit culture, the fundamental resources are the music and, in some cases, a “message” or value-set (often political) which the artists and bands purvey, and co-construct with their audiences. conclusions and implications in this paper we have, through integrating the constructs of creativities, coins, swarm smith & gillett perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 20 creativity, relationship marketing and service-dominant logic, provided perspectives on the diy habitus (bourdieu, 1984) of the eruptörs. the eruptörs is arguably not an archetypal coin, inasmuch as this model tends to be more readily applicable to larger groups of collaborators than the power trio comprising the band. however, the ways in which gloor (2006) describes coin behavior and characteristics have illuminated and provided new ways to understand aspects of the eruptörs’ collaborations that might not have been apparent without the affordances of this theoretical framework. the fact that gloor uses a musical (jazz) trio as en exemplar coin helps to position his model between, on the one hand, understandings of diy punk scenes (gordon, 2012) and musical creativities developed by burnard (2012), and, on the other hand, the business-derived relationship marketing theory of gummesson (2008) and gillett (2012), and service-dominant logic (vargo & lusch, 2004, 2008). we acknowledge the broader context of maker cultures and other diy communities across demographics and domains, within which the eruptörs’ case exists, and hope that focusing, as we have done in this paper, on this single case will help serve to help enrich discussion in classrooms and publications. figure 1 shows in diagrammatic form how the theoretical constructs explored in this paper combine to describe activities in the case of the eruptörs. figure 1. creativity innovation networks at the core of the model is the coin of the eruptörs (gloor, 2006), understood in rm theory smith & gillett perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 21 (gillett, 2012) as internal relationships. the next layer of the model shows the immediate collaborative workings of the band: our collective and production creativities (burnard, 2012), and innovation and collaboration – two of the operational modes of gloor’s coin. the third layer shows the tools and context for the band’s outward-focused behavior, understood as the communication mode of the coin and as rm’s supplier, customer and external relationships. the outer layer houses the enabling entrepreneurial creativity, through which the band realizes the benefits of its other activities, where the energy and output of all the inner layers combine to support the eruptörs’ broader mutual aims – in entrepreneurial creativity. in addition to the “collective,” “production” and “entrepreneurial” creativities discussed above, the authors acknowledge our own respective and collaborative “scholarly creativities” in writing this article. these scholarly creativities are very closely connected to those other creativities that we exercise as musician-entrepreneurs in the eruptörs. peter cook (2012, p. 16–17) urges people in business across sectors to learn lessons from musicians’ approaches to their art and craft. we hope that scholars and students in popular music studies and music education (and other peers across our range of networked relationships) might find the example of the eruptörs a useful one upon which to build and whence to develop understandings of how musicians, educators and others can realize creativities individually and collectively, across networks, to mutual benefit. beginning to think in terms of the multiple, overlapping and intersecting creativities of individuals and ensembles, of coins and swarm creativity, may help those working in diverse fields and disciplines – from music to marketing and across cultural domains – to imagine freshly creative and innovative successful futures for themselves and their businesses, bands and brands. as indicated in cartwright, gillett & smith (in press), looking in this way at networking and what those authors describe as “orchestration” within networks to achieve the best results for all, could be helpful to help the “emerging musicians” of which the higher education popular music sector is comprised. we hope our work will also provide a springboard for further research among scholars of popular music and popular music education, who have tended to focus research on mainstream mass culture (smith, 2013c, pp. 29-30). there is life in the underground, and it is vibrant with relationships, creativities and entrepreneurship. hoskyns (2012) warns commentators and academics that “the most authentic scenes will be those we [the public and academia] know nothing about” – unless we involve ourselves in the mutually sustaining, s-d logic, rm networks of authentic diy (1000% rock) music. music educators (bennett, 2013; gaunt & hallam, 2012; shafighian & smith, 2013) have been calling for institutions and students to embrace awareness of current practices, to be entrepreneurial, to be creative in construing and constructing careers in an uncertain musical landscape. coins and new creativities, within and without the academy, are developing all the time. there are lessons – positive, negative, discursive and thought-provoking – to be learned from the discussion of the eruptörs’ case presented in this paper. we hope, therefore, that the study we have presented here may be of use in classroom situations. in the increasingly vocational context of higher education, this case could serve to provide discussion points regarding practice and conceptualization of students’ own creative projects, and positioning these as viable, collaborative entrepreneurial projects – in music, marketing and myriad fields and (inter-)disciplinary approaches. citing tuan’s (1977) discussion of “space” and “place,” smith & shafighian (2013, p. 258) advocate for “transformation of [institutional] place through a creative pedagogical approach to… learning, into a more liminal ‘space’, brimming with creative potential;” such a democratic and facilitative pedagogical ethos is likely, we contend, to enable smith & gillett perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 1 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 22 students to benefit the most from the present study. scholars, educators, students, punks and others could benefit from understanding these through engaging in perpetual reflexivity to ensure that practices, perspectives, teaching, curricula in music education, popular music studies and beyond remain relevant and salient. through reflexive practice and awareness of one’s and others’ positionalities in a landscape of intersecting creativities, networks and relationships should continue to work in innovative ways to mutual benefit and development. references andreini, d. & cassia, f. 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(2013, may). as new: how the astonishing power of swarms can help us fight cancer, understand the brain and predict the future. wired (u.k. edition),126–133. microsoft word lord layout for pdf.docx artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts     volume  1,  issue  1   http://artivate.org     pp.  35-­‐49   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   copyright  ©  2012,  the  author             shattering the myth of the passive spectator: entrepreneurial efforts to define and enhance participation in “non-participatory” arts clayton lord, theatre bay area1 abstract what does “participation” mean in the context of presentational art forms like live theatre, dance performance or classical music? is, as has been suggested recently by the james irvine foundation and researchers from wolfbrown, “participatory art” only that art in which the audience engages by becoming an active artist? what are the implications of such a shift from one of the major arts funders in the united states, and are they warranted? increasing research indicates that the simple act of watching a performance event—spectating—is, in fact, participatory. research into brain activity during such events and studies of performance on subsequent reasoning, emotional maturity and empathy indicate that the act of watching an artistic work requires an extraordinary amount of participation and attention on the part of the spectator, and ultimately dictates that so strongly articulating a spectrum of participation in which traditional presentational art as relegated to a lesser position is premature. rather, a holistic approach being led by a small but growing group of entrepreneurs who straddle the divide between artist and arts administrator has begun to take root, working to augment and increase the impact of presentational art without sacrificing its presentational aspects. introduction there is an opera that i have never seen that i still dream about. it only happened once, in a desert, thirteen years ago. i envision the flat of the land, dusty and chilly even in the summer, rolling out to the left and right, dotted with encampments, and in its midst, a monolithic opera house and 400 performers uniting to create a massive-scale, site-specific mythic piece of art about voodoo and what was called life and death in a ceremony of mystery and sacralization (gasperini, 2012). it was uniquely collaborative, blurring the line between player and watcher, spectator and participant, and in the end, the players burned the entire opera house down in an orgy of celebration. i will never see it, but it occupies me even still, with its imposingly grand scale, its complex ambition, its radical wall-busting form, its immolation. is it possible to feel like a participant in a piece of theatre without having actually been there? is it possible to be there and not feel like a participant at all? le mystère de papa loko was a centerpiece of the 1999 burning man festival (gilmore, 2010). organized by san francisco-based producer pepe ozan, this second-to-last in a string of giant-scale operas sounds absolutely absurd on paper—and i’m honestly not sure i would have “liked” it—but i find myself, especially today, as the theatre industry resorts to increasingly smaller-scale works for fear of financial ruin, strangely enamored with the ambition, the scale, and the goal of the work. papa loko sought to transform people through art, thereby following in the long tradition of theatre, music, sculpture and fashion, all of which are irrevocably infused into the very core of burning man. much of the transformational magic of burning man, per lee gilmore (2012), centers on its ability to change people’s lives. “what is the alchemy of transformation?” gilmore asks, “how are their lives changed?” (2012). gilmore notes that burning man offers a particularly powerful venue for large-scale theatre, in part because of what she calls “the slippery border between theatre and worship” that exists there (gilmore, 2010, p. 85). art at burning man is treated as a corollary to a type of religion or spirituality, whether consumed or created, and a high level of permeability between the artist and the audience is expected. “you can’t not participate at burning man,” gilmore notes—though that simple statement belies the complexity of the event’s ethos (gilmore, 2012). pepe ozan and his collaborators created a massive, performance-specific opera house in the middle of a captive audience, miles from other competing activities, and mounted a performance in the middle of the night when nothing else of note was occurring. they invited literally hundreds of people to perform in (or simply watch) the opera, an original creation built specifically around themes important to (and drawn from) the burners who populated black rock city. they removed the barriers to attending by lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       36   making the performance free, the food/drink/drug policy lax, and the dress code optional. they welcomed everyone, performer and patron alike, through the same flaming gate and onto a large, inclusive stage. and at the end, the entire assemblage was encouraged to dance and sing and celebrate together as the gigantic opera house was ignited, burned and collapsed in the night air. and yet, per gilmore, “some burners saw the operas as not only non-participatory but also too long and boring to boot” (2010, p. 83). if that, then, is deemed “non-participatory,” then what is a “normal” theatremaker to do? context audience participation has not always been a stated goal of live theatre. the modern european canon and its later american counterpart have gradually assimilated into them an expectation of partition between artist and audience, of a consumptive act by one group of people of the virtuosic art of another group. this, of course, has not always been the case—shakespearean groundlings talked through performances, ate and threw food, and offered advice to the actors during the event. nor is it the case even today in many cultures throughout the world. but for perhaps the last few hundred years, a strong strain of what might on the surface be deemed “non-participatory” theatre has emerged in western art, coincident (or not) with the delineation of theatre as an elite art form for the wealthy few. but those wealthy few can no longer sustain the arts field, and for many theatre artists, they are exactly the people who they don’t want to talk to—a tension that has created, in the past few years, a situation where, as an arts field, we sit at a crossroads in terms of participation that can be scary (or energizing) to think about. participation has moved from something esoteric into the middle of the mainstream for arts administrators, artists, funders and government officials. more than that, a term the definition of which was previously abstract and variable from theatre to theatre has been solidified and, arguably, narrowed— most recently in the wake of the james irvine foundation’s publication of its new arts funding strategy and its main supporting document (brown & novak-leonard, 2011). irvine’s strategy, emerging from california’s most generous arts funder and one of the most consistent and enduring arts funders in the country, centers around the goal of promoting “engagement in the arts for all californians” through participation (“new arts strategy overview,” 2011). the strategy elaborates on this concept of engagement with three points: we seek to increase arts engagement in three ways: 1. who is engaging in the arts: we aim to increase engagement by low-income and/or ethnically diverse populations that have been traditionally underserved by arts nonprofits. 2. how people engage in the arts: we aim to expand the ways californians engage in the arts as active participants – by making or practicing art. this could include the use of digital technology to produce or curate art. 3. where people engage in the arts: we aim to advance the use of diverse, non-traditional spaces for arts engagement, especially in regions with few arts-specific venues. (“new arts strategy overview,” 2011) worth noting particularly here are the five words closing point two: “by making or practicing art.” “participation,” for irvine, is, simply put, rolled up in “creation”—a conflation that, while this new policy is described by irvine as a “natural evolution,” has given some in the presentational arts fields pause. of particular concern is the relegation of “traditional” presentational art to something less worthy, less able to be “engaging” or “participatory” than the making or practicing of art—the closing of the door on “traditional” presentational art (i.e. theatre in a dark room with a stage and locked seating) as ever being “participatory.” further, both the policy and the paper explicitly put a higher value on the participatory rather than on what is delineated as “spectating” (p. 4). this argument emerges out of an analysis of our current culture, in which increased access to technology and egalitarian means by which diy artistic experiences can be instantly shared across vast distances has meant that “people are thinking about the experience of culture differently than in the past, lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       37   placing value on a more immersive and interactive experience than is possible through mere observation” (p. 6). brown & novak-leonard (2011) point out that while 74 percent of people saying they participate in art in some way, younger generations are much more likely to consume their art outside of the traditional nonprofit structure, in more informal settings (p. 6). further, they suggest that “[p]articipatory arts practices, whether technology-based or physical, are integrating art into the fabric of peoples’ everyday lives, their neighborhoods and their value systems” (p. 6). the authors outline much of the ongoing discussion concerning the actual value of art, and then say: “missing in this debate is a dispassionate, critical assessment of the relative benefits and value of participatory arts practice versus receptive participation (i.e. spectating)” (p. 9). the authors highlight a few studies that detail the benefits of their narrowly-defined participation (i.e. practice or creation), particularly in children, but give relatively little attention to the other side of the question they pose, namely what the value of “receptive participation” might really be. receptive art, after all, is a form that has existed since time immemorial (imagine, in an image borrowed from arlene goldbard (2012), a cavewoman curling her shadow into the shape of a bear against the cave wall to tell others about its dangers)—so devaluing it on principle seems hasty. while brown & novak-leonard make a heartfelt point of saying that they are not advocating for the demise of presentational art forms, the clear directives of their paper, which then were adopted by the irvine foundation for their new arts policy, delineate a “yellow brick road” at the end of which is the complete breakdown of the barrier between artist and audience. the emerald city, in this case, is a place where “receptive participation” is replaced, in the best situations, with “participatory arts practice.” brown & novak-leonard warn of a day when “attracting the next generation of audiences and visitors will require a transformation of programming, not just better marketing. even then, when new audiences appear on the scene, they will be different. fewer will want to sit still in uncomfortable seats, and more will demand a larger role in shaping their own experience” (p. 11). this effort to elevate participatory art so singularly has been met with consternation from the more presentational corners of the arts world, though honestly not much of that consternation has been put to paper—perhaps in deference to the importance of the commissioning entity and the researchers in the arts ecosystem, and the desire not to offend. irvine is, after all, one of the largest arts funders in the country, and alan brown is one of the most prolific researchers working on arts engagement today. even so, angst exists, and it often formulates around what this proscribed shift away from virtuosic presentation means for the future of presentational art like live theatre, dance and classical music. what is the future for these forms if this thinking catches on? will it be, as arts consultant rebecca novick (2012) worries: the beginning of a de-investment by funders in the presentation of conventional plays in conventional venues? is the implied suggestion here that we should never do a conventional production of hamlet again? is the talkback after the show now more important than the production? do high school students actually receive more benefit from participating in a production of hamlet than from seeing one? (p. 172) neural responses to "presentational" art before panicking too much, and before completely banishing presentational art to the wings as outmoded and flat, it is worth delving into the concept of “participation” and trying to truly understand what it might mean if more broadly defined than simply as “active practice.” in 1993, rauscher, shaw & ky first described what has now become known as the mozart effect. in their experiment, groups of college students were given a set of iq-measuring spatial reasoning tasks. prior to completing the tasks, they were asked to do one of the following for 10 minutes: listen to mozart, listen to a relaxation tape, or sit in silence. by a relatively large margin, those who listened to mozart immediately prior to the test scored higher than those in the other two treatments. mozart had, at least temporarily, made those students smarter. this sparked a more nuanced, science-based analysis of art’s effects on consumers including a study in which researchers working with macaque monkeys accidentally identified a class of neurons in the premotor cortex (in the front of the brain) that have come to be known lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       38   as “mirror neurons” (berrol, 2006, p. 303). these neurons, which are correlated to a similar set of neurons in human beings, are called mirror neurons because “like a mirror image, the same set of neurons are activated in an observer as in the individuals actually engaged in an action or the expression of the same emotion or behavior” (p. 303). in the intervening years, mirror neurons have become a hot topic and are being studied in relation to a variety of developmental factors, including social and cognitive development, attachment, empathy, social cognition and morality (berrol, 2006). as artists, perhaps this rings a bell. before humans could speak, research suggests that the speech interpretation centers of the brain were “a mechanism of recognizing actions made by others” (rizzolati & arbib, 1998, p. 190). choreographer paul taylor connects the dots, noting, “i can feel steps that someone else is doing in my own body” (berrol, 2006, p. 313). and this phenomenon is not simply the purview of experts in the form. last year, i was invited to sit down and speak about impact and excellence with the leaders of 25 or so of the country’s best professional choruses at the chorus america conference. in the follow-up conversation, one of the leaders discussed the peculiar power of live choral music to create something he called “lift,” which he described this way: “my goal is to make the guy in the trucker hat in the back of the room come down at the end of the show and tell me, with surprise, ‘i…liked it. i really liked it. i don’t know why…but i liked it’” (lord & albright, 2011). another leader put it this way: i think when we’re doing what we do well, we stop existing for the people listening. they’re not seeing an individual singer; they’re not even seeing the whole group of singers. we all just blur and disappear, and the song emerges out of us like a bright light, and it washes over the audience and they get lost in it. there are no singers, when we’re doing well, there’s just the audience and the art. and when it’s over, they may not know why, but they’ll leave and say, ‘hmm, i really enjoyed that. that was really good.’ (lord & albright, 2011) i would argue that such captivation—a term borrowed from alan brown’s research into intrinsic impact that, ironically, investigates the engagement potential of presentational art—is actually a sign of “participation” on the part of the spectator, in that it has the absolute potential to transform personal ideas, instill a respect for the wider world, create a memory and, perhaps most centrally to irvine’s initiatives, create active engagement. more fundamentally, captivation also takes work on the part of the audience. in christian worship, this deep, profound connection is called “communion,” which merriam-webster defines as “an act or instance of sharing” (n.d.). the oxford english dictionary more flowerily defines the term as “shared participation in a mental or emotional experience” (n.d.). in this way, at least, the arts and religion are both aiming for the same thing. just as both partners in a tennis match must be engaged whether they are currently hitting the ball or not, human-to-human interactions, whether between individuals or among groups, often involve a level of participation that belies a lack of direct “making.” by looking at the brain activity of a listener and a speaker, researchers at princeton university have shown that listeners who most successfully remember communications and can recount them later actually physically sync with the speaker on a brain-to-brain level (stephens, 2010). these are the mirror neurons mirroring. the brain activates as though it were doing the activities being described. in a variety of areas of the brain—areas associated with auditory comprehension, speech production, language processing and comprehension of social relationships and status—the neural activity of speaker and listener actually “couples” during a communicatory event. at its most successful, this neural coupling allows individual listeners to actually anticipate what’s coming (stephens, 2010); in the best couplings, the listener’s brain pre-activates in areas that predict where the speaker’s brain will light up. complete absorption in the activity at hand leads to more satisfaction, more attention, and better retention of the event once it is over. in other words, captivation— participation on the part of the spectator—makes things stick. this finding has been confirmed over and over in various presentational art settings through alan brown’s intrinsic impact studies. most recently, analysis of a 19,000-response stable sample set of survey responses to intrinsic impact questions revealed a .70 positive correlation between captivation and the overall “summative impact” of the performance lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       39   (brown & ratzkin, 2012). using r-squared analyses, the researchers showed that captivation ratings explained almost 50% of the variance in summative impact (2012). in other words, being captivated and engaged is highly correlated with a higher level of comprehension and a better ability to process and recount what has happened. the same research also, incidentally, shows that captivation is highly correlated with a stronger, more impactful and more memorable experience. neural coupling is physical evidence of effort, work and participation on the part of the spectator. while much of this discussion of mirroring—at least regarding theatre—is still hypothetical, brain activation research with music has moved far beyond those initial studies of the mozart effect. researchers, for example, have examined the “shivers down the spine” phenomenon that accompanies listening to music by measuring brain activity changes during those moments that gave the subject chills (blood, 2001). the results of this work showed that those moments of great pleasure (the chills) created structural changes in the brain—the pleasure was manifest, the change was physical. the paper concludes: music recruits neural systems of reward and emotion similar to those known to respond specifically to biologically relevant stimuli, such as food and sex, and those that are artificially activated by drugs of abuse. this is quite remarkable, because music is neither strictly necessary for biological survival or production, nor is it a pharmacological substance…the ability of music to induce such intense pleasure and its putative stimulation of endogenous reward systems suggest that, although music may not be imperative for survival of the human species, it may indeed be of significant benefit to our mental and physical well-being. (blood, 2001, p. 11823) for what is viewed as a largely passive group, then, the brains of the audience are actually very active during a presentational arts event. this isn’t surprising, if you think about it. what is it like when you’re in a really good theatrical event? your body and your brain are on a sort of stationary rollercoaster—you experience emotions, physical responses, things both so big you can’t ignore them (a jerk when surprised) and so small you’d never notice (an eye twitch, a smirk). art conveys copious information and allows an individual to transport himself to another place, feel an old memory, relieve tension, gain energy and remember complex concepts. (overy & molnar-szakacs, 2009). as another researcher notes, presentational art (in this case, music), “is clearly not just a passive, auditory stimulus, it is an engaging, multisensory, social activity.” (overy & molnar-szakacs, 2009, p. 489). participation, then, occurs in art forms across the spectrum. there is an equal need for arts experiences that rely on active creation by the audience and for arts experiences that instead engender (and enhance) the participation that is already occurring between audience and actor on an unconscious level simply by virtue of the form. expanding the idea of participation to include presentational art creates a new and rising need for a particular focus and expertise that has not been highlighted before, namely of someone to examine, elaborate upon, and maximize the participatory aspects of presentational events within the core frame of a presentational piece of art. entrepreneurial approaches to "presentational" art in the 1990’s, george c. wolfe, former artistic director of the public theater, one of new york city’s major theatre institutions, devoted mostly to developing new work, was repeatedly quoted discussing what theatre was for him. wolfe believed that theatre was: …people sitting in the dark watching people in the light talking about what it means to be human... [it brings] something into their lives that they cannot create on their own by virtue of what they have shut off... [i]t gives us a feeling of being alive. and if we can’t do it in our relationships and our work, or in the way we move our bodies, we’ll do it in the darkness of a theatre. (kondazian, 1997) at the wallace foundation-funded beyond dynamic adaptability conference in san francisco in 2011, michael rohd, the artistic director of portland-based sojourn theatre, directly engaged with the wolfe story: lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       40   i used to agree with that. that when we gathered together in the dark and watched, we all breathed together and united. i don’t believe that anymore. i don’t think there’s anything inherently communal about sitting in a group in the dark and viewing something that someone else has prepared for you. i think there are a lot of situations where people sit alone and experience other people’s narratives, but that isn’t building community, and i’m not interested in that. (2011) rohd, who represents a new strain of artistic facilitator entrepreneurially mining this more nuanced “participatory” strain of theatre, creates elaborate, audience-centric and audience-specific works designed to engender deep social engagement and political activation. he takes it as his mission to explode the form, get strangers to interact and make the brain work in new ways. while he doesn’t sugarcoat his angst about the flat, “in the dark” nature of much theatre produced today, he’s also, crucially, not willing to simply cede “participation” to other types of art—though he is equally cognizant of the amount of change the theatrical form might have to go through to get there. there is, in his writing and thinking, a strain of laying out certain formal ground rules that ultimately do make theatre presentational even as the participatory is filtered all around it as well. in addition to his work with sojourn, rohd, with seed funding from the center for theatre commons at artsemerson, has created the center for performance, public practice and innovation, where he hopes to further explore the expansion of the theatrical form without sacrificing some of the form’s basic tenets. of late, rohd has been working to define what “civic practice” means in the context of artmaking. he has defined civic practice as “activity where a theater artist employs the assets of his/her craft in response to the needs of non-arts partners as determined through ongoing, relationship-based dialogue” (2012b). as evident from that definition, rohd is unapologetic about the functional use of art as a means to an end, namely the dialogue and civic engagement for which the art can serve as a catalyst. crucially, rohd doesn’t immediately jump to audience-as-artist as the only way for that engagement to occur. rohd, by making the conscious effort to inspire action in the audience, believes he is adding a new layer of participation and engagement to the form—but that “activity” isn’t artmaking in the moment, it is action that occurs over a longer trajectory, like activism (2011). his goal is to create deep, prolonged engagement with particular constituencies—engagement that activates actual change. as an arts entrepreneur in his artistic practice and as a rising thinker and consultant with other arts organizations, rohd’s belief in the healthy creative disruptions that can occur through theatre leads him to find it frustrating to hear artistic leaders describe participation in the presentational arts as “when people lean forward in their chairs.” here, rohd and brown & novak-leonard essentially agree. for brown & novak-leonard, the prescription for getting away from people straining in chairs and towards what they indicate are truly “participatory activities” takes the form of the audience involvement spectrum, a “simple framework developed to describe different ways participatory arts programs work, and the various entry points for participation” (brown & novak-leonard, 2011, p. 4) that was developed by brown & novak-leonard as part of getting in on the act. lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       41   figure 1. the audience involvement spectrum. this figure is taken from getting in on the act (brown & novak-leonard, 2011) and illustrates a progression from receptive to participatory arts as measured by creative control by the audience. the spectrum (figure 1), reprinted here with permission, illustrates what the authors articulate as a “progression of involvement” from left to right—“receptive” to “participatory,” “spectating” to “audience-as-artist.” it shifts from blue, flat imagery to red, overlapping, visually exciting imagery, passive to active, cool to warm. it divides the spectrum with a strong vertical strike and a color break. in explicitly offering a progression in this way, it connotes a “right” and a “wrong.” rohd, instead, has presented variations on a three-stage progression that, while it also favors participation over passivity, does so without passing judgment on form: there’s interpretation: that’s the leaning forward and engaging in participation by interpreting your own experience. then there’s commentary: that’s being given technological tools to be involved in discourse around the event either during it or before and after. and then there’s impact: that’s layers of participation where you impact dramaturgically what happens in the trajectory of the event. the other fields are past number one, and they’ve been practicing number two for years. number three is where the real action is. but we can’t get out of number one. people hold very tightly and very conservatively to two boards and a plank, the story, catharsis. (2012c, p. 313, author emphasis) whereas brown & novak-leonard’s figure, both visually and in the interpretive language, places a lot of emphasis on problems of form (i.e. proscenium-style versus “public dances”), rohd’s progression presupposes an ability of all art forms to move through the entirety of the spectrum given enough lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       42   intentionality on the part of the art presenters, regardless of what the environment is in which the art takes place. any piece, any form, can reach the “impact” stage with enough intentionality. as rohd has continued to refine his definitions of civic practice, he has layered further nuance into the rubric (2012a). for example, in discussing an organization in stage two (“commentary”) above, he indicates a process that looks like this: figure 2. rohd’s spectrum of civic practice in theatre. this figure illustrates michael rohd’s threestage progression of civic engagement through art over the course of a civically-minded arts experience. illustration by the author. as the artistic event progresses in time, audience members are invited into an encounter or series of encounters with the art, the ideas in the art, and their own particular preconceptions and reactions, and then are encouraged into a dialogue that is part of the artistic event. for example, during the 2011 production of prometheus bound at the american repertory theater in boston, artistic director diane paulus, in producing this new musical work about “the first prisoner of conscience” (paulus, 2012a, p. 360), partnered with amnesty international to create a subsequent event each night that was a dialogue with the audience about a particular human rights abuse (paulus, 2012a). she had trouble getting either the artistic partners on the project or the audience to take the second half of the evening seriously as anything but a tacked-on “talkback” until she consciously shifted the vocabulary; when she began calling it the “second act,” people treated it as a part of the artistic experience. the dialogue became integral to the complete experience, the participation was heightened, and the impact of the work was increased without sacrificing the core theatrical context in which the conversation was created (paulus, 2012b). as theatre progresses into stage three of rohd’s continuum, “impact,” he envisions a less linear relationship between invitation, encounter and dialogue. stage three works are made up, essentially, of periodic segments of each of the three components, occurring in varying orders and for varying lengths of time—but all still tied to a presentational piece of art (rohd, 2012a). despite the radical progression he outlines, rohd believes that participation can exist inside a relatively traditional presentational frame—he may not believe in “two boards and a plank,” but sojourn’s work is decidedly theatrical, decidedly narrative, and decidedly presentational. even while crafting a stage three piece like on the table, which starts in two towns fifty miles apart and culminates in two bus rides to a field and an organic, local meal, sojourn still works from story, from scripts, from structure. even while engaging his audiences through interviews, open rehearsals, and prolonged feedback loops, the company ultimately invites them in as consumers of a particular piece of art. and finally, even while there may be opportunities for (or expectations of) active participation (in on the table, during the bus ride, audience members were expected to call another audience member they didn’t know and relay the story so far in their own words), the art is ultimately the art, presented by the trained artists (rohd, 2012a, 2012b, 2012c). there is adventure in what they do, yes, but there’s not “choose your own adventure”— the control of the event remains with the artist, even as the experience of the audience is augmented, expanded, empowered. of course, in a way, rohd and brown & novak-leonard are looking at two slightly different questions. brown & novak-leonard, first and foremost, are attempting to understand a type of “participation” the ultimate goal of which is to allow the audience member to become, essentially, the artist. as noted in the bottom right of the audience involvement spectrum, the goal is participation as lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       43   defined by “creative control.” an assumption is being made that ultimate impact is to be had only when an audience member takes up the paint brush, does the dance steps, and performs the monologue. rohd instead works within the confines of the theatrical form to make an experience that is participatory in that it inspires thought, action, effort and conversation. as rohd says, “i want the show to be a play with a story, but it also needs to be a piece of applied creativity where an audience goes through the process of collectively imagining better ways to have public discourse” (2012c, p. 314). perhaps the most obvious difference in these two philosophies is the role of the trained artist in the work. while theatre artists may be historically poorly compensated, they are nevertheless mostly highly trained, expert in their field. in this context, the idea of relegating them, essentially, to facilitators of amateur (audience) art (or even to exclude them altogether) seems both dismissive of their expertise and reductive to the form. by defining “participation” ultimately as allowing/encouraging the patron to overly interrupt, dictate, or shape a virtuosic artistic work—or more problematic still, by simply removing the artist from the equation (by, for example, having a group of audience members read a script out loud to each other) one may indeed increase what is being called “active participation,” but one does so, arguably, at the expense of awe at art done expertly. discussion and alternatives creative control, in brown & novak-leonard’s definition, manifests most purely in moments when the audience “substantially take[s] control of the artistic experience” and in which “there is no conventional ‘audience’ at all because every person is involved in creating, doing or making” (2011, p. 4). interestingly, brown has written repeatedly and at length about the intellectual, emotional, social and empathetic impact that presentational art has on an individual watching it, even in the complete absence of creative control (brown & novak, 2007; brown & ratzkin, 2009; brown & ratzkin, 2011). working with arts service organization theatre bay area, brown and colleague rebecca ratzkin developed a set of survey questions and an online dashboard tool that allow arts organizations to graph the impact that audience members are experiencing through self-reported surveying, and have published multiple reports outlining the increased empathy, intellectual engagement, social bridging and bonding, and aesthetic appreciation that seems to manifest in the individual spectator.[1] while it is arguable whether “engagement” and “participation” are synonymous, they certainly overlap substantially in this context (so much so that the irvine foundation states on its website, in bold text, “our new goal is to promote engagement in the arts for all californians.” (“new arts strategy overview,” 2011)) ultimately, both terms are being employed primarily as trajectories towards the overall impact of the arts experience: what is the change it makes in a human being for the better? the irvine foundation is not simply interested in participatory art for its own sake—it seeks art that “strengthens our ability to thrive together in a dynamic and complex social environment” (“new arts strategy overview,” 2011). this goal is valid and valiant and crucial to the success of our society. the question, however, is whether, as getting in on the act argues, the crux of that effort—the installation of “participatory” art at the center of future funding endeavors, and the elevation of the active audience member over the receptive one—is truly the best and only way to encourage the type of accessible, transformative artistic experiences that will lead to the “vibrant, successful and inclusive societies” that arts program director josephine ramirez speaks to in her embedded video introduction to the new policies (“new arts strategy overview,” 2011). in attempting to instigate deeper, more meaningful arts experiences, one must take some time to dissect what makes an arts experience deeper and more meaningful. as abstracted forms, often divorced nearly or totally from a physical product that one can take home, the arts traffic in memories more than they traffic in utility—and it is those memories that drive future activity (whether you’re talking about buying another ticket or being a better human being). we are selling what alan brown has called “artistic dividends”—future good feelings, deep thoughts, transformative impulses that ideally recur long after the art is over (lord & brown, 2012). this is a concept that resonates strongly with general marketing theories on hedonic consumption. in 1982, elizabeth hirschman and morris holbrook defined lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       44   “hedonic consumption” as “those facets of consumer behavior that relate to the multisensory, fantasy and emotive aspects of product usage experience” (hirschman, 1982, p. 92). the subjective, emotionor pleasure-driven aspects of consumption drive consumptive habits as much as, if not more than, objective facts about a product do. nobel laureate and behavioral economist daniel kahneman’s spin on hedonic consumption is wrapped up in his theory of the “remembering self” referenced previously: most current measurements of audience satisfaction focus on aspects of the experience: were the seats comfortable, was traffic bad, how were the bathroom lines, etc. these are the realm of the “experiencing self,” and they are all very valuable markers to understand, but ultimately they and a thousand other things swirl together in the mind to create the memory of the experience. memory is what is held onto by the “remembering self,” and while it’s a subtle difference, psychologically it’s very important: people choose or don’t choose to repeat an activity based on the abstract feelings and impressions that are packaged together in a memory. this is part of why you can have a delicious dinner at a beautiful restaurant, but if the waiter is rude, the entire experience is tainted. essentially, in terms of decision-making, the remembering self is the one and only. as kahneman described [when presenting this research at a ted conference], “the remembering self [is]…the one that makes decisions…the experiencing self has no voice in this choice. we actually don’t choose between experiences, we choose between memories of experiences. and even when we think about the future, we don’t think of the future as experiences, we think of the future as anticipated memories” [(kahneman, 2010)]. (lord, 2012, p. 38) the basis for hedonic consumption is that memories of pleasure drive future searches for pleasure. it is as true for art as it is for fatty foods, sex, drugs, friends, activities or, indeed, products of any sort. we do not, for example, buy starbucks because it is better coffee; we buy starbucks because of the experience of buying starbucks—it makes us feel part of a club, sort of special, and personalized, and in so doing it gives us pleasure. as kahneman notes: “memories are all we get to keep from our experience of living, and the only perspective that we can adopt as we think about our lives is therefore that of the remembering self” (2011, p. 381). the nature of memories is that they are not, generally speaking, made up of the minutiae of an experience. unless you are gifted with a photographic memory, it is likely that your memory of most experiences comes down to a few strong flashes and a general feeling, often an emotion like happiness or excitement or fear. in the case of art, we have often left this packaging of the memory entirely or almost entirely up to the audience member—we present them with the art, and then give them the onus of doing the rest. if we were to begin to think hedonically, as it were, we might instead start pondering our patrons’ memories as we, the makers and marketers of the experience, want them to be packaged, and we might spend more time attempting to affect them as a method of increasing engagement and, arguably, participation—with the ultimate outcome of increasing the likelihood that the remembering self will set on our anticipated memory. manipulating the particular hedonic qualities of a piece of art, plainly put, is an entrepreneurial business opportunity as well as a civic and social welfare imperative. we are memory makers in the arts, and by getting more conscious about what the structure of those memories are, the strength, scope, and accessibility of them, we can, in a way, increase the engagement and impact of an arts event. notably, hedonic consumption is not an activity that requires the consumer to directly create. listening to music, for example, is an extremely emotion-laden experience, and tastes are structured around the relative levels of pleasure we get from different genres (lacher, 1989, p. 370). the act of consumption engages the consumer, which begs the question: rather than turning presentational art inside out, making the audience the artist and the artist simply a facilitator of an “active” experience, could we not achieve similar, or even stronger effects, by investing more deeply in making our presentational arts experiences more engaging, enhancing the duration and power of the memory and impact of that work lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       45   before, during and after it is complete? might not there be, in that endeavor, an opportunity for a new type of professional, an entrepreneurial role for someone who can engage with both artist and audience, who can craft experiences to explicate and amplify the art’s impact the way that a dramaturge has often functioned to clarify and amplify the art itself? woolly mammoth theatre company has recently innovated in this direction by creating a new department, the department of connectivity, which is tasked with creating opportunities that amplify the impact of the arts experience and enhance the connection between the art, artist, and audience. its inaugural director, rachel grossman, states: [connectivity] is meant to be a mixture of art and commerce…circling around the hypothesis [that] community integration plus audience engagement [leads to] community investment and growth (where community equals staff, artists, audience, board, and “stakeholders”…who have an interest or investment in the topics a given play wrestles with). (grossman, 2012a) according to woolly mammoth’s director of artistic development, miriam weisfeld, the point of connectivity is to “empower audiences with a range of interpretive tools” (weisfeld, 2012). the effort, in this case, is about facilitating what weisfeld calls “analysis” and avoiding “evaluation”—it becomes about helping and encouraging the audience to parse their arts experiences as audience members, not necessarily about directly creating the art itself. interestingly, connectivity, at least as refined at woolly mammoth, has not thus far been meant to “help the audience ‘understand the work’” (grossman, 2012a). instead, grossman specifically identifies the process as “a mixture of art and commerce,” and later goes on to note that connectivity is directly about helping the audience “experienc[e] authentic personal resonance with the work and/or the theatre.” it is, in fact, a process of magnifying the engagement, impact, and participation that is already occurring, applied inside the frame of a presentational experience (grossman, 2012b). grossman has now moved on to creating deep, participatory theatrical experiences through her company dog & pony dc. in writing about dog & pony dc’s philosophy, grossman articulates yet a third spectrum to consider, one in which, as she says, “on one end of the spectrum, the audience is simply a witness; at the opposite end, the event cannot move forward without audience propulsion” (2012a). within that spectrum, grossman’s work sits squarely right of center—dog & pony dc attempts to engage the audience in actually devising the performance night-to-night—even as the event itself remains theatrical and presentational. in discussing beertown, dog & pony dc’s latest original work, for example, grossman is quick to point out that there is a script, of sorts, in that there are certain events that must happen in a certain order. there is a beginning, middle and end, even as the event, structured as a town hall meeting in which the audience, as “townspeople,” negotiate with each other about what objects to place in a time capsule, is highly improvisational and heavily dependent on that “audience propulsion” grossman talks about (grossman, 2012a, 2012c). grossman, both at woolly and through dog & pony dc, continues to develop new tools and tricks for augmenting and expanding the audience’s experience, and it only seems a matter of time before such work will be seen as a legitimate consulting expense on the part of companies seeking to enhance the artistic impact of their work, with correspondingly large-scale implications for the theatre field. conclusion in a communication two weeks prior to his death, following a run-in with the french government over a proposed radio broadcast, theatre legend antonin artaud wrote about why he would re-devote himself to the theatre (a goal he, sadly, never achieved). in his words are a truth that most theatre artists simply take for granted—that at its crux, theatre is engaging, impactful, transformative and participatory not only to the maker, but to the receiver as well: and from now on [i] will devote myself exclusively to the theater lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       46   as i conceive it, a theater of blood, a theater with which each performance will have done something bodily to the one who performs as well as to the one who comes to see others perform. (vrtis, 2011, p. 117) as a spectator, you, just like the artists on stage, “feel the room,” the tension, the humor, the camaraderie. you process an extremely complex cocktail of physical, visual and auditory stimuli. whether you are conscious of it or not, you are dissecting power relationships, following leitmotifs sprinkled through the work, tracking multiple narratives (often based on experiences that are not your own) and on and on. your breathing changes, your pulse changes. and your brain activity changes, too. observing is how we learn everything we do. it is how we learn to use a spoon, it is how we learn to stand, walk, ride a bike. we watch our parents to learn how to live with others. we gain empathy from seeing empathy in action, we gain prejudice from seeing prejudice take place. theatre, and all the arts, are like an incredibly concentrated perfume, pulling in all of the most valuable things we hold within ourselves as human and placing them on stage for an audience to see. a mounting body of research must serve as a reminder that bestowing the label “participatory” is more complicated than simply testing the rigidity of the partition between the artist and the audience. whatever spectrum is used in that context should exist without value judgment, because even if a patron doesn’t move a muscle during a presentational artistic event, neural and psychological research indicates that all sorts of participation is occurring. the storytelling mode that is so central to live theatre is literally causing brains to hum in tune, to transform, to engage, to crackle with common electricity, creating a flickering synchronicity across audience members that allows us all to experience something together and engage in communal discourse—even while sitting silently. can we augment that, make it more, within the confines of the theatrical form? yes, and a new strain of artist/administrator hybrids entrepreneurially becoming expert in exactly that “connectivity” will shortly proliferate in the field, generating all sorts of new participatory variations inside the presentational form. but even without shifts like those advocated by michael rohd, even without the immersion and involvement created by rachel grossman and her compatriots at woolly mammoth and dog & pony dc, even in the most traditional of traditional presentational theatre experiences, this art is participatory. live performing arts require the audience members to exert themselves, to stretch, to explore, to make connections both inside themselves and with others in the room. rather than simply discarding presentational art because such art is less of an easy fit with younger and more diverse audiences, we should attempt to understand how such constituencies might be coaxed into the process, given the stories they want to see, provided adjustments to the form that make it more accessible without sacrificing all to the altar of a sing-along sound of music. early in “getting in on the act,” brown and novak-leonard note, we all are shaping our culture. we all are creating what is meaningful, vibrant and real— the amateurs and the experts, the institutional and the individual, the privileged and the disenfranchised, the mainstream and the alternative. ‘we’ is collective and social, yet often very personal. it is participatory, active and interactive. (p. 4) absolutely. stipulated. but within that context, it is equally important to remember that there is a role for the expert to play, there is a role for the presentational to play. getting in on the act and the new irvine guidelines for arts funding argue strongly for exploding some of the old structures of theatre and all the arts—an argument that is good to hear and important to listen to. we should be experimenting with our forms. doing so keeps us fresh and provides opportunities for those with an entrepreneurial spirit to create new, multi-layered experiences. we should be using new technologies and new methods of understanding and disseminating our work to see what more we can do to make this world a better place. doing so, for those who are comfortable taking up that mantle, will make presentational art more vibrant lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       47   and varied and accessible. but we should not be made to feel that simply by nature of being presentational, of relying on trained experts to carry stories of common experience to engaged listeners (in a dark room or not), we are not engaging—nor that those listeners are not participating. they are not somehow less-than, somehow less affected, somehow less transformed. thousands of years of form and function, noble ritual that has existed since before language, a common construct of the storyteller and the listener—these should not be thrown aside as “less than” simply because everyone can now more easily tell stories for themselves. participation comes in many forms. let us celebrate them all. _____________________________________________________________________________________ references berrol, c.f. (2006). neuroscience meets dance/movement therapy: mirror neurons, the therapeutic process and empathy. the arts in psychotherapy, 33, 302-315. blood, a.j. & zatorre, r.j. (2001). intensely pleasurable responses to music correlate with activity in brain regions implicated in reward and emotion. proceedings of the national academy of sciences of the usa, 98(20), 11818–11823. brown, a.s. & novak, j. (2007). assessing the intrinsic impact of a live performance. retrieved from www.wolfbrown.com/mups_downloads/impact_study_final-version_full.pdf. brown, a.s. & novak-leonard, j. (2011). getting in on the act. los angeles: irvine foundation, 2011. brown, a.s. & ratzkin, r. (2012). measuring the intrinsic impact of live theatre. in c. lord (ed.), counting new beans: intrinsic impact and the value of art (pp. 65-164). san francisco: theatre bay area. brown, a.s. and ratzkin, r. (2009). 2009 “intrinsic impact” study of free night of theater audiences. retrieved from www.theatrebayarea.org/programs/programdocuments/upload/intrinsicimpact_fnot_2008_fin alreport.pdf. communion. (n.d.). in merriam-webster online. retrieved from http://www.merriamwebster.com/dictionary/communion. communion. (n.d.). in oxford dictionaries online. retrieved from http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/communion. gasperini, j. (n.d.). the burning man opera: le mystere de papa loko, opera 1999. retrieved from http://www.burningmanopera.org/opera99.html. gilmore, l. (2010). theater in a crowded fire: ritual and spirituality at burning man. berkeley, ca: university of california press. gilmore, l. (2012, may). up-ending your audience: case studies in audience engagement. panel presented at the theatre bay area annual conference, san francisco, ca. goldbard, a. (2012, may). symposium: seven characters in search of an audience. plenary speech presented at the theatre bay area annual conference, san francisco, ca. lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       48   grossman, r. (2012a, may). activating audiences in dc. howlround. retrieved from http://www.howlround.com/activating-audiences-in-dc-by-rachel-grossman/. grossman, r. (2012b, may). comment. in c. lord (2012), ordering the threads: interpretive artistic mediation and accessibility in art. new beans. retrieved from http://www.artsjournal.com/newbeans/2012/05/ordering-the-threads-interpretive-artisticmediation-and-accessibility-in-art.html#comments. grossman, r. (2012c, june). personal conversation at the theatre communications group conference, boston, ma. hirschman, e. c. & holbrook, m. b. (1982). hedonic consumption: emerging concepts, methods and propositions. journal of marketing, 46(3), 92-101. kahneman, d. (2010, february). the riddle of experience vs. memory. filmed talk given at ted2010. retrieved from http://www.ted.com/talks/daniel_kahneman_the_riddle_of_experience_vs_memory.html. kahneman, d. (2011). thinking, fast and slow. new york, ny: farrar, strauss and giroux. kondazian, k. (1997). the vision thing. backstage west, 12. retrieved from http://www.scienceofexcellence.com/the-vision-thing.php. lacher, k. t. (1989) hedonic consumption: music as a product. advances in consumer research, 16, 367-373. lord, c. & albright, d. (2011, june 9). impact and excellence. panel presentation delivered at chorus america conference, san francisco, ca. lord, c. (2012). sowing new beans: the making of memory and the measuring of impact. in c. lord (ed.), counting new beans: intrinsic impact and the value of art (pp. 23-53). san francisco: theatre bay area. lord, c. and brown, a.s. (2012, march). counting new beans: intrinsic impact and the value of art. panel presented in washington, dc. new arts strategy overview. (2011). irvine foundation. retrieved from http://irvine.org/grantmaking/ourprograms/arts-program. novick, r. (2012). the importance of beginning: the changing relationships of artists, organizations and communities. in c. lord (ed.), counting new beans: intrinsic impact and the value of art (pp. 169-188). san francisco: theatre bay area. overy, k. & molnar-szakacs, i. (2009). being together in time: musical experience and the mirror neuron system. music perception, 26(5). 489-504. paulus, diane. (2012a). interview. in c. lord (ed.), counting new beans: intrinsic impact and the value of art (pp. 357-365). san francisco: theatre bay area. lord     shattering  the  myth  of  the  passive  spectator   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (1)       49   paulus, diane. (2012b, june). maximizing impact: modeling new relationships between artists and audiences. panel presented at the theatre communications group conference, boston, ma. rauscher, f. h., shaw, g.l. & ky, k.n. (1993, october). music and spatial task performance. nature, 365, 611. rizzolati, g. & arbib, m. (1998). language within our grasp. trends in neuroscience 21, 188-194. rohd, m. (2011, october). fishbowl discussion on new models for theatre. panel presented at the beyond dynamic adaptability conference, san francisco, ca. rohd, michael. (2012a, june). engage! creative strategies for engaging your community in theatremaking. panel presented at theatre communications group conference, boston, ma. rohd, michael. (2012b, july). the new work of building civic practice. howlround. retrieved from http://www.howlround.com/the-new-work-of-building-civic-practice-by-michael-rohd/. rohd, m. (2012c). interview. in c. lord (ed.), counting new beans: intrinsic impact and the value of art (pp. 308-315). san francisco: theatre bay area. stephens, j.g., silbert, j.l. & hasson, u. (2010). speaker–listener neural coupling underlies successful communication. proceedings of the national academy of sciences of the usa 107(32), 1442514430. vrtis, r. (2011). plague and mirror: metaphors of emotional transfer and their effect on the actoraudience relationship in theatre. university of oregon, 2011. retrieved from https://scholarsbank.uoregon.edu/jspui/bitstream/1794/11613/1/vrtis_robert_%20james_phd201 1sp.pdf. weisfeld, m. (2011). make it hurt so good. howlround.retrieved from http://www.howlround.com/make-it-hurt-so-good-by-miriam-weisfeld/ acknowledgements: portions of this article, and many of its core arguments, appeared earlier in different form in various posts on the author's blog, new beans, at www. artsjournal.com/newbeans. ____________________ 1 the author is the director of communications and audience development at theatre bay area, and served as project manager and editor for brown & ratzkin’s impact research. he also continues to oversee ongoing research into intrinsic impact without the involvement of brown & ratzkin. microsoft word editors intro 18 winter v1.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 7, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 1-2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2018, the author editor’s introduction to the winter 2018 issue linda essig, arizona state university i am pleased to introduce the winter 2018 issue of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts. as i was reviewing the proofs for this issue, it was striking to realize that we are publishing volume 7. as shoshanah goldberg-miller, who co-authors one of the articles in this issue reminded me in private correspondence, there are several factors that mark the transference from a mere topic area into a discipline: differentiation, legitimization, and “the possibility that the emerging topic area may fill a need as a part of an established discipline.” the seven-year record of artivate evidences the legitimization of arts entrepreneurship as a discipline. reports by the strategic national arts alumni project (snaap), to cite just one example, have pointed to arts entrepreneurship education as filling a need within the established disciplines of the arts. “differentiation,” is perhaps trickier to assess. goldberg-miller and her co-author yan xiao refer in their article to earlier arguments in the pages of artivate and elsewhere about whether arts entrepreneurship is differentiated from arts management or from entrepreneurship more generally. each of the three articles in this issue tease out subtle ways in which arts entrepreneurship, sometimes called in these articles “cultural entrepreneurship,” differs from entrepreneurship in other sectors and from arts management more generally. further, each of these articles interrogates the role of cultural difference and cultural competency in arts entrepreneurship activities. in “music entrepreneurs in a linguistic minority context: effectuation as adaptation to the paradoxes of digital technologies,” joëlle bissonnette and sébastien arcand explore the acute paradoxes imposed on music entrepreneurs by digital recording and distribution technology, made especially evident when those music entrepreneurs are working in a linguistic minority context. goldberg-miller and xiao examine the launch of three cultural enterprises in beijing, exposing both potential opportunities for and limitations of examining entrepreneurial behavior in noncapitalist economies through the theoretical lenses of arts entrepreneurship and kingdon’s multiple streams framework. in the third article, emerging scholar tyler french presents a case study of a gallery and work space in providence, ri that exists outside of the kind of creative placemaking policy initiatives discussed in our recent special issue on the topic (volume 6, number 2). in an ethnographically informed analysis, he outlines the cultural circumstances that inform why some arts organizers chose to not participate in creative placemaking and artist entrepreneurship schemes. finally, artivate’s “book review” segment returns with johanna taylor’s review of mark banks’s recent book, creative justice: cultural industries, work and inequality. as taylor points out in summarizing banks’ case study of jazz musicians, people participate in the cultural industries not just for financial gain through fame or sales but also to contribute to the social good. this, it seems, is just one of the many ways arts entrepreneurship is indeed differentiated from entrepreneurship writ large. essig editor’s introduction ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 2 microsoft word manjonguo_formatted final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 4, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 77-95 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2015, the author think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts sonia bassheva manjon, the ohio state university wen guo, the ohio state university abstract this article focuses on a creative collaboration that began in late 2013 between the ohio state university’s lawrence and isabel barnett center for integrated arts and enterprise graduate student think tank (tt) and sweet honey in the rock (shir), the internationally acclaimed, female, african-american grammy award winning a cappella ensemble based in washington dc. as the ensemble reaches 40 years of performing, producing, touring, and speaking out about social injustices, the tt worked collaboratively with the organization to assess their organizational and management structure with the intent to resolve critical issues facing the group. a focus of the collaboration was to develop and engage in an interactive approach for building an arts-specific entrepreneurial business model. the tt is an interdisciplinary group of graduate students who work collaboratively on case studies to solve critical artist-defined issues and to develop new approaches to entrepreneurial management structures for artists and arts organizations. the processes of the tt forms a mutually beneficial system connecting the traditional case study model in higher education to the practice of business consulting for arts and cultural organizations. the first part of the paper is intended to give an overview of community-based non-profit arts organizations in the united states originating in the 1960s, including a history of shir. the second part of the paper discusses the collaborative process of the case in progress and how the students participating in the tt facilitate transition and transformation for shir. introduction this case study examines a two-year process that began in december 2013, initiated by the barnett center for integrated arts and enterprise (the center) at the ohio state university (osu), under the direction of associate professor and director of the center, sonia bassheva manjon. the process engages both relationship building with shir and collective development of the think tank methodology. it also forms a mutually beneficial system connecting the traditional case study model in higher education to the practice of business consulting for arts and cultural organizations. the graduate student think tank (tt), the inaugural program of the center, worked collaboratively with sweet honey in the rock (shir), an internationally acclaimed, female african-american grammy award winning a cappella ensemble, to explore development of a new approach to entrepreneurial management and structural development while addressing challenges and issues faced by shir. collaboratively, the students and artists explored public policy, finance, and strategic planning issues that work to support the development and application of a different type of organizational structure that could support a sustainability plan. this article will present a new method for solving artistand organization-defined challenges using an authentic, interactive approach. the tt defines this approach as one that incorporates the tenets of entrepreneurial mindset, cooperative learning, trans-disciplinary collaboration, intrinsic values and emotional ties, ethical procedures, and heterogeneity. the process included meetings, workshops, presentations, social gatherings, and artistic production manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 78 and performance visits. the tt, working hand-in-hand with shir, engaged in processes that explored and uncovered historical tendencies. analysis of these tendencies created current practices, encouraged new ways of looking at challenges, and set a path toward a new method of operations and business practices. as a new process of engagement, authenticity, interaction, and interconnectivity were necessary for full participation. it was important for tt members to honor the historical relevance of shir as an organization, and the wisdom, voice, and vision of each individual member of the ensemble. simultaneously, it was equally important for shir to engage the theoretical knowledge and new visionary perspectives that the students brought to the process. the task of the center’s director was to consider all perspectives equally in an attempt to manifest an entrepreneurial consciousness that would allow for both shir and tt members to collectively uncover new directions and outcomes so as to find that ‘aha’ moment new inputs that would produce desirable outcomes is realized. while the process continues to unfold, we attempt to document the strength in the process itself that will manifest a new organizational direction for shir. it was important to shir that its organizational structure incorporate both an artistic vision and a social justice voice for current civil rights issues, including blue on black crimes and immigration. the tt focus was to create a restructuring process that blends and bends with the quasi non-profit/music industry organizational structure of shir and that would include an entrepreneurial mindset. the task was not to create a new structure for the organization, but to collaborate with the artists to uncover new ways of thinking about and looking at their current structure in light of their artistic trajectories, challenges, and needs. if the end result changes the current organizational and management structure, the change would be the decision of shir. the first part of the article is intended to give a brief overview of community-based nonprofit arts organizations in the united states originating in the 1960s, including shir, whose identity is grounded in the civil rights movement. we explore this from three perspectives: 1) shir’s organizational status and their evolving identity; 2) the ecosystem and characteristics of community-based cultural arts organizations in the us; and 3) the emerging concept of arts entrepreneurship in expanding the capacity of cultural arts organizational structures. the second part of the article examines the process used by the tt and how the tt supports transition and encourages organizational transformation. what is foregrounded is the relationship between artistic identity and the organizational structure. while the process is ongoing, we will discuss identified outcomes that are already being realized. sweet honey in the rock’s evolving identity within a hybrid non-profit structure sweet honey in the rock (shir) began in the 1970s when a group of aspiring young actors attended a singing workshop led by bernice johnson reagon at the black repertory theatre company in washington dc. created in the wake of the civil rights movement, shir became known for creating a sound rooted in various styles of music including, but not limited to, doo-wop, gospel, soul, jazz, blues, folk, rap, and traditional african and caribbean music. the content of their music remains embedded in issues of democracy, freedom, racism, ableism, and economic and social justice. during a working session with the tt, carol mallard, a founding member of the group, described their music as a way to tell stories, “our songs have a beginning, middle, and end, and take you on a journey. i believe that is why so many people are affected by our music.” shir was originally registered as a 501(c)(4) organization in 1990, but did not use this manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 79 non-profit status as a funding mechanism. in fact, the organization has always operated within the for-profit sector, with a booking agent and manager, generating earned revenue from ticket sales. the (c)(4) designation as a social welfare organization is an alternative to the more common 501(c)(3) designation, intended to allow for political activism, freedom of speech, and to give voice to the historical and political relevance of the civil rights movement. a 501(c)(3) corporation was later established in 2006 under the name shera, as a foundation for educational and archival purposes. however, like the 501(c)(4), was used neither to attract foundation or government funding nor to establish a traditional non-profit structure with an executive director and staff. in december 2007, their final structural addition was implemented: a for-profit business entity. the hybridity of this organizational structure is contained both in the appearance of being a non-profit organization with official irs designation while operating within the for-profit platform of the music industry by generating all revenue through recordings, bookings, performances, and residencies. meyer and rowan (1977) describe this plurality: “…organizations in search of external support and stability incorporate all sorts of incompatible structural elements” (p. 356). due to the complexity of the organizational structure it is hard to locate them financially within the non-profit paradigm. while they could be compared to a midsize non-profit organization, the hybridity allows for freedom from developing a dependency on grant funds while creating another set of challenges in managing such a complex structure. additionally, challenges in establishing an organizational identity, structure, and strategy based on either a non-profit or for-profit structure is further complicated due to this hybrid nature (greenwood et al., 2011; kraatz & block, 2008; pache & santos, 2010). the identity of shir as african-american women and their mission to educate and to empower allows them to enlarge the capacity of their voices to address issues of social inequity and foster activist communities of african-american women. the energy from the civil rights movement combined with the talent of the women in shir sculpted the a cappella group into a storyteller of social and political issues guiding the formation of intervention and social change. with shir’s timely messages intertwined into soulful contemplations, they have consistently created material relevant to the current state of daily life and the legacy of struggle, determination and self-reliance ushered by the age of the civil rights movement. in 1980, an american sign language interpreter accepted the challenge of accurately interpreting shir’s songs for deaf and hearing-impaired audiences. this commitment incorporated a wider range of audience members, which also increased the capacity of their own identity. as stated in a shir interview on march 25, 2014 conducted by the tt, “we are an ever-evolving entity. we are not just a cappella, not doo-wop, not gospel. whatever you see on stage at the moment is what we are… we don’t want the music or the movement forgotten. we were and are connected to the civil rights emotionally.” in addition to deep roots of the african-american music tradition, civil rights movement, and the identity of african-american women, a variety of communities across the spectrum of “black cultural nationalists, feminists, gay men, lesbians, whites, and women’s activists” (hayes, 2006, p. 73) found their space and convergence in shir’s music and performance. shir possess a soul of diversity while working with themes of humanity and recurrent issues relevant to every individual and community, with which a global audience could identify. in an earlier interview with the tt on december 15th, 2013, one of the honey ladies explains that when writing music as a group, each woman has “an awareness of who [she is] in the world, as so many different things, as african american, as spiritual people, sometimes as, you know, fervently religious people, as mothers and daughters and lovers and breadwinners, manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 80 and pet keepers, and all kinds of things, whatever it is” she continues, “so, we just bring out who we are and put it down there, so it comes out in our writing, our arranging, our choice in material.” the identity of shir continues to evolve with their care of and responsibility to various communities in their 40 years, which also enables them to connect the cultural legacy of civil rights movement to current issues of democracy, freedom, racism, and economic and social justice. as shir has always been dedicated to building a sense of community and broadening their spectrum of communities by telling stories that address social issues, it was crucial for the tt to understand the non-profit cultural arts ecosystem where shir and other community-based arts and cultural organizations were created and fostered. this ecosystem is also subject to internal and external changes in the socio-economic environment dealing with policy dynamics. it is important here to understand the evolving ecosystem of community-based cultural arts organizations. the ecosystem of community-based cultural arts organizations government and charities jointly provided for the cultural functions of american society before the modern nonprofits of the us emerged in the early years of the 20th century “amidst the rise of great wealth resulting from the industrial revolution” (worth, 2012, p. 20). the foundation of the current social welfare system was grounded in decisive public action represented by new deal policy in response to the great depression of 1930 (salamon, 1993). the works progress administration (wpa) of the federal government also created the federal arts project to employ unemployed artists. during the 1960s, under the administration of president lyndon johnson, grants from the federal government were provided to non-profit organizations to carry out the government’s social welfare policy (william, 2003; salamon, 1993). with the support of new government ideology, federal agencies were established to help formulate and implement these policies. the establishment of national endowment for the arts (nea) and national endowment for the humanities (neh) in 1965 assisted the growth of non-profit organizations in arts and cultural services at the local, state, and national level. the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s sparked african-american and allied communities to take active part in political selfexpression through the arts and cultural activities. the spirit of these activities was also rooted in harlem renaissance (1919-1929) activist arts. the nea’s expansion arts program and folk arts program highlighted the significance of nurturing arts excellence and improving arts accessibility as a national theme of cultural planning. communities representing different ethnic groups, cultures, and socio-economic statuses were encouraged by these programs to actively participate in arts activities as both audience and creators. jan cohen-cruz (2005) examines the field of artists and ensembles supported through nea and neh initiatives; these initiatives supported the emergence of community arts or community-based performance, the communal context that connects vision with practice and encompasses the community relational experience. these performative relationships affirmed underor mis-represented communities and cultures. “community-based artists use their aesthetic tools in concert with a group of people with lived experience of the subject and with whom they work to shape a collective vision” (cohen-cruz, 2005, pg. 92). the most talented artists of the time used their creativity and commitment to civil rights and social justice in their artistic activism. the voices of bernice johnson reagon, pete seeger, nina simone, joan baez, sam cooke, amiri baraka, and the last poets, as well as the voices of manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 81 the masses in black churches across the country sang out in spirituals against segregation and inequity and developed art as a weapon for change in the nation. the lyrics of freedom songs and the brush strokes of canvasses created artistic narratives and imagery that envisioned freedom for african americans and other oppressed communities silenced by disenfranchisement. marginalized communities of all kinds and colors embraced the plight of african americans that, in part, reflected their own marginal experience as they also sought legal standing as fullfledged americans. communities of color and poor white americans understood the call for full legal equality and equity, and the role of the arts in spearheading the message and call to action as various historical protest movements utilized artistic advocacy for social change. protest art was one vehicle artists used to join the movement. during the 1970s, international cultural exchange programs were sponsored and promoted by the nea. these programs shed light on multiculturalism and cultural equity among american artists and academics (chew, 2009). the different streams of cultural and conceptual trends converged and created the synergy of the blossoming scene of community-based arts activities and institutions nationwide, most of which aspired to become non-profit organizations. the 501(c) designation is a series of codes identified by internal revenue service (irs) of the us federal government to categorize different types of tax-exempt non-profit organizations. organizations could obtain federal income tax exemption, which provided the opportunity for donors to make tax-deductible contributions. the different section numbers indicate the classification of organization in accordance to purpose and allowance of services. the 501(c)(3) designation is the most commonly utilized for public charities, private foundations, and private operating charitable organizations and foundations that have purposes encompassing “religious, educational, charitable, scientific, literary, testing for public safety, to foster national or international sports competition or prevention of cruelty to children or animals” (greg, 2011). however, these organizations are prohibited from participating in substantial political activities. the 501(c)(4) category is for organizations attempting to advocate, lobby, endorse political candidates, or take other political actions. civil leagues, social welfare organizations, environmental organizations, homeowners’ associations and various community associations are commonly 501(c)(4) organizations. as noted earlier, shir first organized as a 501(c)(4) corporation. the comprehensive employment and training act (ceta) was established in 1973. ceta provided an alternative for individual artists to be paid for their work and for non-profit organizations to establish administrative staff and youth programming. ceta was a u.s. government program designed to assist economically disadvantaged, unemployed, or underemployed persons. block grants were provided to state and local governments to support public and private job training and youth programs. full time jobs were funded through this program for a period of 12 to 24 months in both public agencies and non-profit organizations. ceta provided funding for artists and youth for a decade before the job training partnership act, which established the office of job training programs, replaced it. elba cabrera, former chair of the board of trustees of association of hispanic arts (aha) recounts, “it was a different time then. we also had the ceta artist project going on which gave us some staff and gave our member organizations staff. the ceta artist project was the best. it helped cultural organizations and individual artists work together” (as cited in manjon & moreno vega, 2012, p. 30). while ceta provided funding for both artistic and administrative functions at many cultural organizations and art centers, it created a dependency on public government funding that manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 82 left devastating gaps in organizational operational structures when the program dissolved. the san francisco art commission’s neighborhood arts program used ceta funding to establish many of the neighborhood art centers in south of market, mission district, chinatown, bayview hunters point, western addition, and many of the neighborhood festivals and parades. the loss of ceta funds severely crippled some organizations, causing a significant loss of both administrative and artistic staff. with funding trends shifting in the 1980s and 90s, organizations were forced to re-invent and re-establish their mode of operation. the cultural arts field has evolved to include concepts and terminology like art and social justice, social innovation, and cultural equity, but continue to receive limited resources to address the legacy of underfunding and defunding of community arts organizations. these organizations serve communities that have a multiplicity of social conditions created by the nation’s neglect and the placing of “band aids” on systemic issues rather than employing long-term funding commitments and other resources to assure positive change. community-based non-profit arts organizations add diversity and dynamics for activism around core social issues (chew, 2009). they are critical alternatives to mainstream art and culture institutions and provide a public understanding of “the demographic shift and how it [is] much more nuanced than simply black and white” (chew, 2009, p. 8). they also provide positive impact to communities from various perspectives and at different levels. individuals, neighborhoods, and communities that are not recognized in mainstream culture benefit from the increasing social capital, the growing sense of collective identity, and improving economic vitality through participating in community arts and cultural activities (guetzkow, 2002; cohencruz, 2005). through the 1970s and 1980s, while overall public spending on social service and escalating support of healthcare and other key middle-class oriented programs were facing sharp cut backs (salamon, 1993), a national network of community arts centers fostered through nea’s programs (i.e., expansion arts, folk arts, design arts) and other community-centered projects in various disciplines started taking shape. in addition to support from the nea, other foundations, including ford, lila wallace, rockefeller, doris duke, and nathan cummings, have also invested significantly in small and midsized arts organizations that work at the intersection of diversity, community empowerment, and social issues in the past decade (chow, 2009). however, as evidenced in the study by manjon and moreno vega (2012), the funding trend in the us has always been guided by eurocentric aesthetic and discipline. communitybased arts organizations are faced with barriers to growth due to funding inequities. in a supporting study by holly sidford (2011), she reports among the 100,000 nonprofit arts and cultural organizations in the us, thousands of groups are committed to serving the communities of african, asian, latin american and the pacific rim, native american tribal, underserved populations and preserving and developing their arts and cultural heritage. groups with budgets greater than $5 million represent less than 2 percent of the total population of arts and cultural groups, yet in 2009 these organizations received 55 percent of arts and cultural funding. the funding distribution does not reflect the diversity of these organizations (p. 8). many of the community-based organizations with national reputations have a history spanning 20 to 30 years. they have struggled to build systems, financial stability, and appropriate staff to ensure quality of programming. however, heavy reliance on public funding and foundation support causes hardship, sometimes crisis, for many of these organizations. these community-based arts organizations have begun to explore new funding models to manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 83 diversify their revenue streams and expand their funding base. therefore, arts entrepreneurship is stirring heated discussion in the blurring boundaries of nonprofit and for-profit business worlds serving communities through arts and social services. edges of arts entrepreneurship in the u.s., individual artists working in the creative sector at the community level may form small or medium sized non-profit enterprises however, compared with for-profit organizations, non-profit organizations are challenged by their need for growth, changes in the marketplace, and financial and organizational constraints. arts entrepreneurship encompasses small and medium sized community-based arts enterprises and related nonprofit organizations. their programs serve artist’s career development and financial needs, and include arts, culture, and business related educational institutes. the broad range of entities where arts entrepreneurship takes place have not reached a consensus on a fine-tuned definition or typology of arts entrepreneurship, nor has a curriculum with a framework of relevant outcomes been developed for students who are likely to work outside the traditional arts and culture career path. as a burgeoning concept in the field of arts and culture non-profits, arts education, and arts policy, arts entrepreneurship can be regarded as a universal form of human action that involves the social interaction of artist and audience or market as well as a transdiscipline ranging across social science and humanities disciplines and creative endeavors in terms of both perspectives and methodologies (essig, 2012). arts entrepreneurship is not only about individual artists starting a new venture; it also encompasses the education and pedagogy of preparing artists with “tools for artist self-efficacy and self-actualization; provision of environments for artistic exploration and innovation” (essig, 2012, p. 3). these subjects touch upon both the practice of artists at the individual level and policy formulation for arts entrepreneurship in a friendly environment. the “tools for artist self-efficacy and self-actualization” essig refers to mean more than business knowledge and skills, they also include a set of attributes of entrepreneurship, such as identifying the niche for one’s own talent, career opportunities, needs of the market, and the wisdom of taking responsible risk. the “provision of environments for artistic exploration and innovation” emphasizes the public policy incentives cultivating and facilitating small enterprises and relevant education for artists. the environment is interpreted as an integration of the structure, culture, and policy of an organization, which enables artists within the organization to realize the institutional innovation and their self-actualization at the same time. the word “entrepreneurship” is often conceived in the context of the for-profit world; however, the intrinsic value of the word is actually not bounded by the nature and service of the entity. as drucker (1985) notes, entrepreneurship should be a practice allowing both kinds of entities to innovate without threatening their missions. the concept of social entrepreneurship has been widely used in the field of social service and demonstrates that this concept helps bridge the mission-driven nature of the non-profit and the business traits and attitude of operating for-profit organizations to increase their capacity. the center’s tt process explores the concept of arts entrepreneurship in a university setting with artists and community-based arts organizations employing a transdisciplinary cooperative research approach. the working premise is to develop a process for solving artist and organizationally defined challenges using an authentic interactive approach to establishing an entrepreneurial mindset that explores and values cultural identity, economic self-reliance, and manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 84 sustainability within a community arts context. the tt process seeks to introduce an authentic, collaborative and interactive framework that facilitates organizational transition based on establishing an approach of arts entrepreneurship. the think tank process to truly understand the concerns, needs, insights, and expectations that artists have about their organization, the tt needs to acknowledge and value the identity, motivations, talent, and communication methods of each individual within the organization and the group as a whole. the tt process was grounded in engaged learning and collaborative inquiry, and defined by the philosophical and methodological agenda of participatory action research. tt participants were always attentive to issues of power distribution and cultural identity in the interaction process. participatory research has a theoretical root in critical theory, which connects the tt process to the history and identity of shir in advocating for social equity. hence, the process can be taken as an emancipatory social process for tt members to collectively transform the practice of management and inform entrepreneurial issues in nonprofit arts and in professional education in arts administration. the organic process of the tt is conceptualized by the frameworks exhibited in figures 1 and 2 through an ex post facto analysis between group members. the first figure describes the four phases of the tt’s ongoing process with a focus on collaborating with and assisting the arts organization. each phase has individual outcomes and strategic goals. in the first phase, the tt process with shir began by becoming familiar with the personalities of each individual artist, identifying the assets of the organization and understanding stagnating factors affecting the organization. the second phase focused on learning basic business practices and knowledge and generating collaborative creativity. this phase prepared the artists to enter into the third phase by having them envision the future of their organization and understanding their emergent and specific concerns and needs for future transition. this introduced them to organizational structure options so they could begin to envision a different way of operating, thus moving from a nonprofit mentality into an entrepreneurial paradigm. the second and third phases overlap in order to create a shift in the artists’ mindset. the interactive learning in phase two encouraged confidence before the collective visioning process in phase three, during which the artistthinking pattern starts shifting into an entrepreneurial mindset leading towards transitional actions as a group. moving into a different mindset, the artists found direction for transition, recognized actions needed, and identified resources necessary to work on an action plan with timelines and specific steps required for phase four. the fourth phase emphasized the growth of the artists’ skills in rationalizing their choice of a transitional strategy thereby giving them the ability to identify the characteristics of a qualified management team and their responsibilities as the leaders of their team. in pursuance of the goals of each phase, the tt collaborated with the artists in the core actions of each phase. tt members designed thought-provoking and interactive processes for each of the four sessions in order to conduct an integrated assessment of the organization’s current structure. the four sessions effectively facilitated the exchange of ideas between shir and tt members and enhanced the artists’ comprehension of substantive knowledge of entrepreneurship via interactive games, lectures, and discussions. for example, to understand the financial and managerial structure of shir, the tt engaged a series of collaborative working sessions with the honey ladies (shir’s core members/performers) in april, june, september, and november 2014. during these sessions, we manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 85 co-constructed interactive sessions that included a thorough examination of the use of nonprofit status versus working with a fiscal agent, brand versus mission, artist/producer versus management team, and the benefits and challenges of each. one member of the tt, jason white, developed a business entity card game that contained nine separate structures to give the honey ladies a way to understand their own structures and other structures. the card game structures included: llc (limited liability company), 501(c)(3), 501(c)(4), l3c (low profit limited liability company), c-corporation, llp (limited liability partnership), s-corporation, hybrids, and sole proprietorship. the back of each card contained a description, advantages, and disadvantages of each tax status. the sessions were presented using a combination of traditional didactic discussions and artistically engaging exercises such as visioning, drawing, singing, and movement. the april sessions concluded with ten preliminary recommendations presented to shir about organizational structural change. during the june sessions, we collectively developed a plan for an alternative structure and incorporated visioning sessions that included benefits and trade-offs of suggested options and connecting vision to product. june sessions concluded with transition planning. september sessions focused on action plan development and buy-in, and caused both the tt and shir members to evaluate individual and personal assumptions, attributes, and challenges in developing an authentic interactive approach towards entrepreneurship or the process of getting involved with new ventures or ideas. november produced a major break-through for both the tt and shir: a four-point succinct action plan was created by the honey ladies that was part tt coaching and part self-realization based on what had emerged during the various sessions, workshops, discussions, and relationship building exercises between and within the groups. the tt analyzed the materials used and the information gained in each session as data to understand the business structure, organizational identity, and management challenges faced by shir. continuous feedback from each phase further defined the process in order to reach goals and continue to the next phases. figure 1. the phases and aims of the ongoing tt process phase  2  &  3:  learn  knowledge  of   business  and  collective  creatvity  to   produce  a  shi=  in  mindset   phase  4:first  step  of  the  transiaon   knowledge  of   business  and   colllaboraaon   entrepreneurial   mindset   aratsts     stagnaaons   assets     collective vision and action plan phase  1:  understand  individuals  &     the  organizaaon   manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 86 figure 1 describes the primary tt activities and key impacts that resulted from the events throughout the process. the second figure focuses on displaying the essential value orientation of the tt process by coding the values generated from the interaction between the tt and shir. figure 2. the spectrum of value orientation of think tank activities the color blocks at the top of figure 2 are the long-term impacts on both the tt and shir, engaged by the collaboration and also represent the value and belief orientation of the tt process. these color blocks are divided into the four phases referenced in figure 1. each of the impacts or values is realized by activities signaled by the pointers in the four phases at the bottom of the graph. the activity in the pointers share the same color with the block representing the impact it attempts to reach. the open loops indicate that all the impacts and values established in one phase pave the way for the next phase. they also reinforce each other and accumulate a foundation for the sustainability of the whole project. the “explosion” in the second phase represents a design thinking session that the tt members engaged in with dr. elizabeth sanders from the department of design at the ohio state university. her expertise is in fostering collaborative creativity through a design approach. this session acted as a catalyst for boosting tacit communication between tt members. the methods for engaging collaborative creativity used by dr. sanders also introduced alternative phase 1 phase 2 phase 3 phase 4 catalysts: session of collective creativity think tank weekly meeting reflection paper osu conferen ce session one with shir madison conference interview and document interview and document accad confere nce initiate and recruit students session two with shir taiwan conference session three with shir phase 1 phase 2 phase 3 phase 4 empowermrent individual and collective creativity trust inter-transdisciplinary/arts entrepreneurial mindset manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 87 methods for oral communication with the artists, which helped reveal more aspects and dimensions of the artists’ personalities and thoughts. weekly meetings of the tt were one of the important components among all the activities. in these meetings, tt members discussed their understandings and research on critical issues of shir’s organizational and management structure, assessed the ongoing process and outcomes of the tt, prepared for sessions with shir and presentations for conferences, and uncovered knowledge generation from the practice. the following sections explain impacts and values and their corresponding activities in detail. tt members keep abreast of current trends and get feedback from experts and colleagues in the field through conferences at which tt participants have had opportunities to articulate their experiences and present preliminary findings. mindset while the mindset of arts entrepreneurship has been explained in the previous section, the tt process also explores forms of and curricula for arts entrepreneurship in higher education. the theories of interand trans-disciplinarity integrate arts entrepreneurship in research, education, and practicum as the very foundation of the tt processes it established. figure 3. the integration of arts entrepreneurship in practicum, education, and research the four students in the tt have studied and worked in fields ranging from arts administration and cultural policy, social work and public administration, finance and economics, acting, vocal music, dance, to journalism. they have different cultural backgrounds, including african-american, chinese, indian, and latin american. therefore, the profile of participants of the tt represents and actualizes a mindset of inter-transdisciplinarity in the globalizing world of arts. managed by culturally sensitive leadership, the diversity of regional, functional, organizational, and individual contexts and cultures conveyed by individual tt members created synergies of comprehensive perspectives leading to thriving collaborative creativity and rapid innovation (gassmann, 2001). the processes of tt form a mutually beneficial system connecting the traditional case study model to the practice of business consulting for arts and cultural organizations. differentiating from the case study and consulting model, the tt model was created and implemented based on the inter-transdisciplinary paradigm to expand and explore the application intertransdisciplinarity arts entrepreneurship in practicum arts   entrepreneurship   in  educaaon   arts   entrepreneruship   in  research   manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 88 of the emerging concept of arts entrepreneurship in helping artists transform their current organizational structure into one equipped with greater capacity. interdisciplinarity focuses on integration of knowledge across boundaries of disciplines. the graduate students in the tt come from different academic backgrounds and have experience working in various practical fields. their different nationalities and ethnicities as well as their varied undergraduate studies bring diverse perspectives and thinking patterns that complement each other in understanding the complex organizational issues of shir. the integration of skill sets and types of knowledge and perspectives create “a universal vantage point and methods, over and above all disciplines” (godemann, 2008, p. 268) for solving complicated problems in the context outside academia. transdisciplinarity “stresses the transgression of boundaries between academia and society, and is intended to be participatory research” (godemann, 2008, p. 627). this interpretation of transdiciplinarity captures the tt activities in terms of communicating the academic conceptions of arts entrepreneurship with the real-life situation of arts policy and administration through collaboration based on interdisciplinarity. transdisciplinarity also means reinforcement between academia and practice via collaboration. the tt took the initiative of analyzing the artists-defined issues and engaging the artists’ participation. analogously, the artists also invested their time, trust, and experience as practitioners to enrich and ground the students’ research practicum. thus, the tt process is not designed for the artists but with the artists by keeping the process open and flexible enough for both artists and students to contribute, develop, and adjust based on what they have learned from each other and from outside resources during any phase of the process. the communication process was delicately and democratically framed without imposing field-specific jargon to avoid mentally distancing the two parties. as sanders (2012) indicated, “collective creativity in strategic thinking will lead to ownership of the ideas and strategies by the people who were involved in their creation” (p. 18) the ownership of knowledge and skills allowed both groups to sustain the outcomes and impacts endogenously and independently. trust building macallister (1995) proposed affective trust and cognitive trust as two paths to team trust building. affective trust is built through creating a feeling of interpersonal caring and empathy between team members; cognitive trust is based on the authority and reliance of one’s expertise and familiarity with certain issues. barczak, lassk, and mulki’s (2010) research demonstrates the effective emotion management of individual team members and the ability of managing others’ emotions produces a larger degree of affective trust. furthermore, the reliance on the professional and competent behaviors of team members creates cognitive trust leading to higher levels of team creativity. the two types of team trust are positively associated with team creativity. the trust of the tt process is built between five sets of relationships: 1) relationship between shir’s members (ssm), 2) relationship between the tt members (ttm), 3) relationship between tt members and instructor dr. manjon, 4) relationship between shir and instructor dr. manjon, and 5) relationship between tt members and shir (see figure 4). cultural shocks and disagreement challenged us initially because of the diversity of cultures and disciplines, but it provided an opportunity to propel us towards realization and acceptance of new ideas and shared values. the possibility of building swift trust between the tt members was a result of the latent trust rooted from shared institution engagement, the learning experience, manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 89 beliefs in pluralism and multiculturalism, inter-related fields of study, and common tacit knowledge between peers. the trust between shir members was rational trust based on the long-term collaboration and interpersonal interaction between them at both the affective and cognitive level. different combinations of affective and cognitive trust forged the five sets of relationships between parties and individuals. they were interconnected and interdependent with each other, allowing both parties and individuals within the parties to build a collective trust in a relatively short time. figure 4. the diagram of trust relationships of think tank process trust was significant and important in administrative issues of the organization and it was particularly sensitive in the field of arts, because in the close-knit community of arts, information and reputation spreads very quickly and the impact of disclosure is hard to predict and measure (mccarthy, 2006). shir’s members have been extremely cautious in sharing information about their organization and themselves because of the apprehensive nature formed in an arts sector where “building trusting relationships under conditions that do not enable trust to flourish” (mccarthy, 2006, p. 47). traditional trust assets such as time, familiarity, and successful experience of collaboration do not exist in a project-oriented environment, so it takes patience and strategic thinking to build swift trust for the success of the project (mccarthy, 2006). the trust between the honey ladies was successfully built through 40 years of collaboration as a group. the affective trust between them, which was based on traditional assets of their relationships, is quite strong. the emotions of one member usually infects the others, so the engagement of one member can help the others feel safe and significant. therefore, the tt invested significant attention to constructing a safe environment and intimate atmosphere for artists to express and communicate their emotions without mental constrains. the relationship between the tt members was formally built in the project through the recruitment process and group gathering. in addition, the similarity in institutional context, career and academic interest and goals, and shared understanding of collaboration in a manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 90 multicultural situation established potential for successful trust-building. the recognized communication skills and open mindedness of the tt members allowed them to deal with challenges of communication and role identification within the group. furthermore, dr. manjon, core leadership of the tt, was perceptive in tapping the capacity of tt members without utilizing an intrusive or authoritative manner. the characteristics of her leadership give open space for students to explore their own abilities and enact their ideas without fears. as process convener, dr. manjon amalgamated the relationship between the tt and shir and facilitated swift trust-building. she utilized the affective and cognitive trust she had built with a member of shir over many years to introduce the tt process to the group by creating meaningful and consistent interaction demonstrating the intellectual ability and emotional enthusiasm of the tt members. in the first two months, tt activities focused on familiarity with artistic product, organizational history, and current challenges of shir, with particular focus on personalities and working styles of each individual artist. the tt became familiar with shir by watching live performances, analyzing a documentary film, and participating in the development process of the creation of their 40th anniversary production. activities that built an in-depth understanding of shir included interviewing members about their identity, creation process, interpretation of their music, understanding their mission and vision statement, reviewing media presentations, and analyzing their financial reports. at the end of the first phase, the tt engaged a professional work ethic and respect for the privacy of shir by agreeing to confidentiality of any information considered exclusive and privileged. individual and collaborative creativity the activities of trust-building and emerging a mindset of arts entrepreneurship and intertransdisciplinarity laid the groundwork for the effectiveness of the techniques we utilized from dr. sanders’ design for collaborative creativity workshop. the tt encouraged the artists to talk about their dreams and concerns openly in each of the three critical tt sessions, june, september, and november 2014. the research that we conducted for and with shir accumulatively added layers of understanding about the assets of the organization, useful information, methods of communication, and the role the tt should play. the three sessions successfully produced useful information that supports an entrepreneurial mindset and constructed a four-point action plan of organizational transformation and transition. table 1 exhibits the specific techniques adjusted from the model of the art of hosting (sanders, 2012, p. 18) for fostering collaborative creativity during the evaluative and educational sessions with shir. during the second session, shir clearly reached a consensus on how to better utilize their organizational status to fulfill their social mission and artistic vision and to simultaneously maintain their financial stability. manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 91 components meanings think tank process participants the people involved in the collaborative sessions range from artists/students/faculty to community and audience members. the diversity of people in these sessions increased over time. think tank sessions with shir, think tank sessions with professors manjon & sanders, conference presentations, performance rehearsals, concert observations, and artist interviews. physical spaces and places the world café method puts emphasis on the arrangement of physical environment where the visioning activities take place. open space provided room for creative activities and trust building, round tables allowed for collaboration between participants, meeting spaces that provided for privacy allowed for trust building. social attitudes, activities and rules for engagement open space and the art of hosting placed a lot of emphasis on describing the principles that are needed to support and enable the collaborative session. individual and collaborative engagement, session framing, individual coaching between tt and shir members. tools, techniques and materials the world café allowed for a variety of tools, techniques, and materials that are needed to support and/or facilitate the visioning activities. card game, visualization, journal exercise, acting game, word wall exercise, blue print exercise, elevator speech, community singalong, and pray. followthrough scenario planning and blueprint exercise, explicitly addressed the decision-making stage that followed the visioning stage. transitional strategic plan development, blueprint revision and decision-making, “burning the worries” exercise, track the artists’ action, action plan. table 1. components of the art of hosting (sanders, 2012) empowerment in phase three, we focused on assisting the artists in a transfer of their artistic creativity into assets for business innovation. in other words, the artists need to be entrepreneurial in conceiving of how to control and sustain their business proactively and innovatively. thinking entrepreneurially does not require an mba degree. it takes courage, patience, and collaboration manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 92 to navigate the value propositions of art works, identity, and brand into the right channels towards the organizational goals. for entrepreneurs, trust-building, knowledge of business, and bold imaginations do not constitute the courage to change. nurturing a mentality and mindset of arts entrepreneurship calls for specific guidance to enable the artists to utilize their talents in proactively evaluating administrative decision-making issues. the collective vision and determination to make changes that allow for entrepreneurial structures was carefully constructed from feasibility discussions leading to action plans. this case study and working relationship was based on collective trust, new paradigms and possibilities, and collaborative creativity accumulated and integrated in twelve months of dedicated work between the tt and shir. the result: clarity of actions and timing needed to best transition the organization at a critical development point in their 40th anniversary year and in conjunction with the 50th anniversary of passage of the 1964 civil rights act. tt output in the final session, shir and tt crafted a detailed plan with goals that included creating a new product associated with a new brand, analyzing and articulating the value propositions of their new product as a united voice to different stakeholders, and identifying a list of friends and investors who would support them during their transition either as advisors or investors. the honey ladies are working on new material in the studio using an improvisational approach to recording. each singer takes the lead on starting a song and the other singers incorporate unrehearsed sound and words. this method of new material development is new to the singers, an exciting approach to composing and is producing a new sound while staying connected to their social justice theme. the tt encouraged the artists to be bold in establishing a new approach to artistic development and then focus on establishing a brand to articulate what’s new in their approach and musical output. one of the sessions with shir was on branding and marketing. one of the members of the tt, allison hoyle, developed a vision vocabulary activity that lead shir through a process of connecting vision to product and understanding what it means to create and market a brand. a component of organizational restructuring includes examining current positions in relationship to new goals such as new material development. the need for a publicist and the establishment of a new brand are priorities that are being worked out. the most challenging outcome is analyzing and articulating the value proposition of new product. in honoring the brand that shir has successfully created over the past 40 years, they didn’t want to completely disconnect from it; however, they are looking forward to re-identifying who they are as women and artists moving into a new decade. to help them explore new possibilities, an advisory board is being identified that will focus on transition and new opportunities in touring and product development. the final and current phase is an opportunity for the tt to decipher lessons learned, clearly articulate the process of this work, and document final outcomes as shir navigates through this transition phase based on their work with tt. the tt will continue to meet as a group, although not as frequently, working on data analysis and follow up interviews with shir specifically focused on transition and goals. the focus of the next stage of the tt process and research is to evaluate the effectiveness and sustainability of the process in helping artists redistribute their creative assets and identify themselves with an entrepreneurial organizational mindset. we will explore what that means to the artists and what it looks like in application. manjon & guo think tank: a collaborative approach to student learning, organizational assessment, and community-based arts ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 93 conclusion while the initial work of the tt with shir focused on identifying organizational changes needed that would support employing an entrepreneurial mindset towards future sustainability and growth, the tt process also gave birth to an experimental pedagogy of engagement within an arts administration and policy context. the collaboration further gave birth to what we are calling an authentic interactive approach to organizational transformation and capacity building. this type of capacity building incorporates individual and collective work in a cooperative modality and requires collaborative working relationships between artists, students, and organizations. institutional resources and support are needed to carry out, at minimum, 12-24 months of engagement if the process is to be realized as a catalyst for change. tt presentations at conferences and in academic settings are important for students to test models and findings and acquire feedback from academics, scholars, artists, practitioners, policy makers, and others. the tt will continue to analyze data amassed from shir sessions and workshops and test the hypothesis on smaller case studies and in less time-consuming environments. for example, two students from tt will further explore components of the tt process in china and czech republic, summer 2015, in an effort to further understand how the arts entrepreneurial mindset model can assist production development in international cultural exchanges and in the process of career building for young international artists. simultaneously, think tank 2 has launched, working with a cultural arts organization in columbus, ohio to develop an entrepreneurial organizational and management structure that features new enterprising ways to: generate and increase earned income; assess relationships with the local and greater columbus communities, with special attention to displacement and gentrification; focus on branding; and maintain the organization’s connection to its cultural and historical legacy while identifying and training the next generation of arts administrators and artists. this second iteration of tt will incorporate a cooperative inquiry process, experiential learning objectives, collaborative skill building for artists and students, a transdisciplinary approach to generating knowledge, enriched practice for real world 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(2009). community-based arts organizations: a new center of gravity. washignton, dc: americans for the arts. retrieved from: http://www.americansforthearts.org/sites/default/files/pdf/2013/by_program/afta_pubs/aft a_reports/new_center_of_gravity.pdf cohen-cruz, j. (2005). local acts: community-based performance in the united states. new brunswick, n.j.: rutgers university press dart, r. (2004). being “business-like” in a nonprofit organization: a grounded and inductive typology. nonprofit and voluntary sector quarterly, 33(2), 290-310. donaldson, s. v. (2008). telling forgotten stories of slavery in the postmodern south. southern literary journal, 40(2), 267-283. drucker, p. (1985). innovation and entrepreneurship. london: routledge. gassmann, o. (2001). multicultural teams: increasing creativity and innovation by diversity. creativity and innovation management, 10(2), 88-95. doi:10.1111/1467-8691.00206 godemann, j. 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(2003). culture and entrepreneurship introduction. the journal of arts management, law, and society, 33(3), 163-164. salamon, l. m., & anheier, h. k. (1992). in search of the non-profit sector. i: the question of definitions. voluntas: international journal of voluntary and nonprofit organizations, 3(2), 125-151. sanders, e. b.-n.(2012). creativity in strategic thinking. in wolters, h., grome, a., & hinds, r. (eds) enhancing the army’s strategic thinking capability: insights to assess, develop, and retain strategic thinkers. report. u.s. army research institute for the behavioral and social sciences. sanger, k. l. (1997). functions of freedom singing in the civil rights movement: the activists' implicit rhetorical theory. howard journal of communications, 8(2), 179-195. sidford, h. (2011). fusing arts, culture and social change. washington, dc: national committee for responsive philanthropy. sweet honey in the rock (2014). 2010: are we a nation? sweet honey in the rock. retrieved from: http://sweethoneyintherock.org/albums/are-we-a-nation/ sweet honey in the rock (2014). mission statement. sweet honey in the rock. retrieved from: http://sweethoneyintherock.org/about/mission-statement/ white, s. b. (2006). telling the story: kansas city mayor and united methodist pastor emanuel cleaver's use of storytelling to transcend rhetorical barriers. journal of african american studies, 9(4), 32-44. microsoft word editors intro 17 winter v2.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 6, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 1-2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2017, the author editor’s introduction to the winter 2017 issue linda essig, arizona state university the three feature articles in this issue demonstrate developing research methods for arts entrepreneurship while illuminating field ontology (or ontologies) of both inquiry and practice. jason white, in “analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector: identifying arts entrepreneurs’ demographics and shared characteristics,” endeavors to use data sets and empirical methods commonly employed across the social sciences to determine the characteristics of arts entrepreneurs in a given community, a process that uncovers some of the challenges inherent to research in the field. travis newton, in “lso live: an entrepreneurial venture,” uses a descriptive case study to illuminate intrapreneurial behavior, while jonathan gangi takes a conceptual approach in “towards consensus: suggested foundational building blocks for arts entrepreneurship research and pedagogy.” the authors offer complementary understandings that point to the ways in which arts entrepreneurship exists at the individual, organizational, and system levels of analysis. while one author indicates that arts entrepreneurship is unique because of the product created by individual artists, another differentiates arts entrepreneurship as being within a specific economic sector defined by its core workers. yet the third considers arts entrepreneurship as a behavior at the organizational level. as a body of research in and of the field continues to grow, we will begin to populate these levels with the knowledge necessary to move the field from its current conceptual phase into the theoretical phase that signals a mature research domain (cf, hagoort, 2007, p. 1213). in addition to the three research articles, this issue features the fourth installment of our “perspectives” series to which members of the artivate editorial board are invited to contribute. susan badger-booth advocates for a close look at arts alumni in order to observe individual entrepreneurial behavior. diane ragsdale asks a provocative question about the relationship of the individual artist/entrepreneur, the organizations they may found, and the economic system of which they are part. finally, please review the call for our first-ever special issue on the next page. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts is pleased to partner with the kresge foundation on a special issue devoted to arts entrepreneurship and creative placemaking. special event artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts is published by the pave program in arts entrepreneurship at arizona state university. the pave program also presents a biennial symposium on entrepreneurship and the arts. the fifth biennial symposium will be held may 5-6, 2017 in tempe, phoenix, and mesa arizona. the theme of the 2017 symposium is “arts entrepreneurship in, with, and for communities.” information about the symposium and a registration link can be found at http://pave.asu.edu/symposium. references hagoort, g. (2007). cultural entrepreneurship. utrecht: utrecht university school of the arts. essig editor’s introduction ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 2 special issue: arts entrepreneurship and creative placemaking creative placemaking is a topic of increasing relevance in the u.s. and around the world. however, little attention has yet been paid in the scholarly literature to the role of the arts entrepreneur or the entrepreneurial behavior of arts organizations in creative placemaking theory or practice, including in the policy domain. according to the national endowment for the arts (2016), creative placemaking projects “strategically link communities and local governments with artists, designers, and arts organizations to improve quality of life, create a sense of place, and revitalize local economies.” artplace america (2016) considers that in creative placemaking projects “art plays an intentional and integrated role in place-based community planning and development. this brings artists, arts organizations, and artistic activity into the suite of placemaking strategies pioneered by jane jacobs and her colleagues, who believed that community development must be locally informed, human-centric, and holistic.” finally, the kresge foundation (2016) defines creative placemaking as the deliberate integration of arts, culture and community engaged design in community development and urban planning practices to expand opportunity for vulnerable populations.” this first-ever special issue of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts asks authors to address one or more of the following questions: • what is the role of arts entrepreneurship in creative placemaking? • how does/can arts and cultural entrepreneurship specifically support community revitalization and equitable development? • what role can arts entrepreneurs play in connecting the nonprofit and for-profit arts and culture sectors with residents, business interests, and local governments? • how does public policy (at various scales) promote or obstruct the contributions of arts entrepreneurs to creative placemaking and community revitalization? • how should the contributions of arts entrepreneurs to community revitalization best be captured and assessed? submission to the special issue are due april 15, 2017 for review for possible publication in the summer 2017 issue. please refer to the detailed submission guidelines at http://artivate.org. presenters at the fifth biennial pave symposium on entrepreneurship and the arts: arts entrepreneurship in, with, and for communities may be invited to submit their papers for publication consideration. guest editors of this very special summer 2017 issue of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts are maria rosario jackson and greg esser. references artplace american (2016). introduction. webpage. http://www.artplaceamerica.org/about/introduction the kresge foundation. (2016). reseources for transitioning economies. webpage. http://diversifyeconomies.org/2015/12/kresge-foundation/ national endowment for the arts. (2016). exploring our town. webpage. https://www.arts.gov/exploring-our-town microsoft word culture coin_final for pdf.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 2, issue 3 http://artivate.org pp. 14-29 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2013. this article by vijay mathew and polly carl is freely available under the terms of the creative commons attribution 3.0 unported license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/ culture coin: a commons-based, complementary currency for the arts and its impact on scarcity, virtue, ethics, and the imagination vijay mathew and polly carl emerson college abstract this article argues that the current economic design of the us not-for-profit arts sector, specifically theatre, fails to support the long-term wellness of the cultural worker and the cultural commons. as a solution, we propose a global, commons-based alternative economy and complementary currency called culture coin that creates new wealth, abundance, and virtuous social behaviors by matching unmet needs with underutilized resources that our current economy fails to circulate. the current design of our arts economy results in generative artists being disproportionately poorer, unjust disparities in how resources are distributed, and social behaviors in the nonprofit sector that mimic for-profit, commercial enterprises. the arts sector has an over-dependence on uncompensated or undercompensated “sweat equity” and volatile philanthropic funding. we detail the value and characteristics of a commons framework for entrepreneurial activity and describe internet-enabled peer production as a way to build cultural commons as well as the most effective way to collectively co-create and deploy the culture coin project. introduction we are in a critical historic moment full of both seemingly impossible challenges and promising opportunities for the future relevance and vibrancy of the not-for-profit theatre in the us. do we courageously keep aging 20th century institutions afloat with well-intended, yet slow and incremental innovations, or do we attempt to leverage their various forms of accumulated capital to support the development of a new generation of disruptive entrepreneurial models for theatre making? can we develop a new commons-based as opposed to a market-based approach to arts entrepreneurship for cultural workers and organizations? in the not-for-profit theatre in the united states, much artistic work is created through volunteerism, for very little money, with uncompensated “sweat equity” where there is no traditional market exchange. this kind of artistic activity incubates a community’s artistic vibrancy; well established not-for-profit organizations benefit from it, but are not designed to give back to it. such activity is the result of human energy, motivations, passions of people to wanting to make art and wanting to participate in an artistic and cultural community that transcends commercial markets. volunteerism and sweat equity, and a shared community purpose are the fuel that creates a cultural and artistic commons that is meaningful and relevant to an arts community. however, this energy is exhaustible over time. and it’s precisely this energy that howlround seeks to nourish and sustain through the idea of a culture coin. the culture coin vision the theatre sector—local, national, global— and, by extension, the arts sector becomes a leader in civic engagement by championing a new and ethical economic model through its expertise in art and community making. the not-for-profit theatre and arts can become thriving mathew and carl culture coin ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (2) 15 and abundant, with more artistic activity, participation, diversity, and relevance than ever before. by implementing the culture coin complementary currency, the needs of artists, culture makers, and organizations of all kinds can be met more effectively resulting in a more resilient, sustainable, equitable arts culture fully engaged in civic discourse. we as artists and culture makers openly acknowledge our role as global citizens using our creativity and tools of innovation and collaboration to contribute to humanity’s greatest challenges. a tilt of the head: getting to the vision what will we do when private philanthropy and foundations can no longer support the not-for-profit theatre as much as they used to? the not-for-profit frame that has been the driving economic model of the american theatre is caught between mission and survival. as peter dobkin hall suggests in his essay, “a historical overview of philanthropy, voluntary associations, and nonprofit organizations in the united states, 1600-2000,” nonprofits were once constrained by legal definitions of charity that required them to serve a fairly narrow range of charitable, educational, or religious purpose; today all that the law requires of nonprofits is that they not distribute their surpluses (if any) in the form of dividends and that their beneficiaries be of a general class of persons rather than specific individuals. (p. 57) though the not-for-profit structure is used because it incentivizes a collective behavior around a perceived public good—in our case, theatre—as hall (2006) points out, what defines a not-for-profit is becoming ever less clear so as to “defy the efforts of scholars and lawmakers to measure them against any abstract standard of charitableness, public benefit, or voluntariness” (p. 58). in this context it’s becoming more difficult to differentiate market or profit driven enterprises from not-for-profit entities. in a shifting global economy, our dependence on contributed revenue seems unrealistic as our relevance is no longer self-evident in a culture with so many interests competing for people’s money and time. the truth is, we never anticipated that “unlimited economic growth”—a prevailing economic design principle of the 20th century—was a myth that would upend the notfor-profit arts dependence on charity. without the promise of resources like philanthropic support extending well into the future, artists find themselves in the midst of indulging the most basic competitive instincts of a market economy. the theatre has hired a professional arts administration corps with innovative marketing and audience engagement initiatives that attempt to generate more earned revenue over the long term. but if the not-for-profit enterprise is to stay relevant and distinct from the corporate sector, we will need to consider alternatives to market ideology and behavior. we suggest that rather than abandoning the not-for-profit, we use its associations with value-based activity to our advantage and embed the idea of virtue back into the not-for-profit. can we make our way back to the “tilt of the head” that led to the creation of not-forprofit theatre as so clearly articulated by one of its founders, zelda fichandler in 2011: what drew us to the way we went? what was the vision, the inciting incident? actually, there was no incident, no high drama, there was simply a change of thought, a new way of looking at things, a tilt of the head, a revolution in our perception. . . .the fabric of the thought that propelled us was that theatre should stop serving the function of making mathew and carl culture coin ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (2) 16 money, for which it has never been and never will be suited, and start serving the revelation and shaping of the process of living, for which it is uniquely suited, for which it, indeed, exists. the new thought was that theatre should be restored to itself as a form of art. (para. 12) the virtues of the starving artist the term “generative artist” refers to those artists who originate artwork and to whom authorship is attributed. they create the work. “interpretive artists” are those artists like actors and designers that collaborate on a work that already exists. these are terms with the rise of devised and ensemble work that get blurred all of the time, but prove a useful distinction in understanding disparities in our current infrastructure. todd london and ben pesner’s study, outrageous fortune, put our field on notice when it came out in 2009. it points out that generative artists, those who make the work we see on our stages, live the most precarious economic existence of any person working for theatres that produce art and culture for their local communities. their contributions to the vibrancy of the arts is grossly undercompensated and unsupported over the long term relative to the salaried administrative staffs at these institutions. our theatres have encountered a failure of imagination in their design—unable to create an infrastructure that supports long-term wellness of the cultural worker. but ask any arts administrator, not one of them would say he intends to impoverish and economically exploit artists with no thought to the future of the art. at the same time, hans abbing, in his important study why are artists poor (2004), makes two critical points in helping us understand the evolution of the “starving artist.” 1. artists believe they are unfit for non-arts professions, and believe they are better off in the arts despite the prospect of a low income. 2. the average artist is more interested in non-monetary rewards than other professionals and such rewards are thought to be available in abundance in the arts. the economics of the not-for-profit infrastructure, one heavy on administrative overhead and in the large institutions, high salaries for administrators, play into an emotional mindset of many artists—the virtue that comes with starving for your art. and in this scenario everyone seems to hold the virtue card. arts administrators by virtue of working in the not-for-profit will claim they make less than if they worked in the corporate sector and their work brings art to audiences—a virtuous activity. and artists will claim the virtue of not “selling out” to corporate greed for the sake of their creative impulses. in both cases, the market or in this case the “anti-market” is the frame that defines virtue. in this scenario no one is actually ethically at fault for the huge salary disparities in our field. this is collateral damage stemming from a fundamental design flaw in our money system that promised unlimited economic growth ensuring charitable overflow. it’s also a design flaw in the economics of our arts institutions—notions of virtue that leave artists disproportionately poorer. internal design flaws and ethical problems these attitudes toward the virtues of the disparity in pay for artists lead to systems within our theatres that create an ethical conundrum for the field. the vast majority of theatre organizations are designed to use freelance artistic labor. using commercial market logic, organizations budget to get these artists for the lowest allowable price that the market, laws, and union contracts can bear, so that expenses are minimized. supporting and sustaining artists for mathew and carl culture coin ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (2) 17 the sake of the long-term health of the field is not the priority in the decision-making about how resources are allocated. as oskar eustis, artistic director of the public theatre in new york said in the 2011 in the intersection convening of commercial and not-for-profit theatre producers, “it’s the mission of the nonprofit that’s the danger right now. that’s the thing that’s being eviscerated” (p. 172). further, as resources become scarcer in a shifting economy, bottom line budgeting takes priority over ethical questions of fairness. theatre organizations struggle to fulfill their missions while at the same time stewarding the future sustainability and health of their arts community whether local or national or global. yet we would argue that stewardship of, contribution to, and participation in the whole arts community should be a core value of any arts organization that’s granted 501c3 corporate status in the us. though not in the legal code, if you’re a public benefit organization, the ethical implication is that you are interdependent with the public and other organizations that do similar work. however, it does little good to call out organizations for not participating in their ethical, core duty to their community. despite best human intentions, institutional and economic design will always trump individuals. our perception is that the managers of large and mid-size not-for-profit arts organizations have become the true “generative artists” of those theatres. artistic directors, managing directors, senior staff are the “generative artists” because they steward the relationships with all the revenue sources, the funders, the sales without which there would be no art making as they have the agency to define it. they “generate” institutions, perpetuate them, provide employment for many, and are the primary generators for art in their community—and because of that, they are rewarded with middle-class or even upper middle-class standards of living, job security, retirement accounts, and health insurance. in a context of financial scarcity, the managers eat first—and as the logic and ethics of the current not-for-profit design would have it, perhaps they should. perpetuating the managers’ own material security and future becomes the priority and agenda when resources are scarce, and resources are almost always scarce. actual “generative artists” such as playwrights are displaced to become “interpretive artists” for the “generative work” of the not-for-profit managers. the professionalization of the arts is one of the great successes of the not-for-profit arts sector, however the ethical issue is that this success comes at the expense of the freelance artists as well as all of the junior staff, interns, seasonal workers, temp workers who continue to live with no security and no financial future unless they are lucky enough to break in, earn money in other industries, or get a senior staff position. this contributes to burn out and turn over into entirely different fields for many artists. for the past several decades we’ve been in a slow churn of burning out our human capital. the commons as frame peter barnes in capitalism 3.0 (2006) describes the commons as: a set of assets that have two characteristics: they’re all gifts, and they’re all shared. a gift is something we receive as members of a community, as opposed to individually. examples of such gifts include air, water, ecosystems, language, music, holidays, money, law, mathematics, parks, the internet, and much more. (p. 5) mathew and carl culture coin ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (2) 18 natural assets are depletable but cultural and creative assets are abundant, continue to grow in number, and in the framework of a commons, can be harnessed for the benefit of all. if someone learns, experiences, or uses something in the cultural commons, it’s not at the expense or the detriment of someone or something else. there’s enough to go around. the irony though is that in order to produce the “un-depletable” cultural commons within the us not-for-profit arts sector, we depend upon uncompensated or undercompensated “sweat equity” which is labor that never gets properly compensated monetarily. these are unrequited labors of love situated in a gift economy that doesn’t circulate. in his book the gift: creativity and the artist in the modern world, lewis hyde (2007) differentiates the church, or the university, or the museum, from the market: it is the cardinal difference between gift and commodity exchange that a gift establishes a feeling-bond between two people, while the sale of the commodity leaves no necessary connection. (p. 72) not-for-profit arts organizations depend on the generative and interpretive artists as well as the underpaid junior staffers, interns, and other workers to in effect “volunteer” their work and provide that “feeling bond.” the systemic inequality and the unsustainability of supporting long term involvement in creating the cultural commons puts our human capital—and therefore the potentially transformative capital of artistic community—in as precarious a place as our natural resources. what should be a commons of abundance instead becomes a depletable commons. in contrast to the arts sector, in the internet technology field, volunteers who produce intellectual and technological commons such as open source software are not subject to the crushing scarcity of financial and material resources that afflict not-for-profit artists because their skills are commercially viable and in demand in the commercial economy and culture. in the technology commons, there is ultimately a commercial, market subsidy enabling a volunteer software developer to participate in a labor of love. the not-for-profit arts also has a commercial, market subsidy in the form of financial fortunes that fund foundations and the personal fortunes that account for direct donations. in addition, the commercial entertainment sector subsidizes larger not-for-profit theatres through enhancement funding. however these subsidies fall short of supporting the enormous overhead and infrastructure of institutional theatre, and rarely trickle down to the under-resourced artist and culture maker, aka “cultural commoner.” volunteer software developers for open source projects have direct access to financial support through their well-paying day jobs, whereas not-for-profit theatre artists depend on dysfunctional arts institutions, low-paying day jobs in related or unrelated fields, student loans, credit card debt, or family subsidy. peer production cultural, intellectual, artistic, technological, and creative commons are constructed by people in a shared community with a collective vision for solving some problem or addressing some need for that community. commons emerge through a process driven by “peer production” enabled by the internet that widely distributes the capacity for individuals to become knowledge and/or cultural producers. yochai benkler and helen nissenbaum (2006) in their paper “commons-based peer production and virtue” define “commons-based peer production” as: mathew and carl culture coin ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (2) 19 a socio-economic system of production that is emerging in the digitally networked environment. facilitated by the technical infrastructure of the internet, the hallmark of this socio-technical system is collaboration among large groups of individuals, sometimes in the order of tens or even hundreds of thousands, who cooperate effectively to provide information, knowledge or cultural goods without relying on either market pricing or managerial hierarchies to coordinate their common enterprise. (p. 394) according to benkler and nissenbaum, peer production can be defined by two key characteristics: decentralization and social cues. like the world of diy and the rise of the amateur, cultural participants have access to tools to edit their images and create their own website. people are no longer waiting for authorities to give permission. we see this all the time in the theatre. more artists are self-producing and marketing their own kickstarter campaigns – i.e. acting entrepreneurially -rather than waiting for an artistic director of an established theatre to call. producing information and motivating behavior now relies on peer cooperation around social production. a decade or a so ago if you wanted to organize a political rally, for example, that activity was driven by capital needs like access to a printer and a budget for copying fliers. “human effort and creativity. . . obviates the need for centralized capital investment” (p. 399). in addition, participation in commons based activities is highly motivated by non monetary values. people participate in voluntary activities because they care deeply about the issues involved. we volunteer to recycle at home because we deeply value the long-term sustainability of the environment. there are so many volunteers, unpaid and under paid interns in the theatre because people highly value feeding their creative souls. an essential feature of commons-based peer production is volunteerism and selfselection. in the first place, individuals have chosen freely to participate and are free to continue or cease to participate as they please. (benkler & nissenbaum, 2006, p. 405) describing their research on people’s motivations for contributing and participating in commons-based peer production, benkler and nissenbaum state: while understudied and difficult to predict and manage by comparison to a more simple picture of human motivation as driven by personal wealth maximization, peer production begins to offer a rich texture in which to study the much more varied and multifarious nature of human motivation and effective human action. (p. 403) by current design the theatre is motivated to spend the bulk of its energies and research on understanding motivations for purchasing tickets. for example, theatre marketing departments have put a lot of energy into dynamic pricing which the airline industry popularized, trying to predict what motivates a potential ticket buyer to pay more for a show. the commercial theatre sector has led the way convincing the not-for-profit that for a show with a lot of buzz people are willing to pay extremely high, last minute ticket prices. part of the reason for exploring the possibilities of the culture coin complementary currency come from our desire to understand another side of human motivation, the side that is value driven, not market driven. mathew and carl culture coin ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (2) 20 although it is entirely possible that the persistent and pervasive practice of spending time and effort producing something of value and giving it freely to be used by others for no compensation can be explained as self-serving behavior in pursuit of, say, reputation, a more efficient and direct explanation in many, if not most cases, is the pleasure or satisfaction of giving—generosity, kindness, benevolence. (benkler & nissenbaum, 2006, p. 408) apart from describing this emerging production process for creating the commons, the core argument of benkler and nissenbaum’s paper is that the design of this production process and its resulting social dynamic leads to “virtuous” and ethical behavior in contrast to a 20th century theatre model that for all of its good intentions has left too many artists underpaid and undervalued. as todd london eloquently argues in a howlround essay that analyzes diane ragsdale’s report, in the intersection: partnerships in the new play sector, every not-for-profit will say that it means well and is contributing nobly to its community but for london that’s not enough: i don’t, though, care about intentions, if the practices of our theatres impoverish and alienate the artists on whose backs they’re built. i don’t care about intentions of administrators if the work is boring and homogenous. i don’t care about how hard we work, if our work betrays bred-in-the-bones principles. taking money from commercial producers, creating product for the commercial theatre, bringing people from the new york marketplace theatre in to meddle in the local, homegrown, nonprofit art theatre, using commercial success as a lure for local patronage—these practices betray those principles. (london, 2013, para. 26) inventing new principles or recapturing old ones motivates howlround to explore the possibilities of alternative thinking around currency exchange for the theatre. can we bring words like virtue and generosity and values front and center into not-for-profit arts practice? can we, as benkler and nissenbaum (2006) suggest, create a “context or setting that is conducive to virtuous engagement and practice, thereby offering a medium for inducing virtue itself in its participants” (p. 403). complimentary currency: expanding our imaginations why do we need a complementary currency? because our current currency and economy is not meeting our sector’s needs and serves as a disincentive to virtuous commons-based but still entrepreneurial behaviors. in order to be vibrant, relevant, virtuous, and sustainable we need new interventions and new thinking around what constitutes value, and how to quantify new definitions of success. howlround’s commons-based peer produced platforms such as the new play map and howlround journalism1 currently provide space for sharing knowledge, information, and conversation. these platforms are also creating a new social community with new opportunities for virtuous behavior. our platforms have replaced scarcity with abundance. our next step is to design and deploy a commons-based complementary currency to meet more and different needs 1 for more information on the new play map and howlround jourmalism, see http://newplaymap.org/ and http://howlround.com/. mathew and carl culture coin ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (2) 21 that our current ticket based arts economy cannot meet alone. using peer production, we will have an information system that will produce new knowledge about existing and underutilized resources and that will make formerly invisible resources visible, empowered, and activated in our sector. the monopoly that the national currency has as the only system in which the arts works, severely limits our imaginations. as gwendolyn hallsmith and bernard lietaer state in creating wealth: growing local economies with local currencies (2011): it might be better to describe complementary currency systems as “information systems,” “social incentive schemes” or something else that doesn’t include the words money or currency. (p. 212) our existing monetary system is not explicitly designed to have positive social purpose in the way that many complementary currencies are defined. culture coin has strong social purpose and application, which is to increase our field’s artistic activity, support culture makers to be able to make more art over the long term, meet material and even basic survival needs, and in hallsmith and lietaer’s terms: “community building” and “identity reinforcement”—both actions that are related to commons-based virtue and ethics. the basic functioning of a complementary currency is: to meet needs that remain unfulfilled after transactions facilitated with conventional money have taken place. similarly, unused resources are those that haven’t been used in economic transactions mediated by conventional money. (hallsmith & lietaer, 2011, p. 218) in terms of using complementary currency for specific applications, hallsmith and lietaer suggest that complimentary currency systems are all about reorganizing our social relationships within an existing community in such a way that real changes in behavior can happen. the key to deploying such a system requires: finding sufficiency in matching unmet needs with underutilized resources creates an abundance that is otherwise not as available. these transactions are a source of real wealth, and can liberate all sorts of skills and talents that are otherwise ignored. (p. 68) as howlround has uncovered in its work and conversations with the theatre community, our sector is full of underutilized and undervalued resources and unmet needs. and there seems to be great enthusiasm in our initial culture coin research around the idea of being compensated for what has heretofore been sweat equity for the sake of virtuous behavior. according to hallsmith and lietaer, research has shown that more people volunteer and that the turnover of volunteers in nonprofit organizations is significantly reduced when a complementary currency is used to reward volunteers. (p. 110) mathew and carl culture coin ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (2) 22 it’s this idea of concrete reward for virtuous behaviors that howlround is exploring with culture coin. culture coin’s commons-based development and deployment through the artsfwd business unusual challenge administered by emcarts in new york, howlround chose to engage in “crowdsourcing”—to take (using artsfwd’s language) a “half-baked” idea and use a specific form of peer producing, community sourcing, and open sourcing for idea generation and development of the idea. this production methodology enabled anyone in the arts community to voluntarily self-select to participate in developing the initial kernel of the culture coin with us. the two questions we asked the crowd during the finalist phase in the challenge were: 1. what are resources, assets, or expertise that you have that currently go unused, are under-utilized, and could benefit your fellow artists, organizations, audiences? answer from your various perspectives as an organization, an artist, and/or an arts-goer. 2. as an artist or as an organization, what are resources, assets, expertise, or support that you need? how could those resources help you make a stronger impact and support your creative and cultural work? these two questions will be the foundational structure of the internet-based information system that will manage culture coin. they are questions that form the basis of any economy: matching needs to resources. when culture coin is deployed, this market of “resources” and “needs” will be a constantly changing and expanding dataset that’s peer produced and selfreported by anyone who wants to participate in the artistic and cultural sector’s economy. because it will be on the internet, culture coin will be enabled to impact local communities as well as global communities, in effect becoming a global complementary currency. circulation of needs and previously uncirculated resources can happen anywhere and are not restricted by geography and national boundaries. here is a small verbatim sampling of community responses received by us via public posting (howlround, 2013) during the artsfwd business unusual challenge to the above questions about resources and needs: anne: what i have to offer: i have seven years of experience in digital marketing and advertising with an emphasis in graphic design, i read at least one play per week, which makes me a great literary resource, i have an mfa in directing, which makes me a great audition coach or auditor in addition to being a solid director, and a comprehensive knowledge of contemporary british playwrights and their work, making me a great resource for companies looking to incorporate those voices. i also have non-profit events planning experience, so i can help you with logistics. i've served as a teaching artist at theatres and universities, so i'd be happy to help your education department by teaching for you or consulting for your education department. mathew and carl culture coin ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (2) 23 what i need: space for readings, rehearsals, and performances as well as design and technical resources, contract assistance and copying services. catherine castellani: resources i have and can share: top-notch office administration skills (any kind of scheduling, logistics, or just plain keeping after people), fine expository writing skills (meaning, i can draft press releases, program notes, etc.). resources i need: studio or rehearsal space suitable for informal readings, office/desk space (especially outside of regular business hours), discounted theatre tickets. i can see how these can be traded quite readily. i generally pay for studio/rehearsal space (cash), and am looking into co-working situations for the office space. i used to work temp/freelance, but since having a kid and requiring health insurance, i have a regular day job. honestly, the pay is so low and the benefits so non-existent for admin work in the theatre, i would feel better about bartering my skills than being an employee. i think i would be happier being a playwright/volunteer admin with office-use privileges after-hours than trading my daytime hours for scant pay. i am ny-based, and space is always at a premium. the most attractive aspect, for me, is that by developing barter arrangements and trust, i'd also be expanding my personal artistic and business community. the tesseract theatre company: in addition, as our organization grows, we are having trouble keeping up with such a small staff. volunteers are needed as photographers to properly capture rehearsals and productions as well as other theatre company events, so that we can grow our following on social media outlets as well as local media publications. we are also in need of a volunteer who could help update our website on a regular basis and make design changes. vivian from redefine magazine: it would be nice to give more back to our writers, who are definitely not getting paid enough for their hard work but are willing because they believe in our philosophy. i would love for their effort acknowledged in even more ways, financially or otherwise. variations theatre group: what we would realistically be able to provide is…rehearsal space. world fringe network: a unique understanding of the global fringe touring sector. mathew and carl culture coin ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (2) 24 personal connections with festival directors and artists. the ability to pair festivals with performers. information sharing to performers about how to take part in global festival circuit we need time with a computer programmer to develop the on-line regional and fringe touring guide. we need to be able to do market research with fringe festivals and regional venues. lana from rude mechs: co-production program that we offer to local artists to get their work staged in our space for free with advice if wanted, and free marketing/publicity. the scenic co-op it's not quite underused, but if we increased awareness / use, the library of free scenic materials could be larger/better and available to more people. 18 years of producing our own work and 14 years of managing a space = small business management we are killer money managers/survivors. all new computer equipment and software (especially a free and sophisticated crm tool). technologically super savvy forward-thinking person dedicated to making all aspects of our art and admin work thrilling. an archivist (we may get one soon). all new production gear for venue. a new venue, heh. cheaper health insurance. without these things, we move a little more slowly, do a little less than we could, a little less well. we spend more time on slapping bandaids on problems, and less time on the art-making and visioning. these responses show that resources that could support more arts and culture making in a sustained way potentially exist in a variety of places but are currently out of circulation, unused, or underutilized because our existing system of exchange ignores them and has no way to formally activate them. these unmet needs are left to stagnate, resulting in a less efficient and effective arts sector overall. the resources mentioned here are both material and intellectual. the intellectual resources will be much more capable of circulating outside geographically limited communities. for example, skill sharing or consulting could happen anywhere in the world with communications technology such as the telephone or video conferencing whereas the circulation of rehearsal space, housing, food, equipment is limited to geography. the digital form of currency that culture coin will take will be accessible anywhere there is internet so if someone earns culture coins in one geographic place, she/he will be able to spend those culture coins in an entirely different geographic place. here is a scenario found in the comments section of shareable magazine’s article on culture coin from theatre artist mark rud that refers to what the circulation in the culture coin economy could look like: imagine that non-theatre artists can also join the exchange (they could); a photographer earns cc by doing a production's ad shoot; she uses cc to rent a studio for her own projects; the studio uses cc to "pay" a model for its upstart ad campaign, and that model (with unused admin skills) also earns cc crunching numbers for an improv troupe; then he uses his combined cc in trade to "hire" a sound designer for his students' ballet mathew and carl culture coin ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (2) 25 showcase. and so on... such (hypothetical) projects presently are impossible to conceive in total because there is no "market" for those untapped skills/resources. while everyone appreciates the value in one-time artistic barters, cc is not a bartering tool because of its universality. that's the benefit of its more codified exchange format. it's the difference between a roadside fruit stand (one-time, one-on-one) and an urban farmer's market (diverse, multivariate, proliferate). david dower, director of artistic programs at artsemerson offers a scenario for how a large organization could leverage their resources to dynamically stimulate artistic activity and support within their local arts community: say donors put one million in cash into the cultural economy for a building or endowment, rather than into a show or an annual fund. this becomes a resource removed from circulation. to get it recirculating, the theatre then puts a percentage of that donation into the culture coin economy—let's say even 10% of the cash value each year, or $100,000 in culture coin for every million in the lock box. they distribute it via: 500 hours of shop rental available during unscheduled time, to be purchased with culture coin currency. 10% of seats available only through culture coin exchange so that culture workers can engage the art. 500 hours of rehearsal space available during unscheduled time in studios. eight weeks of theatre space available for an itinerant ensemble/company during unscheduled times. these resources are all available now for purchase with culture coin. (dower, 2013, para. 6) the major next step for the self-selecting community of culture coin developers will be to decide on the mechanics of how resources are valued and how culture coins come into being. the most promising existing model that we know of is the “mutual credit system.” time banks use a specific form of this system. as with any complementary currency model, it will need to be customized to fit the particular context of the arts, which will require continuous feedback and input from potential participants. to begin the technical development and deployment process, we will first build a simple and functional culture coin website that will be iterated as self-selecting participants in various geographic communities provide feedback and use culture coin. this website will manage the listing of resources, the transactions, the user accounts, and the community feedback forums. we imagine this internet platform development process to be as inclusive as possible being a project that is truly co-created by the global arts community. the more real-world experience and feedback the arts community is able to generate and that we are able to immediately implement, the more effective and scalable the economy will be. through rapid iterations based on user mathew and carl culture coin ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (2) 26 experience, the internet platform will seamlessly evolve into a tool that is designed to effectively accomplish its goal of managing the culture coin economy. in this kind of process, development is always ongoing as more is learned and experienced. the public “launch” happens at the beginning of the process, not at the end. a new head tilt when zelda fichandler tilted her head in the middle of the 20th century to launch a theatre movement, she did so in an era where head tilts were primarily “i” activities—individuals leading communities willing to follow with big ideas. but this new century requires a new kind of tilt, one in which “i” becomes “we” and big ideas are generated from peer-produced activities that can have global impact. we are entering an era in which enabling other people’s entrepreneurial activity and creating entrepreneurial communities through shared platforms and infrastructure will be as effective or even more effective than enabling just the private individual. list of references abbing, h. (2004). why are artists poor?: the exceptional economy of the arts. amsterdam, nl: amsterdam university press. barnes, p. (2006). capitalism 3.0: a guide to reclaiming the commons. san francisco, ca: berrett-koehler publishers. benkler, y. & nissenbaum, h. (2006). commons-based peer production and virtue. the journal of political philosophy, 14(4), 394-419. retrieved from https://www.nyu.edu/projects/nissenbaum/papers/jopp_235.pdf davis, p.m. (2013, july 17). culture coin: an alternative currency to sustain artists. shareable magazine. retrieved july 17, 2013 from http://www.shareable.net/blog/culture-coin-analternative-currency-to-support-and-sustain-artists dower, d. (2013). practical applications of the culture coin. howlround. retrieved may 28, 2013 from http://howlround.com/practical-applications-of-the-culture-coin fichandler, z. (2011). address to the stage directors and choreographers society in celebration of the third annual zelda fichandler award. howlround. retrieved [date] from http://howlround.com/address-to-the-stage-directors-and-choreographers-society-incelebration-of-the-third-annual-zelda hall, p.d. (2006). a historical overview of philanthropy, voluntary associations, and nonprofit organizations in the united states, 1600-2000. in w.w. powell & r. steinberg (eds.), the nonprofit sector: a research handbook. retrieved from http://www.hks.harvard.edu/fs/phall/powell%20essay-final%20-%20rev.pdf hallsmith, g & lietaer, b. (2011). creating wealth: growing local economies with local currencies. gabriola island, bc: new society publishers. mathew and carl culture coin ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (2) 27 howlround. (2013). share your ideas with howlround, business unusual national challenge. artsfwd: next practices for arts leaders, an emcarts initiative. retrieved from http://artsfwd.org/howlr-challenge-finalist/ hyde, l. (2007). the gift: creativity and the artist in the modern world (25th anniversary ed.). new york, ny: vintage. london, t., pesner, b., voss, z. (2009). outrageous fortune. new york, ny: theatre development fund london, t. (2013). what price idealism, or who you gonna dance with. howlround. retrieved may 15, 2013from http://howlround.com/what-price-idealism-or-who-you-gonna-dancewith ragsdale, d. (2012). in the intersection: partnerships in the new play sector. boston, ma: howlround / center for the theater commons. schiller, ben. (2013). creating an alternative economy for underpaid artists with a brand new currency. fast company co.exist. retrieved august 5, 2013 from http://www.fastcoexist.com/1682736/creating-an-alternative-economy-for-under-paidartists-with-a-brand-new-currency microsoft word shockley and frank final layout for pdf.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 1, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 79-91 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2013, the authors dostoevsky’s “the grand inquisitor”: adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship gordon e. shockley, arizona state university peter m. frank, wingate university abstract the premise of this essay is that the study of ethics is an essential component in teaching all forms of “non-market entrepreneurship,” that is, all forms of entrepreneurship not undertaken solely for commercial purposes. in non-market entrepreneurship, such as arts entrepreneurship, social enterprise, or social entrepreneurship, at least one other purpose instead of or in addition to profit motivates acting entrepreneurially. in this essay we show how we add an ethical component to teaching social entrepreneurship in a discussion-based seminar in an american university. the thrust of our effort is to require students read fyodor dostoevsky’s “the grand inquisitor” and the father zossima portions from the brothers karamazov, originally published in russian in 1863 as a seminal work in the golden age of russian literature. through the instructor’s structured and directed discussion of the text, students are presented with the argument that a personal ethic of “loving humility” as embodied in the character of father zossima might serve as an appropriate ethical guide for non-market entrepreneurship. introduction mark hager (2007) in his famous the nonprofit quarterly article “the ultimate question” presents a classic case study of the ethics of arts entrepreneurship. the case centers on metro arts and film (maf), a fictitious nonprofit arts organization with an original mission “to provide instruction in filmmaking, still photography, videotaping, and emerging recording mediums” (hager, 2007, p. 42) based on a real one from a larger study of nonprofits closing their doors (see duckles, hager, & galaskiewicz, 2005). the “ultimate question” in the article’s title refers to the maf’s board deciding to shutter the organization ostensibly because of the state arts board (another fictitious entity) cut its grant subsidy by 85 percent. the board’s almostunanimous decision to close maf was ironic as the organization was in good fiscal health following the launch of a successful entrepreneurial venture: it had developed its own earnedincome streams and diversified its revenue sources away from a high dependence on government subsidies such as the state arts board and the national endowment for the arts (the actual federal agency) from which it also received a grant. maf board member peter comments on the organization’s successful enterprise: “our service revenues are now by far our largest source of revenue and won’t be affected by these government cuts’” (hager, 2007, p. 46). instead of fiscal reasons, the board’s decision to close was the result of factors that have ethical dimensions. these factors included the influence of a domineering founding director, an uninvolved board, lack of leadership, and the substitution of its “new mission of ‘survival’” instead of the nonprofit’s original service mission (hager, 2007, pp. 47-48). the same peter quoted above, who incidentally was the sole maf board member who voted against the closing, invokes one such ethical issue: ‘close maf? why? i’ve been a student and client here for most of my adult life. we can’t just close. there are a lot of people who rely on services we provide’ (hager, 2007, p. 45) shockley and frank adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (2) 80 in summary, the case of the mfa board’s decision to close demonstrates that arts entrepreneurship does not occur in an ethical vacuum. ethical issues often come into play before, during, and after even successful entrepreneurship. the premise of this essay is that the study of ethics is an essential component in teaching all forms of “non-market entrepreneurship,” that is, all forms of entrepreneurship not undertaken solely for commercial purposes (shockley, frank, & stough, 2008). of course, ethics should be equally involved in commercial entrepreneurship (and in all human behavior), but it is not constitutive of commercial entrepreneurship like it is of non-market entrepreneurship. in nonmarket entrepreneurship, such as arts entrepreneurship, social enterprise, or social entrepreneurship, at least one other purpose instead of or in addition to profit motivates acting entrepreneurially. the practice of arts entrepreneurship is more than just setting up a gallery or studio; arts entrepreneurship also encompasses developing tools for artist self-efficacy and selfactualization and providing an environment for artistic exploration and innovation (e.g., beckman & essig, 2012). if ethical considerations are not properly incorporated, then any of these practices or others could go awry, as demonstrated in the case of maf and its board’s decision to close the organization in spite of its successful entrepreneurship as well as its insufficient attention to other obligations and responsibilities. similarly, social enterprise in the united states by definition consists of pursuing profit and social goals (e.g., kerlin, 2006; larson, 2002). likewise, it can be argued that ethics is the essence of social entrepreneurship in order to ensure that the entrepreneurial efforts are directed towards good societal ends (e.g., bornstein, 2007; yunus & weber, 2007). yet, when one teaches any of these forms of nonmarket entrepreneurship with the available stock of theory, one quickly realizes that ethics is often missing or at least neglected. in this essay we show how we add an ethical component to teaching social entrepreneurship in a discussion-based seminar in an american university. the thrust of our effort is to read with students fyodor dostoevsky’s “grand inquisitor” and the father zossima sections from the brothers karamazov, originally published in russian in 1863 as a seminal work in the golden age of russian literature. through the instructor’s structured and directed discussion of the text, students are presented with the argument that an ethical notion of personal “loving humility” as embodied in the character of father zossima might serve as an appropriate ethical guide for social entrepreneurship. there are two parts to our essay. in the very brief first part we review the available stock of social entrepreneurship theories for their ethical content or for analogous mechanisms. for all of their robustness in other areas, we will find that theories of social entrepreneurship generally lack, or at best assume, ethical considerations. in the second and by far the larger part of this essay we walk through key passages of “the grand inquisitor” and the father zossima portions and build the argument that it might supply students with an appropriate ethical guide for non-market entrepreneurship. it should be noted – and students are warned upfront – that this is not an exercise in literary analysis of nineteenth-century russian literature. nor is the reading of dostoevsky we offer necessarily a standard or canonical one, though some literary criticism intersperses our analysis and argument below. instead, dostoevsky the artist is directly engaged and his words considered on their face for their ethical content. in short, we are reading these works as a case study of the integration of ethics and social entrepreneurship. “more than educating us, the artist transforms us by what he says and makes us feel” (idinopulos, 1975, p. 51). shockley and frank adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (2) 81 teaching social entrepreneurship social entrepreneurship has developed into one of the most popular fields of entrepreneurship studies and practice. according to the most recent edition of the social entrepreneurship education resource handbook (ashoka & brock, 2011), the study of social entrepreneurship has evolved from a kind of niche course of study at a few business schools in the 1990s to a series of rigorous, comprehensive, “cross-campus, interdisciplinary, ‘embedded’ programs that serve undergraduates, graduates, and executive education seekers” at seemingly every kind of institution of higher education (pp. 4-5). as at least a partial result of the explosion in the study of social entrepreneurship, instructors in the field have a plethora of theories from which to choose (see table 1 for a partial selection of available theories). yet even a superficial analysis reveals that ethical considerations do not figure prominently in the selection of theories. as addressed above, all forms of nonmarket entrepreneurship by definition must be motivated by at least one other purpose instead of or in addition to profit. table 1 highlights in bold the non-commercial purposes in this selection of theories of social entrepreneurship. the most common purpose of social entrepreneurship is revealed in the key terms “social change,” “social value,” and “transformation.” none of these key terms or the larger quotes in which they appear incorporates anything to ensure that social change, social value, or transformation conform or satisfy a conception of the good, the moral, or the right. one can easily recall from history any number of instances in which social value served only a powerful few and social change, forces, and transformation are most appropriately described as fitting evil purposes. for all of their robustness in other areas, theories of social entrepreneurship that generally lack or at least neglect ethical considerations are at best incomplete and at worst dangerous. therefore, it is imperative to include ethics in teaching social entrepreneurship, which is exactly what we propose to do by including in a discussionbased seminar on social entrepreneurship a component focused on dostoevsky’s “the grand inquisitor.” shockley and frank adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (2) 82 table 1: partial selection of theories of social entrepreneurship theorist (year of publication, page number) systemic effects 1. young (1983, p. 36) “…entrepreneurship in the nonprofit sector, as elsewhere, represents the cutting edge of the sector’s activity, and, as such, its study helps to reveal the driving forces and underlying character of its member organizations.” 2. waddock and post (1991, p. 394) theory of social entrepreneurship is one of catalytic change. 3. dees’ earlier conception (2001, p. 4) social entrepreneurs as change agents “by adopting a mission to create and sustain social value.” 4. alvord, brown, and letts (2004, p. 279) “‘sustainable transformation’ in the social sector in the form of capacity-building initiatives alters local norms, roles, and expectations to transform the cultural contexts in which marginalized groups live…” 5. light’s earlier “inclusive” conception (2006, pp. 18-20) social entrepreneurship can come in the form of both new solutions to large, intractable problems or smaller, more modest technical or administrative change. 6. dees’ later conception (dees & anderson, 2006, p. 44) “social entrepreneurs are individuals who reform or revolutionize the patterns of producing social value, shifting resources into areas of higher yield for society.” 7. bornstein (2007, pp. 1-2) social entrepreneurs as “transformative forces”: “people with new ideas to address major problems who are relentless in the pursuit of their visions, people who simply will not take ‘no’ for an answer, who will not give up until they have spread their ideas as far as they possibly can.” 8. martin and osberg (2007, p. 34) the effects of social entrepreneurship are produced as the social entrepreneur “creates a new equilibrium, one that provides a meaningfully higher level of satisfaction for the participants in the system.” 9. swedburg (2009, p. 99) schumpeter’s full model of non-economic entrepreneurship: “the pushing through or the successful introduction of social change, through a new combination of elements that make up some way of doing things.” source: adapted from shockley & frank (2011) shockley and frank adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (2) 83 adding an ethical component to teaching social entrepreneurship reading literature for its own sake and on its own terms is disappearing from higher education. the anti-humanities, pro-practical bias in higher education with an exclusive focus on employability has been decried for several decades now, very recently and eloquently so by martha nussbaum in her short book not for profit: why democracy needs the humanities (2010): if this trend [against teaching the humanities] continues, nations all over the world will soon be producing generations of useful machines, rather than complete citizens who can think for themselves, criticize tradition, and understand the significance of another person’s sufferings and achievements (p. 2). in addition to higher education “producing generations of useful machines,” nussbaum identifies another dangerous consequence of not reading literature that is particularly germane to teaching social entrepreneurship or any of the non-market forms of entrepreneurship: the capacity to “understand the significance of another person’s sufferings and achievements.” insofar as all forms of non-market entrepreneurship are motivated by another propose instead of or in addition to profit, the ability to relate to others, empathize, and understand others is central to teaching non-market entrepreneurship, not to mention for the healthy functioning of civil society and democracy. (indeed, nussbaum indicates as much in her book’s title “not for profit.”) as indinopulos (1975) puts it, “the art of a dostoevsky…does for us what the disciplines of theology, psychology, and journalism cannot do: it gives us a personal relationship to what we cannot otherwise grasp intellectually” (p. 60). relating to others, empathizing with them, and understanding them in a humanistic way collectively are the essence of the ethical component we add to teaching social entrepreneurship. very much following shockley and frank (2010) in using great literature to teach other aspects of social entrepreneurship, we devote the equivalent of a week’s worth of class sessions in a 15week semester in the social entrepreneurship class to discussing dostoevsky’s “grand inquisitor” and the father zossima portions from the brothers karamazov. in particular, we use hackett’s 1993 edition of dostoevsky’s the grand inquisitor with related chapters from the brothers karamazov translated by constance garnett and edited and introduced by charles guignon (see dostoevsky, 1993/1912; isbn 0-87220-193-7).1 through the instructor’s structured and directed discussion of the text over the weeks’ class sessions, students are presented with the argument that an ethical notion of personal “loving humility” as embodied in the character of father zossima might serve as an appropriate ethical guide for social entrepreneurship and, by extension, arts entrepreneurship. the basic flow of the structured and directed class discussion is as follows. first, we encounter the character of ivan. although endowed with superior rationality as well as compassion, ivan attempts to solve the problem of evil – namely, if god is omnipotent and good, how can there be evil? ivan’s efforts are analogous to modern social policymaking in that it applies rationality to solve social ills. like many failed social and public policies in any national government, ivan’s efforts end in utter despair because instrumentally rational, intellectualized solutions are frequently incomplete or misguided. ivan takes it to the extreme as he would rather 1 all quotes and page numbers of dostoevsky’s “grand inquisitor” and the father zossima portions from the brothers karamazov cited in this essay come from the guignon edition. shockley and frank adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (2) 84 give up or, in some readings, commit suicide, than live in the world full of rampant evil. second, we examine ivan’s creation, the poem of the “grand inquisitor.” based on tomas de torquemada, the actual historical grand inquisitor of the spanish inquisition of the 15th and 16th centuries that sought a religiously (and racially) homogenous society by eradicating islam and judaism from spain, ivan’s poem is one of the most powerful critiques of the human condition in all of world literature. one of the lessons “the grand inquisitor” reveals is that mankind loathes his freedom. he says, “nothing has been more insupportable for a man and a human society than freedom” (p. 25). third, the character of the russian monk father zossima appears in the brothers karamazov as an antidote to ivan and the grand inquisitor. father zossima represents the personal ethic of “loving humility” that we are all responsible to all for all. this, we argue, might be an appropriate ethical guide for social entrepreneurship to ensure that the entrepreneurial efforts are directed towards good societal ends. below we topically and descriptively outline in five parts how we structure those class sessions.2 part 1: introduction and historical background “the grand inquisitor” selection from dostoevsky’s the brothers karamazov is a quite moving piece of literature. as a work of art, it is disturbing, though strangely a lot less disturbing than what we can see on primetime tv any given night. deeply and uniquely challenging readers for the last 150 years, this selection also gives us deeper insight into social entrepreneurship as it offers a powerful critique of the nature of social change – that it is directed toward good societal aims – implied or assumed but rarely stated in theories of social entrepreneurship. charles guignon’s introduction (1993) provides an excellent background for the brothers karamazov . dostoevsky wrote the novel during a time of upheaval in russian society. it was going through what might be called in entrepreneurship terms a “schumpeterian moment of creative destruction” (see schumpeter, 1950, chapter 7) as the old way of feudalism was giving way to the new way of industrialization. it should be noted that russia was already at least a generation behind in industrializing when compared to the west, particularly england. and russia never fully committed to industrialization, which complicated its (in many respects) disastrous 20th century. contributing to the upheaval of russian society is what guignon distills as the “enlightenment paradox.” the enlightenment that emerged in france in the 17th and 18th centuries and quickly spread throughout the west was based on mankind’s power of reason, its capacity for rationality to discover the laws of nature, also known as science, and to dispel myth and superstition, also known as religion. the american revolution and french revolution are widely seen as two of the most important products of the enlightenment. the enlightenment paradox means that the more reason and rationality were relied on to fix society’s problems – indeed, to perfect society – according to the ideals that they pointed to, such as rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, the more those ideals themselves became reflexively suspicious. the enlightenment paradox is very much about the limits of reason and rationality. 2 many synopses introduction to dostoevsky’s the brothers karamazov are easily available. one particularly distinguished and brief synopsis appears in oates (1968, pp. 205-207). one of the remarkable features of “the grand inquisitor” and father zossima portions are self contained and can stand on their own without much knowledge of the rest of the brothers karamazov. but it is not uncommon for anyone having read “the grand inquisitor” to take on the entire the brothers karamazov at a later date. shockley and frank adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (2) 85 part 2: dostoevsky’s “the grand inquisitor” and the father zossima portions dostoevsky’s novels are typically polyphonous, which means that there are many voices and viewpoints presented and each voice and viewpoint is uniquely associated with a single character. another way to look at dostoevsky’s polyphony is “as a conflict within the parts of oneself” (oates, 1968, p. 207). in “pro and contra,” the first part of “the grand inquisitor,” we are presented with the debate between two of the karamazov brothers, ivan and alyosha. truly, it is less of a debate between them than it is ivan’s monologue. ivan is associated with the voice of reason, rationality, logic, and science. ivan is both brilliant – as he represents reason – and compassionate – as he is consumed with the problem of evil and suffering in the world. this problem has also consumed philosophy and religion in the west for millennia. ivan has the motivation of a social entrepreneur as he seeks to solve the problem of evil and suffering under a good and omnipotent god. ivan announces to his brother alyosha: “‘it’s not that i don’t accept god, you must understand; it’s the world created by him i don’t and cannot accept’” (p. 5). he wants to change society for the better. “‘people talk sometimes of bestial cruelty, but that’s a great injustice and insult to beasts; a beast can never be so cruel as a man, so artistically cruel’” (p. 9). he therefore brings to bear on this problem all of the power reason, rationality, logic, and science can muster and concludes that man is the problem in a world in which evil triumphs. ivan remarks, “‘i think if the devil doesn’t exist, but man created him, he has created him in his own image and likeness’” (p. 9). the final result is that ivan gives up, “returns his ticket,” which means in some interpretations that he is willing to commit suicide rather than live in a world in which he (reason personified) is impotent against pain and suffering of children. rationality fails ivan and, unlike a social entrepreneur, hope leaves him. ‘besides, too high a price is asked for harmony; it’s beyond our means to pay so much to enter on it. and so i hasten to give back my entrance ticket, and if i am an honest man i am bound to give it back as soon as possible. and that i am doing. it’s not god that i don’t accept, alyosha, only i most respectfully return him the ticket.’ dostoevsky apparently believes that reason, rationality, logic, and science are inadequate to this perennial problem. the inadequacy of reason and ivan in this initial section of “the grand inquisitor” is a theme that parallels the larger the brothers karamazov novel of which it is literally a central part. as joyce carol oates (1968) writes, “the bulk of the novel is one of affirmation, though ivan, the most eloquent person in the novel, is not saved but made impotent, broken, most violently changed” (p. 205). jeff malpa (2012) describes why dostoevsky is often considered one of the first existentialist literary artists: dostoevsky can be seen to set out, in the most vivid and powerful fashion, the problematic situation that underpins much existentialist thought – the situation of the solitary individual, the ‘outsider,’ who can no longer find any sure refuge in god or religion, for whom the usual standards of morality and conduct, even standards of reason itself, no longer seem to hold, and whose very existence is rendered uncertain and ambiguous. (p. 297) shockley and frank adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (2) 86 then, in a remarkable move that only a consummate artist like dostoevsky can do, he has ivan – reason, rationality, logic, and science – compose a poem (which is the opposite of scientific inquiry) about the grand inquisitor that takes us down even farther into the misery and suffering of the human condition. part 3: the grand inquisitor and miracle, mystery, and authority walter kaufmann (1989) argues that the poem of the grand inquisitor is “inspired by [dostoevsky’s] hatred of the church of rome” (p. 14). that may be true as dostoevsky was a devout russian orthodox christian. but the poem goes much deeper than a personal comment on history of roman catholicism as it reaches to an understanding of the human condition. the grand inquisitor was the real historical figure tomas de torquemada who was indeed the “grand inquisitor” leading the initial phases of the spanish inquisition of the late 15th century that sought to expose christian heretics and force conversions to christianity through torture. in ivan’s poem dostoevsky imagines the grand inquisitor’s words in the most remarkable of circumstances: christ’s reappearance on earth during the spanish inquisition. does a key leader of the christian faith on earth welcome christ’s return? no, he imprisons and condescendingly lectures him on his irrelevance to the human institution of christianity. in a clear reference to adam and eve, the grand inquisitor tells jesus that mankind does not want freedom to make the right choice: “nothing has been more insupportable for a man and a human society than freedom.” instead, they want to be relieved of responsibility that freedom necessarily entails and be deceived by “miracle, mystery, and authority.” these three powers tell them how to live, what to think and do, “able to conquer and to hold captive forever the conscience of these impotent rebels [mankind] for their happiness” (p. 28). the church of the spanish inquisition has supplanted christ and taken away mankind’s freedom. dostoevsky’s grand inquisitor declares: ‘and if it is a mystery, we too have a right to preach a mystery, and to teach them that it’s not the free judgment of their hearts, but a mystery which they must follow blindly, even against their conscience. so we have done. we have corrected thy work and have founded it upon miracle, mystery, and authority.’ (p. 30, emphasis in the original) according to dostoevsky’s grand inquisitor, the institution of the church oppresses mankind with mankind’s implied consent. “the core ethical temptation in the legend of the grand inquisitor lies in the replacement of moral freedom by social control and welfare” (bouckaert & ghesquiere, 2004, p. 32, emphasis in the original). this trenchant analysis of the human condition is no less true today than when dostoevsky wrote the brothers karamazov in the 19th century. and it is trenchant precisely because we are reading it as literature and on its own terms. certainly no executive summary, journal article, or preamble to a professional code of ethics, no matter how well-conceived and well-written, can make us feel as we do when we directly engage the words of dostoevsky. an irony of dostoevsky’s grand inquisitor and his institutionalized church is that, like ivan, they love mankind and care about his suffering. still more, they are social entrepreneurs by any of the definitions of social entrepreneurship in table 1 or available elsewhere as they can be easily ascribed to the key terms “social change,” “social value,” and “transformation.” the grand inquisitor has produced massive social change, created social value, and transformed religious shockley and frank adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (2) 87 life in the west and as he has given man what he wants with miracle, mystery, and authority, thus relieving mankind of the burden of freedom. he has exploited this fundamental truth of the human condition that undermines all that christ taught and represented historically and theologically. how does this sit with students (and us)? do we really want to call the grand inquisitor a social entrepreneur even if he satisfies our theories of social entrepreneurship? where is an ethic to ensure that the social change, social value, and transformation are directed towards positive societal ends? part 4: father zossima, loving humility, and the antidote to the grand inquisitor we tell the students at this point: if dostoevsky ends his novel with ivan’s poem of the grand inquisitor, then how do we get out of bed every morning? fortunately, he does not end here and offers an antidote to ivan and the grand inquisitor in the figure of the russian monk, father zossima, and the voice of ivan’s brother, alyosha (father zossima mentored alyosha; alyosha embodies father zossima’s teaching). instead, later sections of the brothers karamazov, like the father zossima portion “advance a rather more positive message, even if not made fully determinate, centered on the essentially ethical path adopted by alyosha” (malpa, 2012, p. 298). reason and rationality eventually lead to extreme individuation and, ultimately, isolation, and self-destruction, dostoevsky seems to say, which is exactly where ivan himself was led in seeking to “return his ticket.” some critics intriguingly argue that the grand inquisitor and father zossima are one of the many doubles that can be found throughout dostoevsky’s oeuvre (e.g., oates, 1968, p. 212), possibly because they both profess to love mankind. yet, even as the characters may be doubles, their solutions to the suffering and misery of mankind are diametrically opposed. dostoevsky’s father zossima distinguishes himself from ivan with the statement that “…true security is to be found in social solidarity rather than in isolated individual effort” (p. 58) like that of ivan. there are twelve books in the full text of the brothers karamazov. the father zossima portion makes up book vi while “the grant inquisitor” sits in the middle of book v. although they appear in consecutive books, there actually are two chapters between the end of the ivan’s poem and the beginning of the father zossima portion. and the feeling of despair from “the grand inquisitor” and the dramatic tension in those intervening two chapters are beautifully wrought by dostoevsky. to recreate a little bit of that effect when teaching, it is best to separate the “the grand inquisitor” and father zossima discussions, ideally by class sessions but even a break in a single class session would work. furthermore, the father zossima section is much longer and more meandering than “the grant inquisitor,” intentionally frustrating the reader and making her painfully wait for any sort of resolution to the tension. that is preserved in the guignon edition we suggest using in adding this component to a class in non-market entrepreneurship. to complicate matters more, father zossima’s message is a composite that comes from a variety of characters: alyohsa, father zossima, father zossima’s brother when he was a child, as well as a “mysterious visitor.” the reader must work very diligently to construct father zossima’s composite message, but there is no doubt that dostoevsky meant this composite message to answer ivan and the grand inquisitor. in contrast to the grand inquisitor’s miracle, mystery, and authority, father zossima represents “loving humility” or, in biblical terms, serving as your brother’s keeper. first father zossima addresses indirectly ivan’s scientific, individualistic approach “…but meantime all his efforts result not in attaining fulness [sic] of life but in self-destruction, for instead of selfrealization, he ends by arriving at complete solitude” (p. 58). community, not isolated shockley and frank adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (2) 88 individualism, is a large part of father zossima’s composite message. individualism, however, is still preserved by recognizing each human being’s spiritual dignity even in despair: “equality is to be found in the spiritual dignity of man, and that will only be understood among us” (p. 72), which is to say, in a community. father zossima addresses the grand inquisitor’s suppression of man’s freedom by embracing the individual freedom of accepting responsibility for one another. father zossima expresses his personal ethic of loving humility: ‘there is only one means of salvation, then: take yourself and make yourself responsible for everything and for all men’s sins; that is the truth, you know, friends, for as soon as you sincerely make yourself responsible for everything and all men, you will see at once that it is really so, and that you are to blame for everyone and all things…’ (p. 76) attempting to solve the problem of evil and rectify pain and suffering through the application of pure rationality, which leads to isolation and “returning one’s ticket” like ivan, or by institutionally suppressing mankind’s freedom like the grand inquisitor, which leads to slavery. loving humility, being your brother’s keeper, accepting responsibility for one another, is the essence of social entrepreneurship. by reading “the grand inquisitor” and father zossima portions of the brothers karamazov, students see that loving humility can fill out those other purposes of social entrepreneurship that are beyond profit. loving humility becomes an ethical guide in ensuring that the social change, social value, and transformation are directed towards good societal ends as well as being appropriately motivated. father zossima concludes: “‘loving humility is marvelously strong, the strongest of all things, and there is nothing else like it’” (p. 75). dostoevsky also recognizes that loving humility is not an instantaneous transformation. in the words of the mysterious visitor talking to father zossima before he was a monk: ‘believe me; this dream [of everyone recognizing that “we are all responsible to all for all”], as you call it, will come to pass without doubt; it will come, but not now, for every process has its law. it’s a spiritual, psychological process. to transform the world, to recreate it afresh [schumpeterian change], men must turn into another path psychologically.’ (p. 57) dostoevsky here is even using the language of social entrepreneurship in father zossima seeking to transform the world into one that recognizes our communal interconnectedness over our individual separateness. father zossima himself can even be seen as a 19th-century social entrepreneur because this transformation is the result of action. again in the words of the mysterious visitor: ‘until you have become really, in actual fact, a brother to everyone, brotherhood will not come to pass. no sort of scientific teaching, no common interest, will ever teach men to share property and privileges with equal consideration for all.’ (pp. 57-58) it does not seem an exaggeration to argue that the obligations entailed in loving humility comprise the essence and spirit of social entrepreneurship. it provides an ethical guide to ensure shockley and frank adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (2) 89 such entrepreneurship is a force for good: entrepreneurship with a personal ethic in which we feel and act on a responsibility for the well-being of others. conclusion adding a component in which the instructor structures and directs class discussion around the “the grand inquisitor” and father zossima portions of the brothers karamazov does more than incorporate ethics into the teaching of social entrepreneurship. truly this ethical component significantly alters the theory of and potentially the practice of social entrepreneurship. it advances the theories in table 1 from stopping at the effects of social entrepreneurship, such as social change, social value, or transformation, to taking into account the nature of that social change, social value, or transformation. it moves the theory of social entrepreneurship into more of a communityor civil society-based conceptualization, something akin to alan wolfe’s philosophy of social science developed in his book whose keeper? social science and moral obligation (1989). wolfe writes of a major problem in liberal capitalist societies that emphasize rights over obligations: the citizens of capitalist liberal democracies understand the freedom they possess, appreciate its value, defend its prerogatives [sic]. but they are confused when it comes to recognizing the social obligations that make their freedom possible in the first place. they are, in a word, unclear about the moral codes by which they ought to live (p. 2) like wolfe’s publicly oriented philosophy of social science, social entrepreneurship concerns obligation first and foremost. indeed, dostoevsky’s personal ethic of loving humility might be as equally important as profit in many other forms of non-market entrepreneurship. let us return to hager’s case study of metro arts and film’s board’s decision to close the nonprofit even though it had successfully diversified into enterprise models of funding. hager writes, “organizations that contribute value to a community have an obligation to that community to continue to provide their services” (hager, 2007, p. 48). was there much evidence that maf’s board took its obligations to the community into account, that its arts entrepreneurship was guided by anything like dostoevsky’s personal ethic of loving humility? that is a topic for another class discussion. list of references alvord, s. h., brown, l. d., & letts, c. w. (2004). social entrepreneurship and societal transformation. the journal of applied behavioral science, 40(3), 260-282. ashoka, & brock, d. d. (2011). social entrepreneurship education resource handbook. washington, dc: ashoka u., the university division of ashoka: innovators for the public. beckman, g. d., & essig, l. (2012). arts entrepreneurship: a conversation. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 1(1), 1-8. bornstein, d. (2007). how to change the world: social entrepreneurs and the power of new ideas (updated ed.). new york: oxford university press. bouckaert, l., & ghesquiere, r. (2004). dostoyevsky's grand inquisitor as a mirror for the ethics of institutions. journal of business ethics, 53(1/2), 29-37. shockley and frank adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (2) 90 dees, j. g. (2001). the meaning of "social entrepreneurship". 2008(march 28). retrieved from http://www.fuqua.duke.edu/centers/case/documents/dees_se.pdf dees, j. g., & anderson, b. b. (2006). framing a theory of social entrepreneurship: building on two schools of practice and thought. in r. mosher-williams (ed.), research on social entrepreneurship: understanding and contributing to an emerging field (arnova occasional paper series, volume 1, number 3) (pp. 39-66). indianapolis, ind.: association for research on nonprofit organizations and voluntary action. dostoevsky, f. (1993/1912). the grand inquisitor with related chapters from the brothers karamazov (c. garnett, trans.). indianapolis, ind.: hackett. duckles, b. m., hager, m. a., & galaskiewicz, j. (2005). how nonprofits close: using narratives to study organizational processes. in k. d. elsbach (ed.), qualitative organizational research (pp. 169-203). greenwich, conn.: information age publishing. guignon, c. b. (1993). introduction (c. garnett, trans.) fyodor dostoevsky's the grand inquisitor with related chapters from the brothers karamazov (pp. ix-xliii). indianapolis, ind.: hackett. hager, m. a. (2007). the ultimate question. the nonprofit quarterly, 14(3), 40-49. idinopulos, t. a. (1975). the mystery of suffering in the art of dostoevsky, camus, wiesel, and grünewald. journal of the american academy of religion, 43(1), 51-61. kaufmann, w. (1989). existentialism from dostoevsky to sartre. in w. kaufmann (ed.), existentialism from dostoevsky to sartre (pp. 11-51). new york: penguin books. kerlin, j. a. (2006). social enterprise in the united states and europe: understanding and learning from the differences. voluntas, 17, 247-263. larson, r. (2002). venture forth! the essential guide to starting a moneymaking business in your nonprofit organization. st. paul, minn.: fieldstone alliance. light, p. (2006). searching for social entrepreneurs: who they might be, where they might be found, what they do. in r. mosher-williams (ed.), research on social entrepreneurship: understanding and contributing to an emerging field (arnova occasional paper series, volume 1, number 3) (pp. 13-38). indianapolis, ind.: association for research on nonprofit organizations and voluntary action. malpa, j. (2012). existentialism as literature. in s. crowell (ed.), the cambridge companion to existentialism (pp. 291-321). new york: cambridge university press. martin, r. l., & osberg, s. (2007). social entrepreneurship: the case for definition. stanford social innovation review, 5(2), 28-39. nussbaum, m. c. (2010). not for profit: why democracy needs the humanities. princeton, new jersey: princeton university press. oates, j. c. (1968). the double vision of the brothers karamazov. the journal of aesthetics and art criticism, 27(2), 203-213. schumpeter, j. a. (1950). capitalism, socialism, and democracy. new york: harper & row, publishers. shockley, g. e., & frank, p. f. (2010). virgil’s aeneas as the quintessential social entrepreneur: juxtaposing selections from epic poetry and economic theory to teach social entrepreneurship. journal of small business and entrepreneurship, 23(special issue), 769-784. shockley, g. e., & frank, p. f. (2011). schumpeter, kirzner, and the field of social entrepreneurship. journal of social entrepreneurship, 2(1), 6-26. shockley and frank adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (2) 91 shockley, g. e., frank, p. f., & stough, r. r. (2008). introduction: the emerging field of nonmarket entrepreneurship non-market entrepreneurship: interdisciplinary approaches (pp. 3-9). cheltenham, uk and northampton, mass. (usa): edward elgar. swedberg, r. (2009). schumpeter's full model of entrepreneurship: economic, non-economic and social entrepreneurship. in r. ziegler (ed.), an introduction to social entrepreneurship: voices, preconditions, contexts (pp. 155-175). cheltenham, uk: edward elgar. waddock, s. a., & post, j. e. (1991). social entrepreneurs and catalytic change. public administration review, 51(5), 393-401. wolfe, a. (1989). whose keeper? social science and moral obligation. berkeley and los angeles, calif.: university of california press. young, d. r. (1983). if not for profit, for what? lexington, mass.: lexington books. yunus, m., & weber, k. (2007). creating a world without poverty: social business and the future of capitalism. new york: public affairs. microsoft word artivate pollard wilson winter 2014.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 3, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 3-22 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2013, the authors the “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts higher education in australia vikki pollard, deakin learning futures, deakin university, melbourne, australia emily wilson, higher education office, northern melbourne institute of tafe, melbourne, australia abstract creative and performing arts schools are increasingly facing the challenge of developing curricula to address an employability agenda in higher education. arts entrepreneurship education is thought to address this need because it supports the unique nature of the work circumstances of creative and performing arts graduates. as an emerging area of research, arts entrepreneurship education faces the challenge of not only being relevant and important to creative and performing arts education but of being robust enough to contribute to a “paradigm shift” (beckman, 2011, p. 29). with this in mind, this article attempts to clarify a recurring theme of arts entrepreneurship education, this being the development of an “entrepreneurial mindset.” we argue that if an entrepreneurial mindset is to be considered an essential aspect of arts entrepreneurship education, educators need to have a good understanding of what it means and how it might be taught. we examine data from four interviews with arts educators who have responsibility for teaching arts entrepreneurship in creative and performing arts schools. their experiences enable us to clarify the meaning of an “entrepreneurial mindset” in a creative and performing arts context in higher education and to make suggestions about teaching and learning. introduction increasingly, there is pressure on creative and performing arts schools in higher education institutions to develop curriculum that addresses the employability of graduates. such curriculum must be reflective of the particular types of employment commonly experienced by creative and performing arts graduates. typical employment in the arts is by way of short-term projects and contracts with high levels of self-employment (bridgstock, 2011; ball, pollard, stanley, and oakley, 2010; throsby and zednik, 2010; brown, 2005). arts entrepreneurship is a relatively new discipline in creative and performing arts higher education and is currently attracting attention due to the possibilities it affords to address graduate employability issues. however, as an emerging area there is a need for further research that attempts to clarify the meaning of arts entrepreneurship and explore how it is currently practiced. beckman (2011) argues the need for a paradigm shift to ensure that arts entrepreneurship is considered an academically robust and integral aspect of creative and performing arts education. the aim of this article is to contribute to this paradigm shift through an examination of an emerging and integral element in arts entrepreneurship education, an “arts entrepreneurial mindset” (essig, 2013; beckman, 2007, 2011; carey and naudin, 2006; gustafson, 2011). in the following, we investigate the notion of an arts entrepreneurial mindset as it relates to teaching in arts higher education through analyzing themes that arose from four interviews conducted with creative and performing arts educators who have responsibility for teaching in the area of arts entrepreneurship. these interviews revealed that an arts entrepreneurial mindset has five important elements, each with an indelible link to creative practice via a firm focus on the dissemination of creative work. these are 1) the capacity to think creatively, strategically, analytically and reflectively, 2) confidence in one’s abilities, 3) the ability to collaborate, 4) welldeveloped communication skills and 5) an understanding of the current artistic context. we argue pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 4 that these skills are important in higher education and our explication of these skills in arts entrepreneurship education show how such education can make an important contribution to creative and performing arts education more generally. while our study is limited in that only four educators were interviewed, our findings suggest that arts entrepreneurship education aims to develop skills, attitudes and abilities that, in addition to assisting graduates to develop sustainable creative arts careers, also complements and contributes to higher education more generally through the development of generic graduate attributes. our finding that the development of an arts entrepreneurial mindset also contributes in unique and valuable ways to broader creative and performing arts educational outcomes is an important step towards the necessary paradigm shift. this is because it positions arts entrepreneurship education as enhancing the mainstream of performing and creative arts education as it is understood in australia. further research with a larger number of participants is necessary to further contribute to this understanding of arts entrepreneurship education. teaching for employability there is increasing pressure on institutes of higher education to improve graduate employment outcomes. cranmer (2006) refers to this as the “employability in higher education agenda” (p. 170). in australia, the federal government is the major funding body for universities. recently the government has: made public funding partially contingent upon demonstrable graduate outcomes with an emphasis on the production of “work ready” graduates who are competent within their disciplinary fields and possess the abilities necessary to negotiate a world of work that is in constant flux (bridgstock, 2009, p. 31). creative and performing arts schools are facing unique challenges in terms of developing employability curricula because their graduates do not generally experience the same type of employment circumstances as graduates from other disciplines. they are far more likely to experience what are known as “portfolio, protean or boundary-less careers” (mccowan and wyganowska, 2008, p. 30) characterised by high levels of self-employment, freelance work and short-term contracts (daniel and daniel, 2013; bridgstock, 2011; ball et al., 2010; throsby and zednik, 2010; brown, 2005). employment for these graduates does not usually involve a single full-time job, “less than 50% of employment in the arts sectors involves a primary occupation – people doing one type of work” (summerton, 2001, quoted in brown, 2005, p. 160). the pressure to teach skills for employment is not limited to government policy. it also emanates from students themselves who are asking to be taught skills that will enable them to sustain a living. for example, a questionnaire of ninety-seven students from the performing arts in the uk found that “ninety-two per cent [...] believed it was important or very important that higher education should be preparing them for the world of work” (brown, 2005, p. 161). bennett (2009) undertook a survey of over thirty dance graduates in order to investigate their employment. when asked about changes to the bachelor degree curriculum in view of their graduate experiences three key themes emerged; “career awareness and development, training in different genres, and changes to course structure” (p. 32). the type of career awareness and development activities suggested by the surveyed graduates included the following: • include [a] unit involving business side of being an artist in the "real world." pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 5 • a better understanding of what happens after you've left [university]. • perhaps a more realistic view of how the "real world" operates. • more skills for surviving in the real world. • be trained to establish our own work opportunities, otherwise the industry won't grow and trained professionals are being wasted (p. 32) brown (2005) reports that a survey of uk members of the musicians’ union found that that more than “90% of all respondents stated that they had received little or no preparation for aspects of managing their careers” (p. 162). in light of these findings schools will need to consider bennett’s (2009) argument that “alongside ‘selling the dream’, pre-professional education should open the door to the myriad opportunities within and beyond the cultural industries” (p. 33). arts entrepreneurship education has been proposed as one way of addressing the employability agenda of higher education and the unique circumstances of employment in the arts. it is said to develop skills to navigate a career for a world in constant flux to which creative practitioners can contribute their particular artistic skills. it is a relatively new area in creative and performing arts higher education and has yet to achieve comprehensive recognition and integration into the mainstream curriculum. there needs to be considerable research investigating how it is understood and practiced in the field (beckman, 2011). this is necessary not only to support arts educators in their attempts to develop curricula but also to contribute to developing arts entrepreneurship as a valid and integral aspect of creative and performing arts education. beckman argues that scholars in the field need to contribute to a paradigm shift of understanding about arts entrepreneurship education: “we must not consider ourselves simply arts entrepreneurship educators but pioneering scholars advancing a fundamental paradigm shift in the outcome of arts training” (p.29). one of the aims of this article is to contribute to this shift through analyzing the idea of an entrepreneurial mindset in the context of the creative and performing arts education. what does arts entrepreneurship look like? -two approaches arts entrepreneurship is a fairly recent and ill-defined concept (hea and nesta, 2007; beckman, 2007; brown, 2005). beckman (2007) argues that there are two approaches to arts entrepreneurship education: one focuses on teaching new venture creation and the other focuses on transitioning students to professional careers. the first approach, based on a business model, is common in arts entrepreneurship education yet is problematic in several ways. first, it tends to disengage students more interested in their own creative practice than in developing and running a business (brown, 2005). this is particularly the case when “the antagonism between art and business” (eikhof and haunschild, 2006, p. 234) is taken into consideration. this stems from the underlying assumption that money harms rather than enables art (beckman, 2007). creative and performing arts students are far more likely to identify as “living a lifestyle that is distinct and distinguished from the rest of society, especially the bourgeoisie and business” (eikhof and haunschild, 2006, p. 234). such a lifestyle is characterized by creative fulfillment and artistic achievement being held in higher esteem than financial reward. students may not be intrinsically motivated at best and, at worst, disengaged by an education comprising new venture creation that does not take into pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 6 consideration their underlying values and motivations for embarking on a creative career and that privileges the business values of profit-making over creative fulfillment. the business model of arts entrepreneurship education may also prove alienating to creative and performing arts students used to “the development of high level disciplinary creative and technical skills, often through an intensive and rigorous studio experience” (bridgstock, 2013, p. 125) grounded in experiential learning pedagogy. business curricula also tend to neglect not-for-profit, social, and cultural entrepreneurship (kuuskoski, 2011; phillips, 2010; hea and nesta, 2007). while business curricula, especially financial management and marketing skills, may have a place within arts entrepreneurship education, it is argued that they ought not to form its pedagogical backbone. thus, beckman’s (2007) second form of arts entrepreneurship education is seen to be more appealing for creative and performing arts students in general and more appropriate in terms of making a scholarly contribution to creative and performing arts education. the second approach to arts entrepreneurship education as identified by beckman (2007) focuses on transitioning students to professional careers in the arts with a particular focus on more intangible, behavioral aspects of entrepreneurship. he describes this stream as “concerned with innovation in a professional environment and entrepreneurship education as training that prepares students to behave in this manner” (p. 89, emphasis in original). the training involves developing “entrepreneurial behavior [in an] arts culture, and the contextual integration of intellectual skills” (p. 91). it is a demanding form of education and it requires a “new curricula philosophy” (p. 95). this philosophy needs to encompass the development of business skills contextualized “through an understanding of arts policy, arts culture, arts management, and experiential opportunity” (p. 98). this philosophy addresses both “the intellectual and artistic self” (p.98). this is a far more intellectually rigorous approach than simply introducing a course in decontextualized business skills. the wholesale adoption of business school curricula by creative and performing arts education is as inadequate to teach students arts entrepreneurship as it is to contributing to a paradigm shift to advance the understanding and importance of arts entrepreneurship in creative and performing arts education (beckman, 2011). the stream of arts entrepreneurship curriculum focused on transitioning students to professional careers, with its aim to develop attitudes and behaviors, is more appropriate for facilitating a paradigm shift. this is especially the case in relation to a recurring theme in arts entrepreneurship education: the development of an entrepreneurial mindset (bennet, 2009; essig, 2013; carey and naudin, 2006). the focus on the development of said mindset is influenced by non arts-based entrepreneurship education. the clarification of the mindset as it relates to arts entrepreneurship education can help make a contribution to curriculum development and, quite possibly, to the paradigm shift as discussed by beckman (2007). such clarification can be undertaken through examining how the concept has been understood in entrepreneurship education and how it is currently understood in arts entrepreneurship education theory and practice. such knowledge can contribute to developing new forms of arts entrepreneurship education. the entrepreneurial mindset a recurring theme in entrepreneurship education over the past decades is that entrepreneurs have what has variously been described as having an “entrepreneurial perspective” (kuratko, 2005, p. 578), entrepreneurial “personal capabilities” (laukkanen, 2000, p. 28), “entrepreneurial mindset” (mcgrath and macmillian, 2000) and entrepreneurial “human pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 7 characteristics and traits” (ronstadt, 1987, p. 43). currently, there is debate about the location of the mindset: is it an essence? is it cognitive? however, in spite of the debate, the idea itself remains pertinent in higher education and, as seen below, is central to how arts entrepreneurship education is understood and taught. in this section, we examine the idea of the mindset and the changes to how it is understood. the individualist and essentialist understanding of the mindset has recently given way to a “cognitive turn” (deuning, 2010, p.3) that focuses on teaching specific cognitive skills. this means that the individualistic nature of the mindset has shifted to one that is more inclusive and outward looking. further clarifying the arts entrepreneurial mindset can make a contribution to this important shift in entrepreneurship education. traditionally, theories of entrepreneurship have focused on identifying the personality or behavioral characteristics of an entrepreneurial mindset (duening, 2010). it was initially believed that this mindset was innate to entrepreneurs; “early entrepreneurship researchers acted on the belief that successful entrepreneurs possess personality traits that distinguish them from nonentrepreneurs” (deuning, 2010, p. 4; ronstadt, 1987). this meant that entrepreneurship education was traditionally focused on instilling “the right human traits and characteristics” (solomon, 2000, p. 172). this was very much an education focused on the “single (heroic, supercreative, etc.) individual who is key to everything” (laukkanen, 2000, p. 30). it was also an essentialist view as the mindset was thought to be inherent to particular personality types, and therefore could not be taught. recently this type of personality trait approach has been reconsidered. this is a trend reflected in other areas of research such as leadership and strategic management (ford, 2010; villett and vuillermot, 2005; ireland et al., 2003). there are several reasons for this shift. first, there is little research that supports the contention that there are certain personality traits peculiar to entrepreneurs (duening, 2010). a further reason is that attempting to instill personality traits into students is ethically questionable. in relation to a similar approach in leadership research, ford (2010) argued that an approach based on instilling a set of personal capabilities is nothing more than “a list of behaviors that need to be practiced, learned and finally acquired” (p. 50). this approach is ethically questionable as it focuses on re-making individuals. laukkanen (2000) similarly describes this aspect of entrepreneurial education in the following manner; “prevalent thinking of entrepreneurial education focuses upon single individuals. they are receivers, even objects, to be transformed by and within a linear education process” (p. 28, emphasis in original). such an education does not pay attention to “more distant external goals” such as personal satisfaction and contribution to the economy (p. 28). this type of individually focused, “instilling” education has wider implications for higher education. questions arise such as its capability for developing ethical, critically thinking, and socially responsible students. for these reasons, among others, there is a move to develop new ways of educating entrepreneurs in higher education. one way in particular is making an impact. this is the “cognitive turn” (duening, 2010, p. 3) approach that posits that entrepreneurs think in a specific manner. this changes the focus from instilling personality traits to teaching the habits of specific cognitive and metacognitive skills. some habits that have thus far been distinguished include “cognitive rules that enable the management of risk and risk perception, the rapid vetting of […] opportunities and the ability to manage ambiguity and failure” (p. 5). mcgrath and macmillan (2000) define an entrepreneurial mindset as “the ability to rapidly sense, act and mobilize, even under uncertain conditions” (p. xv). this definition clearly describes a way of thinking that is comparable with duening’s (2010) entrepreneurial habits of mind. building on this definition, ireland et al. (2003) “define an entrepreneurial mindset as a growth oriented perspective through pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 8 which individuals promote flexibility, creativity, continuous innovation and renewal” (p.968). it is clear that these habits and ways of thinking are learned processes and that the focus has shifted, from a special individual to the acquisition of cognitive habits of mind. haynie et al. (2010) build on the cognitive skills model and move the focus from interrogating the cognitive skills that individuals use to identifying entrepreneurial opportunities to “the process through which entrepreneurs develop and inform ‘higher-order’ cognitive strategies” (p. 217) or metacognition. haynie et al.’s (2010) “model of the entrepreneurial mindset is based upon situating metacognitive processes in the entrepreneurial context” (p.217). implicit within the cognitive and metacognitive skills approach is the need for self-efficacy as an important precondition to support and successfully enact the entrepreneurial mindset (mauer et al, 2009). mauer et al (2009) view this as a complex psycho-social process which has obvious benefits in tolerating risk and uncertainty. once again, self-efficacy was not found to be an inherent disposition but could be developed by entrepreneurship education. this shift in the entrepreneurial mindset from being based on personality traits and behavioral characteristics to cognitive skills and metacognitive processes is seen both in business-oriented entrepreneurship education and in arts entrepreneurship education. arts entrepreneurial mindset the development of an entrepreneurial mindset is a recurring theme in arts entrepreneurship (bennett, 2009; essig, 2013; carey and naudin, 2006). however, while there is general agreement that the mindset is integral to arts entrepreneurship education, there is little research that attempts to clarify how it is understood and integrated into teaching practice. this lack of research into the practice of entrepreneurship education is also applicable more generally; fayolle (2013) notes this lack and strongly recommends more research. clarification of the mindset is important because the ways by which concepts are understood in higher education has implications for how they are taught (moore, 2001). the act of examining how an entrepreneurial mindset is understood can reveal how it is practiced and facilitates further development in the field. it is also important to note if the mindset is understood in arts entrepreneurship education as an individualistic, essentialist kind or as one that is part of the cognitive skills approach to entrepreneurship with its emphasis on teams, networks, personal satisfaction and community contributions. according to the literature, the development of an entrepreneurial mindset or “outlook” (bennett, 2009, p. 28) is integral to building a sustainable career in the arts. carey and naudin (2006) reviewed a creative enterprise conference, followed up with a questionnaire of participants, and found that there was a consensus that rather than simply imparting financial skills, the role that higher education could and should be playing is that of instilling the “entrepreneurial spirit” amongst creative students. this could be achieved by embedding attitudes and including entrepreneurial activities in project based work (p. 528). carey and naudin (2006) identify entrepreneurial characteristics and habits fundamental to this spirit. these include bringing people together, being well networked, being active in developing new enterprises, and having confidence to bring new ideas to fruition (carey and naudin, 2006). we can see that this is a cognitive skills understanding of the entrepreneurial mindset. no mention is made of personality traits and the mindset itself is very outward looking. pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 9 in a co-written introduction to the journal artivate, linda essig claims that an “entrepreneurial mindset accompanied by entrepreneurial skills” (beckman and essig, 2012, p. 6) can support artists to both make art and to “stock the refrigerator” (p. 6). in a later article, essig (2013) draws from the work of gardner’s (2008) five minds for the future and deuning’s (2010) development of these five minds to elaborate an entrepreneurial mindset. the habits of mind necessary for creative entrepreneurs include collaboration and ideation skills, capacities of self-reflection, an ethical approach and the ability to set goals (essig, 2013). it is important to note the addition of ethics in essig’s findings. this is an example of the external goals as described by laukkanen (2000). the entrepreneurial mindset as understood in the literature of creative arts education highlights both business and artistic acumen. this is a point of difference from more general entrepreneurship education and points to the need to develop more specific arts entrepreneurship curriculum and techniques. aggestam (2007) defines an arts entrepreneur as “an individual who has an entrepreneurial mindset in response to two triggers for the entrepreneurial act” (p. 32). these triggers are extrinsic, being business-oriented, and intrinsic, being the need to create something artistic. the business trigger is “a way of thinking about your business that captures the benefits of uncertainty” (mcgrath and macmillan, as cited in aggestam, 2007, p. 35) relating primarily to new venture creation and the artistic trigger is related to artistic achievement. both triggers must be activated for a successful arts entrepreneur to experience both creative fulfilment and the commercial exploitation of that creativity. the differences between general entrepreneurship education and arts entrepreneurship education is noted by hong et al. (2011) who write that particular entrepreneurship skills, habits of mind and teaching approaches are specifically required for arts entrepreneurship education. pedagogies cannot be imported wholesale from business entrepreneurship education. they argue that as well as developing beyond general entrepreneurship education, pedagogy needs to shift from a dependency on funding to the development of an entrepreneurial mindset characterised by independence, flexibility and adaptability within the context of arts and culture. this review of the literature allows us to argue that, much the same as in general entrepreneurship education more broadly, arts entrepreneurship education gives the entrepreneurial mindset a central place. however, the entrepreneurial mindset is currently understood as being developed through habits of thinking and the development of specific cognitive skills rather than the outdated approach of instilling personality traits. these habits include collaboration, reflection, business acumen and creative practice. however, how this type of education is practiced remains largely under-researched. such research can contribute to both how the mindset is understood and to future curricular development and practice. in the next section, we review data collected during a pilot study of arts educators and their attitudes towards and experiences of teaching entrepreneurship in an arts context. this form of study, despite its small size, can make a contribution to arts entrepreneurship education because it explores an under-researched area. as such, it paves the way for larger studies that aim to understand if the entrepreneurial mindset is a cogent element of an education in arts entrepreneurship. methodology the findings in this article are based on a pilot study that examined the understandings of and teaching approaches to arts entrepreneurship in victoria, australia from the perspective of arts educators who teach subjects concerned with arts entrepreneurship and enterprise skills development. the pilot was undertaken as a way of contributing to local curriculum pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 10 development and to the larger issue of arts entrepreneurship education. it is hoped that a larger study will be undertaken in the future. the pilot adopted elements of bridgstock’s (2013) study in which nine in-depth interviews with award-winning australian artists and designers were undertaken in order to gain insight into the professional capabilities for twenty-first century creative careers and the implications for higher education. the elements adopted in the pilot were: a qualitative study with data primarily collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews, a small number of participants, and criterion sampling for participant selection (patton, 2002). the pilot received ethics approval from the university hosting the study and the institutes in which the participants work. the participants were chosen using criterion sampling and were sourced through internet research of institutions’ websites and by word-of-mouth. two participants from universities and two from the technical and further education (tafe) sector were interviewed. the tafe sector in victoria, australia traditionally teaches vocational education and training (vet) to the level of advanced diploma (australian qualifications framework (aqf level 6). in 2009, the tafe sector was given permission to develop and deliver undergraduate degrees (aqf level 7). these degrees are also considered vocationallyoriented (wheelahan, moodie, billett, and kelly, 2009). it was thought that, due to the vocational focus, lecturers in the higher education area of tafe would be particularly open to engaging with arts entrepreneurship and enterprise skills and would provide rich insight and a somewhat different perspective from the university sector. the participants were selected based on their years of experience lecturing in higher education in the creative and preforming arts (between five and eleven years) and having current responsibility for teaching and/or coordinating subjects concerned with arts entrepreneurship. qualitative naturalistic inquiry was chosen as the research approach. this method was chosen because the aim of the research was to explore how arts entrepreneurship education is understood and practiced in higher education. we also wished to involve the participants in such a manner that they would benefit professionally. this is particularly necessary due to the limited amount of research in arts entrepreneurship education. for this reason, we needed a method that was directed towards understanding teaching practices in order to influence future understandings and practices. naturalistic inquiry was chosen due the explicit focus it has on practice, the closeness it requires to participants and the acceptability of small numbers of participants. the aim of naturalistic inquiry in educational research is not to make generalizations using large amounts of data but to influence future practice through the presentation and analysis of experiences. the naturalistic researcher seeks to present selected raw data-portrayals of actual teaching and learning problems, witnessings of observers who understand the reality of the classroom, words of the people involved. these raw data provide the reader with vicarious experience which interacts with her existing naturalistic generalizations, formed previously from her particular experience (stake and trumbull, 1982, p. 3). due to the centrality of experience, naturalistic research is “very dependent upon context” (erlandson, harris, skipper and allen, 1993, p. 16). it is encouraged that researchers undertake research in a “natural setting” (p. 16). sample sizes in naturalistic inquiry may be small and findings not easily generalizable. the purpose of such research is not, however, to pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 11 make generalizations from large samples but, as is seen in the quote above, to enable practitioners to have vicarious experiences that can then impact upon their future practice. we chose to collect the data in this project through undertaking in-depth, semi-structured interviews at a site chosen by the interviewees. further to that, we contributed to the future practice of the participants by sending a draft copy of the report and asked for any comments. they were also supplied with a final copy. in this way, we intended to contribute to their future practices just as they had contributed to the future practices of our readers. findings four participants were selected and assigned pseudonyms (jeff, william, missi and diana). all of the participants maintain a concurrent professional creative practice alongside their academic positions that provides the valuable perspective of a practicing professional. the primary creative and performing arts disciplines of the participants are graphic design, design, music, and creative writing. three of the participants teach within a single discipline and one participant teaches a cross-disciplinary subject in addition to teaching within their discipline. two participants are full-time academics and two are part-time. two of the participants teach at both undergraduate and postgraduate level, the other two only at undergraduate level. one participant has course coordination responsibilities and all of the participants have subject coordination responsibilities and experience developing arts entrepreneurship related curricula. all of the participants teach in higher education performing and creative arts courses. for this article we focused on the themes that arose in relation to current understandings of an arts entrepreneurial mindset as they had arisen in the literature review. our findings begin with a definition of arts entrepreneurship, we then look at issues impacting upon teaching arts entrepreneurship and last, we analyze what was said that could be considered an element of an arts entrepreneurial mindset. defining arts entrepreneurship in order to interpret arts educators’ views on what constitutes an arts entrepreneurial mindset, it is first necessary to determine exactly how the participants understand the term arts entrepreneurship. all the participants demonstrated a clear understanding of the term that was focused on the dissemination of creative work. this view was expressed concisely as: having the capacity to create your own market. (missi) there was consensus around this definition. the other participants similarly described it as: entrepreneurship to me is related more specifically to the business subset of that, which is to do with the simple broadcasting, marketing, getting your work out there. (jeff) arts entrepreneurship says they go out on their own and they create something and find a market for it. so arts entrepreneurship teaches them the commercial edge to creativity. (diana) as well as having a clear understanding of arts entrepreneurship, all four of the participants strongly identified the word “entrepreneurship” itself as being problematic. the negative feelings towards the term were identified as relating to notions of identity as a creative artist that were pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 12 often seen as the polar opposite of being an entrepreneur. this was related to the underlying tension between art and money. missi summed up these adverse feelings: is it the word entrepreneurship that is turning people off? yes it is... i’ve run my own business in writing for years, and i think, was i an entrepreneur? yes i was, but do i call myself that, no, i call myself a writer. (missi) implications for teaching and learning the definition of arts entrepreneurship shared by the participants has a number of implications for teaching and learning. despite the issues with the word “entrepreneurship,” all the participants thought it essential that students be taught arts entrepreneurship skills; they considered them vital skills for students to navigate a creative career. the participants thought it best not to teach arts entrepreneurship via a traditional business model because they viewed arts entrepreneurship as emanating from creative practice rather than a business idea and therefore being fundamentally different in context, process, and underlying motivation from businessoriented entrepreneurship. a specific arts-based model of entrepreneurship education that recognizes creativity and the need for creative achievement as equally or more important than financial gain was mentioned as more appropriate for students. i think it [arts entrepreneurship education] should emanate from creativity. i don’t think the students should look at a business proposition first and foremost. i think they should understand what their creativity is and develop that … and then look at the means of production. (william) an interesting finding was that being an entrepreneur could be seen as being very similar to being an artist. an artist is an entrepreneur in their own field. because if an entrepreneur is someone who brings us something new and takes a risk to do it, if that’s the definition you work to, that’s what these guys do. (diana) jeff also clearly saw a link between being an artist and an entrepreneur: basically the entrepreneurship, i view that as the self-starter, the capacity to make something happen. and that’s very artistic. (jeff) recognizing the synergy between creative practice and arts entrepreneurship points to a way to overcome the issues with the word “entrepreneurship.” however, the participants did not think that business skills should be ignored but rather should be context-specific and tailored to the students’ aspirations to artistic careers and the nature of the work environments they will encounter. diana refers to this as developing a “commercial approach” in students. now i call it commercial approach – how you think about the world in which you are designing, where do you want to fit? (diana) pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 13 on the importance of context specific teaching and learning, jeff said: make them see the relevance of any financial management...don’t teach them how to run petrol stations, teach them something that clearly extrapolates to their life …so they can see themselves in the picture. (jeff) the postgraduate perspective one of the findings that we thought was interesting in terms of implications for both teaching arts entrepreneurship and developing an entrepreneurial mindset was that post-graduate students more readily engaged with arts entrepreneurship. while only two of the participants taught at the post-graduate level, both mentioned noticeable differences between these students and undergraduates. missi highlighted that the post-graduate students quickly realized the value of arts entrepreneurship skills as a result of their real-life experience, first-hand experience of the employment realities of the creative industries, and the stage they were at in establishing their artistic careers. i’d have to tell you my experience is they’ve always wanted to run their own business. it’s not actually driving it that way. what they are seeing more is that they need better skills at it. so it’s actually the nexus between their creative arts practice and being able to do it for a living. (missi) this contrasts with the undergraduate students who missi noted enter a creative and performing arts program with their artistic discipline foremost in their mind and have a relatively short time in which to hone their skills. this, in some ways, obscures the importance of employability skills, in particular the skills to work as a freelancer that are often necessary to derive a living from creative practice early in artistic careers. the [undergraduate] students don’t see the value early enough, they are caught up in their practice; it’s three years, a pressure cooker. (missi) the intrinsic motivation with which students focussed on developing their artistic skills in contrast to other areas was noticed by jeff. he observed that students often engaged more easily with their creative practice than with skills to facilitate employment. artists tend to pursue their art with great passion. it’s not hard to talk people into working on their music. is it hard to get people to necessarily embrace the business side of it? sometimes it’s a little harder to get them on board to just realize how important it is and how much it could restrict their opportunities. (jeff) post-graduate students on the other hand, have further developed their art, have more confidence in their artistic ability and were at the stage of seeking out additional skills to continue their career development. what they saw of value was actually the business side. so they are at the point where they are setting up small businesses […] and it was all about how to get their small business functional […] what skills do you need for that. (missi) pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 14 diana, who also taught at the masters level also noticed this difference: the masters [students], totally different group [from undergrad] and absolutely entrepreneurs, very much. (diana) she also noted the difference in teaching a post-graduate class due to their life experience and contrasted it to an undergraduate class: what i like about postgrad is sometimes i can sit back and watch them do the class…i watch them talk, reflect, argue, challenge…and i’m sitting there thinking this is how learning should be...i find the undergrads…are not curious, they are not challenging thought, they certainly wouldn’t know if i was contemporary or i was taking it out of a book and doing it by rote…they have gone to school, university, they live at home most of them. (diana) the differences highlighted between post-graduate and undergraduate students in the acquisition of arts entrepreneurship skills imply that not only does arts entrepreneurship education need to be unique in context, process, and methods from business entrepreneurship curriculum, it also needs to be specifically targeted to the different stages of career development and likely employment circumstances of both undergraduate and postgraduate students. what’s in a “mindset?” one of the main aims of this paper is to contribute to shifting the paradigm of arts entrepreneurship. doing so can support curriculum development and support the case for embedding arts entrepreneurship more fully into creative and performing arts education. in this section, we clarify what is meant by an “arts entrepreneurial mindset” through exploring the themes that arose from the participants’ responses. the data revealed that the following five elements are integral constituent elements of an arts entrepreneurial mindset; 1) capacity to think creatively, strategically, analytically and reflectively, 2) confidence in one’s abilities, 3) collaborative abilities, 4) communication skills and 5) an understanding of the current artistic context. creative, strategic, analytical and reflective thinking developing particular capacities of thought were an integral aspect of arts entrepreneurship for the participants. in the participants’ view, creative thinking was an essential aspect of arts entrepreneurship. it addressed the ability to develop new ideas, processes, and creative outputs and the ability to deeply understand one’s creative practice through reflective practice, in this instance applied to the dissemination of creative work, through creating a market or developing an audience for it. they would need to develop their skills and knowledge and innovate and apply it in a very original way. you secure work, finally on the strength of your talent and your originality [...] they have to be able to conceptualize, develop new ideas, formulate creative schemes, ideas, just work across a lot of applications. (william) pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 15 missi said that the ability to know one’s self and one’s art underpinned by reflective thinking forms the basis for a business plan. we ask them to write an artist manifesto, and in that manifesto they need to justify their arts practice to themselves…that’s what underpins the business plan and that’s why it’s different to a standard business plan. (missi) she stated that this type of knowing underpinned by analytical and strategic thinking about your art in order to develop an audience was conspicuously missing in creative and performing arts education. almost everybody does not identify their market, they assume everyone will love my work. (missi) i think one of the most important elements of creative entrepreneurship is getting people to think strategically and getting people to see opportunity. (missi) analytical, strategic and reflective thinking was also considered an essential capacity for arts entrepreneurship. in many ways, these three capacities of thought are interwoven and could come under the umbrella term “analytical thinking.” this manner of thinking includes the ability to make judgments, to find opportunities and take advantage of these opportunities, to analyze how their work fits into a market place, the ability to reflect on the development of their work and the relationship between this and its dissemination. william said he teaches students to, “analyze and assess the market that they are going into, the people they are working for.” missi reflected that, “it’s important to get students to accept the journey [of being an artist] and getting them to analyze more accurately where they fit in is great.” confidence developing confidence in one’s abilities recurred as an important element of an entrepreneurial mindset. one of the reasons mentioned for developing confidence and associated self-promotion skills is to create a market for creative practice and that, without it, artistic talent may be overlooked. it runs the risk that people with the greater promotional skills may go better than the people who are terrific artists with no self-promotion skills and that’s why i think it’s very important for students to understand this. (jeff) william argued for the importance of being confident in one’s abilities. they need to develop confidence and really need to communicate and you don’t have to be a wonderful speaker, but you have to speak with a certain passion and sell your skill and what you have to offer. (william) confidence is linked to the ability to cope with the harsh world of business. pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 16 it’s the capacity to believe in yourself much more …than in business…to have resilience to know how to cope. (missi) collaborative abilities an important constituent element of an “arts entrepreneurial mindset” that emerged in the interviews was the ability to collaborate, network and be flexible. now it’s imperative that you are a collaborator, you understand interdisciplinary work. (william) collaboration was identified in the sense of having a broad skill set to work across different areas of the creative industries as well as being a vital skill in order to create a market for creative practice. collaboration is an area that is perhaps not as strong as it could be in the creative and performing arts as students are often not natural collaborators, so, again, here is an area in which arts entrepreneurship can support and strengthen the broader creative and performing arts education. exploring this in the subject she teaches, missi said: a lot of our emphasis is to realize there are other people they can call on. that’s the value they see. quite often there’s a selfishness inherent in being an arts practitioner, a self focus certainly. so to actually get out and do the other […] that’s what they find difficult and that’s what we’re moving towards – to get people to recognize that they don’t have to do it alone. this proclivity to work collaboratively varies somewhat by discipline. practitioners in disciplines such as dance, theatre, or music are often working in ensembles in contrast to the often solo efforts of a writer or visual artist. however, even within disciplines such as dance, theatre, and music, missi described her students as often preferring to work with students from within their discipline rather than other disciplines. in her subject they form inter-disciplinary groups that work collaboratively to stage a performance. this provides valuable learning experiences in collaborating outside of their usual discipline. they are inclined to work in their discipline area, so what i do…i break them up …there’s a dancer and a visual artist and a filmmaker and …drama … a writer…they’ve got to develop a project…and with that they are being taught to work with each other…the ability to work amongst, with a whole range of different people. (missi) jeff was interested in teaching students how to make judgments about who they get involved with in the music industry. [it’s] in students’ best interest – to have entrepreneurial skills…even if that means they’re excellent at making judgments about which member of the industry they deal with. just to have a nuanced understanding of what they actually do to make good judgments. (jeff) the skills developed through collaboration include “problem-solving, negotiating…giving them the skills for that” (missi). pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 17 communication skills another element of an “arts entrepreneurial mindset” is the ability to communicate effectively in order to create a market or develop an audience for creative practice. all four of the educators agreed this was an important skill. communication skills in an arts entrepreneurship sense meant, according to the participants, things such as the ability to put ideas forwards and a command of social skills. you have to be able to think, to put ideas forward and that means thinking like a designer, having communicative and social skills. (william) communication skills underpinned a number of elements of an entrepreneurial mindset mentioned above. for instance, using reflective thinking skills to deepen their understanding of their creative practice in terms of creating a market for it then required communication skills to discuss their work. it’s actually getting them to reflect on their processes and it doesn’t have to be academic per se. it does mean that they are going to be able to deepen their capacity to talk about their work, which is vital. (missi) communication skills were vital for students in regards to having confidence in one’s abilities and to promote their creative practice. once again, collaboration also required communication skills to enable students to work with others to network in order to create a market and develop an audience for creative practice. understanding of current artistic context finally, we suggest that understanding current artistic context is a necessary part of an “arts entrepreneurial mindset.” this encompasses the ability to know what is current in terms of artistic trends and values, popular and artistic culture, and the cultural policy environment in order to know how your art fits in, how it can challenge the cultural moment and how you can reflect on your work through contemporary currents. you need an awareness of what is going on very currently. you need know what is happening not just in your town but globally… and then you need to contextualize your work in the current design trends. (william) to illustrate this, he used the example of students in manchester who go into the community with their art: it was an association with the immediate popular culture and if you’re in the vanguard, at the cutting edge of creativity you must be aware of and tap into the popular culture of your immediate surrounds and the environs and the expectation of it. …you need to be in tune with what’s going on at the very moment. (william) jeff spoke at length about examining artistic context to identify arts entrepreneurship opportunities without giving up values of artistic integrity: pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 18 understanding artistic choice comes under my take on an industrial view of music... look at the idea of genre, study the cross overs, they really crossed over that sound and it’s very mainstream and they moved from a subculture across and i’m most interested in that moment where it still seems authentic and it still has truth to people but it just extrapolates out and it freakily hits a nerve. (jeff) jeff also mentioned the need to have an artistic and cultural awareness in terms of policy: we tend to look at entrepreneurship as just … the cold hard reality of bums on seats … but there’s also this other notion of cultural policy and i think it’s very important that students have an understanding of that too … this legitimacy of supporting a vibrant culture. (jeff) discussion and conclusion our analysis of four interviews of highly experienced arts educators has contributed to understanding what it means to teach arts entrepreneurship and what constitutes an arts entrepreneurial mindset. all the participants had a problem with the word “entrepreneurship.” this was due to its links with money that was thought not to align with the fundamental motivation of being an artist. this finding re-emphasizes that made by eikhof and haunschild (2006) about creative and performing arts students identifying with a bohemian lifestyle characterized by creative fulfillment over financial reward and uneasiness with the word “entrepreneur” based on its negative associations with unchecked capitalism (bonin-rodriguez, 2012). however, this tension clashes slightly with the idea that artists and entrepreneurs have similarities. in view of this, we suggest that when teaching arts entrepreneurship the similarities are made explicit. this is to encourage students to begin to identify as both arts entrepreneurs and creative practitioners. this has the potential to challenge the current dichotomy of being an artist or being an entrepreneur. students need to be consistently enabled to develop an integrated identity. in the interviews, the term “arts entrepreneurial mindset” was mentioned rarely. however, the data did reveal information that is useful to re-thinking the constituent elements of an arts entrepreneurial mindset. this is not a matter of imposing the mindset upon the data but of re-thinking a concept that proved important in the literature review. this type of re-thinking of concepts in view of experience is an important element of naturalistic inquiry (stake and trumbull, 1985). we were able to discern five constituent elements of the mindset. these are 1) the capacity to think creatively, strategically, analytically and reflectively, 2) confidence in one’s abilities, 3) the ability to collaborate, 4) well-developed communication skills and 5) an understanding of the current artistic context. while these elements are somewhat generic in higher education, especially if the usual graduate attributes are taken into account, the distinguishing feature is that these elements are integrally linked to students’ creative practices, in particular the dissemination of creative work. the constituent elements of an arts entrepreneurial mindset that emerged in this study are consistent with the cognitive and metacognitive skills understanding of “entrepreneurial mindset” as discussed in the earlier literature review rather than any inherent personality traits. the link between creative practice and entrepreneurship (“don’t teach them how to run petrol stations” (jeff)) emerged as the defining element of arts entrepreneurship education in this study. any programs designed to teach business skills, career skills, and enterprise pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 19 development to creative and performing arts students are effective when creative practice is the defining core. in courses designed in this way, students are given the opportunity to place their art at the core of skills being learned to freelance in the creative industries or develop a creative enterprise. this will benefit their artistic practice, as they will learn to think about it in different ways. the close link between the dissemination of creative practice and the business side of art might also help to shift the paradigm towards widespread acceptance of arts entrepreneurship in creative courses in the minds of other creative and performing arts educators. the term “arts entrepreneurship” is in need of re-consideration. all four of the educators found the term clumsy in that it alienated students. this possibly forms a barrier in terms of further acceptance and development of the field. we are led to suggest that an area for further study is re-conceptualizing and redefining the term. it needs to be more clearly linked with the creative aspirations of students, who are more focused on developing their art than on selling their art. it is equally the case that the term “entrepreneurial mindset” may also be in need of reconceptualizing. as it currently stands, it may be too closely linked with the business world. students recognize the need for arts entrepreneurship skills but it is not automatically part of their self-identity and the skills we identified in our study are not necessarily instantly appealing. therefore, explicitly addressing the tension with the word entrepreneurship needs to be overtly built into courses. one way to achieve this is through a reflective process to create a flexible and adaptable creative career identity that incorporates both being a creative artist and an arts entrepreneur (bridgstock, 2013). students need the opportunity to continually and explicitly develop this self-identity so that they are then able to work towards realizing their goal of making a living from creative practice upon graduation without sacrificing their creative aspirations. the difference between undergraduate and postgraduate student perspectives was an interesting finding. our finding points towards the need for arts entrepreneurship to be taught differently to undergraduate versus postgraduate students. the first stream of curricular approach identified by beckman (2007) focused on new venture creation might be more appropriate for postgraduate students who already have developed a fair understanding of where they are heading in terms of their careers and have expressed a desire to develop skills in new venture creation. the second curricular approach of transitioning students to professional careers broadly and inculcating them with skills to freelance specifically might be more appropriate for undergraduates who are intent upon developing their skills in their chosen discipline. however it is designed, we suggest that the five elements of an arts entrepreneurial mindset be addressed in both approaches. given the pressure on universities to teach for employability, it is incumbent upon undergraduate education to include some type of education for employment. this might include work-integrated learning designed for creative and performing arts undergraduates (daniel and daniel, 2013; hains-weeson, 2012). developing an arts entrepreneurial mindset addresses this need. finally, we would like to suggest that the capacities of thought that the participants distinguished as integral to arts entrepreneurship education and that we think are integral to an entrepreneurial mindset are foundational for shifting the paradigm of arts entrepreneurship. if arts entrepreneurship curriculum is developed with the aim of furthering capacities of thought it can make a significant contribution to creative and performing arts education more generally. this is because arts entrepreneurship education demonstrates that it is not solely focused on enabling students to make money but is far more focused on supporting students to think creatively, reflectively, strategically, and analytically about their creative practices in terms of its pollard and wilson “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 20 output to a wider field than is currently found in creative and performing arts education. students are encouraged to think about their artistic work in terms of its possible impact on 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(2009). higher education in tafe, ncver monograph series 01/2009, ncver adelaide. microsoft word perspectives_part 4 final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 6, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 3-7 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2017, the authors perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 4 susan badger booth, eastern michigan university diane ragsdale, erasmus university we offer this fourth installment in our opinion series, “perspectives,” as the last in which we invite artivate’s current editorial board members to respond to open-ended prompts about: their position in relation to arts entrepreneurship; how arts entrepreneurship is situated in relation to other disciplines or fields; what problems we are grappling with as scholars, practitioners, teachers, and artists; and what are the research questions we are attempting to answer individually or as a field. in this installment’s pair of contributions, susan badger booth and diane ragsdale reflect on arts entrepreneurship in two different contexts: individual university students and alumni on the one hand, and organizations in a system on the other, thus reflecting the diversity of arts entrepreneurship contexts found in this issue’s three features. arts entrepreneurship: an alumni-centered definition susan badger booth eastern michigan university in this series of essays, artivate has asked authors to contextualize how we approach arts entrepreneurship in our programs, through our scholarship, and, of course, in our creative practice. my previous career path as both artist and then arts administrator has always informed my teaching. in fact, both my teaching and scholarship continue to find form and definition in my applied work of arts entrepreneurship and administration, particularly when this work intersects with my students and alumni. to add a frame around my personal perspective, i teach at a large regional university nationally recognized for excellence in applied learning. being a regional university we draw heavily from the state with 86% of our students coming from michigan during our 2015 winter term. this creates a unique relationship with our region especially since 75–80% of our alumni continue to work and live within 50 miles of our campus after they graduate. my students collaborate with a network of local cultural organizations, creative businesses and artists. often the line between campus community and cultural community becomes blurred as relationships that develop during school often continue way past graduation. i know that part of the proliferation of local creative projects is modeled after work these arts entrepreneurs have completed on our campus and in the applied learning laboratories throughout our community. as current students learn entrepreneurial theory and practice in our classrooms, they watch our alumni apply these lessons learned in the development of their own post-graduate professional work. this point of view offers me the opportunity to track learning outcomes past the last day of class or even graduation. it is through this long lens that i find my definition of arts entrepreneurship. for example; i see arts entrepreneurship defined by watching alumni and clarinetist of the akropolis reed quintet develop a music publishing business. since reed quintets are not a common chamber orchestra configuration, akropolis found early on that they needed to commission most of their pieces. this gave them a library of music they could make available to other reed quintets through an in-house publishing business (akropolis, 2016). i see arts entrepreneurship defined through alumni and diypsi host during the sixth season of this local booth and ragsdale perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 4 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 4 indie art fair created with the “intent to be one component of a thriving community of entrepreneurs, artists, organizations and events” here in ypsilanti, michigan (diypsi, 2016). i suggest it is through watchful eyes in all our institutions of higher education that we must track the work of our graduates and ask how and why they are influenced by our enthusiasm and passion for the entrepreneurial process. we should look to partners such as the strategic arts alumni data project (snaap, 2015) and their findings around what they call an “entrepreneurial skills gap.” their data brief and other alumni tracking sources should be explored and discussed in the broader community of arts entrepreneur scholars and practioners as william gartner (2015) suggests in a previous essay in this series. editorial board colleagues vakharia (2016) and zabel (2016) suggest measuring impact and taylor (2015) notes the definition is found through the journey. i concur with all these assumptions and suggest that the most important stakeholder in moving forward will be our alumni. references akropolis (2016) akropolis reed quintet i acclaimed classical music ensemble. akropolis reed quintet . retrieved december 11. 2016 from www.akropolisquintet.com diypsi (2016). diypsi indie art fair ypsilanti michigan. diypsi indie art fair. retrieved december 11, 2016 from www.dypsi.com gartner, w.b. (2015) arts entrepreneurship: scope, practice and community. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts 4(2), p. 3-5. snaap (2015). spotlight on entrepreneurial skills, part 1. data brief 3(4). retrieved from http://snaap.indiana.edu/databrief/vol3no4.html. taylor, e.a. (2015). arts entrepreneurship vs. the sum of its parts. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts 4(1), p. 3-4. vakharia, n. (2016). knowledge centricity and the artist entrepreneur. artivate, 5(2), p. 3-4. zabel, l. (2016). meaning-making and arts entrepreneurship. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts 5(2), p. 5-6. on entrepreneurialism and publicness (or whose theatre is it, really?) diane ragsdale erasmus university rotterdam but democratic society — in it, the highest duty of the writer, the composer, the artist is to remain true to himself and to let the chips fall where they may. in serving his vision of the truth, the artist best serves his nation. president john f. kennedy (remarks at amherst college, 1963) in his paper on the creative industries and cultural entrepreneurship richard swedberg examines “the parallels between the entrepreneur and the artist, according to the young [joseph] schumpeter” (swedberg, 2006, p. 250). swedberg conveys that, among other characteristics, the artist/entrepreneur (as contrasted with the static majority) “puts together new combinations,” “battles resistance to his actions,” and is “motivated by power and joy in creation.” i was disquieted when i encountered this discussion of cultural entrepreneurship a few years ago; however, it took completing a case study on the margo jones theatre last year for me to identify the source of my unease. booth and ragsdale perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 4 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 5 margo jones is generally credited by theater historians with having founded the prototypical nonprofit-but-professional resident theater in dallas, texas in 1947. among a handful of “pattern-setting elements” attributed to jones’s theater, her adoption of the nonprofit form is said to have had “the most far-reaching effects” on regional theater in america (berkowitz, 1982, p. 58). it is difficult to refute the statement if one considers that before 1950 there were almost no examples of professional (read: unionized) theaters organized as nonprofit corporations and that today there are hundreds. nevertheless, it is ironic that one of the few enduring dimensions of jones’s unique theater model—which combined elements of the community, academic, art, and commercial theater—was its nonprofit status. while jones founded her theater as a nonprofit “civic venture” (jones, 1951, p. 67) there is considerable evidence that she didn’t actually run it like one. jones is said to have “believed firmly that the head of a theatre must of necessity be an autocrat—which [she] unquestionably was” (larsen, 1982, p. 123). likewise, her biographer relays that when the business chairman of the board “expressed a desire to have more authority over how money was spent and accounted for,” jones declared, “i will not be confined!” and “demanded 100 percent artistic and financial control” (sheehy, 1989, p. 236). in return, the board of directors gave jones a “free hand” and “unquestioning support” (wilmeth, 1989, p. 365). evidently, it “was not disposed to refusing her whatever she wanted” (larsen, 1982, p. 183). jones was able to dominate the theater in part because the economics of the arena-style venue she created enabled the organization “to depend solely on ticket sales for operating expenses” (wilmeth, 1965, p. 269). moreover, jones actively avoided soliciting donations from the community, beyond the $40,000 (in 1946 dollars) she raised to convert a found space into a theater and produce her first season. in her manifesto-handbook, theatre-in-the-round, jones suggests three business forms that a resident theater might take: nonprofit, sole proprietorship, or stock company funded with investments from shareholders (jones, 1951, p. 66-67). one of jones’s so-called followers— though a maverick in her own right—was zelda fichandler, who co-founded the arena stage in washington, dc in 1950 as a stock company utilizing shareholder investments. it sustained itself on box office income and converted to the nonprofit form only when doing so became a condition of a significant grant from the ford foundation. for years after the conversion, fichandler expressed concerns about the potential influence of the public on the institution—a worry captured and explained in this poetic passage: i am not very strong on community giving, except perhaps when it represents only a small percentage of the total. i think we could well do without the hand that rocks the cradle, for the hand that rocks the cradle will also want to raise it in a vote and mix into the pie with it. for while a theatre is a public art and belongs to its public, it is an art before it is public and so it belongs first to itself and its first service must be self-service. a theatre is part of its society. but it is a part which must remain apart since it is also chastiser, rebel, lightning rod, redeemer, irritant, codifier, and horse-laughter. (fichandler, 1970, p. 110) the milwaukee repertory theater—another organization that consulted with jones before opening—was founded in 1954 as a hybrid nonprofit-stock company. it solicited donations from the community, which it combined with investments by its founder, mary widrig john, who held a majority of shares in the stock corporation. this unorthodox pairing reflected john’s desire (akin to that of margo jones) to involve the community financially in raising a theater from the ground, but to exercise control over its direction once raised. according to one booth and ragsdale perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 4 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 6 chronicler, there was “growing dissension among the staff and board of directors regarding john’s authority. the crucial question to be answered was whether the theatre belonged to john or the public” (pinkston, 1989, p. 377). the matter eventually went to court and a judge ruled that the theater could not be nonprofit and have shareholders. it became a non-stock nonprofit corporation and john departed. one imagines that if certified b corporations or low-profit limited liability corporations had been in existence at the time, either one would have been a preferable legal structure for these theaters, given the goals of their entrepreneurial leaders. it is no coincidence that we are witnessing the creation and adoption of hybrid forms of organization alongside the emergence of social, cultural, creative, and arts entrepreneurs. such forms are ideally suited to those who want to do work that benefits society but don’t want to relinquish ownership or control over their enterprises to do so. and this brings me to the source of my unease. for all intents and purposes, the margo jones theatre (née theatre ’47) was operated by jones as if it were a sole proprietorship (i.e. a private enterprise). put another way, in terms of funding and control, jones’s theater was, to a great extent, lacking in “publicness” (see e.g. andrews, r., boyne, g. a. & walker, r. m., 2011). moreover, the characteristics that made jones a highly successful artist/entrepreneur made it nearly impossible for the board of the nonprofit theater (owned by no one and therefore everyone) to exercise what is now generally taken to be good governance, including: oversight of the theater’s financial health; determination of the theater’s goals; and representation of the public’s interest in the theater. tellingly, following jones’s untimely death in 1955, the board of directors seized the power that had been denied them for years, dismantled many of jones’s policies, and took the theater in a different (and ultimately fatal) direction. as i ponder the motives, opportunities, and means of the three pioneering leaders highlighted in this essay, the parallel characteristics of the artist and entrepreneur as theorized by schumpeter, and the emergence of new hybrid private/public organizational forms, a philosophical question emerges—in large part because i hear calls these days for nonprofit arts organizations to become both more entrepreneurial (i.e. innovative and self-sustaining) and more communal (i.e. responsive to, or representative of, the communities they ostensibly exist to serve): is there an inherent, underexamined, and perhaps necessarily unresolvable conflict between the autonomy or authority needed by the artist/entrepreneur and the publicness required of the 501c3 charitable nonprofit, in order for them effectively to fulfill their respective roles vis-à-vis society? references andrews, r., boyne, g. a. & walker, r. m. (2011). dimensions of publicness and organizational performance: a review of the evidence. journal of public administration research and theory, volume 21(issue supplement 3), i301-i319. berkowitz, g. m. (1982). new broadways: theatre across america 1950-1980. totowa, nj: rowan and littlefield. fichandler, z. (1970). theatres or institutions? the american theatre 1969-70: international theatre institute of the united states, volume 3. new york: charles scribner’s sons. jones, m. (1951). theatre-in-the-round. westport, ct: greenwood press. kennedy, j. f. (1963). remarks at amherst college, october 26, 1963. retrieved at: https://www.arts.gov/about/kennedy-transcript booth and ragsdale perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 4 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 7 larsen, j. b. (1982). margo jones: a life in the theatre (doctoral dissertation). retrieved from proquest dissertations and theses. (accession order no. 8222956) pinkston, a. (1989). milwaukee repertory theatre. in w. b. durham (ed.) american theatre companies, 1931-1986 (376-386). new york: greenwood press. sheehy, h. (1989/2005). margo: the life and theatre of margo jones. dallas: southern methodist university press. swedberg, r. (2006). the cultural entrepreneur and the creative industries: beginning in vienna. journal of cultural economics, volume 30(4), 243-261. wilmeth, d. b. (1965). a history of the margo jones theatre (doctoral dissertation). retrieved from proquest dissertations and theses. (accession order no. 6503696) wilmeth, d. b. (1989). margo jones theatre. in w. b. durham (ed.) american theatre companies, 1931-1986 (362-369). new york: greenwood press. microsoft word bonin-rodriguez_final for pdf.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 1, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 9-24 ______________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2012, the authors what’s in a name? typifying artist entrepreneurship in community based training paul bonin-rodriguez, university of texas at austin abstract this article deploys the term “artist-producer” to respond to gary d. beckman’s (2007) call for an effective definition for artist entrepreneurship, one that illustrates the productive work that artists do and counters longstanding romantic notions of artists as creative geniuses who are unconcerned with commerce. unpacking the term entrepreneur historically and focusing on its troubling relationship to class, race, and gender, even among entrepreneurship scholars, i illustrate how and why many artists still resist the de facto entrepreneur label even as they take what many identify as entrepreneurial approaches. returning to beckman’s domain of training, though outside of the university setting, i show how a number of contemporary community-based artist training and professional development programs across the u.s. reflect, even nurture, the longstanding artist ambivalence to entrepreneurship even as they fulfill some of its key dynamics; moreover, i note how these programs are creating a very specific approach to entrepreneurship, or entrepreneurs, by training what i call “artist-producers” – artists capable of balancing both their expressive ambitions with their material concerns in strategic ways. ultimately, the artistproducer designation illustrates what many scholars, artists and arts organizers talk about when we talk about artist entrepreneurship; it defines a type of entrepreneurship that by its very structure acknowledges the nation’s weak cultural infrastructure and offers a collaborative, productive, even sustainable way of working for artists. introduction at the close of his 2007 national study of emerging arts entrepreneurship programs in higher education, gary d. beckman offers three key conditions needed to build and sustain a thriving and relevant curricula: “reassessing the nineteenth-century romantic aesthetic in arts education; supportive and visionary leadership; and defining entrepreneurship in a manner that informs and guides the effort” (p. 102). in recognition of concerns articulated in beckman’s findings and in support of his final point especially, i submit that the three conditions are not distinct but complexly related.1 in the u.s. especially, artists’ working practices – those daily tasks that often reflect entrepreneurialism in spirit – require a type of leadership that easily goes unrecognized, especially among artists who discount their labor and market value when bringing their work to the public (caves, 2000; kreidler, 2000). artists’ invalidation of the “entrepreneur” label may indeed be due to longstanding romantic notions of the individual, high-minded artist, inspired to create and unconcerned with commerce (abbing, 2002). the failure to deliver a good definition of entrepreneurship may also come from many working artists’ resistance, politically and methodologically, to the “entrepreneur” label (mulcahy, 2003; nunberg, 2003). for many artists and scholars alike, the modern-day “entrepreneur” arrives at the concert hall with extra baggage, namely capitalism’s inability to offer equitable access across the divides of race, culture, class, and gender (basu & werbner, 2001; knight, 2005), as well as the dismantling of progressive and inclusive social programs enabled by this moment’s extreme of capitalism, neoliberalism (duggan, 2003; knight, 2005; markusen, 2006; valdez, 2011). concerns about social and economic exclusion are often and easily evident to artists marginalized by identity or position, as well as those artists whose works may privilege progressive messages over material gains. beckman’s research in both the 2007 study and disciplining the arts: teaching entrepreneurship in context (2010), the anthology about college fine arts curricula he edited, reflects the rich development of entrepreneurship studies primarily in music. as an artist-scholar of performance who is currently researching artist training and professional development (atpd) programs in communities nationwide with the desire to bridge university curricula with the post-baccalaureate retraining pursued by working artists, i believe a broader understanding of entrepreneurship’s ambivalent reception can support deeper thinking about what is unique to artist identity and business practice. this bonin-rodriguez what’s in a name? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 10 type of semantic critique may even support how fine arts higher education programs respond to increasing concerns about efficacy (dempster, 2011, pp. 13-14). moreover, this type of critique offers artists, arts organizers, and teachers a clearer sense of why multiple fittings may still be required to tailor the term to explain effective artistic practice. to support an expansive approach to artist entrepreneurship practice and pedagogy, this article addresses three aspects of the term’s reception and usage. first, i illustrate the conflict that many artists may have with the notion of artist entrepreneurship in light of traditional business, managerial, and economic definitions of the term (beckman, 2010; jackson et al., 2003; preece, 2011). second, i introduce the term “artist-producer” to frame a specific type of artist entrepreneurship being advanced in today’s artist markets in the u.s., particularly in the nonprofit sector where a decade of study and program implementation for artist capacity building has wrought innovations and forged new alliances. i do not promote the term as a wholesale replacement for artist entrepreneurship – although for many artists with whom i have spoken a substitution would be welcome. instead, taking into account classical definitions of entrepreneurship, i am focusing on the specific approaches to artist capacity proposed by cultural programs in conflict over the term and demonstrating how their particular focus is on a very narrow set of entrepreneurial concerns that are neither burdened by political resistance, nor fully representative of entrepreneurship’s repertoire. finally, i demonstrate how an ambivalent and limited approach to artist entrepreneurship manifested and maintained by a host of community-based atpd programs are cultivating a constituency of artists ready to challenge the entrepreneur label, or not, while still deploying what many will recognize as core entrepreneurial drives in support of thriving careers. my intent is to offer a picture of artist training in a moment of crisis and to illustrate how that crisis draws heavily from the presumption that artists should also see themselves as businesspeople. my observations are drawn from entrepreneurship scholarship, interviews with arts organizers and artists, program observations and evaluations, and in the case of artist, inc, a longitudinal study of graduate artists’ attitudes toward entrepreneurship. in the spirit of beckman’s calls to action in two related articles, i propose that the tension surrounding entrepreneurship is related to a set of historical concerns in the public sphere. it is in the public sphere that artists’ resistances to entrepreneurship continue to be played out as artists negotiate the term in light of their beliefs and practices. “entrepreneur” the semantic history of “entrepreneur” reveals a number of shifting meanings over the last two centuries. while expansive and complex analytical definitions have emerged in fields of business, economics, and social sciences (eckhardt & shane, 2003; gartner, 1990; shane & venkataraman, 2000; stewart, watson, carland, & carland, 1999), at least one negative definition has emerged in public culture. the french economist jean-baptiste say (1767-1832) is credited with coining the term “entrepreneur,” from the french verb “entrepretende,” which means “to undertake,” in his treatise on the political economy (1803). the word was used to describe individuals who brought change to a business practice or product in order to realize profits. over time, say’s ideas about the entrepreneur’s purpose expanded. writing in 1823, say notes, “the entrepreneur, whether in agriculture, manufacturing or commerce, is the one who at his own risk and peril undertakes to supply society with what it needs.” (palmer, 1997, p. 66-73; drucker,1985). adapted into the english language, the term “entrepreneur” eventually included the arts as well at the turn of the twentieth century. the oxford english dictionary (1989) defines the word as: 1) “the director or manager of a musical institution,” 2) “one who ‘gets up’ performances,” and 3) “one who undertakes a business enterprise and bears responsibility for profit or loss.”2 linguist geoffrey nunberg (2004) argues that between the 1920s and 1950s, entrepreneurs in the u.s. were more commonly understood as individuals who engaged in unsavory, even illegal business practices and concludes that the word was not often used in polite discourse.3 interestingly, during the same period that nunberg observes a popular silence on the term, the classical liberal economists of the austrian school f. a. hayek and ludwig von mises were penning works that have been significant to both entrepreneurship theory and neoliberal thought.4 nunberg asserts that during the reagan presidency, bonin-rodriguez what’s in a name? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 11 which coincided with the rise of margaret thatcher’s tory britain, conservative politicians and their supporters revived the word “capitalism” to take the place of the euphemistic “free market.” since the word “capitalist” still connoted the robber barons of the early twentieth century and had not yet found its footlights in political discourse, the reagan administration revived “entrepreneur” to portray an idealized private citizen who pulled himself up by his bootstraps without the assistance of social welfare. the word had journeyed from its theatrical usage to the private dramas of workers released from the social safety net of the corporate workforce and seeking subsistence on a piecemeal basis (duggan, 2003; gartner & shane, 1995; nunberg, 2004). to many people, the notion of entrepreneurship amounted to “cultural darwinism” writ large, not only in the arts, but in the broader public sphere (mulcahy, 2003, p. 173). the development of entrepreneurship studies over the last three decades in business and economics has engendered a number of definitions, qualifications, and concerns that appear particularly transferrable to artist pedagogy. many definitions are built on schumpeter’s theory (1954), which positions entrepreneurship as the alchemical meeting of the right opportunities, entrepreneurial skills and capacities, drive, and expectation of reward. together, these influences lead to a discontinuity in the market, as consumers recognize and pursue innovation (bull & willard, 1993; schumpeter, 1934). in “the promise of entrepreneurship as a field of research” (2000), perhaps the most widely cited definitional article in entrepreneurship studies, shane and venkataraman present entrepreneurship as “the scholarly examination of how, by whom, and with what effects opportunities to create future goods and services are discovered, evaluated, exploited” (see also venkataraman, 1997). taking a more structural approach than schumpeter, the authors posit entrepreneurship at the intersection of three distinct resources: 1) opportunities, 2) individuals who will exploit those opportunities, and 3) diverse business models that do not necessarily require the creation of a firm. their work is predicated on “disequilibrium,” the notion that entrepreneurial innovation results from asymmetrical information and opportunities (eckhardt & shane, 2003; shane & venkataraman, 2001). the idea advanced by a disequilibrium approach – namely that opportunities are unevenly distributed, subject to risks, requiring of skill and talent readiness, demanding of an individual’s alertness to opportunities, if not a prescience, and even subject to luck – may resonate with many artists accustomed to fickle audiences (caves, 2000; preece, 2011; wolf, 1998). the proposed randomness of success might also read by some as market neutrality or amorality. to others, a congruent comparison of disequilibrium between business and the arts is neither practical nor possible, given the relative lack of resources available to many artists. this resistance may hold true especially for those artists who work primarily in the nonprofit sector, where funds are inequitably distributed in favor of traditional high arts organizations (cherbo & wyszomirski, 2000; jackson et al., 2003; sidford, 2011). i once documented and later wrote about a performance festival in which two successive panels of artists convened on the subject of artist entrepreneurship offered two very different, though similarly diffident, responses to the term (bonin, 2006). the responses on those panels continue to challenge my thinking about the term today, especially with regards to its application in fine arts curricula. the panels took place at fresh terrain, an international performance festival held at the university of texas at austin in 2003. whereas the first group’s troubled reception to “entrepreneurship” hijacked the conversation, the second group’s dismissive approach to the term allowed the discussion to proceed smoothly. all of the artists on both panels were emerging and mid-career performers.5 they were also self-producers, either making their work as individuals or within collectives, and creating the conditions for their work’s support. such a model is not uncommon in performance, historically or organizationally. in the field of performance, where i have worked for over two decades, artists frequently take on producing roles. fundraising for new productions, marketing our works, and securing bookings are just a few of the many actions we regularly perform. additionally, the expansion of support mechanisms – from social networking sites supporting both fundraising and publicity (eg., usartists, indiegogo, and kickstarter) to granting programs like creative capital’s fellowship program – put performance (including theater and dance), visual, and media artists immediately in touch with the tools of management (lerner, 2002). what struck me most about the conversations then were the ways in which lines of resistance were drawn with respect to class, gender, and race in confounding ways. the first panel was comprised entirely of bonin-rodriguez what’s in a name? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 12 white artists – two in their forties, one in his thirties, and two in their twenties. all but one were maleidentified; all were new york-based save for one who was from toronto; and all refused to take on the mantle of entrepreneurs. in the words of one panelist, the term was too easily reduced to “commerce.” as the panel proceeded, they informed the audience that entrepreneurship did not allow for a truth-telling of their own struggling artist histories and hard-knock lessons – credit card debts and humbling humdrum jobs among them. in their responses, the panelists consistently resisted recognizing their privileges, even though their geographic locations in market centers, their success with grants and funding, and their presence in a fairly prestigious international festival indicated they had realized success in their careers. the second panel consisted of two hip-hop artists of color from new york, a jewish-identified dance artist from argentina, and a collective of young theatre artists from austin, all ranging in age from latetwenties to thirties. a majority of these panelists were women. these artists offered no spoken resistance to the term entrepreneur – nor did they engage it directly, other than to acknowledge entrepreneurship as resonant with their individual strategies. in other words, they were willing to be seen as entrepreneurs if it helped explain to the audience the ways that they had built their careers on piecemeal lessons or how they established support for their careers in the communities where their work appeared or took shape. at the same time, it was clear that neither panel embraced the term wholeheartedly. i offer this very distilled account, including the markers of identity, because the conversations inspired me then and since to take notice of the use of the term entrepreneur when it is used among artists, especially performing artists. also it taught me to query the ways in which identity position (race, gender, sexuality, age), disciplinary location (hip-hop, theater, performance art, dance theater) and even geographic location (market center or outlier) complicate presumptions about access, strategy, and privilege. for some reason that i could not articulate then, entrepreneurship got under some artists’ skin. it is a loaded word that loads differently for different people. perhaps it is performance’s role in re-presentation that allows for entrepreneurship to remain an active site of inquiry in which its definitions are tested (schechner, 1985).6 for it is in performance and among performers that i have often read or hear the term challenged or recontextualized to address questions of access. consider critic jill dolan’s recent description of an early play by the lesbian, feminist performance troupe split britches: in upwardly mobile home, too, shaw, weaver, and margolin demonstrated the ingenuity of women trying to scrape out a living by harnessing an entrepreneurial, seat-of-theirpants spirit of determination not often required by people more securely ensconced in the middle class.” (dolan, 2011, p. 5) while audiences familiar with the work of shaw, weaver, and margolin would avow the three artists’ capacity – collectively and individually – to create lasting careers, their lives and work offer a type of entrepreneurship that troubles class presumptions in much of the same way that their characters do. all three artists have thrived outside of the mainstream theater field, yet they are regularly studied on college campuses where they teach theater and performance as visiting artists or faculty members. in addition to residency teaching, weaver holds a faculty position at queen mary college at university of london, where shaw was recently an artist-in-residence. margolin is an associate professor in yale university’s undergraduate theater studies program. from their academic locations and residencies, all three artists have the opportunity to mold how emerging artists craft their entry into the field. dolan notes that shaw is particularly prone to the seat-of-your-pants approach modeled in her earlier works. in her interview with dolan, shaw relates a particular message she tells students: …and the white students and the rich ones, i tell them, “get out of school…. [g]et out of this fucking school and go start a theater.. with forty thousand dollars a year you can…build a building or something. or make a play. don’t give it to this college.'” (dolan, 2011, p. 9) while shaw’s contrariness to the legitimacy of the academic host site may seem counter to the project of building an entrepreneurship curricula, or even her residency’s reception by college administration, her message models the role of the “‘artist-citizen’ who holistically leverages knowledge and creativity in service of art, community, and self” (beckman, 2011, p. 30). moreover, the juxtaposition of privilege and bonin-rodriguez what’s in a name? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 13 race (rich and white) indicates progressive political concerns about equity and access in the u.s. common to social entrepreneurs and entrepreneur ethicists (bryant, 2009; harris, sapienza, & bowie, 2009).7 shaw and weaver provide an excellent example of a direct resistance to entrepreneurship. both shaw and weaver, whom i have also interviewed, adamantly resist the label of entrepreneur: weaver: i think we [independent performers] are all are entrepreneurs, but it insults me when the word is used, because i associate the word with business, and i also associate that word with thatcherism and reaganism, and that entrepreneurial sense of “okay, if you’re going to do it, you have to do it yourself, pull yourself up by your bootstraps.” and yes, we’ve done that; we’ve always done that. we were entrepreneurs: we made our own companies; we made our own space to perform in; we made our own relationship to universities so we could work. we made our own business, but i don’t like having that business term applied to artists, even though those are the principles i teach when i teach independent artists. i teach students to be independent artists; a huge part of that is being an entrepreneur. shaw: but i never would use the word. weaver: i never would use the word, no, because it feels so— shaw: it’s “independent;” that’s the word. (bonin, 2006) shaw and weaver’s linguistic negotiation, embracing the spirit of entrepreneurship while dismissing the term on the grounds of a political history worked out in public discourse illustrates a tension faced by many with whom i have spoken. at the same time, their use of the word “independent” hardly embraces what has been one of the richer aspects of their careers. both shaw and weaver have always worked as collaborative artists. they were founding members of the wow café (women one world), “one of the best known spaces for women’s performances in new york” (case, 1996, pp. 7-8). the independence that weaver seeks is from commerce, and the word’s appearance as a substitution offers the artists a way to distance them from artist entrepreneurship entirely. in this case especially, “independent’s” connotation (as separate, distinct) is counterintuitive to the careers it is said to describe. the phrases “we built,” “our…companies,” “our…space,” and “our relationship,” reflect the collaborative ethos of feminist companies and split britches’ significance in that movement (canning, 1996; case, 2005; dolan, 2011). feminist companies were founded in resistance to the patriarchal, male business of the free market and built on close, regular collaborative alliances, an indifference to organization, and a distrust of business as usual (canning, 1996, p. 205). feminist artists in the 1980s also benefitted from the knowledge gleaned from the chicano and civil rights movements of the preceding decades, when audiences were understood not as disengaged spectators, but allies who had come to receive marching orders and turn to action (pp. 177-178). moreover, weaver’s familiarity with the pro-business thatcher and reagan years is not only a gesture to the period of split britches’ founding in 1981, but also a history known and keenly felt by many artists, myself included, who lived and worked through those years, which included the culture wars (brenson, 2001). consequently, the historical knowledge that beckman proposes begs for both an illustration of nineteenth century precedents, as well as more contemporary concerns, such as the advance of neoliberal agenda in which the progressive concerns and needs of individuals and communities are pushed aside for business interests. for artists like shaw who stand against entrepreneurship on the grounds of cultural, social, and economic exclusion and marginalization, the careers of hip-hop artists provide a test case for artist entrepreneurship, as well as a cogent example of how race and gender can complicate presumptions. the growth of hip-hop over the last two decades has been a significant cultural, social and economic force, changing the lives and hopes of many artists of color. in the 1990s, hip-hop contributed “to a 45 percent growth in black-owned business in the united states” and brought to prominence and wealth the lives of many individuals who moved from the streets to mogul status in quick time, including russell simmons, sean “p-diddy” combs, and shawn “jay-z” carter (charnas, 2010, pp. x-xii). one of the most adamant bonin-rodriguez what’s in a name? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 14 avowals of artist entrepreneurship has been jay-z’s decoded (2010), which outlines how his song lyrics document his transition from street hustler and drug dealer to hip-hop tycoon. jay-z makes clear that in making the transition he merely traded one hustle for another: there’s a sick fascination with… artists so conflicted about making money from their art – which so often means making money from their pain and confusion and dreams…. this is a game people sometimes play with musicians: that to be real, to be authentic, you have to hate money… but whoever said that artists shouldn’t pay attention to their business was probably someone with their hand in some artist’s pocket. (2010, p. 168) interestingly, jay-z’s embrace of the market is offered not as a resistance to business models, but as a safeguard against the exploitation that musicians, and especially musicians of color, have historically faced (basu & werbner, 2001; savran, 2009). counter to shaw and weaver, the hip-hop musicians commonly referred to as entrepreneurs operate as an “ethnic enclave” in a well-resourced for-profit industry (basu & werbner, 2001). their particular achievements, while hailed as an example of ethnic entrepreneurship and increased access for people of color and artists, do not easily translate to the many artists whose disciplines are not as traditionally or currently marketable or driven by a popular industry (jackson et al., 2003). jay-z’s example does not acknowledge the privileges afforded by gender or the disproportionate representation of male hip-hop moguls. recent studies show how the structures of access and oppression are determined by “three interlocking systems of power and oppression: capitalism, patriarchy, and white supremacy” (valdez, 2011, p. 4). sociologist zulema valdez adopts the term “embedded market” to describe how institutional structures may be constructed to provide access to one or more social constructs of race, class, gender, or ethnicity, while still manifesting multiple forms of oppression to the groups as a whole. the social and financial capital accrued by jay-z’s black male predecessors have created the conditions for his access, but not necessarily for women, or men of color as a whole. the mogul’s clear accomplishments do fit with more established notions of “ethnic entrepreneurship” (portes & rumbaut, 2001, p. 84), a term valdez critiques for conflating class and ethnicity and hiding privileges generally reserved for males and the middle-class (p. 27). embedded markets help explain how entrepreneurial approaches can differ according to social location. for artists, the embedded market may yet extend to discipline and geographic location, the access established by preceding generations, the subject matter of an artist’s work, and her ability to connect with a supportive community. as evidenced by these examples, artists who question entrepreneurship when describing their careers do so to avoid having commercial definitions overshadow the public concerns of their work. they seek a more nuanced definition for how their work balances private, material concerns (sustainability, growth) with their public aims, which are manifested in what their work says and whom it reaches. some seek a distance from a neoliberal agenda. others are acknowledging a complex infrastructure for cultural work in the u.s., one that intersects for profit, nonprofit, community, and government entities (markusen, gilmore, johnson, levi, & martinez, 2006), as well as an inadequate national cultural infrastructure (cherbo & wyszomirski, 2000; kammen, 2000). if entrepreneurship is to be the rubric under which artists are trained and organized, then its definition must be specifically developed and, much like the business and economics definitions, incrementally determined. “artist-producer” what i describe as the “artist-producer” has emerged as a specific response to entrepreneurship in artistic practice over the last decade. the artist-producer approach acknowledges artists’ political resistance to the term entrepreneur; it also provides a frame for the focused, even narrow set of entrepreneurial concerns afforded and promoted by an under-resourced cultural sector attempting to multiply its capacities by promoting partnerships between artists and arts organizations. for more than a decade now, u.s. cultural policy and practice has been devoted to diagnosing the conditions under which artists work and developing models that support and recognize artists’ contributions to society (gaugin, 2008; jackson, 2009; jackson et al., 2003; markusen et al., 2006). the landmark publication of investing bonin-rodriguez what’s in a name? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 15 in creativity: a study of the support structure for u.s. artists (2003) codified the domains in which artists found their livelihood most challenged: “validation, demands/markets, material supports, training and professional development, communities and networks, and information” (p. 8). the study depicted a vital, though under-resourced arts infrastructure in the u.s. the establishment of leveraging investments in creativity (linc) in 2003, “a ten-year initiative dedicated to changing the lives of artists in the united states,” sought to capitalize on and support continuing research and development for an artist constituency more capable of addressing its material concerns and partnering with local arts organizations. now in its final year, linc is currently assessing its accomplishments (linc, 2012a, 2012b). preceding linc, the creative capital foundation emerged in 1999 with an innovative model for arts philanthropy by applying venture capital concepts to traditional grant giving: [these core ideas include] making a long-term commitment to a project; providing financial support beyond the initial award, assuming benchmarks are met; an interest in capacity building; a commitment to providing services and assistance in addition to financial support; an interest in measurable outcomes; working to attract other investors/contributors to the project; and the desire for financial return on investment. (creative capital, 2004, p. 2) these goals outlined by creative capital are manifest in its multi-phased, multi-year approach to support. the foundation’s grant programs in “emerging fields,” “literature,” “film/video,” “performing arts,” and “visual arts” challenge artists to build their careers by adequately resourcing and capitalizing on each project. creative capital’s direct modes of support include artist training in its professional development program (pdp) as well as technical assistance and artist marketing on its own website (http://creative-capital.org/artistprojects/). though its reach is small, creative capital responds to many of the domains of need outlined in investing in creativity; it is a validating organization providing direct support, training, and networking, and paving the way for artists to access multiple markets (jackson et al., 2003, p. 43). creative capital’s work broadly addresses traditional definitions of entrepreneurship: it is focused on opportunities, individuals who will exploit opportunities, and diverse business models that do not require the development of a separate organization, but instead rely on the partnership between an artist and arts organizations (atlas, brunner, & denobriga, 2005). despite the apparent applicability of creative capital’s core concepts to traditional entrepreneurship (shane & venkataraman, 2000) – and even its use of the “term venture capitalism” – the organization has been sparing in its use of the term “entrepreneur,” using it descriptively, if at all (http://creative-capital.org). the foundation’s entrepreneurial reticence may well be connected to the organization’s political beginnings in 1999. from the outset, the creative capital foundation presented itself as a response to the right-wing attacks on arts and culture during the culture wars (dobrzynski, 1999). what creative capital programming proposes is that artists working in the u.s. have the responsibility for crafting and responding to organizational needs of their creative projects, effectively becoming producers of their work. the artist-producer designation is particularly relevant in the nonprofit and community sectors, where the nation’s artists, in towns and cities away from major arts centers, emerge or live and create work in places where a strong arts market does not exist (gaugin, 2008; jackson, 2002; markusen et al., 2006). more so than a portmanteau blending artist and entrepreneur – like “artrepreneur,” a term used by the artist as an entrepreneur institute’s (aei) founders, or “actorpreneur,” a course taught by the tony award-winning actress tonya pinkins (http://www.speaking.com/speakers/tonya-pinkins.php) – the artist-producer designation explicitly names the capable future these atpd programs hope for their alumna. put succinctly, an “artist-producer” describes an individual who makes her work and cultivates the conditions to bring her work to anticipated markets. moreover, given that the arts world does not routinely share the same infrastructure or abundance of markets as the business world, the artist-producer title allows for a distinction from the business entrepreneur. finally, as a hyphenated structure, the artistproducer label is facile. an artist who feels that any one project is too great for one person, can strategically separate the “–producer” and give the job to someone else, perhaps even someone who bonin-rodriguez what’s in a name? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 16 readily identifies as an entrepreneur. in this specific case, the artist [-producer] generally holds onto the knowledge of a producer and has the capacity to express how the producing partner can best provide support. such a collaborative model allows for the ethos advanced by feminist and progressive artists for more than four decades. in all of the training programs i study, artists are not being taught the skills required to support their work, though it is not presumed they will singlehandedly perform all functions. in the atpd programs i have analyzed, as well as creative capital’s grant program, capacity building is defined as skills, knowledge, and the wherewithal to build good partnerships in the spaces where artists present work. with respect to entrepreneurship studies, the artist-producer model acknowledges the very narrow approach to entrepreneurship afforded to artists working primarily, though not exclusively, in the nonprofit and community sectors in the united states (markusen et al., 2006). counter to more expansive entrepreneurship definitions, the artist-producer model is person-centric (shane & venkataraman, 2001). the artist-producer responds to a host of capacity building issues raised in current policy infrastructure. more than two decades ago, w.b. gartner constructed a policy delphi from business leaders and academics that determined eight themes in entrepreneurship.8 of the eight, two were specifically personcentric: the identity of the “entrepreneur,” which describes persons predisposed to risky, creative endeavors, and the “owner-manager,” which describes the individuals who, by virtue of their vision and initiative, take leadership roles in their own firms (gartner, 1990, p. 16). as i discuss in the next section, the focus on small business management in current atpd programs in the cultural sector immediately positions artists as owner-managers; consequently, even those programs that embrace entrepreneurship are doing so within very specific parameters. the artist as entrepreneur institute (2004), artist, inc. (2007), and artist u (2006) observing the process of artist training nationwide, i have witnessed pedagogies implicitly supporting the development of artist-producers, even as the notion of entrepreneurship remains an explicitly contested topic. moreover, as entrepreneurship scholars will notice, all of the programs – including those that promote entrepreneurship – are contoured or even limited in their grasp of entrepreneurship by the framework of the cultural economy. for three years as an artist advisor to linc, i have documented artists in community-based atpd programs reaching twenty different u.s. communities including first nations.9 i have also attended a weekend long creative capital pdp. according to the creative capital foundation’s website, since the 2003 founding of pdp, 3700 artists have attended the program in fifty u.s. communities, making it the most prolific atpd program in the u.s. as a vested observer, i have been particularly interested how these programs serve many artists who already have fine arts degrees and their approach to entrepreneurship. three training programs in particular have helped me think through the ambivalent reception artists have for entrepreneurship and the more specific artist-producer framework being advanced: artists u in philadelphia (au), artist, inc. in kansas city, and aei in cleveland. for the two programs developed by arts organizers, artist, inc. and aei, the word “entrepreneur” still holds merit and provides not only organizational mechanism for what should be taught but also an ideological framework. in other words, both programs seek to capitalize on the notion that artists are deserving partners to local business communities and economies, rather than marginalized service professionals (keen, 2010). for the artistdeveloped au in philadelphia, the word is flattened and dismissed as an old school model that is neither visionary nor relevant to community. program founder and choreographer andrew simonet states: the only thing i want is for [participants in au] to keep doing their most visionary research and to do what sustains them. i do not want them to turn into a science museum or pilobolus – that’s an entrepreneurial model. pilobolus is a textbook case at the harvard business school. (a. simonet, personal communication, june 5, 2012) simonet registers his resistance to what he sees as pilobolus’s formulaic approach to artmaking, but in doing so he asserts that there is a place-based model that is more relevant to artists’ lives. artists u has cultivated a cohort of increasingly capable, productive artists, as have the other two programs. it has also bonin-rodriguez what’s in a name? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 17 spawned a number of related community programs, including the headlong performance institute and monday planning meetings. despite their philosophical differences, all three programs share similarities, including curricula, strategies, and commitments. the differences manifested in their reception to entrepreneurship and the accomplishments and outcomes of their programs beg for a greater discussion on the term itself. in support of beckman’s proposals, i believe each of the community-based atpd programs assisted by linc is developing a place-based “philosophical platform that embraces business acumen and provides an arts context for entrepreneurship education” (beckman, 2010, p. 28). these programs not only offer an avenue for continued training, but they model how graduating students might locate themselves in local markets nationwide.10 moreover, through their partnerships, these programs model how community engagement can be a dynamic process of participation and payback. the artist as an entrepreneur institute (aei) was developed by cleveland community partnership for arts and culture (cpac), an arts and culture think tank and advocacy center in cleveland. the course was developed under the guidance of cpac vice president megan van voorhis, a dancer who holds an mba, and strategic initiative director, seth beattie, with assistance from other cpac staffers. from the outset, cpac worked closely with the council of smaller enterprise (cose) for northeastern, ohio, which has hosted the aei program since 2010. cpac’s partnership with cose has been instrumental in the growth of the cose arts network, and the hiring of an arts-specific cose staffer, matt charbonneau. cose arts maintains roughly 500 active members who network or access professional support services, including health insurance, through the organization. aei is a six-session, twenty-four hour program currently held over a period of six weeks each spring. the aei participants are provided with a course packet or a resource book, much like a college course packet, that is continually updated. some artists who have taken the course refer to the book as “the bible.” over almost a decade of existence, the aei has trained over 850 artists in business practices. because of the workshop’s low enrollment cost ($100 for cose members; $150 for non-members) and open enrollment process, many artists repeat the course. compared to the other atpd programs i attended, aei’s class enrollment is the largest. when i attended in 2010, it numbered 50 artists. for several years, aei has been franchised in broward county fl and south carolina (http://cpacbiz.org; http://cosearts.org; m. van voorhis, personal communication, june 5, 2012)11 artist, inc was initially launched in 2007 as artist link, a project created through the partnership of the charlotte street foundation, the arts council of metropolitan kansas city, and the umkc innovation center. artist, inc was constructed after a two-year study of atpd programs conducted by diane scott, a small business analyst at the umkc innovation center. scott still runs the program, now with input and support from the partner organizations. artist, inc is an eight-week training program. the total training time amounts to twenty-four hours. like aei, artist, inc tuition is $150; unlike aei, artists must submit applications to gain entry into artist, inc. although artist, inc does not share a small business partnership like cose arts, the organization makes an effort to publicize its alumni and support their ongoing careers, not only through an attractive website, but also through a series of arts innovation awards. additionally, the partner organizations provide additional funding and presenting opportunities. each class enrolls twenty-five participants. since its inception, artist, inc has graduated 200 artists (http://www.artistinckc.com/home; kc artist link, 2011; d. scott, personal communication, june 5, 2012). artists u (au) began in 2006, under the direction of dancer-choreographer, andrew simonet, who collaborates with artists jennifer childs and janera solomon. simonet came to the program through the creative capital pdp, where he is still a consulting trainer. au is held over a period of nine months, and only twelve artists participate in each session. eight of the nine sessions are guided by four facilitators – each of whom individually mentors three artists of the cohort – and simonet. every new au class begins with a full-day creative capital pdp session facilitated by pdp founder colleen keegan and two other guest creative capital teachers. for the remaining eight months, the artists come together for two hours on one evening each month. between class sessions, each artist will have met with one of his or her assigned mentors at least twice. unlike aei and artist, inc, au artists do not self-select to bonin-rodriguez what’s in a name? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 18 participate – rather, they are nominated by artist professionals and then selected into the program from a smaller panel of artist u staffers and arts professionals. this program has graduated over sixty artists since its inception. for those artists who are not invited to participate, au hosts a series of affiliated programs including planning mondays and the au short courses. planning mondays “are individual hour-long appointments for artists of any genre to discuss a tactical matter or explore areas of planning with one of the au facilitators.” the au short course is a pared-down version of the longer program that covers the same core competencies. funded by a network of local and national funders, all au programs are free of charge (http://artistsu.org; a. simonet, 2012). with respect to content, these three programs share many similar approaches. in addition to contributing to artist skill-building and increased access and participation in community, these programs also articulate and give hearing to ambivalent concerns about entrepreneurship and vastly different notions of artist business practice. some programs allow considerable time for artist cohorts to acknowledge their embedded markets and to think through new modes of material and social access and different measures of reward. others presume that those negotiations will happen in the ongoing alliances established in its allied programs. through their pedagogies, each of these programs articulates an artist as someone who has the capacity to produce his or her own work. this is evident not only in course content, but in the way that each program delivers its materials and negotiates place-based concerns and access. it is through these two aspects that the artist-producer takes shape as a specific type of entrepreneur. each program touches on the same sets of concerns, and the distinctions between them are created by the delivery. each program features some form of training in longand/or short-term planning, organizational structures, marketing, networking, audience development, budgeting and finances, grants and fundraising, and legal concerns (intellectual property rights and/or taxes). aei materials are delivered by business professionals in the community – lawyers, accountants, and marketing professionals among them – who can speak from their standpoint as specialists in the field. additionally, alumni artists whose work has revealed an expertise in a certain lesson are invited to participate and offer testimony about their own processes. the approach is professional and measured: participants observe powerpoint presentations, which are duplicated in the program book along with relevant articles, and questions are frequently invited. aei’s approach illustrates beckman’s “transitioning” method of artist entrepreneurship training, in which artists are introduced to new ways of cultivating their markets (2007). bringing in local artists and other professionals to speak specifically to artist business concerns is a strategy shared by artist, inc and au; however, both of these programs challenge artists to speak explicitly about specific projects they are developing. the final artist, inc session, “opening night,” features presentations of the project to which the participant artists have been applying their lessons throughout. the two au sessions i visited both featured discussions about new projects. in this manner, both artist, inc and au could be said to follow the “new venture creation (nvc)” curricular method borrowed from business schools (beckman, 2007), except that the discussions framing these methods tend to divide the focus between the artist as an identity and the particular enterprise being developed. the discourse in au meetings especially vacillate between demands for self-discipline and selfresponsibility on one hand, and a sardonic or light irreverence on the other. simonet is fond of saying, “no whining” to the artists in training, and “at au, we do nothing for you.” he is also keen to compare au to a twelve-step program: it’s like aa, i’m a drunk/you’re a drunk. i’m the only one who can call you on your shit, but if you want to get sober [you have to do the work]. it’s like a group of twelve gets together to tell their stories. the only person who can save a drunk is another drunk. only artists can save each other from a life of self-punishment. (2012) key to this construct, other than its conviction that art-making is a compulsion, are two material notions: 1) marking art is a daily commitment, and 2) the artist business world is unique. while techniques and strategies can be borrowed from business, arts-specific solutions must be crafted through artist-to-artist relations. bonin-rodriguez what’s in a name? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 19 au group meetings are divided into two sections, with a pizza break in between. in the first section, artists and facilitators discuss current projects and plans. the second section typically consists of a panel of guest arts and business professionals convened to discuss a curricular topic. a session on marketing i attended in 2009 featured a marketing professional, a local theater and dance presenter, and a local choreographer who does the marketing for his own company. together, the guests parsed out a description of successful marketing efforts, offering visual samples that showed consistency across various marketing pieces (a look, an approach, language), good photos, concise and impactful texts, as well as some counter–examples with identities politely blocked out. the presenters also connected their efforts to better relations with both audiences (from the choreographer) and the artists (from the marketer and presenter). effectively, the panel modeled how artists are called to balance material strategies with expressive aims. the artist-producer identity bridges all of these various training goals and embraces both nvc and transitioning concerns. to the artists who want to see their work made, these programs affirm that material demands are insistent. as evidenced by au, as well as shaw and weaver, some artists isolate artistry as a special, even sacred practice that should be complemented by business, rather than overrun by it (abbing, 2002; hyde, 2007). they resist the collusion of art with what they see as a politicized term, entrepreneur. on the other hand, a “producer” broadly defined is a maker of things; specific to the arts, a producer engages in managerial tasks to make artistic production possible (oxford english dictionary, 1989). for the artists participating in atpd programs, having managerial tasks coupled with artists’ creative concerns invites a synthesized artist-producer identity. as evidenced by artists u, artist, inc, and aei, community-based atpd programs cultivate and activate local resources in variety of ways. in my interviews with program founders, they have all emphasized the vital role of local professionals in their atpd programs. local arts and business professionals highlight the material supports and networks that are or should be available to local artists. at the same time, the local mentors, as well as the guest professionals, challenge artist participants to study area resources, cultivate opportunities, and know about place-specific economic challenges (markusen & johnson, 2006). furthermore, the atpd programs are largely funded by local foundations, and each program has been instrumental in the establishment of new funding and award programs, new partnerships and initiatives, as well as the development of websites or organizations that actively promote the artists. building multiple partnerships is a common theme to all of the programs, not only in their operations but in their pedagogical goals. through their work they are trying to define a specific type of entrepreneurial approach for this generation’s artists. as aei founder megan van voorhis indicates, doing so means recognizing that artists are engaged in both project-specific and non-project work: through aei we try to acknowledge and respect that artists make a living through a variety of means that are directly connected to their art-making (teaching, coaching, direct sales, etc.). our role is about discovery – helping artists to identify all of their distinct assets that could serve them in revenue development. (2012) with her focus on assets, van voorhis veers from older cultural economics definition of artists who support creative work with humdrum labor (caves, 2000), and her argument is closely aligned with emerging scholarship. maria rosario jackson of the urban institute has coined the term “hybrid careers” to describe “artists working at the intersection of art and other fields and/or in places that are not part of the conventional cultural sector” (2009). jackson locates artists’ hybrid work in places as diverse as artists who create live-work spaces to bring in revenue and support art-making, as well as artists whose work goes beyond typical modes of production to make contributions to community. the artist-producer emerges in place-based concerns, as in the individual artist who identifies local resources and cultivates ones to support the making of her work. as modeled in the atpd programs, as well as the “hybrid model,” new resources emerge from the collaborative efforts of multiple stakeholders who are each capable of articulating and claiming the value their work brings to community. more importantly, perhaps, through their locally targeted practices and resources, place-based atpd programs model a type bonin-rodriguez what’s in a name? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 20 of pedagogy that is relevant to fine arts education: they help identify how a local artist-producers should consider not only the resources available to them, but how they can be resources to the community. are you an entrepreneur or an artist-producer? since 2009, artist link has conducted a study of outcomes and opinions among its alumni artists. in some cases, artist link has tested at intake, six months, twelve months, and twenty-four months. questions track changes in behavior or belief with regards to specific tasks, such as budgeting or financial planning, or the perception of kansas city as a great place to be an artist. alumni are also asked about their perceptions of entrepreneurship, as well as their own fit with the term. of the eight classes (200 artists) questioned at intake, only 56% responded affirmatively to the question, “do you consider yourself an entrepreneur?” for the 5 classes that responded at twelve months, that number moved up to 76%. for those three classes that tested at twenty-four months, 63% responded affirmatively to the question. those who say yes talk about making their work and making the conditions for their work possible. some who respond “no” acknowledge that they are not making work now, or that they don’t see a need for a word other than “artist” to explain what they do. one affirmative response to the term “entrepreneur” was explained by this note: although as an artist, (artrepreneur) i have established short and long term goals with a vision and destination in mind, i am more in love with the journey... the process, the excitement of learning and growing... the opportunity to cultivate my creative calling and fulfill my dreams. (kc artist link, 2012) in addition to deflecting the “entrepreneur” title in favor of a special, portmanteau definition for an artist entrepreneur, the responder makes a particularly poignant observation. the process is ongoing, as is dreaming, learning, and growing, but the stuff of dreams requires that one “cultivate” one’s talents and “fulfill” an outcome. in other words, the artist must wake up and produce. _____________________________________________________________________________________ references abbing, h. (2002). why are artists poor? the exceptional economy of the arts. amsterdam: amsterdam university press. atlas, c., brunner, h., & denobriga, k. (2005). at the intersection: a programmatic assessment of creative capital's support to artists. new york: creative capital foundation. basu, d., & werbner, p. 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(2012a). leveraging investments in creativity. retrieved from http://www.lincnet.net linc. (2012b, june 3-5, 2012). looking back and moving forward: 10 years of transforming support for artists. program guide at the 2102 linc creative communities convening, kansas city, mo. markusen, a. (2006). urban development and the politics of a creative class: evidence from a study of artists. environment and planning, 38, 20. markusen, a., gilmore, s., johnson, a., levi, t., & martinez, a. (2006). crossover: how artists build careers across commercial, nonprofit and community work [pdf document]. the arts economy initiative, project on regional and industrial economics, humphrey institute of public affairs, university of minnesota. retrieved from http://www.haassr.org/html/resources_links/pdf/cacrossover.pdf markusen, a., & johnson, a. (2006). artists' centers: evolution and impact on careers, neighborhoods, and economies. the arts economy initiative, project on regional and industrial economics, humphrey institute of public affairs, university of minnesota. retrieved from http://www.hhh.umn.edu/img/assets/6158/artists_centers.pdf mulcahy, k. v. (2003). entrepreneurship or cultural darwinism? privatization and american cultural patronage. the journal of arts management, law, and society, 33(3), 165-184. nunberg, g. (2004, 28 october). the entrepreneurial spirit [transcript], fresh air commentary: npr. retrieved from http://people.ischool.berkeley.edu/~nunberg/entrepreneur.html palmer, r.r. (1997) j.-b. say: an economist in troubled times: writings selected and translated by r.r. palmer. princeton, nj: princeton university press. portes, a., & rumbaut, r. g. (2001). legacies: the story of the immigrant second generation. berkeley, ca: university of california press. preece, s. b. 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(2000). the promise of entrepreneurship as a field of research. academy of management review, 25(1), 217-226. doi: 10.2307/259271 bonin-rodriguez what’s in a name? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 23 shane, s., & venkataraman, s. (2001). entrepreneurship as a field of research: a response to zahra and dess, singh, and erikson. academy of management review, 26(1), 13-16. sidford, h. (2011). funding arts, culture, and social change. washington, dc: national commitee for responsible philanthropy. retrieved from http://www.ncrp.org/files/publications/fusing_arts_culture_and_social_change.pdf stewart, w. h., watson, w. e., carland, j. c., & carland, j. w. (1999). a proclivity for entrepreneurship: a comparison of entrepreneurs, small business owners, and corporate managers. journal of business venturing, 14(2), 189-214. doi: 10.1016/s0883-9026(97)00070-0 valdez, z. (2011). the new entrepreneurs: how race, class, and gender shape american enterprise. stanford, ca: stanford university press. venkataraman, s. (1997). the distinctive domain of entrepreneurship research: an editor's perspective. in j. katz & r. brockhaus (eds.) advances in entrepreneurship, firm, emergence, and growth (vol. 3, pp. 119-138). greenwich, ct: jai press. wolf, s. (1998). civilizing and selling spectators: audiences at the madison civic center. theatre survey, 39(2), 7-23. acknowledgements: my thanks to charlotte canning, scott blackshire, rebecca rossen, cassidy browning, and nancy elder who read drafts of this article, as well as the journal’s editors, linda essig and gary beckman, and its peer readers whose comments expanded my thinking. thanks also to mariarosario jackson, megan van voorhis, andrew simonet, and diane scott for sharing their work. 1 beckman observes: “[some fine arts department heads] questioned the legitimacy of using the term [“entrepreneur”] in an arts context. this group saw the word as an obstacle and wondered how it should manifest in curricula and pedagogy. these department leaders viewed understanding “entrepreneurship” as the first step in constructing future curricula and programs” (p. 94). 2 mulcahey (2003) also details these same definitions, noting their “distinct cultural association” (p. 165). 3 nunberg notes that a word search for “entrepreneur” for “[o]ver a hundred years before 1965” in the new york times offers up only five entries (n. 2). 4 see hayek’s the road to serfdom (1944) and von mises’s human action (1949). 5the fresh terrain festival was co-produced by the university of texas at austin department of theater and dance and mark russell, then director of performance space (p.s.) 122, a prominent cultural center on manhattan’s lower east side. the producing artists were the ones who spoke on the panel. 6 performance studies scholar richard schechner refers to performance as both “restored behavior” and “twice-behaved behavior” (35-36). 7 while not eliding white with rich, shaw does indicate that both the white and the rich might have better uses for their fine arts tuition money. she also implies that either poor students of color should continue in higher education, or that she does not want to presume to speak for a marginalized identity. 8 a policy delphi is a method of analysis that defines multiple dimensions of a policy issue by submitting its analysis to groups of individuals who may be diversely invested in it. gartner notes that his original trifecta of groups included business leaders, academics and politicians, but that none of the politicians opted to participate. for an excellent definition of a policy delphi, see turoff (1970). bonin-rodriguez what’s in a name? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 24 9 the programs that i study fall into two groups. of the ten supported by linc, five have developed franchises in other cities, and an additional five travel to different communities. 10 in a speech at the university of texas in 2010, then linc executive director, judilee reed, stated that discussions among the atpd programs had found a common six-year postbaccalaureate moment, when artists began to seek retraining effort. while such a six-year figure may little more than anecdotal evidence, it does invite further inquiry. microsoft word artivate book review rabideau summer 2014 final .docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 3, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 51-53 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2014, the author book review social  intrapreneurism  and  all  that  jazz:  how  business  innovators  are  helping  to  build   a  more  sustainable  world  (greenleaf  press)   david  grayson,  melody  mclaren,  and  heiko  spitzeck   foreword  by  john  elkington   review  by  mark  rabideau,  university  of  kentucky       entrepreneurs   see   needs,   gaps,   and   opportunities   and   create   innovative   solutions   for  financial  gain.  similarly,  social  entre/intrapreneurs  see  needs,  gaps,  and  opportunities   and  create  innovative  solutions  for  sustainable  entities  for  social  good.  grayson,  mclaren,   and   spitzeck,   in   this   engaging   and   well-­‐researched   book   provide   a   compelling   case   in   support   of   the   critical   and   increasingly   central   role   of   the   emerging   intrapreneurial   movement   –   the   direct   involvement   by   companies   and   the   creation   of   corporate  models   designed  to  do  good  while  thriving  in  the  marketplace.   purporting   intrapreneurship  as  a  new  movement  –  by  examining  case  studies  and   unpacking  anecdotal  evidence  –  the  authors  establish  a  convincing  argument  for  believing   that  what   is   afoot  gives  greater   reason   for  hope   than   the  corporate  social  responsibility   (csr)   movement,   where   corporations   rarely   acted,   or   at   least   rarely   made   significant   contributions  toward  solving  the  most  pressing  problems  of  our  time,  and  more  often  than   not  failed  to  even  prove  responsible  in  taking  up  the  role  they  must  play  within  the  global   community.   notable   exceptions   such   as   tom's   shoes   have   long   shown   that   the   value   of   embracing  social  responsibility  translates  into  financial  benefits  from  favorable  marketing   alone,  while   remaining   committed   to   ideas   beyond   (or   arguably,   above)   the   bottom   line.   widespread   commitment   to   systematically   embrace   a   balanced   approach   to   fiscal   health   and  societal  impact  must  be  adopted  if  we  are  to  solve  the  issues  that  grip  our  connected   world  –  education  and  health,  the  homeless  and  the  hungry,  and  more.     embodied  within  the  introduction’s  opening  epigraph  by  robert  kennedy  (after  g.b.   shaw):     there  are  those  who  look  at  things  the  way  they  are,  and  ask  why?  i  dream  of  things   that  never  were,  and  ask  why  not?     the  authors  establish   the   tone  of   their  work  as  being  driven  by  asking  big  questions  and   seeking  simple  truths.  how  and  why  are  the  most  inventive  people  in  industry  striving  to   build  sustainable  entities  to  address  the  most  pressing  problems  across  the  globe?   drawing  particular  attention  to  the  role  creativity  plays  within  the  act  of  inventing   new   ways   of   thinking   about   the   future   corporations   must   play   within   the   global   community,   social   intrapreneurism   and   all   that   jazz   pivots   on   the   shared   attributes   of   creativity  and  collaboration  of  the  intrapreneur  and  the  jazz  artist  through  such  themes  as:     social  intrapreneursism  is  not  a  solo  act;   woodshedding  hones  skills;   great  intrapreneurs  know  how  to  jam  well  with  others;   ‘paying  your  dues’  creates  a  license  to  operate  –  and  break  rules.     rabideau book review: social intrapreneurism and all that jazz ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (2) 52 equally   substantial   in   its   academic   rigor   as   it   is   an   engaging   read,   social   intrapreneurism   and   all   that   jazz:   how   business   innovators   are   helping   to   build   a   more   sustainable  world  is  the  culmination  of  more  than  five  years  of  research,  40  interviews  with   intrapreneurs   worldwide,   and   extensive   collaborations   with   leading   scholars   within   the   field.  the  breadth  of  the  work  spans  an  examination  of  the  creative  individual’s  mindset  as   well  as  traditional  corporate  structure.  among  the  most  profound  contributions  grayson,  et   al  make  to  the  conversation  are  their  “how  to”  tips  that  offer  concrete  and  actionable  ideas   to   their   readership.   understanding   that   culture   change   does   not   come  without   backlash,   they   also   warn   us   of   the   challenges   corporations   will   inevitably   face   while   refocusing   stakeholders’   visions   beyond   traditional   sightlines   of   corporate   profits   and   addressing   a   growing   outcry   from   employees   for   companies   to   embrace   global   responsibility   within   their  mission  statements.   this   timely   addition   to   the   literature  will   (or   at   least,   should)   benefit   from   other   well-­‐received   authors’   effort   to   re-­‐imagine   the   definition   of   the   role   of   work   in   the   21st   century,   not   least   of   whom,   arianna   huffington’s   thrive:   the   third   metric   to   redefining   success   and   creating   a   life   of   well-­‐being,   wisdom,   and   wonder.   huffington   makes   the   related   argument   that   the  most   productive  members   of   today’s  workforce   seek   rewards   that  move   beyond   financial   compensation   and   power   grabbing,   but   now   include   a   third   metric:  meaning.   what  is  important  to  remember  about  jazz  and  its  power  as  an  analogy,  is  that  jazz   was  not  only  the  creation  of  a  new  music,  but  of  a  new  musical  language.  and  this  language   was  created  by  inventive  and  intelligent  voices  among  the  underserved  of  our  population.   in   its   earliest   history   –   new   orleans   jazz   –   the   music   toggled   between   the   solo   improvisation   of   the   individual   and   the   collective   improvisation   of   the   ensemble.   social   intrapreneurism  and  all  that  jazz  shares  case  studies  of  individuals  and  corporations  who   are  creating  a  new  language  within  the  marketplace  of   ideas.  this  new  language  requires   individual   creativity   to   work   hand-­‐in-­‐hand   within   the   collective   creative   thinking   of   corporate   leaders   and   decision-­‐makers,   while   confronting   the   additional   challenges   of   taking  creative  action  within  the  complex  matrix  of  the  global  marketplace.   what   the   authors’   promote   is   a   systemic   shift   away   from   a   narrow   focus   on   competition   to   a   broader   thinking   in   favor   of   win-­‐win   scenarios.   at   the   core   of   the   argument  we  are  asked  to  embrace  a  true  entrepreneurial  spirit,  challenging  us  to  revisit   the   myth   that   we   must   choose   between   the   roi   and   s(ocial)roi,   and   widening   our   perspective  that  indeed  both  are  essential.   in  jazz  –  and  i  am  not  aware  of  any  other  art  form  that  has  a  parallel  term  –  we  use   the  word  “stretch”  to  describe  a  moment  when  the   improviser  reaches  beyond  their  own   knowledge,   their   own   comfort   zone,   and   beyond   their   own   known   abilities   to   say   something   new;   giving   voice   to   something   yet   realized,   to   “speak   the   truth.”   this   is   the   analogy   (not   used   by   the   authors)   that   best   fits   the   parallels   between   the   social   entre/intrapreneurial   movement   and   the   solo   and   collective   improvisation   of   jazz   musicians  –  recognizing  that  a  new  idea,  a  new  “truth”  in  how  we  must  navigate  our  shared   future.  what   social   entre/intrapreneurs   and   jazz  musicians   share   is   their   public   leap   of   faith  to  usher  beauty  into  the  world  and  give  voice  to  new  ways  of  thinking  and  doing.   social   intrapreneurism   and   all   that   jazz:   how   business   innovators   are   helping   to   build  a  more  sustainable  world   itself  is  a  part  of  such  a  movement,  leveraging  the  authors’   rabideau book review: social intrapreneurism and all that jazz ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (2) 53 collective  curiosity  and  creativity  to  share  a  hopeful  story  of  how  we  can  all  play  a  central   role   in   building   a   more   promising   future.   it   only   takes   a   quick   glance   at   the   economic,   social,  and  political  climates  of  today’s  world  to  recognize  that  a  new  language  of  change  is   as  essential  on  21st  century  wall  street  as  it  was  on  20th  century  bourbon  street.     microsoft word thom_formatted v2.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 4, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 51-75 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2015, the author the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators marco thom, london south bank university abstract the study’s aim is to show whether and to what extent services of entrepreneurial value could be provided by arts incubators to nurture fine artists to meet market requirements to make a living in the arts. in order to achieve this aim, the study is first focused on the clarification of the question to what extent fine artists are currently educated at higher educational institutions on how to become successfully self-employed. the answer to this question is needed to outline the current mismatch between vocational education of fine artists and actual market requirements. a comprehensive and comparative analysis of fine art degree programs and extracurricular training offerings at higher educational institutions and arts incubation programs in the uk and germany was carried out. by using various key performance indicators, this study shows evidence that fine artists are not educated to successfully meet market requirements and that professional arts incubators could be a promising alternative or useful addition for fine artists’ vocational preparation. keywords: arts incubators, fine artists, entrepreneurial skills, higher educational institutions, market requirements introduction research aim the study’s aim is to show whether and to what extent services of entrepreneurial value could be provided by arts incubators to nurture fine artists (particularly painters, photographers, and sculptors) to meet market requirements and make a living in the arts. in order to achieve this aim, the study is first focused on the clarification of the question to what extent fine artists are currently educated at higher educational institutions on how to become successfully selfemployed. the answer to this question is needed to outline the current mismatch between vocational education of fine artists and actual market requirements. research background there are hardly any full-time and permanent employment opportunities for fine artists in the arts, only opportunities to pursue work on a freelance and self-employed basis. recent labor market statistics in the uk and germany show clear evidence that up to 90% of fine artists, including painters, sculptors, and photographers are self-employed and mostly organised as oneperson-businesses (statistisches bundesamt, 2010; artists interaction and representation, 2011; arts council england, 2011; bundesverband bildender künstlerinnen und künstler, 2011; centre for economics and business research, 2013). fine artists need to successfully meet the multi-facetted commercial and opportunity driven challenges and operate like entrepreneurs (schumpeter, 2003; swedberg, 2006) in order to make a living in the arts. while their art specific professional skills are often very sound, artists mostly lack the complementary entrepreneurial skills to meet the market requirements successfully (thom, 2015). for this reason, arts incubators could help them further develop their sets of skills, to recognise and realise art business opportunities, and to increase their chances to attract attention on the market. it is the thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 52 incubator’s main objective to increase the chances of commercial success and professional survival of entrepreneurs within an incubation programme (allen & rahman, 1985; nbia, 2010). the uk and germany were chosen for this study as european representatives of different norms in collegiate education. while the german government shows an extensive financial involvement in promoting quality, particularly in the arts, the british government’s involvement is quite modest (abbing, 1999). in the uk, artists are required to operate like entrepreneurs to earn a living more than in most other countries in continental europe, including germany. consequently, it is reasonable to assume that the entrepreneurial education in fine art degree programs at higher educational institutions (heis) is considerably different in both countries. literature review in alignment with the study’s aim, two research fields will be reviewed: the identification of the crucial skills for entrepreneurial economic success in intensively competitive markets with low market entry barriers and an existent oversupply of products (abbing, 1999), such as the arts, and arts incubators’ most valuable services to effectively support the development of prospective entrepreneurs in their early stages. crucial skills for entrepreneurial success. while this study is primarily focused on the commercial issues of being a fine artist, the critical artistic dimension of success is not taken into further consideration. a comprehensive review of the literature reveals a variety of models to explain the different factors (including skills) of entrepreneurial economic success. as a result, there is still no consensus of what skills are really crucial for fine artists’ commercial success to make a living in the arts. considering that the crucial skills for fine artists’ economic success in the arts have not been identified in the literature, recent studies on the reasons for business failure and entrepreneurial success in other, similar professions to fine art are used for this study. these professions include journalism and farming, which also face an intense winner-takes-all competition of self-employed individuals and one-person businesses (frank & cook, 1996). they provide valuable findings to derive the crucial skills for fine artists’ entrepreneurial commercial success. these studies show evidence that the development of an entrepreneurial mindset in general (mcgrath & macmillan, 2000; bennett, 2009; pollard & wilson, 2013) and the following seven skills in particular, as illustrated in table 1, can be considered as most important for self-employed professionals in an intense competitive market environment (gibb, 1998; faltin, 2001, 2007, 2008; schumpeter, 2003; detienne & chandler, 2004; landwehr, 2005; smith & perks, 2006; de wolf & schoorlemmer, 2007; oberschachtsiek, 2008; rudmann, 2008; vesala & pyysiainen, 2008; baines & kennedy, 2010; nbia, 2010; stokes & wilson, 2010; cobb et al., 2011; nobel, 2011; department for business innovation & skills, 2013; freiling & laudien, 2013; stuetzer et al., 2013). thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 53 table 1. the crucial skills for entrepreneurial success, key findings literature review the first five skills named in table 1 above can be considered, according to de wolf & schoorlemmer (2007), as “real entrepreneurial” skills. they have explicitly and primarily to do with the creation of a successful business or self-employed career, while the last two mentioned skills in finance and sales enable the successful running of the business. this classification leads thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 54 thom (2015) to the definition of the working model of the crucial “five plus two”entrepreneurial skills that will be applied in the context of this study. with the help of this working model the “entrepreneurial fitness” will be investigated, as this factor indicates the fine art students’ level of preparation for the most commonly chosen career path of self-employment. incubators’ services of value. campbell, et al. (1985) who are among the first scientists to have focused attention on the incubation process. they define four areas in which the business incubator provides an additional benefit to prospective entrepreneurs. thereby, they implicitly define the incubation process components: (1) diagnosis of the entrepreneur’s needs and requirements, (2) supervised service application, (3) provision of capital, and (4) access to the incubator’s network which is equipped with business development expertise. zhigao, et al. (2006) develop these findings further. they emphasize the importance of a functioning network for an entrepreneur’s success. in this context, they also develop how the structure of a cooperative network for optimized skill development should look. they define important skill nodes, such as finance, sales, planning, creativity, law, and personnel. these skill nodes have to be taught by experts to grant the quality of skill provision. by means of the regular face-to-face exchange between the prospective entrepreneurs and experts of the skill nodes, the entrepreneurs develop the required skills for their business. with this background, hansen, et al. (2000) see a positive effect on the entrepreneur’s development specifically in the incubator’s network design. the design provides for the possibility of spreading and utilizing existing capacities and resources in the network in an organized way. they have detected that the incubators that run especially successful incubation programs, which release the entrepreneur from the strategic, administrative, and organizational burdens, works to the greatest possible extent with the help of network partners. these services are required in a pooled form by the incubator for the entrepreneurs in the network. in this context, hansen, et al. (2000) emphasize the importance of sector specialization on the part of the business incubator to reach network synergies for the entrepreneurs in an easier way. hansen, et al. and zhigao, et al. describe a very interesting network based approach of business incubation which confirms the importance of delegating skills to experts. thom (2011) developed the network based approach further. he designed a conceptual framework for virtual and totally networked business incubation. the process of skill development is designed with experts as skill components who clearly reduce the consumption of time resources on the incubators’ and entrepreneurs’ side. this approach allows the incubator member to be focused on the essential aspects in business incubation: the recognition and realization of a marketable and finally successful business concept. in this context, the two business incubation associations ukbi (2009) and nbia (2010), as well as erlewine & gerl (2004), recommend the employment of mentors for a successful development of skills. it is the mentor’s task to be at the entrepreneur’s disposal as a familiar person, coach, and sparring partner. cockpit arts (2013), an art incubator in the uk with focus on craft business models, has undertaken research on the impacts of its provided business support and network access on the client’s commercial success. in accordance with their findings, the majority of clients in the incubation process reported growth rates in turnover of more than 40% and in profits of more than 25% per year, on average over the past four years. these growth rates were significantly higher than the average for the cultural industries in general and the art industry and its specific sections in particular. the growth could be achieved through the diversification of markets and income streams, by individual mentoring, investing time in business concepts, skill development, thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 55 and networking. essig (2014) interviewed program directors and alumni of four university-based arts venture incubators in order to illustrate the institutions’ program descriptions and goals. she discovered that developing an entrepreneurial mindset through stimulating and encouraging new thinking, innovative ideas and behavior was one main goal of each program. the majority of interviewed program alumni confirmed in this context that this objective has been achieved during their stay. research design and methodology the analysis of the educational situation of fine art students is cross-sectional. the study was conducted from 15th of january to the 30th of june 2013 and encompasses both the analysis of the entrepreneurial education of fine artists at heis in the uk and germany, including course and module handbooks and other detailed program specifications for fine art degree programs in the academic year 2013-14, and on the other hand the analysis of services and entrepreneurial education offerings of arts incubators located in the uk and germany. in order to gain a deeper understanding of the current educational situation at heis and arts incubation programs in both countries, an exploratory and inductive research approach with a survey strategy is taken. this approach is needed because there are hardly any empirical findings in the uk and germany to explain whether, how, and to what extent fine art students and graduates will be equipped with entrepreneurial skills and therefore be educated on how to make a living in the arts as self-employed practicing fine artists. the study’s findings will contribute to the academic literature in this still unexamined but growing field of cultural entrepreneurship research. in addition, to ask for the key market requirements, an online survey among fine art lecturers and tutors at uk heis and german heis, who are also practicing artists, was conducted from 20th of january to 17th of february, 2015. based on their experiences as practicing artists and tutors, 281 fine art lecturers, 169 lecturers/tutors at heis in the uk and 112 at german institutions, defined the key market requirements for success in the arts. research methods in order to build up the required database for this comparative study, comprehensive internet research in combination with various research methods is pursued. the variance of research methods arises firstly as the result of strongly varying opportunities to get access to the course information and secondly for the sake of proving the findings from different perspectives. in particular, the review of literature and secondary data, the internet research, and written inquiries are used as research methods for gathering course specific data. the survey was used to ask for the key market requirements of practicing fine artists. analysis criteria the analysis of the current educational situation includes the qualitative and quantitative evaluation of educational offerings of entrepreneurial skills for fine art students. the main focus of this study is, however, on the investigation of the typical fine art curricula for undergraduates at the university level at heis. the necessary course information comprises detailed course structures and program characteristics, in particular information on taught skills, applied teaching methods, and learning environment. additionally, in order to illustrate a much broader overview of the educational situation of fine art students post-graduate programs (master programs), thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 56 existent entrepreneurial and business-related in-house extracurricular offerings have also been taken into consideration. the analysis of arts incubators’ services to assist fine artists in increasing their chances of economic success is focused on specific educational services, including workshops, practice exercises, mentoring and coaching programs, and other services that are elementary for artists’ professional development. in this context, both analyses are similarly structured and include the following three main steps: first step: the identification of relevant heis that offered fine art degree programs for undergraduates at university level in the uk and germany in the academic year 2013-14. fine art degree programs encompass, in the context of this study, the single subjects fine art, photography, sculpture, and painting. the sample size was 87 heis; 75 institutions in the uk (nuk heis=75) and twelve in germany (nger heis=12) published the needed data for the analysis in their course brochures, program specifications, in their detailed module handbooks or in their answers to written inquiries. in addition, with the help of a comprehensive internet search, sixteen arts incubators (nuk ai=12; nger ai=4) with a multi-disciplinary business focus, including the fine arts, were identified as a relevant sample group. the incubators of these institutions were organised physically. the term physical means in this context that the arts incubators were located in a building and provided studio and exhibition spaces for their clients. second step: the analysis of regular fine art undergraduate curricula, post-graduate programs, and entrepreneurial and business-related extracurricular courses. overall, 87 degree programs for undergraduates, 56 post-graduate programs, and 45 extracurricular in-house courses and seminars are reviewed and analysed in order to measure and illustrate the proportions of five plus two entrepreneurial skills to the total workload. in this context, the course data will be converted into measureable educational key performance indicators (kpis), which are based either on ects credit points or workload measured in working hours per average student, as illustrated in table 2. by completing a course, seminar, or module a student is awarded with national or standardised european ects credit points. typically, one year of study corresponds to 60 ects or 120 uk credit points, respectively. therefore, a three-year bachelors program usually has 180 ects or 360 uk credit points and a five-year diploma program at german heis has 300 ects credit points. due to the standardization of the workload in europe, ects credit points are used as a valuation principle for measuring and illustrating the proportions of five plus two entrepreneurial skills to the total workload. every ects credit point stands hereby for a certain amount of work load, measured in time. in practice, one ects credit point is equal to 20 hours of student work in the uk (qaa, 2008; hörig, 2010; tuning, 2014) and 30 working hours in germany (hörig, 2010; bachelor.de, 2014; studieninformation badenwürttemberg, 2014). because of these inter-country differences in measuring workload in time per one ects credit point, the estimated working hours to develop entrepreneurial skills are used as a valuation principle for comparative purposes of the students’ average learning effort between both countries. the use of kpis enables the creation of a more transparent structure of complex data that, in turn, simplifies the assessment and enhances the comparison of findings among peer heis within and across both countries. thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 57 table 2. sub-questions and dervied key performance indicators (kpis) the analysis of course documents and program specifications started with a simple key word search. the course data and module handbooks were screened for the five plus two skill terms opportunity, networking, ‘leadership,’ idea/creativity, strategic thinking / planning, finance, and marketing / promotion. in the second step, the course documents and module handbooks were investigated more deeply with regard to their content-related teaching focus and intended learning outcome. the second step included and considered in particular the sub-factors thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 58 and dimensions of taught skills to separate entrepreneurial skill elements from “pure” professional and transferable skills. the analysis of art incubation services encompasses specifications in the services offered in the fields of professional development trainings, building collaborations and partnerships, promotion activities, coaching, and mentoring in a total of sixteen institutions. the use of indicators to enhance the comparability of provided services to develop entrepreneurial skills is, due to the lack of quantitative measures, not possible and in the context of this study also not necessary. third step: the evaluation and interpretation of gathered data and findings. in order to reliably use the above mentioned kpis it is necessary to distinguish the three different categories of skills that are taught in the regular fine art curricula: a) professional, subject specific skills; b) transferable (employability) skills; and c) entrepreneurial skills. the last category comprises the identified crucial five plus two skills, as illustrated in figure 1. figure 1. entrepreneurial skills as higher order skills the listed skill categories and single skills are not discrete. as outlined in figure 1, entrepreneurial skills are encompassed by different single skills and sets of skills. for example, leadership skills (entrepreneurial skill) are mainly based on communication, problem solving, decision making, team working, negotiation skills (all employability skills), and strategic thinking and networking skills (entrepreneurial skills). thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 59 by taking the relevance of entrepreneurial skills for fine artists in a more market oriented arts industry as an example, the theoretical view exists in the context of this study that the entrepreneurial skills should be understood as higher order skills. while the professional, subject specific skills and transferable (employability) skills are taught in the regular fine art curricula at heis in the uk and germany and therefore are considered basic requirements for fine artists, the defined crucial five plus two entrepreneurial skills can be viewed as most important skills or as skills of higher order that a self-employed fine artist will need in order to commercially succeed in arts business. in this context, a further distinction is made in figure 1 between lower order and equal order skills. these terms are related to the hierarchical relationship: skills of the same hierarchical level are of equal order while skills of different levels are considered as of lower or higher order without making an assessment of whether the different skills and levels are considered as more or less valuable for being successful. basically, all developed skills should be assessed as positive and valuable, however, some skills are further developed and therefore more important in order to achieve artistic and/or commercial success. findings and interpretation key market requirements based on their experience, 253 fine art lecturers and tutors, who were also all practicing artists, were asked in a survey questionnaire to define the major challenges and needs of fine artists in their professional and entrepreneurial careers. they classified the following key market requirements for becoming and being successful in the arts: • producing outstanding art work; innovative ideas (concepts) of high quality • attracting/increasing attention and visibility; effective promotion activities • exploiting market opportunities • building up a good network of contacts in the arts • developing a comprehensive set of professional and entrepreneurial skills (model of the crucial five plus two entrepreneurial skills was confirmed) • developing an entrepreneurial mindset and personal characteristics, such as self-belief, ambition, hard work ethic, resilience some of these findings, such as developing entrepreneurial skills and building up close network contacts, are supported by welsh et al. (2014), who surveyed 119 artists from various art disciplines at an entrepreneurship in the arts conference in 2014. their findings show, however, an undifferentiated picture of challenges and needs because each art discipline represents a different market with different participants, structures, and characteristics. for example, performing art disciplines, such as dance or music, engage totally different audiences, require different skills in marketing and promotion activities to ensure visibility and market attention, and to recognize and realize business opportunities than the fine art discipline of painting. the market for fine arts, including painting, photography, and sculpture, is characterised as highly fragmented and not transparent due to an enormous oversupply of individual artists and art work. the majority of lecturers held the opinion that the market is controlled and managed by a few, that are money rather than artistic value-driven gatekeepers (e.g. gallerists) who define trends and quality. consequently, artists are likely to be successful when they meet the above mentioned key market requirements. thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 60 kpis “entrepreneurial fitness” versus “employability” both kpis show to what extent five plus two entrepreneurial and employability skills are taught in the regular fine art curricula of undergraduates in the academic year 2013-14. the analysis shows interesting key findings, which are summarised as follows: • the average proportion of five plus two entrepreneurial skills in regular fine art curricula was 5% at heis in the uk and less than 2% at german institutions; • the average proportion of employability skills in regular fine art curricula was 43% at uk heis and 36% at heis in germany; • the teaching of the five plus two entrepreneurial skills was compulsory in both countries; • some crucial five plus two entrepreneurial skills, reasonably required for achieving entrepreneurial success and making a living as self-employed artist, were not taught at all. alongside the development of professional, subject-specific skills, the findings show evidence that developing the employability of graduates is a primary aim of fine art students in both countries, as illustrated in figures 2 and 3. therefore, it is not astonishing that the average proportion of the uk kpi “employability” to the total workload was, at 43%, more than eight times higher than the average figure of the kpi “entrepreneurial fitness.” in germany, the gap between both kpis was considerably larger, with less than 2% of the studies’ total workload scheduled, on average, for teaching crucial entrepreneurial skills. this predominant focus on employability of graduates is not surprising, particularly when considering the two facts that a) graduate employability is heis’ primary learning objective due to its strategic importance to their stakeholders and national economies and b) there are hardly any permanent (salaried) jobs in the arts available. employability skills are equally necessary and valuable either to further develop entrepreneurial skills to run a successful career as a self-employed practicing artist or to get salaried employment both inside and outside the arts industry. figure 2. average proportion of taught skills in fine art curricula, uk sample, academic year 2013-14 thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 61 figure 3. average proportion of taught skills in fine art curricula, german sample, academic year 2013-14 the analysis of detailed module descriptions and answers to written inquiries show that entrepreneurial skills were taught in compulsory modules at all institutions in both samples. this finding can be considered positively in the context of this study. that means that fine art undergraduates were definitely educated in and equipped with some entrepreneurial skills during their studies in the academic year 2013-14, even if only to a minor extent. consequently, the question is: “which of the crucial five plus two entrepreneurial skills were taught at heis in the uk and germany?” in order to answer this sub-question, the entrepreneurial skills taught were listed and additionally ranked by the number of times each skill directly or indirectly occurred in the regular fine art curriculum of each hei. the latter step underlines the entire relevance of these skills in fine art curricula in the uk and germany. the results of this analysis are illustrated in figures 4 and 5. table 3. taught five plus two entrepreneurial skills in regular fine art curricula of undergraduates, uk sample, academic year 2013-14 thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 62 table 4. taught five plus two entrepreneurial skills in regular fine art curricula of undergraduates, german sample, academic year 2013-14 the findings show that only three of the crucial five plus two entrepreneurial skills were taught in both samples. in addition to the three skill sets of idea, networking, and marketing (sales and promotion) funding skills were also taught at a few uk heis. these business management skills encompassed, at uk heis, funding and customer acquisition issues, which is the reason why the business management skills were listed as an additional set of skills in these graphs. however, the further development of employability skills to opportunity identification, strategic planning, and finance/liquidity and cash management skills in particular did not take place in either sample as an integrated part of the curricula. considering the scanty labor supply in the arts, heis should be doing more in terms of developing entrepreneurial skills to increase (art) graduates’ employability in general and their chance to survive as self-employed practicing artists in particular. kpi extra-entrepreneurship the study further investigates whether entrepreneurial and business-related in-house extracurricular courses were provided, which could help to develop the five plus two skills. the focus of the investigation is therefore only on in-house offerings, because this study will investigate if fine art undergraduates will be equipped with the crucial skills during their fine art studies at heis. the analysis of the sample groups brings the following results to light: • on average, more than half of the heis in the uk (54.67%) and one third in germany offered entrepreneurial and business-related extracurricular courses, available for hei’s students and graduates of all departments and subjects; • these courses were organized and managed centrally either by the heis’ enterprise and business development teams (incubation services/business school) (87% in the uk and 50% in germany) or by the career service departments (13% in the uk and 50% in germany). the art departments or faculties have not been involved in the organization of those courses. thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 63 • explicit courses in entrepreneurship were mainly focused on business venturing, business planning, and venture capital acquisition; • (fine) artists do not normally attend those extra courses; • entrepreneurial and business-related extracurricular courses with a special focus on (fine) artists as target group were not offered; • the most commonly offered course duration was one day, and mostly for free (66% in the uk and 75% at german heis); • business-related courses were normally organized as workshops and seminars on a broad range of topics such as finance and funding, (online) marketing, intellectual property law, business management, project management in the creative industries, customer acquisition, managing creativity, business plan writing, self-promotion, and concept presentations, etc.; • the vast majority of uk heis offered more than ten of those extracurricular courses in the academic year 2013-14. in germany, two of the four universities with extracurricular offerings provided more than ten courses in the academic year 2013-14. although these findings show evidence that fine art undergraduates have (theoretically) attractive opportunities to attend workshops and seminars with entrepreneurial and businessrelated topics for free, particularly in the uk, it is not surprising that these students do not normally attend them. there is reasonable doubt if art students’ needs can be adequately addressed by these courses. three facts need to be considered. firstly, these course offerings will simply not be promoted by art faculties or the teaching staff. secondly, fine art students may have huge difficulties in understanding the business and entrepreneurship language, including the business vocabulary and thinking which will be used in those workshops by the training staff, if they are not already familiar with these subject-specific terms and meanings. as shown, entrepreneurial and business-related extracurricular courses are mostly organized and managed by the in-house enterprise and business development teams, which includes lecturers and graduates in the fields of business administration, entrepreneurship, and technology/engineering who are working and studying at the universities’ business schools or incubation services. these people normally have a deep understanding of business management related complex topics and usually use a specialised vocabulary regarding business management thinking as well as case studies from non-art industries to transfer knowledge to the audience. this mixture may result in an incomprehensible language for fine artists and challenge the transfer of the presented content into their own professional life. thirdly, the findings also show a main teaching focus on business venturing, business planning, and venture capital funding. in terms of content, these topics are irrelevant for fine art students’ success in the arts. besides extracurricular offerings, a masters degree in arts management and arts entrepreneurship would be another post-graduate alternative for developing entrepreneurial skills at heis. the analysis of existent post-graduate master’s offerings at the heis of both samples produces the following three key results for the academic year 2013-14: • every university and university college in the uk (in total 50 heis) and half of institutions in germany (in total 6 heis) offered master’s degree programs for fine art graduates. • three master’s programs (6%) at uk heis were focused on entrepreneurship for creatives, while four programs (8%) focus on arts management. however, the highest thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 64 proportion, with 86% or in total 43 master’s programs, was in fine art (also including art & design and contemporary arts). at german heis, master’s programs were solely offered in fine art (bildende kunst). • the offered master’s degrees in entrepreneurship for creatives and arts management were solely taught by the art faculties/departments. a cross-disciplinary master’s program for fine art graduates exists neither in the uk nor at german heis. it is notable that uk heis are more concerned about an entrepreneurship education than german institutions. it is highly likely that this is the result of educational policies that emphasize developing entrepreneurial graduates who, in turn, will give some value to the national welfare. however, it is striking – but on the basis of the first results not really surprising that the proportion of offered master’s degree programs with a focus on developing businessrelated and entrepreneurial knowledge and skills was, nevertheless, relatively low. only 14% of the uk’s universities in the sample created a master’s degree program in art management and entrepreneurship, which could help fine art students to be educated on how to become successfully self-employed. the vast majority obviously aim to further improve subject-specific professional skills. this reasonably shows that the entrepreneurial idea is still not totally implemented in fine art education. kpi “compulsory work experience”. work placements and internships give fine art undergraduates the chance to gain important practical experience of the real working world outside of the heis studios. skills are developed through experiential learning (levy, 2013; seelig, 2014). while a placement definitely enhances the students’ set of skills, it also helps them find out more about working in that industry. in this way, work placements and internships offer a very good chance for gaining a deeper understanding about what it means and what it takes to work and, particularly, to make a living in the arts. in the context of this study, compulsory work placements are of special interest due to two aspects. firstly, compulsory work placements and internships are a much stronger commitment of heis to their students to gain practical experience and develop crucial skills alongside their studio work. secondly, and more importantly for this study, the time and length of compulsory work placements are clearly regulated by the curriculum. this fact will ease the analysis and comparison of kpis considerably. optional work placements are, as the term option implies, an opportunity to gain practical experience. some students may work permanently alongside their studies, and some use this opportunity regularly during their study breaks, while others only work once, and still others do not take advantage of this working opportunity at all. due to this uncertainty, optional work placements are difficult to capture, especially in the context of this study as kpi. however, the provision of optional work placements in the regular fine art curricula will be taken into account for information purposes. the analysis of course material and written inquiries produces the following key results: • work placements are an essential element of the regular fine art curricula of undergraduates in the uk and germany. • the vast majority (71%) of work placements were an optional part of the regular curriculum in the uk, while 16% of uk heis integrated this practical experience as a compulsory part. almost 10% of regular fine art curricula neither integrated compulsory nor optional work placements. thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 65 • one third of the institutions in germany (in total four heis) integrated compulsory work placements as an essential part of the curriculum. two of these heis provide internships that last up to six months. these institutions established a practical semester into their fine art curricula. half of german heis (in total six heis), however, did not provide any work placements as valuable opportunity of gaining practical experience at all. considering these findings, it can be stated that compulsory work placements are an established teaching method at heis to develop entrepreneurial skills. however, there are some reasonable concerns relating to their effectiveness that will be discussed later. kpis guest lecturers and mentoring inviting practicing and well-established artists into the classroom as guest lecturers can be an invaluable part of fine art students’ (entrepreneurial) education. guest lecturers offer a great opportunity for fine art students to learn other viewpoints within the discipline, to enhance their engagement and enthusiasm in entrepreneurial thinking, to hear about current research and practical applications, and to build a network with professionals. mentoring, defined as a process of improving individual knowledge, work efficiency, and, particularly, the way of thinking, is widely acknowledged in entrepreneurship and business incubation as key success factor of professional and, therefore, entrepreneurial development (nbia, 2010; essig, 2014). considering this, the key findings of the analysis documents and answers the written inquiries in relation to both programs, and are summarised as follows: • the majority of heis in both samples (87% in the uk and 83% in germany) provided “guest lecturer” programs. • the mean number of guest lectures in the academic year 2013-14 was eighteen at uk heis. calculating the academic year at 30weeks, this figure means one regular guest lecture takes place more frequently than every second week on average. at german institutions, the mean was ten visits by guest lecturers per academic year, which means one guest lecture takes place every third week on average. • 24 heis in the uk sample provided guest lectures every week on average, while the maximum frequency at german institutions was fifteen visits per academic year, on average one visit every second week. • one third of the investigated heis in the uk integrated a mentoring program into their regular fine art curricula, while this program was not provided at german institutions at all. on average, between three and four artists worked as mentors in those programs, mostly organized as a one-year residency programme. • the integration of graduates (alumni) as mentors into the regular fine art curriculum was possible at 34 institutions, or 45% of all heis in the uk. in germany, none of the investigated institutions integrated alumni-mentors into their fine art curriculum; one institution was, however, in preparation to do so. the findings show evidence that guest lectures were widely integrated into the fine art education process at heis in both countries, while mentoring programs, unfortunately, were established as an important element in the teaching and learning processes at only a few heis in the uk. particularly at german institutions, the importance of mentors, even alumni mentors, thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 66 was not considered an educational element at all. in this context it must be said that almost 100% of the teaching staff are practicing artists as well (kpi 1: real-life learning). therefore, it is understandable that mentoring by external artists is not considered as necessary to develop entrepreneurial skills, which is why the kpi mentoring is relatively low. kpi intensity of supervision the intensity of supervision can be considered as an indicator of time resources, availability for in-depth feedback and career and personal development consultations by the lecturers for each of the students. the more lecturers are available for the students, the higher the intensity of supervision and thus the chance for students to get comprehensive feedback and advice. the study shows evidence that the intensity at german institutions is considerably higher than at institutions in the uk. on average, almost three undergraduates were supervised by one full-time teacher at german heis per level of study (class), while this ratio was five students per level of study at fine art degree programs in the uk. on average, the class size at uk institutions was around thirty students. the size at german institutions was as half of this. although fine art lecturers at heis in the uk taught larger student groups than their colleagues in germany, it is notable that these relatively low figures do not really matter for student performance, particularly the most able students. feedback and time for career consultation should be available in both samples, on average. interim conclusion: fine artists’ education at heis the survey of fine art lecturers/practicing artists shows evidence that fine artists suffer in particular from the lack of visibility and attention on the market due to an existent oversupply of art work and lack of promotion and entrepreneurial skills. in order to attract attention, artists are required to effectively promote themselves and their hopefully outstanding art. in order to increase the chances of attracting attention on the market, artists need to develop the crucial five plus two entrepreneurial skills. the analysis of course data reveals that fine art students will hardly be equipped with the crucial entrepreneurial skills (table 3). they mostly lack skills in opportunity identification, leadership, strategic planning, and finance. in addition, valuable and important promotion and networking skills are not an integral part of the regular fine art curriculum, they are taught only at one third of the investigated heis. although the entrepreneurial orientation at uk heis is higher than at german institutions due to entrepreneurship policies in the national education system, it is still at a relatively low level and insufficient to prepare fine art graduates to successfully meet the market requirements. considering this, it is of interest to experience whether arts incubators’ business models are oriented to close this educational gap by offering these required services. thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 67 table 5. summary educational findings arts incubation programs in the uk and germany business education, coaching and mentoring in arts incubation programs the analysis of both samples, encompassing the relevant twelve uk and four german arts incubators with a multi-disciplinary business focus, including the fine arts, shows the following findings: • business workshops and seminars were provided regularly by each art incubator in the uk and germany with one exception: one german incubator was traditionally focused on only providing studio working and exhibition spaces as meeting points for artists and community. • the institutions covered all relevant business topics for fine artists from accounting, finance, funding, marketing/promotion strategies, operational and strategic planning to pricing strategies, ip law, negotiation, and sales strategies. • eight out of the twelve uk incubators and three out of the four german incubators provided individual on-site coaching and mentoring, particularly in the early stages of entrepreneurial development. the analysis shows evidence that fine artists experience bespoke trainings and individual on-site coaching. in accordance with the cockpits arts report (2013), the coaching and training programs are very effective because both artist and incubator/coach meet and discuss the business idea together to identify the artist’s specific needs. together they then create an individualized action plan to help the entrepreneurial development. the training will help to achieve the different objectives and milestones of development. alongside studio practice, bespoke trainings and appropriate on-site coaching and mentoring create an experiential learning environment with immediate feedback opportunities that are highly likely to facilitate the development of the crucial five plus two skills. networking, promotion activities, and other services in art incubation programs thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 68 besides important bespoke trainings for fine artists, art incubators also provide network contacts and develop the artist’s networking skills by building collaborations and partnerships among the incubation clients, as well as with external artists and art organizations or representatives of the community. the analysis of the sixteen arts incubators in relation to these services shows the following key findings: • building collaborations and partnerships (networks) as well as promotion activities (exhibitions and events) were provided by each of the arts incubators in the uk and germany. • micro-loans were offered only by a minority; two out of the twelve uk institutions and two of the four german incubators offered their art clients funding opportunities. as the analysis shows, arts incubators support their clients in networking and promoting art work by organizing exhibitions regularly. these events are often a collaborative platform aiming to increase awareness and appreciation of the artists’ work to develop new audiences and contacts. they offer both cultural and commercial opportunities, showcasing established and emerging fine art talents and innovative projects. furthermore, some arts incubators also offer micro-loans at low interest rates if their art clients need capital to take their business to the next level. in summary, professionally working arts incubators could provide services of entrepreneurial value that educational programs and trainings at heis can usually not do, to nurture fine artists to meet market requirements to make a living in the arts (table 4). as a result, the present findings might be able to show that, in this context, arts incubators constitute a meaningful supplement to the educational preparation at heis; they should not be considered as a substitute, as heis definitely help to develop important professional and employability skills that are basic for entrepreneurial skills. table 6. summary arts incubators’ services thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 69 limitations, conclusions and further research limitations the cross-sectional approach was more a result of time restrictions than of scientific conviction. this approach only offers a snapshot of a single moment in time, and will not consider the development of incubation services, fine art curricula, and fine art students’ entrepreneurial skill set before and after the research period. therefore, it is and will remain unknown if changes in the educational programs and curricula towards more entrepreneurship and market orientation had a positive effect on fine artists’ later entrepreneurial success. the cross-sectional approach cannot recognize cause-and-effect relationships. in contrast, the benefit of a longitudinal study is that those developments and changes in the skill set of fine art graduates as well as relationships between variables, such as the aforementioned educational kpis, can be detected over time. due to two facts, first that entrepreneurial skills are sets of skills encompassing employability and professional skills, and second that credits are only allocated to the entire module without an individual allocation between the various specific skills, a precise separation of skill elements is not possible. a distortion of data needs therefore to be accepted. a (distorted) determination of the proportion of entrepreneurial skills to the entire set of taught skills is possible either by taking the total credits of those modules that concentrate only on the transfer of entrepreneurial skills into account (full credit approach), or by filtering out entrepreneurial from non-entrepreneurial skills and dividing the total credits of those mixed skills modules by the number of taught skills in these modules (proportionate credit approach). the following example is designed to illustrate the distortion and provide an opportunity to overcome it: by completing the bachelor (hons) in fine art degree at the university a, the student is awarded with 180 ects (equal to 360 uk credits). the degree comprises eleven total modules. two modules are designed to solely teach three entrepreneurial skills, such as idea development, networking, and self-promoting. both modules have ten ects credits each, equal to 200 working hours per module in the uk and 300 working hours in germany. these credits will be used to determine the total proportion of entrepreneurial skills in the regular fine art curriculum, for this example, 20 ects for both modules to 180 ects credits for the degree. the proportion would be 11.11%. this approach can be declared as a full credit approach because only entrepreneurial skills will be taught with these two modules. however, if these two modules also comprise two further transferable (employability) skills, such as communication and presentation skills, the proportion of entrepreneurial skills will be decreased. for this example, 20 ects will be divided into five skills, thereof three entrepreneurial and two employability skills with 4 ects credits for each skill (proportionate credit approach). as a result, only 12 ects credits for entrepreneurial skills in relation to 180 ects credits for the degree will be taken into account. that results in a decreased proportion of 6.67%. as a result of this distortion, both the gathered data and therefore the findings are methodologically not exact. however, substantiated, sound, and crucial statements on the current educational situations and tendencies are nevertheless allowed for this study. however, due to their quantitative nature, kpis normally lack the consideration of qualitative issues. they break down substantial data to comparative figures without any focus on qualitative aspects. for example, the length of compulsory work placements can only address a quantitative dimension. it shows how long or to what extent students will be able to work in an organizational environment to gain practical experience. however, this kpi cannot explain if a work placement will actually be adequate to gain specific entrepreneurial skills and practical thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 70 experience. it cannot provide information about the educational quality and what skills will be developed because this would necessitate the exact knowledge about the tasks and challenges a placed student will meet. in this context, it is therefore reasonable to link the quantitative dimension of kpis with the qualitative dimension by using strategic management tools such as the balanced scorecard (bsc). conclusions and further research the analyses of regular fine art curricula for undergraduates, entrepreneurial and business-related in-house extracurricular training offerings, and post-graduate programs at heis in the uk and germany were conducted with the help of various kpis. clear evidence is shown that fine art students will not be sufficiently prepared for their most chosen career path of selfemployment, neither at uk nor at german heis, due to several serious reasons. firstly, some of the crucial five plus two entrepreneurial skills needed to develop, establish, and run a commercial art concept or business, such as strategic thinking (planning) skills, skills to recognize and realize opportunities, leadership skills, and finance/cash management skills, are completely missing in the regular fine art curricula. secondly, those five plus two entrepreneurial skills that are integrated in the curriculum, namely the idea development skills, networking skills, and selfpromoting skills, were only taught to a very small extent. the average proportions of these entrepreneurial skills on the total workload of the fine art curricula were only 5% at uk (or nine ects credit points) and less than 2% at german institutions (or 3.5 ects credit points). in terms of working hours, these proportions mean that a fine art undergraduate at an uk heis is required to develop these entrepreneurial skills in 180 of in total 3,600 working hours on average, while a fine art student at a german institution would only have 105 working hours time for developing the same three skills. it should be obvious that these time periods are insufficient, particularly when considering the fact that these skills are sets of skills, encompassing various employability and professional skills. in this short period of time, an average fine art student will hardly be able to develop the crucial skills to create a unique and distinguishing art idea, attract attention of gallerists or consumers and audiences as interested followers or networking partners, and negotiate purchase prices, delivery or funding conditions in order to make a living in the arts. heis should be doing more to further develop employability skills to entrepreneurial skills, at least opportunity, marketing, and networking skills, in order to help increase their visibility on the market, an important market requirement to make a living in the arts. thirdly, there are some reasonable concerns about whether fine art undergraduates will really be able to develop entrepreneurial skills during their compulsory work placements: • developing entrepreneurial skills normally requires the process of experiential learning through doing. it is very unlikely that students, particularly first time placed students, will be tasked by the employer or individual artist to sell their art work or services or negotiate contracts and purchase agreements for them. those tasks require experience and a high level of confidence from the employer. at best, the placed student is invited to join those meetings to get familiar with the processes and techniques of promoting and selling art products. in this context, a further point of concern is related to the selection of employer/individual artist. the development of knowledge and the gaining of crucial entrepreneurial skills are likely to be higher when the employer/individual artist themself is actively and successfully involved in entrepreneurial activities. for example, a work placement with a successful, self-employed artist or gallery is more likely able to provide thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 71 a promising learning environment for entrepreneurial-oriented fine art students than a placement with a museum, a community on a social project, or with a large-sized business organisation in the art industry, whose departments tackle various special tasks. in the latter environments, fine art students will normally have fewer opportunities for trial and error and learning-by-doing. they will normally be entrusted with routine settlement tasks, which do even not represent the parts of the real life as practicing artist. this concern is underpinned by how to apply for a work placement. the process of selection will be often influenced by its purpose. for example, if the placement is a compulsory part of the fine art course, the placed student may find that the organisation is simply allocated to him/her. only this procedure may guarantee that the student will undertake the compulsory placement. optional work placements provide a larger flexibility and wider choice. however, art organizations and individuals may likely require a formal application detailing why the student is suitable for this specific placement and what he/she can bring to the role. it would be therefore interesting to know what types of skills will be developed by such compulsory work placements. the analysis of art incubators’ services shows that they could be able to help fine artists develop the crucial five plus two skills in order to make a living in the arts. they are therefore a valuable option for those fine artists who suffer from an insufficient educational preparation at heis. in this context, it needs to be considered that there is no set package of support that is guaranteed to lead to improved financial performance and entrepreneurial success. one size does not fit all. that personalized approach may be the main difference to the entrepreneurial education of fine art students at heis. universities and colleges do not have the needed capacities to provide bespoke trainings and on-site coaching. business survival and growth depends primarily on the capacity of each fine artist to develop strong creative and entrepreneurial skills so that they can exploit opportunities and overcome challenges in a way that is relevant to them and their practice. the prerequisite for a successful entrepreneurial development is, therefore, to work out an outstanding art concept or business model with each individual fine artist that fulfils their creative aspirations whilst meeting their financial needs as well as professional and social aims. in order to best perform, in financial terms, fine artists need access to different combinations of support services that meet their needs at the different stages of their professional and entrepreneurial development. professionally working arts incubators1 are designed to meet these challenges. another advantage of arts incubators is that the incubating artists are part of a network of talented artists, often sharing similar experiences to one another. arts incubators therefore facilitate peer-to-peer action learning and group coaching sessions, so that valuable knowledge and skills can be shared in an informal and relaxed way. excellent networked arts incubators also produce benefits for artists through scale. incubators with a significant network definitely have higher buying, negotiation, and marketing/promotion power than individual artists. although successful arts incubators often stress the benefits of being physical, for example, they consider coffee dates and other points of spontaneous meetings in short distances 1 the emphasis on “professionally working” arts incubators is based on the fact that the majority of nbia registered arts incubators, for example, are small-sized and lack important organisational structures, processes and resources (staff and capital). they mostly provide a few non-financial services, such as market consulting, however, mentoring and individualized on-site coaching and networking partnerships are missing as services. thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 72 as a stimulating environment to create a climate of creativity, this business model has a major conceptual weakness: the access to physical arts incubators is very limited. as the findings of this study also clearly show, the absolute number of professionally working arts incubators for fine artists in two of the biggest art markets in europe is very small in comparison to the number of fine artists. arts incubation is still an unexamined business field and often unknown by artists and other market participants. only a handful of artists will benefit from bespoke trainings, onsite coaching, and other support services. arts incubators are forced to strictly select their clients and effectively control the timely exits of developed and/or “hopeless” artists who were not able to achieve their developmental milestones. for the applicants, this situation means an intense competition for one of the incubator's coveted places. these dilemmas of limited spaces and lack of awareness among artists can be easily overcome by a virtual arts incubation program that is designed as an open, flexible, interactive and, due to virtuality, scalable network (thom, 2011), that includes artists, specialized skill providers, coaches/mentors, gallerists, art collectors, experts, consumers, and other participants in the arts. professionally working arts incubators have been still a scanty phenomenon. however, as the cockpit study (2013) and essig’s (2014) findings show, they could provide positive impacts and commercial benefit for (fine) artists and the economy that regular study programs and trainings at heis usually do not 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(2000). the entrepreneurial mindset: strategies for continuously creating opportunity in an age of uncertainty. boston: harvard business school press. nbia national business incubation association. (2010). best practices in action: guidelines for implementing first-class business incubation programs (2nd ed.). athens: nbia publications. nobel, c., (2011). why companies fail and how their founders can bounce back. harvard business school, 1-2. oberschachtsiek, d. (2008). founders’ experience and self-employment duration: the importance of being a ‘jack-of-all-trades’; an analysis based on competing risks. institute for employment research, 40, 1-27. pollard, v. & wilson, e. (2013). the “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts higher education in australia. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 3 (1), 3-22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1234/artivate.v3i1.67 quality assurance agency for higher education (qaa). (2008). higher education credit rramework for england: guidance on academic credit arrangements in higher education in england. retrieved from http://www.qaa.ac.uk/publications/informationandguidance/documents/creditframework. pdf rudmann, c. (2008). entrepreneurial skills and their role in enhancing the relative independence of farmers. forschungsinstitut für biologischen landbau (fibl). schumpeter, j.a. (2003). the theory of economic development. in: j.g. backhaus (ed.), joseph alois schumpeter: entrepreneurship, style and vision (pp.61-116). boston: kluwer. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/0-306-48082-4_3 smith, e.e. & perks, s. (2006). training interventions needed for developing black microentrepreneurial skills in the informal sector: a qualitative perspective. journal of human resource management, 4(1), 17-26. statistisches bundesamt (destatis). (2010). selbständige in deutschland. ergebnisse des mikrozensus 2008. wirtschaft und statistik [self-employed persons in germany: the results of the microcensus 2008. economics and statistics], p. 1204-1217. retrieved from https://www.destatis.de/de/publikationen/wirtschaftstatistik/arbeitsmarkt/selbststaendi gedeutschland.pdf?__blob=publicationfile stokes, d. & wilson, n. (2010). small business management and entrepreneurship (6th ed.) andover: cengage learning emea. studieninformation baden-württemberg. (2014). leistungspunkte (ects-punkte) [credit points]. retrieved from https://www.studieninfobw.de/studieren/bachelormaster/leistungspunkte_ects_punkte/ stuetzer, m., obschonka, m., davidsson, p. & schmitt-rodermund, e. (2013). where do entrepreneurial skills come from? applied economics letters, 20(12), 1183-1186. thom the entrepreneurial value of arts incubators: why fine artists should make use of professional arts incubators ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 75 swedberg, r. (2006). the cultural entrepreneur and the creative industries: beginning in vienna. journal of cultural economics, 30(4), 243-261. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10824-0069016-5 thom, m. (2011). business incubation – how to manage the know-how transfer (master’s thesis). münchen: grin verlag thom, m. (2015). the suffering of arts entrepreneurs: will fine art ttudents be educated on how to become successfully self-employed? journal of education and training studies, 3(1), 64-77. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/jets.v3il.587 tuning educational structures in europe. (2014). educational structures, learning outcomes, workload and the calculation of ects credits. retrieved from http://www.unideusto.org/tuningeu/workload-a-ects/177.html ukbi united kingdom business incubation ltd., 2009. best practice in business incubation: the complete best practice handbook. birmingham: ukbi. vesala, k.m. & pyysiäinen, j. (2008). understanding entrepreneurial skills in the farm context. welsh, d.h.b., onishi, t., dehoog, r.h. & syed, s. (2014). responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs: an xxploratory study of arts entrepreneurship in north carolina higher education. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 3(2), 2137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1234/artivate.v3i2.75 zhigao, c., ling, m. & xiangyun, c. (2006). knowledge deployment and knowledge network: critical factors in building advantage of business incubator knowledge service. services operations and logistics, and informatics, 2006. soli’06. ieee international conference, 244-249. microsoft word book review hager winter 2014.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 3, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 51-53 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2013, the author book review creative  communities:  art  works  in  economic  development   michael  rushton,  editor.  foreword  by  rocco  landesman   review  by  mark  a.  hager,  arizona  state  university       every  edited  volume  has  a  creation  story.  according  to  the  foreword  and  editor   michael  rushton’s  introductory  chapter,  creative  communities  owes  its  origins  to  interests   within  the  national  endowment  for  the  arts  (nea)  to  bolster  research  and  theory  on  the   economic  value  of  arts  and  culture  and  its  value  to  local  communities.    this  led  to  a  may   2012  brookings  institution  symposium,  and  ultimately  to  this  compendium  of  chapters.    so,   to  some  extent,  this  edited  volume  aggregates  people  who  were  at  the  right  place  at  the   right  time,  raised  their  hands,  and  were  able  to  put  their  foot  forward.     rushton  does  an  admirable  job  of  laying  out  a  vision  for  the  volume.  the  nea’s   interests  are  clearly  articulated  by  former  chairman  landesman’s  foreword:  engage   economists  to  test  and  refine  a  pet  perspective  labeled  as  new  growth  theory.    rushton   oversells  this  volume  as  the  culmination  of  those  interests.    certainly,  it’s  a  great  vision:  a   cohesive  volume  with  multiple  teams  plumbing  the  details  of  a  single  perspective  would  be   a  welcome  and  potentially  landmark  achievement.    i  think  that  the  volume  is  best  judged   against  that  vision.         although  no  one  clearly  points  to  the  literature  of  this  new  growth  theory,  rushton   points  vaguely  back  to  the  1980s  and  outlines  his  view  of  its  major  tenets.    first,  it  is  an   ‘endogenous’  theory,  attributing  economic  change  to  controllable  forces,  such  as   investments  and  policy  decisions.    second,  innovations  spill  over  to  other  firms  operating  in   a  particular  field,  which  operates  as  an  incentive  for  innovators  to  cluster  and  glean  spill   from  competitors.    third,  knowledge  and  innovation  are  durable  and  malleable,  making   them  better  investments  than  physical  capital  and  labor  in  efforts  to  spur  economic  growth.     are  these  tenets  generally  true?    can  they  help  us  measure,  understand,  and  maximize  the   potential  of  arts  and  culture  to  communities?     in  his  own  overview,  rushton  suggests  relevant  topics  and  applications.    individuals   trade  and  consume  artistic  goods,  potentially  creating  economic  value.  spillovers  and   clusters  may  explain  the  creation  or  location  of  cultural  producers.    arts  and  cultural   production  may  attract  creative  talent,  who  may  in  turn  attract  the  innovative  talent   necessary  to  develop  a  local  knowledge  economy.    with  the  stage  effectively  set,  rushton   turns  to  his  contributors.     while  i  cannot  speak  for  rushton,  my  assessment  is  that  the  volume  does  not   approach  the  vision  that  he  sets  for  it.    whether  it  might  meet  readers’  expectations  will   likely  depend  on  what  they  want  out  of  the  volume.    regarding  the  state  of  the  art  in   research  on  the  relationship  between  arts  and  community,  it  is  typical  of  an  edited  volume:   uneven,  uncoordinated,  though  occasionally  brilliant.    regarding  the  vision  of  new  growth   theory  as  a  guiding  light  for  research  on  the  value  of  arts  in  community,  the  various   contributors  seem  barely  aware  of  it.                   though  self-­‐contained  and  disconnected,  i  should  say  that  each  of  the  chapters  in   the  volume  are  interesting  in  their  own  right.    contributions  to  new  growth  theory  aside,   there  are  good  reasons  why  each  team  was  invited  to  the  brookings  symposium  and  why   each  was  ultimately  invited  into  the  creative  communities  volume.    schuetz  gets  the  first   hager book review: creativity and entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 52 substantive  chapter  with  her  study  of  art  galleries  in  manhattan.    one  wonders  why  it   occurs  to  her  to  examine  whether  commercial  art  galleries  might  influence  neighborhood   and  physical  development,  except  that  the  question  generally  fits  in  with  the  themes  of   creative  communities.  the  theoretical  underpinnings  are  uncertain,  and  she  gives  no  lip   service  to  new  growth  theory.    she  reports  no  particular  effects  of  physical  redevelopment   that  might  be  attributed  to  the  presence  of  art  galleries,  which  is  the  upshot  of  her  fine   study.  attention  to  the  clustering  of  galleries  might  have  established  an  anchoring  to   rushton’s  themes,  but  the  chapter  instead  serves  as  notice  that  contributors  could  go  their   own  way  without  necessarily  immersing  in  or  extending  those  themes.     on  the  other  hand,  articulation  of  theory  is  central  to  at  least  the  opening  sections  of   the  next  chapter,  by  markusen,  nicodemus,  and  barbour.    they  advocate  bringing   ‘consumption’  into  economic  (or  export)  base  theory.    for  me,  some  of  these  ideas  already   underlay  the  economic  impact  studies  that  rushton  is  dismissive  of  in  chapter  1,  although   the  authors  do  not  suggest  that  kind  of  connection.    more  arts  might  foster  arts   consumption.  the  labor-­‐intensive  nature  of  arts  and  cultural  work  might  result  in  more   local  spending.    arts  activity  might  attract  more  non-­‐arts  creatives.    despite  the  interesting   empirical  work  here,  i  came  away  with  two  critiques:  one,  the  analysis  seemed  to  call  for   the  input-­‐output  analyses  common  in  economic  impact  studies,  but  that  connection  is  not   made;  two,  the  connections  to  new  growth  theory  are  not  made,  despite  the  softball   opportunities  to  do  so.         the  next  two  chapters  have  less  pretention  to  theory.    maloney  and  wassall  are   interested  in  cultural  economic  development  initiatives  at  the  municipal  level.    such  policy   action  might  have  endogenous  influence  on  community  economic  development,  and   therefore  implications  for  new  growth  theory,  but  that  chapter  does  not  go  there.    rather,   the  chapter  stands  alone  as  a  descriptive  case  study  of  a  massachusetts  initiative.    a  couple   thousand  miles  away  stands  another  policy  initiative,  denver’s  scientific  and  cultural   facilities  district,  and  the  topic  of  schmitz’s  study.    do  the  district’s  organizations  have   revenue  advantages  over  organizations  outside  it?    apparently  not.  does  support  of  these   organizations  result  in  crowding  in  or  crowding  out  of  other  kinds  of  support?    apparently   not.    might  the  spillover  of  innovations  clustered  in  a  cultural  district  be  a  better  topic  for  a   volume  on  new  growth  theory?  apparently  not.     chapter  6,  by  root-­‐bernstein  and  seven  co-­‐authors,  is  the  best  reason  to  pick  up   creative  communities.    like  other  chapters,  it  generally  eschews  the  new  growth  theory   vision  promoted  by  the  nea  and  rushton.    nonetheless,  its  topic  and  discussions  are  most   relevant  to  it,  and  perhaps  ultimately  most  critical  of  it.    they  ask  seemingly  innocuous   questions  about  who  is  entrepreneurial  and  who  is  innovative,  and  how  such   characteristics  translate  into  scientific  and  cultural  clusters  of  innovation.    their  empirical   work  centers  on  the  relationship  between  stem  (science,  technology,  engineering,  math)   impresarios  and  their  attitude  toward  arts  and  culture.    their  discussion  (starting  on  page   112)  of  the  complex  relationship  between  stem  and  the  arts  is  the  most  theoretically   relevant  discussion  of  the  entire  volume,  especially  considering  new  growth  theory’s   reported  concern  for  how  arts  creatives  might  attract  non-­‐arts  innovators.    the  criticism,   however,  comes  from  root-­‐bernstein  et  al.’s  observations  that  relationships  are  complex,   slow  to  develop,  and  fraught  with  uncertainty:  a  stark  reminder  that  the  social  world  rarely   boils  neatly  down  to  a  page  or  two  of  theoretical  principles.   hager book review: creativity and entrepreneurship ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 3 (1) 53     noonan  and  breznitz’s  chapter  feels  much  like  the  two  preceding  the  richer  chapter   6.    it  is  an  empirical  study  of  universities  and  arts  districts  grounded  in  the  hypothesis  that   universities  should  foster  innovation  and  arts  districts  support  the  culture  associated  with   economic  expansion.    economic  growth  is  measured  by  employment  share  and  patents.     however,  these  scholars  report  little  influence  of  universities  and  arts  districts  on  these   measures.    the  implications  for  new  growth  theory  might  be  profound,  but  are  left   unexplored.    rather,  and  like  root-­‐berenstein  et  al.,  they  point  to  the  complexity  of  the   relationships  and  the  inability  for  crude  analytical  tools  to  discern  them.    if  only  somebody   would  lay  down  a  specific  theoretical  perspective  and  organize  scholarship  around  that   perspective,  maybe  we  could  make  progress  on  those  fronts.     to  kushner’s  credit,  his  chapter  8  at  least  mentions  new  growth  theory.    the   interesting  empirical  analysis,  however,  develops  at  the  periphery  of  the  vision  outlined  by   rushton.    rather  than  considering  the  central  question  of  the  value  of  the  arts  to   community,  this  chapter  asks  how  different  community  characteristics  influence  the   development  of  arts  organizations.    kushner  hypothesizes  that  cultural  expenditures,   cultural  participation,  and  overall  community  capacity  will  influence  enterprise  formation,   and  his  county-­‐level  analysis  bears  this  out.    this  chapter  features  what  appears  to  be  the   best  data  in  the  volume.         however,  the  title  of  most  sophisticated  data  analysis  falls  to  pedroni  and  sheppard   who  ask  a  deceptively  simple  question:  does  arts  and  culture  production  result  in  more   permanent  increases  in  local  economic  growth?    that  is,  is  it  more  lasting  than  other  kinds   of  economic  production?    their  answer:  yes.    however,  this  interesting  finding  seems  more   relevant  to  the  economic  impact  arguments  that  rushton  rushes  by  rather  than  the  new   growth  theory  that  supposedly  frames  the  volume.     the  final  chapter  falls  to  bakhshi,  lee,  and  mateos-­‐garcia’s  atheoretical  exploration   of  the  relationship  between  arts  and  cultural  activity  and  local  economic  performance.     they  do  make  efforts  to  situate  their  work  in  the  volume,  characterizing  local  cultural   activity  as  “clustering,”  and  referring  to  the  potential  of  innovation  spillovers.    however,   rather  than  advancing  these  ideas,  these  references  merely  provide  context  for  an   empirical  contribution.    like  so  many  other  findings  in  preceding  chapters,  results  are   mixed.    we  leave  the  chapter  uncertain  of  the  potential  relationship  between  arts  activity   and  prevailing  wages.    we  turn  the  page,  hopeful  of  a  more  fruitful  ending,  perhaps  final   thoughts  from  rushton  on  the  volume’s  contributions.     but  the  curtain  falls  instead,  all  index  and  silence.    what’s  left  is  my  critique  of  the   volume:  two  familiar  conclusions.    one,  this  is  a  handsome  collection  of  interesting  studies.     two,  they  do  not  add  up,  do  not  turn  on  or  advance  new  growth  theory,  do  not  give  sum  to   the  vision  for  why  they  are  brought  together  in  this  volume  to  begin  with.  they  are  floats  at   a  parade,  winding  by  one  after  another,  separate  and  independently  adorned.   microsoft word editors intro 18 summer.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 7, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 1-2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2018, the author editor’s introduction to the winter 2018 issue linda essig, california state university los angeles welcome to the summer 2018 issue of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts. this is a very special debut issue, featuring the work of three emerging scholar/artists. artivate is pleased to support these debut authors and equally pleased that they have chosen to place their work here. in “a short but deep dive into the economics of arts: art entrepreneurs in a peripheral market,” rafael macedo rubião explores the gallery scene in belo horizonte brazil. he uses thematic network analysis of interviews with gallery owners and other arts entrepreneurs to develop a typology of galleries in this “peripheral” art market. andrew michael friedrichs deploys a survey of brass studio instructors in his study of the integration of entrepreneurship content in brass studio education in “suggestions for incorporating entrepreneurship education in the classical performance studio.” his study confirms anecdotal advice and previous research that supports teaching students about failure, perseverance, adaptability, and more. finally, this issue features a review by jeremy peters of jeffrey nytch’s new book the entrepreneurial muse: inspiring your career in classical music. nytch’s early writings on arts entrepreneurship were first published in the virtual pages of the inaugural issue of artivate: “the case of the pittsburgh new music ensemble: an illustration of entrepreneurial theory in an artistic setting.” journal transition since its inception, artivate has been published by arizona state university’s herberger institute enterprise and entrepreneurship programs (formerly the pave program) and i have served as artivate’s executive editor. having recently accepted the position of dean of the college of arts & letters at cal state la, this is my last issue as executive editor. fortunately, artivate has a committed editorial board of exceptional scholars and artists. two of them will be serving as co-editors of the journal moving forward: paul bonin-rodriguez of university of texas at austin and neville vakharia of drexel university. i will continue on the editorial board as “founding editor” and asu’s herberger institute will continue to host the publication. working with the new co-editors and members of the editorial board, we have developed a schedule for future issues as follows: § winter 2019. open submissions due october 15, 2018. § summer 2019. special issue: the artist as social entrepreneur, in connection with asu’s sixth biennial symposium on entrepreneurship and the arts; symposium may 34, 2019; journal submissions open to all due may 15, 2019. § winter 2020. special issue: arts entrepreneurship and the revitalization of detroit; susan badger-booth guest editor; submissions due october 15, 2019. § summer 2020. special issue focus: nea research labs; submission deadline april 15, 2020. § winter 2021. special issue: asian perspectives on arts entrepreneurship; woong jo chang and margaret wyszomirski, guest editors; submission deadline october 15, 2020. essig editor’s introduction ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 2 artivate has been a professional passion of mine for seven years. i thank the first co-editor gary beckman for helping me get it off the ground, our next co-editor joe roberts for helping to sustain it, and our new co-editors, paul bonin-rodriguez and neville vakharia for leading it into the future. microsoft word artivate article final draft for pdf.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 1, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 1-8 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2012, the authors arts entrepreneurship: a conversation gary d. beckman, north carolina state university linda essig, arizona state university abstract the co-editors of artivate, gary beckman and linda essig, have shared an interest in advancing arts entrepreneurship as a field of study since beckman first interviewed essig as part of his research toward what has become a foundational article (2007) in the field, “"adventuring" arts entrepreneurship curricula in higher education: an examination of present efforts, obstacles, and best practices.” the current article presents a dialogue between them in which they discuss the nature of the discipline and the challenges and opportunities presented by the launch of artivate. introduction linda essig: the conversation we had over lunch at the u.s. association of small business and entrepreneurship (usasbe) annual conference about which citation style to adopt for artivate is indicative of the state of arts entrepreneurship as a field of inquiry and practice. what is this field? is it a social science? a humanities discipline? a creative endeavor? it most definitely involves the social interaction of artist and audience or market, so perhaps it is the first. it can be understood as a universal form of human action (koppl and minniti, 2008) so perhaps it is the second. it often involves “making,” and so perhaps it is the third. it is, legitimately, a transdiscipline, encompassing both point of view and method (see scriven, 2008). gary beckman: you’ve identified some significant procedural aspects of the field, though i would posit that your larger two-fold conception – a “field of inquiry and practice” – is closer to how the field (in an academic context) is beginning to coalesce and is a useful way to think about artivate’s role in helping to articulate our collective efforts. (should we add “education” to your fields?) i suggest that answering this is a question of perspective: perhaps emerging and working artists would like to be more “entrepreneurial” and those in higher education would like to 1) help students successfully behave in that manner and 2) determine how arts entrepreneurs act in order to help their students “successfully behave in that manner.” the questions of disciplinary positioning concerns those of us in the academy much more than the students we teach – i honestly don’t think working artists care what the disciplinary positioning is or is not. outcome informs process and when we consider where the field “fits in,” we fall into the wellrehearsed trap embedded in our arts training: process at all costs. perhaps we speak the obvious? the field of arts entrepreneurship is at least a hybrid of many possible avenues of disciplinary input – but can stand as its own distinct field of inquiry. we borrow (or should much more) from our ‘parent’ suffix and process through our prefix. what we tend to forget is that our “product” is aesthetic, thus, our prefix separates us from the business school and our suffix separates us from the arts school, but the beauty of our field is that our title unites the two in a new way. the higher education and working artist contexts le: there seem to be two distinct strands of thinking about arts entrepreneurship that are each reflected only partially in both the academic and practicing artists milieux. the two strands reflect the most prevalent themes that gartner (1990) identifies in his definitional article: entrepreneurship as new venture creation and entrepreneurship as behavior characterized by opportunity recognition and innovation. the latter seems to translate in the artistic sphere into individual artist self-management and self-actualization. complicating the issue of domain is the relationship between entrepreneurial behavior by individual artists and organizations and entrepreneurial outcomes (and their measurement). the evolution of the policy environment since the “culture wars” of the early 1990s appears to have incentivized individual artists, no longer eligible for federal and some state grants, to seek a more entrepreneurial approach to supporting their artistic work. diverse artist service organizations such as beckman & essig arts entrepreneurship: a conversation _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 2 fractured atlas in new york and springboard for the arts in minneapolis have developed to support artists on their paths to self-reliance. paul bonin-rodriguez, in his essay in this issue, unpacks the sometimes tense relationship between the individual artist and the term – although not the actions of – entrepreneurship. gb: it seems as if the popularity of the field spans a wide range of environments: from diverse academic institutional missions to working artists. seeing how the expressions of arts entrepreneurship education in these environments is a tribute not only to those who develop and champion the effort, but if i may be so bold – to art itself. additionally, the nonprofit sector is supporting entrepreneurship education programming expressly for working artists – leveraging investments in creativity (linc) (lincnet.net) is one example of such an effort. le: there are several other fine examples of nonprofit sector contributions to the support and training of entrepreneurial artists. two others, already mentioned, fractured atlas and springboard for the arts, are represented on artivate’s editorial board by ian david moss and laura zabel, respectively. le: there seem to be several different institutional models for teaching/learning/research about arts entrepreneurship. some schools have grown an arts entrepreneurship or arts enterprise focus from within a business school (or an arts management program in a business school) outward toward arts disciplines. uw-madison is an example of such an approach. others, such as my own institution, arizona state university, have curriculum and programming that encompasses the whole of an arts college or institute. elsewhere, entrepreneurship is focused primarily within disciplines, with music entrepreneurship blazing its own philosophical and pedagogic trail. gb: true, and this is both strength and a weakness – depending on how one conceives the field. returning to your suggestion of a “field of inquiry and practice” (with my suggestion of ‘education’ added), it is easy to see how different arts disciplines appropriate the topic to their specific needs. this is certainly a strength but perhaps the downside to this contextual adapting lies in the fact that if given a choice (or a merger) of “new venture creation” and “entrepreneurship as a behavior,” it seems that we (as a collective of arts disciplines) have not agreed on a core set of competencies. the beauty of new venture creation (a la timmons and spinelli, 2006) is that it appears to function as that core in a business school context, yet one wonders if this is the correct set of competencies for the arts. there is certainly every reason to develop a core for our field as well; beyond our artistic impulses, each discipline acts in a marketplace and executes certain behaviors in the act of entrepreneuring. certainly, these unique processes could be collected, examined and measured with the goal of creating a set core competencies for both working artists and students alike. le: premature adoption of core competencies may be a limitation to research in and teaching of arts entrepreneurship given the nascent state of the discipline and the breath of artistic specializations, technologies, and geographies it potentially encompasses. thus, a merger, as you suggest of new venture creation and entrepreneurial behaviors or habits of mind may present the most inclusive opportunity for disciplinary advancement. to use a familiar social sciences format, this conception of the field can be expressed in a 2x2 grid. teaching, which is of paramount importance, is not a separate item in the taxonomy, but exists cross all four spaces. beckman & essig arts entrepreneurship: a conversation _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 3 table 1. proposed conception of arts entrepreneurship as a field of inquiry and practice this 2x2 is a preliminary idea only. i would like to see further development of it as a model for the scope of the field. gb: i’d like to address your suggestion about being premature. we must start somewhere and i’ll mention that the early pioneers of arts entrepreneurship education had absolutely no reference point other than the title, passion, some measure of disciplinary or practical experience and a perception of the field’s suffix in the context of its prefix. all concerned are better served by having an adaptive foundation (developed in the near term) with which to build a set of dynamic core competencies for the long term – like other emerging fields. you raise a valid point about a lack of research, though i’d suggest that an initial set of competencies would evolve as the field moves forward in its scholarship. my primary concern is time. how long should our students wait before the field agrees? in a perfect world, i am sure we would all like to get it right the first time. however, with soaring tuition rates, student loan debt, time to completion pressures, etc., are we doing our students a favor by saying “hey, we’re working on this, give us a few years (or decades) to figure this out?” granted, we may not be as collectively effective in the classroom by acting prematurely, but it seems as if we all have our own set of desired competencies that can serve as a starting point in the near term. conceptions of the field le: the axes of venture creationßà habits of mind and practice ßàinquiry can be a foundation for developing those core competencies. the college music society has jumped ahead in doing so. that a disciplinary organization has jumped ahead is evidence both of your leadership in the field and of another dichotomy in modeling arts entrepreneurship as a discipline. in the first model, entrepreneurship is taught as a subset of individual artistic disciplines: tools for artist selfefficacy and selfactualization; provision of environments for artistic exploration and innovation. research into the behaviors that support entrepreneurial activity; pedagogy that supports those behaviors. artists creating businesses, both forprofit and nonprofit; teaching the mechanics of new venture creation in the arts. research on new venture creation, success rates, evaluation, etc; pedagogy related to audience/market reception. v en tu re c re at io n h ab its o f m in d practice inquiry beckman & essig arts entrepreneurship: a conversation _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 4 figure 1. model 1: entrepreneurship within arts disciplines the second model positions “arts entrepreneurship” as the discipline and then applies it to the arts writ large. in this model, in which artivate can have some significant influence, competencies (or outcomes) are developed for arts entrepreneurship rather than within a specific arts discipline. figure 2. model 2: arts entrepreneurship as a transdiscipline a third conception is that advanced in europe and as defined in hagoort’s (2007) short monograph, cultural entrepreneurship. hagoort defines cultural entrepreneurship as a form of management that serves the creative industries with the organization as the central actor. in the u.s. there is more focus, unsurprisingly, on the individual actor in an entrepreneurial context. paul boninrodriguez addresses some of the complexities for individuals of the entrepreneurship label in his article in this issue while jeff nytch’s article explores the entrepreneurial behavior of an organization. one could also examine arts entrepreneurship at the systems level at the intersection of the public, nonprofit, and private sectors. i would like to think that artivate would welcome scholarship that addresses the topic at each of these levels. historical and disciplinary contexts le: the nineteenth-century conservatory model of arts education certainly seems to be waning as economic pressures on both educational institutions and artists graduating from them increase. an explosion of graduate programs in the arts in the middle of the twentieth century based on the nineteenth century model has led to a proliferation of graduates narrowly trained in specific artistic disciplines at the the  arts   art   entrepreneurship   dance   entrepreneurship   design   entrepreneurship   media  arts   entrepreneurship   music   entrepreneurship   theatre   entrepreneurship   arts   entrepreneurship   art   dance   design   media  arts   music   theatre   beckman & essig arts entrepreneurship: a conversation _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 5 beginning of our current century. arts entrepreneurship, at least in some small part, endeavors to teach arts graduates to think beyond the traditional career trajectory for which conservatory training is designed. gb: agreed to an extent. i think “waning” is too strong, however, and trying to include all the arts disciplines would be over-reaching. (we don’t see julliard or maryland institute college of art (mica) shutting down for lack of eager students waiting to enroll, after all.) to demonstrate how the conservatory model has adapted to new challenges, we simply have to look at the number of dedicated arts conservatories that now boast some form of entrepreneurship programming. this is a significant step and should not be taken lightly. as younger (and perhaps more enlightened) decision-makers assume their roles, i expect to see more and more academic efforts. concurrently, as successful arts entrepreneurs emerge, their stories will help to inspire emerging arts entrepreneurs. le: it’s interesting that disciplinary differences are somewhat assumed in this context. my classroom includes students from all arts disciplines as well as arts administration and design. having reviewed the college music society student learning outcomes, i find them to be applicable across those multiple disciplines and not necessarily specific to music entrepreneurship studies. gb: to be clear, the endorsed outcomes are for arts entrepreneurship programs. the title requested was “suggested outcomes for arts entrepreneurship education” and the executive committee both considered and endorsed the outcomes in that frame. this provides an opportunity for other organizations, such as association of arts administration educators (aaae), usasbe, and others, to become aware of the field and begin conversations with their membership concerning their need for arts entrepreneurship education. le: there is another area where we see distinct disciplinary differences. music schools, which tend, generally, to be larger and more well-endowed financially than, for example, schools of dance, have been slower to adapt the conservatory model to something more flexible. a good example of that kind of flexibility is seen in the school of dance here at asu, where tenure-track faculty funding has been converted to funding for visiting faculty with ties to professional artistic practice and where communitybased arts practices provide opportunities for students and faculty alike to learn to engage a broadly construed definition of “audience.” the community arts movement, which chronologically parallels the development of music entrepreneurship programs, can actually be understood to be an enactment of social entrepreneurship in the arts. we can see that connection at eastern michigan university and elsewhere. gb: the recent institutional imputes for the field emerged from music schools. i’d cite the eastman school of music’s original arts leadership program (since subsumed by their institute for music leadership) and the university of colorado at boulder’s entrepreneurship center for music as examples. these two programs (a recognized conservatory and, like most music schools in the country, a conservatory-based public institution), launched in 1997 and 2001 respectively, has given the field significant legitimacy. by their example, we now see virtually every major music conservatory in the country with entrepreneurship programing – a percentage not replicated at our state and private institutions. le: the roots of entrepreneurial arts training can be traced to earlier endeavors. for example, the new york foundation for the arts’ programs to provide business training to visual artists dates back to 1971; film schools have long included new venture creation in producing curricula; similarly, programs in theatre management, most notably the yale school of drama, have included finance, business formation, and the like in their programs of study combining master of fine arts (m.f.a.) and master of business administration (m.b.a.) degrees. mica’s social entrepreneurship efforts include the founding of the community arts project in 1999. beckman & essig arts entrepreneurship: a conversation _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 6 gb: conservatories serve an important role in the arts and i’d posit that their adoption of entrepreneurship education is reflective of a number of issues some shared between the arts disciplines and some distinct. a failure to recognize and embrace both disciplinary similarities and differences may serve only to delay the field’s disciplinary status. in short, our diversity is both a strength and a challenge and without it, our field risks sub-disciplinary isolation. le: beyond the realm of higher education, artists, arts organizations, and the cultural sector as a whole also find themselves in a very different economic climate than fifty years ago, let alone the nineteenth century. the shift away from public funding for the arts and culture sector that resulted from the neoliberal politics and culture wars of the 1980s has been magnified by the current financial crisis that has caused both foundation and individual donors to decrease and/or re-prioritize their giving to the sector. the economic situation has forced arts organizations to diversify their business plans and individual artists to proactively seek alternative revenue streams in order to survive. at the same time, more tools are available for artists and organizations to do just that via partnerships, social media, crowd funding, and the like. gb: to support your suggestion that organizations are seeking alternative revenue streams (and organizational / managerial entrepreneurship appears to be one) we need only to see the number of arts entrepreneurship academic minor degrees emerging primarily from arts administration programs recently. (there are three that i know of: the ohio state university, southern methodist university and most recently, the university of michigan. note that my home institution, north carolina state university offers this degree campus-wide). perhaps we see hagoort’s definition of cultural entrepreneurship expressed in arts administration programs? le: yes. yet, as bonin-rodriguez points out in his article, many individual artists still find the term “entrepreneur” distasteful for its smell of crass commercialism and economic oppression. there is an opportunity for artivate to dispel that view as a misperception of what instead can be viewed as a universal human action for good (see koppl and minnitti, 2008). the reality is that the medici family is long deceased, or rather the patronage system synonymous with their name is dead. while some art, even that by living artists, can command the highest of prices, most art and most artists do not. most artists work diligently in their studio (be it a writing studio, design studio, practice room, etc.) creating work, but need to find the financial means not only to make work, but also to stock the refrigerator. an entrepreneurial mindset accompanied by entrepreneurial skills can help them to do that. gb: though you have given the readers some significant fodder for future articles, i will address only your observation of bonin-rodriguez’s point. anecdotally, i have not met a student in any of my classes who eschews the term entrepreneur – likely because if they did, they would not take the classes. i am unclear whether this is a generational or pragmatic shift based on the romanticized “starving artist” or the modern media, which deifies some artists or something else in combination with the above. however, my students certainly have a significant distaste for those artists who abuse the system with what is colloquially referred to as “bad art.” that is, they all agree that artists need to be fairly compensated, yet have a vile reaction when art that is viewed as “less than” or “inferior” (or some other adjective) earns a disproportionate slice of the market’s currency of the realm. the late thomas kinkade and the popcultural-icon-gone-wild-du-jour are my students’ favorite targets of such stilettos relevance of business school scholarship gb: as both a co-editor and educator, i am extremely excited to read submissions from those arts entrepreneurship educators emerging from our business schools. since both disciplines are approaching entrepreneurship education in distinct contexts (arts from a professional (if not survival) perspective and business from a disciplinary core perspective), i think that artivate will facilitate a long overdue dialog about pedagogical techniques. the field needs to determine how best to teach and research the myriad of beckman & essig arts entrepreneurship: a conversation _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 7 topics the field encompasses and my guess is that our colleagues in the business school will offer some strategic and important insights. le: yes! i would extend that hope to an even wider dialogue or, rather, a network of related dialogues around the topic of arts entrepreneurship. in addition to pedagogic techniques, how can business school research – and for that matter, research on non-market entrepreneurship, social entrepreneurship, business psychology, etc –inform entrepreneurial techniques and behaviors in the arts and culture sector. there is also work in the cultural policy area that is both conceptually and materially related to the focus of artivate. gb: i certainly agree with you and further hope that artivate’s authors will engage existing entrepreneurship scholarship in a meaningful way. as i’ve written elsewhere (beckman, 2006) our association to advance collegiate schools of business (aascb) colleagues have contributed a rich and vast amount of literature that can hone (at the very least) the philosophical foundation for the field. i look forward to future submissions by artivate authors who embrace this resource and demonstrate how their discoveries will inform our field. there are several publications, for example, that might help our future contributors: “handbook of the economics of art and culture” (ginsburgh & throsby, 2006) is one. this epic tome addresses significant issues that impact the field. frontiers of entrepreneurship research is an annual compilation of the babson college entrepreneurship research conference and remains a progressive source of theoretical content well suited to our context. add to this the journal entrepreneurship, theory and practice and we have an extremely rich foundation for a portion of the field’s scholarship. just these three examples alone constitute a significantly broad palette with which to develop the field. this said i also hope that our authors can help to position the role of the business school to one of support and guidance. our field needs to take off the training wheels and leverage this scholarship. by its nature, arts entrepreneurship is interdisciplinary and by refusing to engage holistically, we run the risk of intellectually self-segregating; in the long term this hurts not just the field but our students and our communities. artivate’s opportunities and challenges gb: as the first peer-reviewed platform for arts entrepreneurship scholarship originating in the u.s., the responsibilities of artivate’s co-editors and editorial board are significant. conceived broadly, what artivate publishes is aimed at assisting scholars, educators, decision and policy makers, emerging and working arts professionals, and the public in their understanding of the field. ultimately, artivate is both a step in disciplinary emergence and a platform for conceiving of new possibilities for artists, arts organizations, and arts education for the 21st century. one of the challenges we face as artivate helps to lay the foundation of the field’s scholarly inquiry is balancing the diversity of needs, traditions and trajectories of the arts and other disciplines. “nuts and bolts” mechanical issues such as citation style is an obvious example, although stickier issues abound. for example, arts historians typically compose their academic papers with a different narrative and compositional style than those in the social sciences. further, determining the role and weight of the literature review common to social science scholarship in writing about arts entrepreneurship has yet to be determined. this tedious example (of importance to academics only, i imagine) is indicative of how important the discussions are concerning what we leverage (or jettison) from our home and other disciplines as the field engages with artivate. regarding disciplinary differences, i am writing about the education of future arts academics and how we are trained to write and pursue different research methodologies within each arts sub-discipline. modest differences exist in the style, research methodology and scholarly tradition between each arts discipline and those differences as we reach out to our peers across campus are magnified and made clear by simply opening the latest issue of entrepreneurship, theory and practice. my point here is that as the field’s scholarship will be built by a collaboration of scholars with backgrounds both inside and beckman & essig arts entrepreneurship: a conversation _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 1 (1) 8 outside the arts (including working artists in various stages of their careers) and that these discrete mechanical differences (based upon an author’s disciplinary training) will require the field to coalesce around not only a style (or two) but what research and writing methods are appropriate to the field. le: this last returns us full circle to my remembrance of our conversation in new orleans. one of the options we considered for artivate was letting authors write using the style guide of their “home discipline.” in choosing not to go that route, i think we, in a not insignificant way, position arts entrepreneurship toward model 2 – a discipline in its own right, but one that is networked across multiple other disciplines both within and without the arts. _____________________________________________________________________________________ references beckman, g. d. (2007). "adventuring" arts entrepreneurship curricula in higher education: an examination of present efforts, obstacles, and best practices. the journal of arts management, law, and society, 37(2), 25. beckman, g. (2006, january). advancing the authentic: the role of the business school in fine arts entrepreneurship curriculum design.. paper presented at annual meeting of united states association for small business and entrepreneurship, san antonio, tx. college music society (2011). suggested outcomes for arts entrepreneurship education. unpublished working document. gartner, w.b. (1990). what are we talking about when we talk about entrepreneurship? journal of business venturing, 5, 15-28. ginsburgh, v. and throsby, c.d, (2006). handbook of the economics of arts and culture, vol. 1. amsterdam: elsevier. hagoort, g. (2007). cultural entrepreneurship: on the freedom to create art and the freedom of enterprise. utrecht: utrecht university school of the arts. koppl, r. and minnitti, m. (2008). entrepreneurship and human action. in shockley. g.e. et al (eds) nonmarket entrepreneurship. cheltenham uk: edward elgar press. scriven, m. (2008). the concept of a transdiscipline: and of evaluation as a transdiscipline. journal of multi-disciplinary education 5(10), 65-66. timmons, j. and spinelli, s. (2006). new venture creation: entrepreneurship for the 21st century. new york, ny: mcgraw-hill. microsoft word editor.doc artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts     volume  1,  issue  2   http://artivate.org     p.  1   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   copyright  ©  2012,  the  author               editor’s introduction gary beckman, north carolina state university this issue focuses on arts entrepreneurship pedagogy from a variety of perspectives. readers will see not only the integration of topics not presently considered in the literature, but also how the field can accommodate a diverse set of inputs. when speaking about arts entrepreneurship, most consider students as the recipients of our efforts. educators, however, can benefit from an interdisciplinary examination of what it is we teach and how we might do so. joseph robert’s infusing entrepreneurship within non-business disciplines: preparing artists and others for self-employment and entrepreneurship, is a somewhat reflective account on many years of teaching arts entrepreneurship. as one of the field’s most prolific and dedicated educators, roberts discusses not only his experience in the classroom but the impact of the coleman fellows program on the field. frameworks for educating the artist of the future: teaching habits of mind for arts entrepreneurship, authored by linda essig, is an examination and extrapolation of howard gardner’s five minds for the future. augmented with the work of tom duening , and arthur costa and bena kallick, essig constructs a broader, “mind-based” pedagogy for arts entrepreneurship education. possibly most challenging is gordon shockley and peter frank’s dostoevsky’s “the grand inquisitor”: adding an ethical component to the teaching of non-market entrepreneurship. perhaps the first article published to address questions of ethics in arts entrepreneurship teaching, the authors employ both literary criticism and social entrepreneurship research as modes of examination. this work will certainly push the limits of our pedagogical inquiry. microsoft word editors intro 17 winter v2.docx _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 2 essig special call for summer 2017 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ special issue: arts entrepreneurship and creative placemaking creative placemaking is a topic of increasing relevance in the u.s. and around the world. however, little attention has yet been paid in the scholarly literature to the role of the arts entrepreneur or the entrepreneurial behavior of arts organizations in creative placemaking theory or practice, including in the policy domain. according to the national endowment for the arts (2016), creative placemaking projects “strategically link communities and local governments with artists, designers, and arts organizations to improve quality of life, create a sense of place, and revitalize local economies.” artplace america (2016) considers that in creative placemaking projects “art plays an intentional and integrated role in place-based community planning and development. this brings artists, arts organizations, and artistic activity into the suite of placemaking strategies pioneered by jane jacobs and her colleagues, who believed that community development must be locally informed, human-centric, and holistic.” finally, the kresge foundation (2016) defines creative placemaking as the deliberate integration of arts, culture and community engaged design in community development and urban planning practices to expand opportunity for vulnerable populations.” this first-ever special issue of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts asks authors to address one or more of the following questions: • what is the role of arts entrepreneurship in creative placemaking? • how does/can arts and cultural entrepreneurship specifically support community revitalization and equitable development? • what role can arts entrepreneurs play in connecting the nonprofit and for-profit arts and culture sectors with residents, business interests, and local governments? • how does public policy (at various scales) promote or obstruct the contributions of arts entrepreneurs to creative placemaking and community revitalization? • how should the contributions of arts entrepreneurs to community revitalization best be captured and assessed? submission to the special issue are due april 15, 2017 for review for possible publication in the summer 2017 issue. please refer to the detailed submission guidelines at http://artivate.org. presenters at the fifth biennial pave symposium on entrepreneurship and the arts: arts entrepreneurship in, with, and for communities may be invited to submit their papers for publication consideration. guest editors of this very special summer 2017 issue of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts are maria rosario jackson and greg esser. references artplace american (2016). introduction. webpage. http://www.artplaceamerica.org/about/introduction the kresge foundation. (2016). reseources for transitioning economies. webpage. http://diversifyeconomies.org/2015/12/kresge-foundation/ national endowment for the arts. (2016). exploring our town. webpage. https://www.arts.gov/exploring-our-town artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 8, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 1-2 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2019, paul bonin-rodriguez and neville vakharia editor’s introduction to the winter 2019 issue paul bonin-rodriguez, the university of texas at austin neville vakharia, drexel university we are pleased to introduce the winter 2019 issue of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts. this issue, the first for volume 8, marks our first as co-editors. we begin this issue by thanking linda essig, who has shepherded the journal since its inception. under linda’s guidance, the journal has amassed an ambitious number of articles, built a solid readership, and provided a valuable intellectual resource for the growing field of arts entrepreneurship. now dean of the college of arts and letters of california state los angeles, linda remains a tremendously generous mentor, guide, and resource for the journal and the field. this issue features three very different approaches to arts entrepreneurship in practice and scholarship, providing new insights and implications for learning, policy, and education. benjamin toscher’s “entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education” begins with his well-researched provocation: the growth of research on arts entrepreneurship in the classroom has opened up a space for more study on how entrepreneurship is actually learned. offering a broad and highly categorical survey of arts entrepreneurship scholarship, both theoretical and empirical, toscher’s article proposes a conceptual framework for entrepreneurial learning. his context-specific focus on music in higher education renders a very focused case study on cognition, skill-building, and outcomes. in a similar spirit of addressing the gaps in arts entrepreneurship scholarship, brea heidelberg’s “learning from negative space” argues that a focus on success stories in policy entrepreneurship has left little room for a consideration of what constitutes failure, much less how it can help define success. reading john frohnmeyer’s actions as chair of the national endowments for the arts from 1989-1992 – during a period of crisis often called the culture wars – against extant literature on success in policy entrepreneurship, heidelberg discerns three areas where policy entrepreneurs might actually claim success: as “agency leader, advocacy coalition manager, oppositional respondent.” her study offers a timely consideration of efficacy in public arts policy. josef hanson’s “entrepreneurship among public school arts educators” builds on his quantitative study of music teachers in new york state, to better understand how arts entrepreneurship education is embraced, understood, and still lacking in the public school environment. on the whole, his research reveals a readiness among teachers to offer arts entrepreneurship to their students and identifies the types of teachers most ready to embrace the field. like toscher, hanson’s work in music speaks to other arts disciplines and offers an optimistic outlook for the prospects and benefits to entrepreneurship in arts education. the books reviewed in this issue focus on the classroom and the transmission of entrepreneurial skills and knowledge. as scott blackshire observes in his review, james d. hart’s http://artivate.org/ bonin-rodriguez & vakharia editor’s introduction ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 2 new book classroom exercises for entrepreneurship: a cross-disciplinary approach offers an expansive pedagogy for entrepreneurship training through creative play and experiential learning. karen munnelly notes that mark rabideau’s 21cm introduction to music entrepreneurship lays out a curriculum for arts entrepreneurship education, with exercises for both instructors and students alike. we were excited by the scope and diversity of submissions we received for this issue, demonstrating a growing interest in all facets of arts entrepreneurship. we look forward to artivate’s continued role as a key resource to advance and disseminate knowledge of this important field of study. we are now accepting submissions for our summer 2019 issue. articles received by april 30, 2019 will receive priority consideration. for more information, please visit www.artivate.org. http://www.artivate.org/ editor’s introduction to the winter 2019 issue microsoft word editors intro 16 summer final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 5, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 1-2 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2016, the author editor’s introduction to the summer 2016 issue linda essig, arizona state university this summer issue of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts sees the third installment in our “perspectives” series. founding editorial board members gordon shockley and laura zabel are joined by our newest editorial board member neville vakharia in sharing their perspective on arts entrepreneurship as a field of practice and inquiry. vakharia suggest that that taking a knowledge-centric approach, an approach that has supported the success of arts organizations, could benefit individual arts entrepreneurs. zabel, too, puts the individual artist at the center of the arts entrepreneurship construct, questioning how we as a field can articulate and measure the scale and impact of artists. shockley positions arts entrepreneurship historically in the context of evolving federal policy decisions. the two feature articles in this this issue both advance our conceptions of arts entrepreneurship, in part by articulating the boundaries of “arts” entrepreneurship alongside “cultural” entrepreneurship and “creative” entrepreneurship. in “entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries: insights from an emergent field,” andrea hausmann and anne hienze undertake a systematic review of literature to compare the defining characteristics of these three domains. they find multiple overlapping definitions across four research areas and multiple research subjects. tena patten employs interpretive phenomenological analysis of interviews with three members of the creative industries to indicate that creative industry entrepreneurs do not align themselves with traditional entrepreneurship discourses. her article, “‘creative?’… ‘entrepreneur?’ – understanding the creative industries entrepreneur,” also brings to the fore, at least for this reader, ongoing questions of the very distinctions between “arts,” “cultural,” and “creative” entrepreneurs examined by hausmann and heinz. for the past two years, dr. joe roberts has served as co-editor of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts while also leading the coleman fellows program and fulfilling his role as a faculty member at webster university. on july 1, dr. roberts assumed the position of chair, management department in the walker school of business and technology at webster and stepped down from his co-editorship. he will remain with the artivate team as a member of the editorial board. we are also pleased to welcome neville vakharia to the editorial board. dr. vakharia is assistant professor and research director in the westphal college of media arts & design at drexel university. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts accepts articles for consideration at any time. to assure consideration for the winter 2017 issue of artivate, please submit your article no later than october 1, 2016. artivate will publish its first “special issue” in summer 2017 on the topic of arts entrepreneurship and creative placemaking. a special call for submissions will be distributed in early 2017 with an april 1, 2017 submission deadline. essig editor’s introduction ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 2 microsoft word s18 peters review of nytch final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 7, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 41-43 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2018, the author book review the entrepreneurial muse: inspiring your career in classical music (oxford u press) by jeffrey nytch reviewed by jeremy peters, wayne state university as colleges and universities graduate scores of eager classical musicians, many face the harsh reality that their coveted chair in a major symphony orchestra or immediate career as an operatic soloist hasn’t quite materialized. historically, music schools have done little to prepare students for this reality. as such, a growing number of colleges, universities, and educators are making strides at closing the gap between the necessary artistic training and the worldly experience that young musicians need as they begin their post-collegiate careers. by borrowing from the domains of business and education we can devise curriculums to help our arts graduates be practicing artists. the entrepreneurial muse: inspiring your career in classical music is another tool we now have in our toolbox to make up for some of the curricular deficits that have emerged and are more aware of thanks to the clarity of the strategic national arts alumni project’s (snaap) 2017 annual report: arts in alumni in their communities (skaggs, frenette, gaskill, & miller, 2017, pp. 6–10). career training is an ongoing concern, and as advertised on the cover, nytch’s book makes strides towards bridging the gaps identified by snaap. in his book, jeffrey nytch challenges his likely audience of up-and-coming classical musicians and takes specific care to break down preconceived notions of success and failure, using a series of small pushes or challenges early on in the book to get skeptics past their “hostility to the dreaded e-word” (pp. 3, 182). this book systematically dismantles assumptions that classical music students are likely to have with respect to product, storytelling, market forces, basic economics, and other business topics, while covering many tried and tested frameworks and skills. in order to have readers practice these skills, there are helpful exercises at the end of each chapter that synthesize the main points nytch hopes to convey. further, the author uses very helpful examples through the book that are relatable to his intended audience, helping to translate from the common language of business and entrepreneurship to something a bit more understandable by artists, such as his coverage of thomas ward’s creative mechanisms (ward, 2004 in nytch, pp. 45–46). nytch makes great use of case studies and examples to cover major points such as the differences and balances between intrinsic (or artistic) and extrinsic (or market) value, a key takeaway that readers obtain, which is often overlooked or underemphasized. nytch hammers this point home with a poignant statement: rather than being antithetical to the “pure” expression of art, entrepreneurship acts as an extension of creativity to every aspect of the artistic experience we create for our audiences. applied well, entrepreneurial thinking empowers both creators and performers/presenters to devise new and compelling ways to reach their markets – and unlock value for their art in the process. (p. 84) segueing to the process by which individuals consume goods and services, and how groups of individuals demand the same, there is a non-technical, but deeply helpful discussion of the basic microeconomic forces at play within classical music. the book takes this even a step further, explaining inchoate (basic) and latent (hidden) demand with respect to works of art and peters book review: the entrepreneurial muse ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 42 cultural institutions, and relative utilitarian and hedonic (emotional) consumption. in covering the possible tradeoffs between artistic integrity and entrepreneurial success, the overarching theme of balance is taken further. for readers, having been assigned the book or having chosen to read it, it is not enough to half-heartedly attempt to enact some of the skills in the book. just as artistic excellence is the defining factor for musicians, both in terms of technical capability and interpretation, so must the “excellence extend beyond the art.” the author makes a strong argument to this end, insinuating that musician-entrepreneurs “insult your customers if any component” of your offering is imperfect (p. 147). based on his previous coverage of the inertial effects of demand generation, and how difficult it can be to motivate consumers (even those theoretically interested in what you are offering) to actually act, the argument becomes crystal clear. why struggle for artistic excellence if you only deliver marginally on your entrepreneurial offering for your customers? they won’t be pleased with the results, and neither will you. as the book comes to a close, a more philosophical discussion occurs, with the last chapter purposely asking a question on many classical musician’s tongues: “can entrepreneurship save classical music?” (p. 153). this chapter attempts, successfully, to get at existential challenges facing classical music performance, including key demographic concerns that classical music organizations have largely ignored. particularly memorable are discussions of socio-economic concerns such as transportation access that amplify downward attendance trends, and important takeaways for performers with respect to the holistic experiences we need to be delivering to our audiences. for all of its successes, nytch’s book has a few drawbacks. a major one is the use of the term “traits” throughout the book, which, given the historic use of the word in business psychology, tends to suggest that individuals are born with a certain set of aptitudes which make them entrepreneurial, opposite of the point he tries to make. rather, the use of “skills” is more appropriate, with the language signifying that entrepreneurship is activity-based, teachable and not pre-disposed, as neck, greene, and brush (2014), gartner (1988), sarasvathy (2008), and others have shown. some traits may exist, but individuals can learn skills and overcome those with ability. perhaps this is a finer point, but this use of language, in light of the book’s goal of translating entrepreneurship for classical artists, is a concern which should be addressed in future editions. given that most classical musicians will not pursue formal education in business, the entrepreneurial muse: inspiring your career in classical music is a laudable compression of and resource for core business topics and is not only insightful, but a pleasure to read as well. this places the book a level above most other texts and makes it a valuable addition to the career preparation repertoire of music schools. nytch’s book aligns, in many ways, with a general business education, and at minimum is a helpful reference guide for classical musicians attempting to make their way in a world with fewer and fewer institutional opportunities to perform and support music-making. if partnered along with or inside of an artistic training curriculum that supports it, the learnings could be transformational and help new generations of classical musicians embrace the power of the entrepreneurial method to renew and revive the artform that they and we hold so dear. references gartner, w. b. (1988). “who is an entrepreneur?” is the wrong question. american journal of small business, 12(4), 11–32. https://doi.org/10/gdj3qb peters book review: the entrepreneurial muse ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 43 neck, h. m., greene, p. g., & brush, c. g. (2014). teaching entrepreneurship : a practicebased approach / h.m. neck, p.g. greene, c.g. brush. edward elgar: cheltenham : edward elgar, 2014. nytch, j. (2018). the entrepreneurial muse: inspiring your career in classical music. new york, ny: oxford university press. sarasvathy, s. d. (2008). what makes entrepreneurs entrepreneurial? (ssrn scholarly paper no. id 909038). rochester, ny: social science research network. retrieved from https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=909038 skaggs, r., frenette, a., gaskill, s., & miller, a. l. (2017). strategic national arts alumni project 2017 annual report (annual report). bloomington: indiana university school of education. retrieved from http://snaap.indiana.edu/pdf/2017/snaap_annual_report_2017.pdf ward, t. b. (2004). cognition, creativity, and entrepreneurship. journal of business venturing, 19(2), 173–188. https://doi.org/10/cfkpnn microsoft word arroyo final 092617.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 6, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 58-72 pp. 8-32 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2017, kiley k. arroyo creative policymaking: taking the lessons of creative placemaking to scale kiley k. arroyo cultural strategies council abstract as political forces reshape the role of localities, creative practitioners are uniquely positioned to directly affect the direction of development in new ways that build community power and position cultural considerations at the heart of governance. social justice advocates believe that policy change offers the most direct route to advancing equity and transformation at scale. inclusive practices like creative placemaking, an emerging model of equitable development, has the potential to help facilitate the development of participatory policymaking in ways that ensure that the voices of those with less historical political access and influence aren’t excluded from transforming the systems that allocate power and resources. despite this knowledge, equity-focused strategies often stop at the programmatic level. to date, key actors are investing in horizontal strategies to integrate creative practices across organizations, sectors, and systems. however, insights gained from local successes have not been fully translated vertically into systems-level policy change or to galvanize into a coherent ecosystem of social innovation. this paper examines how the rules of civic problem-solving are evolving to prioritize citizenship and leverage local knowledge, one expression of culture, by drawing on longstanding discourse in fields that range from architecture and planning to economics, political science, philosophy, sociology, and community psychology. the insights revealed suggest that by grounding practices within a systems change framework, acquiring new competencies, evolving institutional structures and roles, and expanding the application of creative practices to participatory policymaking, an inclusive set of stakeholders can advance a more transformative model of equitable development. participatory policymaking should not be seen as an end in itself, but rather an effective means by which to promote human agency, intercultural dialogue, and societal wellbeing. doing so can help to strengthen creative democracy, which recognizes that human imagination is the generative basis on which individuals and societies successfully engage with complexity, envision alternative futures, transform systems, and successfully adapt to change. keywords: community planning; public policy; cultural policy; public administration; editor’s note: an abridged version of this article was previously published in the summer 2017 issue of grantmakers in the arts reader. a society’s values are the basis upon which all else is built. these values and the ways they are expressed are a society’s culture. the way a society governs itself cannot be fully democratic without there being clear avenues for the expression of community values, and unless these expressions directly affect the directions society takes. these processes are culture at work. — jon hawkes, the fourth pillar of sustainability: culture’s essential role in public planning (2001) the modern word creativity comes from the latin term creō, “to create or make,” which stems from the proto-indo-european root ḱerh, “to cause something new to grow.” as a composite of the greek word demos, “the people,” and kratos, “power,” the root meaning of democracy is “power of the people” (ober, 2007). but power to create what? in modernity, democracy is often construed as being concerned with a voting rule for determining the will of the majority. framing the purpose of democracy this way arroyo creative policymaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 59 minimizes its value and possible functions, particularly as a process that enables inclusive participation “in the governance of the polity” and “realization of commonly agreed collective goals” (castoriadis, 1995). almost eighty years ago, philosopher john dewey (1939) argued that democracy’s highest potential is the fulfillment of “community life” and a robust civic capacity to create new solutions to local problems. dewey believed that human experience provides the insights necessary to bring about a vibrant and just society in which all share and to which all contribute. this conception of democracy recognizes the central role of citizens to not only authorize government to act, but to act with it, and even beyond it, if that is required to affect meaningful change. dewey’s perspective on the ways local actors should cooperate based on personal knowledge complements political philosopher hannah arendt’s (1958) “theory of action” and use of the ancient concept of praxis. praxis refers to the process of transforming ideas into action. for arendt, praxis is the highest form of active life, or vita activa, which she analyzed through three fundamental human behaviors: labor, work, and action. for arendt, human action refers to the capacity citizens have to envision new possibilities and the potential for those ideas to influence the shape and direction of the public sphere they share. to exercise effective political action, communities must first be willing and able to develop a shared identity. arendt recognized this enduring challenge of participatory citizenship but also viewed the deliberative process of finding common ground as its highest value. by engaging in critical self-reflection arendt believed that communities could continually renew themselves by asking: who are “we,” what do “we” value, where do “we” want to go together, and how will “we” get there? dewey and arendt both believe that a vibrant democracy requires meaningful participation by an active citizenry who recognize the dynamic nature of communal living and draw from local culture to navigate change. in this context, culture can be understood as the whole complex of distinctive spiritual, material, intellectual, and emotional features that characterize a society or social group, including not only arts and letters, but also modes of life, embodied heritage, human rights, value systems, traditions, and beliefs (united nations educational, scientific and cultural organization [unesco], 2012). these dimensions of culture combine to produce place-based knowledge. dewey and arendt also see shared experience as the means by which individuals with diverse cultural identities exchange ideas, learn from one another, build trust, and eventually establish a shared vision for the direction society should take. this perspective complements that of human rights and social justice advocates who see the expression of cultural freedom as a necessary condition for democracy and essential component of human dignity. building on these ideas, a creative democracy can be considered one that intentionally strengthens peoples’ power to negotiate difference and affect change in ways that benefit everyone. in doing so, a creative democracy recognizes that a just and cohesive society is not a static goal to be achieved, but rather an ongoing commitment that requires constant renewal and recalibration in the face of dynamic conditions, which enable change. by enhancing citizens’ competencies, including the ability to engage in productive dialogue with others whose world views, values, identities, and experiences may differ from their own, a creative democracy empowers communities to collectively imagine and effectuate the world to which they aspire. this kind of intercultural dialogue between citizens is the oldest and most fundamental mode of democratic conversation. its objective is to enable us to live together peacefully and constructively in a multicultural world and to develop a sense of community and belonging. intercultural dialogue is an open and respectful exchange of views between individuals and groups belonging to different cultures that leads to a deeper understanding of the other’s global perception (council of europe, n.d.). critical imagination developmental psychology demonstrates how human imagination forms the basis of both individual and collective agency. without imagination, without the ability to conceive of non-existing (yet potentially existent) alternatives to the present state of affairs, humans would be enslaved by their immediate arroyo creative policymaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 60 situations (zittoun & gillespie, 2015). in this field, two fundamental approaches to imagination can be distinguished. first is the “deficit approach,” wherein imagination is tolerated because of its positive role in early childhood development. conversely, the “expansive approach” advocated for by soviet psychologist lev vygotsky positioned imagination as a specific, productive, unique feature of the human mind that allows people to distance themselves from their own experience and, by drawing on that experience, propose new syntheses that open new thoughts and actions. alternative visions serve an important function: they are part of the collective semiotic guidance system (valsiner, 1998), encouraging people to explore and to voyage into possibility (zittoun & gillespie, 2015). a creative democracy embarks on that journey, recognizing that critical imagination is the generative basis on which individuals and societies successfully adapt to changing conditions by introducing novel ideas, prototyping alternative futures, and learning how to behave differently. without the human capacity to imagine, humanity would be bereft of new narratives about who we are and what we might become. it is through the process of envisioning alternative futures that anxiety about change can be transformed into excitement for the possibilities it may yield. the theory of narrative identity postulates that individuals form a personality by integrating their life experiences into an internalized, evolving story that provides the individual with a sense of unity and purpose. personal narratives integrate one's reconstructed past, perceived present, and aspired future. some creative placemaking practices aim to amplify similar narratives, though at the community scale. in a longitudinal study, social psychologists found a positive correlation between the coherence of individuals’ personal narratives and sense of agency. in fact, the same researchers determined that changes in patients’ stories consistently occurred before improvements in their mental health could be seen, suggesting that our capacity to imagine alternative narratives is deeply connected to personal, and by extension our collective wellbeing (adler, 2012). communities as complex adaptive systems the substantive problems societies face—human rights, public health, safety, employment, housing, education, economic opportunity, the environment, and beyond—are complex and shifting. complexity science tells us that the “wicked” nature of these issues is not evidence of a balanced system gone awry, but instead a positive indication that diverse actors are engaged in collaborative learning to achieve a more functional fit with their current environment. without the ability to experiment and adapt, complex systems harden and change becomes impossible. a sub-discipline of urban planning, complexity theory of cities, emerged in the 1980s. viewing communities as complex adaptive systems (cas) allows us to view the issues they face in a new light. the efficacy of the mechanical worldview and the need to rationalize cities by design reached its zenith in the dehumanizing urban renewal projects of the 1960s. by the 1980s ecologists, economists, and planners alike began to see the consonance between complex systems that could learn and evolve such as forests, markets, and cities. soon after, researchers identified a set of characteristics that enable these systems to learn and effectively navigate change. in short, complex adaptive systems contain main autonomous actors that use simple rules to interact coherently, change by testing novel ideas, exchanging feedback about what works and what doesn’t, and self-organizing. together, these traits combine to create conditions that enable new behaviors to emerge. complex systems like communities move through cycles of development as they strive to “achieve a more functional fit with their environments” (cleveland, 1994). this is driven by the ongoing need to make optimal use of the resources currently available. systems “on the edge” of change are notable for a “hunger” for novelty and disequilibrium that distinguishes them from rigidly ordered systems. at the same time, however, they possess a deep underlying coherence that provides structure and continuity, and distinguishes them from chaotic systems as individual agents interact and learn from each other. through the lens of cas, one can see how the limits of top-down planning and ways it imposes a rigidity that eliminates adaptability, spontaneity, and the vibrancy that make places unique. inspired by these insights, arroyo creative policymaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 61 the rules of civic problem-solving are evolving to prioritize participatory citizenship, building on longstanding discourse in fields that range from architecture and planning to economics, political science, philosophy, sociology, and community psychology. placemaking: spatial justice in community planning the term “placemaking” emerged in the late 1960s in the planning and design fields, encouraging greater community participation in neighborhood revitalization efforts. few voices have been more influential than that of activist/urbanist jane jacobs, who referred to cities as “organized complexity” and said, “cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody” (jacobs, 1961). landscape architect lynda h. schneekloth and planner robert g. shibley define placemaking as “the way in which all human beings transform the places where they find themselves into the places where they live” (schneekloth & shibley, 1995), advocating for a more inclusive and democratic approach to advancing spatial justice. participatory concepts such as placemaking were enhanced further by the emergence of asset-based community development strategies, first developed by practitioner-scholars john mcknight and john kretzmann as a more equitable approach to place-based revitalization (kretzmann & mcknight, 1993). their asset-focused methodology encouraged communities to become more aware of their existing resources and power, to have the confidence in their own capacities to affect change, and to take authorship of solutions to local problems. economics and human rights this orientation complements nobel prize-winning economist amartya sen and philosopher martha nussbaum’s capabilities-based approach to just human development, which asserts the importance of freedom to achieve personal and collective wellbeing through the creation of conditions that maximize opportunities. in this context, economic development should not be seen as an end in itself, but as an intermediate goal; human flourishing should be considered the most meaningful aim. in contrast to models that foreground economic metrics, the capabilities approach is a normative framework that draws attention to individual and social wellbeing, with a focus on people’s ability to be and to do what they desire. such flourishing is rooted in human agency, which results from development efforts that aim to build human capital as much as the physical or policy infrastructure of place. an individual’s ability to act upon the world to achieve his or her goals without being unfairly constrained by social class or position defines sen’s view of agency. his work also speaks to how existing institutions of power can enable greater personal empowerment through the cultivation of new skills and capacities: “all persons possess a set of key capabilities and it is the realization of these capabilities that gives him or her claim to agency and liberation from the ‘unfreedom’ that results from social injustice” (sen, 1999). nussbaum claims that sen’s view is too vague and would prefer he specify a definitive set of capabilities as the most important ones to protect (nussbaum, 2003). in response, she created a list of central human capabilities that she views as central requirements of life with dignity. a society that does not guarantee these to all its citizens, at some appropriate threshold level, falls short of being a fully just society, whatever its level of opulence (nussbaum, 2003). many of the capabilities included in nussbaum’s fosters creative democracy, precisely the critical role of the senses, imagination, and independent thought, as well as our capacity to show concern for others and exercise effectively political agency and participate in processes that shape our environment. similarly to sen, nussbaum also believes institutions have the responsibility to nourish these capabilities. both sen and nussbaum view human agency as the ability to act and affect change in line with one’s values, voice, and objectives, which complements emerging models of equitable development that integrate local culture and prioritize citizen participation. this view also suggests that if practices such as creative placemaking are to contribute to greater equity, then its practitioners are arroyo creative policymaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 62 advised to not only promote fair access to processes but should also strengthen individuals’ capacities to engage meaningfully by helping them build new skills and confidences. sociology and community psychology recent research from the fields of sociology and community psychology deepens our understanding of why inclusive citizen participation must be prioritized in transformative change efforts, specifically in light of the root social causes of most contemporary issues. for instance, heide hackmann (2013), executive director of the international social science council, argues: “climate change is primarily a social problem, not an environmental one because its causes and consequences are social—and so the solutions must be too.” in this sense, contemporary issues are viewed as not naturally occurring and instead are the result of human behavior. this insightful observation suggests that breakthrough solutions must support the emergence of new behaviors and recognize the values, attitudes, and cultural norms that inform them. this orientation complements views held by community psychologists who represent a new way of thinking about human behavior and wellbeing in the context of all environments and social systems. community psychology is like public health in that it promotes healthy environments and lifestyles, considers problems at both the individual and communal levels, and adopts a preventive orientation (levine, perkins & perkins, 2004). proactive solutions are informed by psychological knowledge, or insights about the local values, attitudes, and norms that shape individual and collective behaviors. as such, community psychology provides a helpful lens with which to understand why communities act the way they do, and how equitable development efforts can be intentionally designed to nudge people to behave in more positive ways. public administration and experimental governance it is widely acknowledged that the erosion of old institutions does not automatically generate new ones that will work, but does create space for more participatory strategies to emerge. as emergent models of creative placemaking and participatory development become more mainstream, the efficacy of existing structures, practices, and roles are being challenged in ways that can encourage democratic institutions to experiment and evolve. breakthrough problem-solving in democratic societies calls for more multidimensional forms of accountability, and more practiced, skillful combinations of learning and bargaining by civic actors (briggs, 2008). better government by design also calls on public-sector leaders to prioritize evidence-based decision-making, greater engagement and empowerment of citizens, thoughtful investments in expertise and skill-building, and closer collaboration with the private and social sectors (farrell & goodman, 2013). exciting precedents exist, such as social and public labs, which first emerged in the 19th century alongside theories that made the case for experimentalism over top-down strategies. for instance, john stuart mill advocated for living experiments and believed it was the states’ responsibilities to provide people with space to test new ideas. while there is no universally recognized definition of what constitutes social or public labs, they tend to conduct intentional experiments inspired by everyday life, and with the goal of generating new ideas about how to address social needs in effective ways. many pioneering labs, such as the musée social in europe, focused on social change and provided space for government to develop new ideas in collaboration with other actors. much like today, early proponents of social innovation labs believed that small-scale experiments could be used to prototype development trajectories in multiple disciplines. a problem many communities face is that they have become dominated by institutions that articulate an idea of the “official” future, leaving little room for people’s everyday aspirations and imagination. this has led to a serious disconnect between institutions of governance and the public, with many people feeling that the future is something that has already been decided rather than something owned and created by everyone (hassan, mean, & tims, 2007). but perhaps the problem has more to do with the arroyo creative policymaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 63 specific design of our institutions than with the tasks they face. if so, the challenge is to develop new organizational structures that enable cross-functional cooperation and adopt creative practices that leverage a community’s most abundant source of ideas—its people. doing so can stimulate the kind of institutional change necessary to transform systems that allocate power and resources in ways that both promote creative democracy and advance equity and societal wellbeing. what contemporary community life can supply beyond feelings of belonging and affiliation is a capacity to act together on environmental problems, crime and insecurity, illness, educational failure, and more in ways that are efficacious, rewarding, and even irreplaceable (briggs, 2008). the promise of this collective efficacy requires communities to cultivate civic capacity, which is shorthand for the ingredients that can make the machinery of governance more effective. civic capacity concerns the extent to which different sectors of the community—businesses, parents, educators, state and local officeholders, nonprofits, and others—act in concert around matters of community-wide import. scholars have defined this form of social capital as resting on patterns of small-scale social organization, notably among neighbors in larger cities and societies; hinged on proximate trust (trusting in particular those who share one’s neighborhood), social cohesion, and the expectation that others will act with you if the need arises (briggs, 2008). community civic capacity can be cultivated through creative and participatory governance practices, which hold tremendous potential to contribute to more equitable outcomes due to a more inclusive set of stakeholders sharing decision-making power. a noteworthy innovation during democracy’s “third wave” has been the widespread incorporation of participatory governance practices. participatory governance is a subset of governance theory that puts emphasis on inclusive engagement through deliberative practices, and seeks to deepen citizen participation in the governmental process by examining traditional assumptions and activities that can hinder the realization of a genuine democracy (fischer, 2012). participatory budgeting and policymaking practices can be found in regions and cultures throughout the world dating at least as far back as ancient greece. participatory democracy strives to create opportunities for all members of a population to make meaningful contributions to decision-making about allocation of public resources and the direction of government. the most extreme example as of late can be found in iceland, where, in 2010, 950 citizens were randomly chosen to participate in drafting the country’s new constitution (farrell & goodman, 2013). participatory democracy is not a rejection of representative governance; rather, it represents an effort to redesign institutions and improve the quality of democracy, social wellbeing, and the state (fischer, 2012). creative approaches to participatory policymaking prioritize citizen engagement as a critical means to ensure that agenda setting, solution development/implementation, and assessment processes are rooted in local cultural knowledge and values that reflect an inclusive set of voices and aspirations. the federal government’s current interest in devolving greater power to localities places a greater burden on municipal actors to do more with less, but also invites leaders to adopt more participatory governance models that empower citizens to play an active role in shaping their communities. this foundational change could provide the opportunity to galvanize a more comprehensive model for creative placeand policymaking, and the equity movement more broadly. a new era of comprehensive cultural development comprehensive community initiatives (ccis) have a long history in american social policy, starting with the settlement houses of the 1900s and resurfacing in popularity every thirty years or so. ccis encompass a variety of strategies in their efforts to mobilize citizens and their connections to one another, foster their ownership of the work, identify and build on their assets, and strengthen their civic capacity (stanger & duran, 1997). when the first ccis were created, their designers assumed that a “comprehensive” approach to change would generate the alignment between strategies, systems, and stakeholders necessary to catalyze transformative outcomes. over the past two decades, ccis and related arroyo creative policymaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 64 place-based efforts have evolved to prioritize issues of racial/economic equity and inclusive practices more overtly. in parallel, the field of community cultural development or “creative placemaking”, comprising social justice-oriented artists, cultural organizations, activists, and community leaders, has also matured, along with practitioners’ understanding of the central role of local values in sustainable development. internationally, it’s increasingly common for sustainable development efforts to acknowledge a combination of interconnected factors (cultural, environmental, social, and economic) through “transversal strategies,” or integrated approaches that intentionally cut across all four dimensions and between different scales of governance and citizen participation. a transversal approach to development includes a combination of horizontal and vertical integration strategies that reinforce each other. horizontal strategies cut across and connect programs, organizations, and sectors that lie within a nested system. vertical integration strategies focus on ensuring policies developed by different levels of government to create an enabling environment for horizontal strategies in which to take root. community change researchers believe that comprehensive approaches that include vertical efforts prioritizing the relationships between policies at the federal, state, and municipal levels, in concert with horizontal activities at the ground level, can help stakeholders from different sectors establish a shared vision and understand how efforts can be aligned to be mutually reinforcing. for example, state-level policy that requires arts education to be offered in all public schools helps to create an enabling environment for teaching artists and other kinds of arts education providers. across the united states and around the world, many local governments are recognizing the essential relationship between local culture and equitable development through a dual approach: (a) as a driver of development through the establishment of solid cultural policy, and (b) as an enabler of development through advocacy for the recognition of culture in all public policy (united cities and local governments, 2017). over the past decade, work at the nexus of social justice, cultural vitality, environmental resilience, and community wellbeing have emerged with greater regularity and have energized efforts to advance creative systems change across the united states. new relationships have emerged between and across adjacent fields, resulting in new insights and interdisciplinary praxis promoting individual voice, collective agency, and mass imagination—in short, to act as creative democracies. the emerging field of creative placemaking represents the latest chapter of equity-focused community cultural development. creative placemaking while pieces of the infrastructure needed to sustain creative placemaking practices exist, they have yet to coalesce into a cohesive whole. to date, arts funders and intermediary organizations are investing in lateral strategies to integrate creative placemaking across organizations, sectors, and systems. however, insights gained from local successes have not been fully translated into the systems-level policy change required to have sustained impact. by adopting a comprehensive model of place-based change, these actors can incentivize encourage practitioners to explore how creative practices can be integrated not only horizontally but also vertically through a transversal approach, generating more conducive conditions for this approach to become the standard model of sustainable equitable development. in the united states, the definition of creative placemaking differs among key actors; yet one shared aspiration has been improving the quality of life for all citizens through the intentional use of arts-based strategies that empower local residents and leverage communities’ distinct cultural assets. since 2011, the national endowment for the arts, artplace america, and the kresge foundation, among other local and intermediary funders, have invested over $200 million toward an impressive variety of creative placemaking projects in all kinds of communities (j. bennett, j., personal correspondence, march 27, 2017). the majority of these investments have been towards horizontal strategies to integrate creative placemaking into diverse organizations, systems, and sectors in the arts and beyond. less emphasis has been placed on arroyo creative policymaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 65 understanding how creative practices can be integrated vertically to encourage participatory citizenship and facilitate the cooperative development of public policy, however. vertical integration can help to create more enabling conditions for equitable development by providing a mechanism to ensure that the voices of those with less political access and influence aren’t excluded from transforming the systems that allocate power and resources. by expanding the focus of creative placemaking beyond altering the physical attributes of place, and adopting a transversal approach to strategy design, a cross-section of practitioners can help demonstrate the value of this emerging field in ways that improve its long-term sustainability. the role of policy in placemaking the techniques of creative placemaking can provide both physical and ideological space for people with varying worldviews and social positions to interact, negotiate differences, share power, and come to care for the common good. a growing body of evidence demonstrates how these practices can amplify the efficiency of investments in both the built and natural environments, enrich the aesthetic qualities of place, strengthen social fabric, stimulate civic participation, and fuel economic growth. as our knowledge of the impact of creative placemaking matures, how might we begin to apply similar techniques towards achieving greater equity through more imaginative and participatory forms of local governance and policymaking? developing a common definition of equity and the means by which it can be achieved may be an important first step. the center for social inclusion’s definition of racial equity, which can also be applied to social equity generally, reads, “a lens and outcome, which requires an inclusive approach that empowers people to transform systems that allocate power and resources in order to create communities where all people have equitable access to opportunity” (strong, prosperous, and resilient communities challenge [sparcc], 2016). creative placemaking has the capacity to serve as this “inclusive approach.” to realize this promise we must reflect on the function, both perceived and potential, of creative practices; the role of storytelling in policymaking; and ways adaptive change frameworks can ground and connect individual projects to larger systems of practice. when thinking about comprehensive community development it may also be helpful to consider three primary components of place: the “hardware” of physical infrastructure, the “software” of economic systems and public policies, and the “operating system” of the everyday lived experience of community members (lefebvre, 1974). creative placemaking has the capacity to enhance each of these elements in mutually reinforcing ways. to date, however, the vertical integration of creative placemaking as a means to facilitate the participatory development of public polices has not been fully explored. by incorporating a transversal approach that includes better vertical integration, creative practices can help to ensure that the voices of those with less political access and influence aren’t excluded from transforming the systems that allocate power and resources towards development activities of all kinds, including creative placemaking. this application of participatory democracy expands existing notions of who can engage in policy entrepreneurship, which has historically been reserved for established political operatives rather than the general public. movement toward vertical integration of policy and practice requires making clear the distinction between public policy and organizational strategy, which are often conflated. public policy refers to the regulatory frameworks, laws, and funding priorities related to different areas of civic concern and the ways government makes decisions at multiple scales. put simply, public policy is the mechanization of value, the applied expression of public priorities, and accountability for realizing those aims. though sometimes seemingly invisible, public policy, whether set at the municipal, state, or federal level, plays a critical role in shaping the environments in which we live, work, and create. conversely, cultural values inform public policy in implicit and explicit ways. for example, environmental awareness represents a fundamental attitudinal shift that has contributed to the creation of arroyo creative policymaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 66 new legislation. hence, public policymaking is inherently a cultural activity, because it is grounded in human values. when designed within an equity frame, creative placemaking can reveal and, when necessary, challenge these community values and help stakeholders establish a shared vision about the direction society should take. that vision can subsequently energize local planning, placemaking, and policy, rendering each more responsive to and representative of the diverse stakeholders who will be affected by them. in essence, mass imagination becomes a powerful means to inspire civic participation. public policy should not be conflated with politics either, and the decision-making processes that accompany the creation and enactment of legislation. politics can be defined as the art of governing, while policy refers to the plan that articulates explicit goals. a major challenge to creative democracy is to influence existing patters of political decision-making, which is largely a negotiation between diverging values, visions, and interests. changes to political decision making occurs when new constituencies gain the necessary power to influence negotiations through organizing, advocacy, and activism. the future is unwritten as discussed above, critical imagination is a requirement of effective systems change, for without it there would be no possibility of action. the vibrancy of any place largely depends on how successfully it mobilizes the widespread participation of its people to co-create new solutions rooted in their stories and experiences. society’s capacity to transcend existing challenges, address “wicked problems,” and adapt to uncertainty relies on our ability to cooperatively envisage, assess, and realize alternative narratives. this process represents an act of futures-oriented, collective imagination. shared experiences strengthen connections between diverse groups and allow ideas to flow more freely, which improves a community’s capacity to navigate uncertainty and ultimately adapt to change. social scientists use the term “futures literacy” to describe thinking imaginatively about the future so that we can challenge our current assumptions, make explicit our shared values, engage in rich dialogue with others, and speculate on outcomes that are possible, probable, and preferred. the ideas and expectations developed through improved futures literacy contribute to more robust decision-making in the present about the preferred trajectory of local development. by increasing our capacity to improvise and be spontaneous, live with permanent ambiguity and novelty, futures literacy enables us to embrace complexity (miller, 2011). when framed as a tool for advancing forward-looking collaborative problem-solving, creative placemaking can help communities evolve by increasing futures literacy. strengthening this capacity sets into motion a healthy process of collective reflection and action, stimulating change and collaborative learning that can gradually encompass a wider range of community issues across multiple scales of practice. connecting the dots collaborating for equity and justice: moving beyond collective impact, a report released by nonprofit quarterly in january 2017, articulates a set of guiding principles intended to facilitate participatory systems change. the recommendations, co-authored by six social justice practitioners, highlight the critical role of policy in advancing transformation at scale: “policy offers the most direct route to measurable progress, but all too often collective impact practice stops at the programmatic level.” the authors’ suggestion is “to amplify the possibilities inherent in local successes and translate the lessons and insights into the systems, policy, and structural change needed to have sustained impact on whole populations” (wolff et al., 2017). the capacity exists to both deepen investments in individual projects and connect them to larger systems of activity. creative placemaking has the same not-yet-realized catalytic potential to help policymakers and community members imagine the future implications of different policy options and local investments. to activate this unrealized promise, creative placemaking practices must be grounded in more comprehensive strategies that weave horizontal efforts to align work across programs, organizations, and arroyo creative policymaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 67 sectors together with vertical efforts to work at multiple scales—both integral components of complex place-based change. creating change through arts, culture, and equitable development: a policy and practice primer, a report released by policylink in february 2017, articulates ways in which arts and culture actors can leverage public policies and major investments to centralize their role in equitable development. the report includes case studies that demonstrate how different communities have employed creative strategies to operationalize their equity-focused policy objectives. the authors advocate for the integration of arts and culture into community development systems, practices, and comprehensive plans. they also describe ways in which public agencies and philanthropy can “expand their practices and invest in arts and culture assets” in order to strengthen the capacity of these resources to contribute to greater equity (rose, daniel, & liu, 2017). in this context, creative practices are primarily used to implement equity-oriented policy objectives. but complementary examples are emerging, both in the us and internationally, of ways creative practices including storytelling, cultural organizing, resident-driven impact assessments, design fiction, and visual arts are being used to facilitate the participatory development of innovative public policy as well. the art of what if? increasingly, municipal agencies are integrating creative practices as means to empower a diverse cross-section of stakeholders to directly inform the policies that shape their lives. government initiatives around the world are demonstrating how arts-based methods amplify marginalized voices, harness local cultural knowledge, and help communities find common cause. one example of the vertical integration of creative practices to facilitate the collaborative development of public policy comes from the uk-based arts & humanities research council (ahrc). in 2015, the ahrc launched the protopublics initiative to support researchers and community partners in becoming active participants in “crafting new services, experiences, projects, and policies that address contemporary issues.” a series of protopolicy workshops were held in partnership with individuals who had direct experience of specific issues. workshops employed “speculative design fictions”—a participatory method that uses texts, visualization, artifacts, films, and storytelling to generate provocative scenarios, kindling insights into the future shape and direction of public policy. in the initial phase of protopolicy, older community members participated in a series of creative workshops that examined the country’s aging in place policy agenda. by prompting visions of what a future of “flexible living” might look like from the perspective of those who will experience that reality first-hand and empowering them to directly inform public investments, protopolicy was able to build a shared understanding of the constraints and opportunities inherent to different policy options in ways that recognized older residents as a critical source of insight. those stories and the insights they revealed were then used to design responsive policies and strategic investments for britain's elderly. today, sectors ranging from public health to sustainable development are now using this citizen-led approach to public policymaking (dunne & raby, 2013). port phillip, australia’s community pulse initiative, launched in 2001, intentionally uses placebased measures that relate to people’s everyday experiences as a means to inspire residents to express themselves and play a central role in local governance. local leaders asked community members: “how do you know your neighborhood is getting better?” the community’s reply: “when we feel control over our destiny.” in response, policymakers invited residents to set benchmarks and long-term development goals to help safeguard local assets and generate evidence to stimulate political action and accountability. this participatory methodology provides a vehicle for multi-directional feedback between the city of port phillip council and community that strengthens individuals’ capacity to identify and assess issues as well as participate in the design, development, and delivery of policies. a formal evaluation in 2011 found that this creative strategy has contributed to “services and infrastructure that are better tailored to need, the community has greater faith in the process of local government [e.g. trust], and the city of port phillip arroyo creative policymaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 68 council has greater faith in the community’s commitment to their vision for the future [e.g. reciprocity].” as a result, the initiative has been formally integrated with the city’s long-range municipal public health and wellbeing plan (city of port phillip, 2001). the city of minneapolis and intermedia arts established creative citymaking (ccm), a multiyear, arts-based innovation initiative within local government designed to advance the city’s goal of eliminating economic and racial disparities, in 2013. through in-depth collaborations between city departments, skilled community artists, and the public, ccm demonstrates how arts-based engagement can inform policymaking at multiple levels of government, provide underrepresented communities with direct access to influence decision-making, and revitalize municipal agencies with fresh ideas. one such collaboration was designed to facilitate the development of the city’s emerging blueprint for equitable engagement, a five-year plan to ensure local leaders seek, value, and incorporate all community voices in public processes. to highlight the range of perspectives, local artists created an “equity pulpit” from which community members could share and document their views. the pulpit moved around the city, appearing at block parties, festivals, and parks, where stories were collected from individuals whose voices were previously unlikely to be heard through traditional engagement practices. in a subsequent evaluation, ccm staff learned that 90 percent of the program participants reported they had never contributed to a local planning process before and that participation by communities of color increased from 30 percent of the total participants to 60 percent. by connecting this program to larger public systems and embracing an adaptive framework, ccm provides participants with a powerful vehicle for identifying emerging opportunities to proactively address the strategic priorities of a risk-averse city. by intentionally designing projects from the outset with these needs in focus, ccm has been able to demonstrate its value in ways that build the political will necessary to sustain such programs over time. creative citymaking is now institutionalized within the city of minneapolis (kayim, g., personal correspondence, march 29, 2017). performing statistics, a project by art180 and legal aid justice center, connects incarcerated teens, artists, designers, educators, and leading state policy advocates in order to transform virginia’s juvenile justice system. the project asks the question, “how would criminal justice reform differ if it were led by currently incarcerated teens?” performing statistics empowers youth to become civic leaders and directly affect laws and public policy that influence the school-to-prison pipeline (performing statistics, n.d.) among its many efforts to advance social justice, naturally occurring cultural districts new york (nocd-ny) weaves arts-based practices into the typically closed, meeting-based process of public budgeting, enabling a greater variety of people and perspectives to inform local investment decisions. participatory budgeting (pb) connects community members who might not usually interact. for example, friends of the high line has teens, many of whom live in nearby public housing, help run their pb workshops, which strengthens relationships between public housing residents and others living on manhattan’s west side. by making physical representations of projects for funding consideration, the process becomes more concrete, contributing to more transparent decision-making (atlas, c., personal correspondence, september 29, 2016.). these examples demonstrate how creative placemaking can function as a tool for institutional change, advancing collaborative problem-solving and realizing alternative futures that benefit everyone. they achieve this by developing individual projects within systems-change frameworks, fostering meaningful dialogue between diverse parts of local systems, expanding access and redistributing power, and creating space for new possibilities to emerge. furthermore, these strategies identify and leverage the unique expertise each participant brings to the table, which is consistent with any asset-based strategy. finally, each example demonstrates how working in partnership includes a shared commitment to using insights generated to fuel systemic change. facing the future arroyo creative policymaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 69 equitable development efforts that intentionally integrate the arts, local culture, and participatory design have enjoyed significant investment in recent years. the increasingly widespread adoption of creative placemaking practices is inspiring a diverse ensemble of actors to reflect on their core values and the extent to which existing institutional structures support more collaborative approaches to local governance and public problem-solving. institutional arrangements and relationships are evolving to become less siloed, more porous, and adaptive as colleagues incorporate new practices and begin to work cross-functionally. as a result, communities large and small are only starting to realize the promise of a genuinely creative democracy. the underdeveloped nature of the infrastructure supporting creative placemaking and equitable development presents strategic opportunities to influence its shape, purpose, and direction. policymakers, creative practitioners, funders, and local citizens can play important roles in helping to craft a more coherent and resilient ecosystem of innovation. the conditions are favorable for the fields of equitable development and creative placemaking to evolve in mutually beneficial ways, and an emerging set of principles, practices, and structures can light the way forward. democracy cannot exist without democratic institutions, political processes, and public policies, which themselves cannot work in reality unless they are grounded in a culture of shared values, attitudes, and practices. a combination of values, attitudes, skills, and knowledge are needed to empower a more inclusive set of citizens to participate effectively in a creative democracy. values, including the primacy of human rights, equity, and cultural diversity, are of central importance. attitudes, including openness, trust, mutuality, civic responsibility, and tolerance for change, are equally important. skills, including the capacity to cooperate, navigate conflict, listen, engage in intercultural dialogue, and deploy one’s imagination, all help to create enabling conditions as do knowledge, including critical understanding of the self and desire to know others coupled with an authentic interest in local issues, understanding of adaptive systems change and of the policymaking process. these competencies combine to foster creative democracy and a participatory citizenry. therefore, a primary task of institutions of power, including public agencies, funding entities, and civil society organizations, is to strengthen the power of everyday people to not only believe they can affect change but to develop the skills necessary to do so. through this process, creative democracy can fuel transformative change and significantly contribute to societal wellbeing. while these competencies are necessary for stakeholders in favor of creative democracy to exhibit in order to participate effectively and equitably, they are not a sufficient solution for transforming the systems that allocate power and resources. in addition, we must design new organizational structures that enable cross-functional cooperation and creative practices that leverage a community’s most abundance source of ideas—its people. one way to do this is by adopting transversal strategies that cut across issue areas and provide citizens with direct avenues to express community values, and for those perspectives to inform the shape of policy at multiple scales of government. in doing this, measures must be put into place to address inequalities in access and structural disadvantages with the aid of tools such as developmental evaluation. in the absence of such, well-intentioned practitioners may inadvertently privilege established players. the potential for creative practices to enhance the development, implementation, and analysis of public policy is tremendous and not yet fully explored. while some practitioners develop strategies with the goal of transforming structures in mind, projects are still often fractured from the systems within which they are nested. an opportunity exists to strengthen citizens’ and creative practitioners’ understanding of how policy is made as well as policymakers’ appreciation of the ways in which imaginative approaches could be adopted to encourage greater civic participation. in doing so, local governments in particular can begin to model a new institutional character, one that is less focused on reproducing practices and outcomes and more interested in transforming the craft of contemporary governance through citizen participation. structure enshrines value and shapes behavior. in the year ahead, the author will work with a cohort of interdisciplinary partners, from rural, urban, and indigenous communities to establish a new creative arroyo creative policymaking _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 70 policymaking lab. the lab will prototype new institutional structures, processes, and relationships, grounded in the values of equity and inclusion, to promote collaborative and creative systems change. working within an adaptive systems change framework, we will launch a discrete number of place-based pilots designed to sharpen understanding of the efficacy of specific creative practices to facilitate the development of participatory policy. we will integrate developmental evaluation methods to refine the design of our processes, deepen our understanding of the optimal composition of each pilot group, how best to raise issues, negotiate conflict, and establish consensus in different cultural contexts. public policy provides one important mechanism for institutionalizing constructive creativity, while creative activities themselves may inform future policies. by embracing a systems perspective of the diverse ecology of activity already underway, local government, along with funders, creative practitioners, and citizens can work together to draw out insights to inform transversal strategies and accelerate a more cohesive field of practice. benefit can be found in allocating resources toward deepening our understanding of how creative methods can facilitate participatory policymaking at various scales. local governments can map existing organizational structures and traditional planning processes with an eye toward understanding the extent to which they enable cross-functional collaboration and citizenship engagement. where possible, new and more porous structures as well as cross-functional roles can be introduced. formal roles should be established for practitioners working in the interstitial space across systems to build scaffolding into the future. embedding artists and designers to lead such processes can be particularly powerful as a means to offer a new way of seeing and organizing political processes. creative practitioners should explore ways to facilitate participatory policy entrepreneurship by creating spaces and processes that lift up local issues, encourage inclusive dialogue, promote collaborative learning, and strengthen citizens’ capacity to imagine and realize alternative scenarios. practitioners can advance creative policymaking by taking a hypothesis-driven approach to solution design that incorporates local knowledge and research as means to test policy innovations. helping practitioners design projects from the outset with policy change being the ultimate objective by setting benchmarks and incorporating critical evaluation can help to substantiate of the value of creative placemaking to municipal agencies and communities. by actively generating a robust evidence base, creative practitioners can demonstrate the value of participatory development practices in ways that resonate with municipal agencies as well as other partners for whom data informs decision-making. a commitment to learning and evaluation can also help to ensure that processes are transparent, parties are held accountable, and assets are fully leveraged. data can also ensure vulnerable groups—particularly those residing in the margins of society—are identified and care is taken to enable their engagement. trusted spaces such as public libraries can be leveraged as platforms for open dialogue, knowledge building, and cultural expression in ways that directly inform local policy outside the traditional, and often uninviting, walls of government. exchange programs can be especially valuable ways to help partners, both current and potential, develop greater empathy and understanding for each other’s daily realities and the ways in which their unique expertise might be leveraged creatively. democracy is a process that enables diverse individuals to discover collective goals and the means by which to achieve them—not only for the select few, but also for everyone who lives beneath its banner. it is a collective act of imagination that is as fragile as it is powerful. in a world that’s increasingly divided and uncertain, communities need creative approaches that promote inclusive dialogue, harness the cultural vitality that exists in all places, and leverage the solidarity that springs forth when individuals recognize their interdependence and come together to imagine the shared futures they want. as political forces reshape the role of localities, creative practitioners from diverse disciplines are uniquely positioned to directly affect the direction of development in new ways that build community power and position cultural 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(2015). imagination in human and cultural development. abingdon, uk: routledge. doi: 10.4324/9780203073360 microsoft word white_barriers final for pdf.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 2, issue 3 http://artivate.org pp. 28-39 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2013, the author barriers to recognizing arts entrepreneurship education as essential to professional arts training jason c. white, the ohio state university abstract while many professional arts training programs prepare students to excel at the practice and performance of the arts, evidence suggests that many professional arts training programs may be failing to prepare students to be professional artists. a total of 11.1% of all recent college graduates with undergraduate arts degrees are unemployed (carnevale, cheah, & strohl, 2012, p. 7). fifty-two percent of arts undergraduate alumni reported being dissatisfied with their institution’s ability to advise them about further career or education opportunities (snaap, 2012, p. 14). eighty-one percent of all arts undergraduate alumni reported having a primary job outside of the arts for reasons of job security (snaap, 2012, p. 19). many arts higher education administrators address the situation by advising arts students to attend business and entrepreneurship courses. however, these courses are often taught or presented outside of an arts training context. arts entrepreneurship education can serve as contextual business/career/technology education for arts students; however, barriers make it difficult for administrators to create adequate curricular room for arts entrepreneurship education. furthermore, the teaching and learning of contextual business/career/technology education in professional arts training programs may often be thought of as helpful but not essential, as evidenced by the national office of arts accreditation (noaa) classification of these types of courses as general education units. this essay supports the need for arts entrepreneurship education, and discusses key barriers to recognizing arts entrepreneurship education as essential to professional arts training. introduction in 2011, more than 36,000 arts alumni responded to the strategic national arts alumni project (snaap) survey from 66 institutions (8 arts high schools and 58 postsecondary institutions) in the united states and canada. the average institutional response rate was over 20% (snaap, 2012, pp. 4-5). the results were released in the 2012 annual report, and served as indicators for arts graduates’ perceived value of their degree. while the data generally indicates positive educational outcomes, the study also indicates certain measures of dissatisfaction and distinct professional challenges the most relevant appearing below: arts alumni of undergraduate and graduate programs were somewhat or very dissatisfied with: career advising or information about further education options (50%), opportunities for degree-related internships or work (46%), opportunities to network with alumni and others (41%). (snaap, 2012, p. 14) 81% of all alumni surveyed, reported having a job outside of the arts for reasons of job security. (snaap, 2012, p. 19) based on the 2012 findings, snaap conducted a secondary analysis that same year, and published a special report entitled painting with broader strokes: reassessing the value of an arts degree. this secondary analysis served as an expansion of the 2012 report. some relevant findings in this report include, but are not limited to the following: white barriers to arts entrepreneurship education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 29 arts alumni still face significant financial obstacles to engaging in art professionally. almost a third (30%) of former professional artists and those who wanted to be artists but did not do so pointed to debt, including student loan debt, as a reason to find other work. (lindemann, et al., 2012, p. 22) fifty-two percent of those who stopped working as a professional artist did so because of better pay in other fields. (lindemann, et al., 2012, p. 22) while arts alumni generally give their schools high marks when it comes to imparting elements of artistic training such as creativity and critical thinking, when it comes to elements of professional training such as business and entrepreneurial abilities, there are large gaps between the skills these alumni say they have acquired at their degree-granting institutions and the skills they indicate are important for their working lives. (lindemann, et al., 2012, p. 28) in 2011, anthony carnevale (director of the georgetown university center on education and the workforce) chaired a relevant study entitled what is it worth: the economic value of college majors, which found “those most likely to be unemployed are in the arts group (8 percent).” (p. 31) using 2009-10 data from the american community survey, carnevale also conducted and released a similar study in 2012 (hard times: college majors, unemployment and earnings), which reported the unemployment rates for recent (aged 22 to 26) and experienced (aged 30 to 54) college graduates in various majors. key findings include: unemployment for students with new bachelor’s degrees (across the board) is an unacceptable 8.9%. (p. 3) while this news is discouraging, the same report also indicates that recent arts undergraduates had an even higher unemployment rate of 11.1% (p. 7). these statistics suggest that the financial cost of pursuing professional arts degrees may be outweighing the degrees’ benefits. pujol and dempster previously addressed this trend and suggest a call for arts higher education reform: …current and new students, at least throughout schools in the united states, are paying fortunes for inadequate art educations and getting into bank-loan debt, which is a huge disservice to them. therefore, we must not be lazy or afraid of triggering change, no matter how painful, and ultimately we must rely on the growing numbers of our art students who connect the dots on their own and end up with a multidisciplinary education in spite of the institution, not because of it. (pujol, 2009, p. 3) it is important to note that not all post-secondary arts education programs share the goal of training students for professional work in arts or arts-related careers. however, the cited data reflects unanticipated if not poor professional outcomes for alumni who attended post secondary arts education programs primarily for the purpose of learning to make a living as a creative, visual or performing artist. this essay focuses on professional arts training programs sharing this goal (e.g. those that lead to bfa, mfa or dfa degrees). participatory evaluation and action research led by alumni of professional arts training programs may be helpful in determining why the outcomes mentioned above occur. white barriers to arts entrepreneurship education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 30 the decision to pursue a professional arts degree there are many factors influencing stakeholders’ decisions and actions concerning professional arts training programs. stakeholders include but are not limited to, arts students, parents, program administrators, faculty members and most importantly, university executives who in their role as arts administrators, participate in developing accreditation standards. prospective arts students often apply to professional arts training programs believing these programs provide the education, knowledge and experiences needed to become a “professional artist.” perhaps for some students, the perception of intrinsic benefits gained from earning a professional arts degree outweighs certain financial realities and challenges they face in the future. for others whose ambitions lean towards the popular arts, professional arts degrees may be perceived as a one-way ticket to life-long fame and fortune. in either case, these impressions can greatly influence a prospective student’s enrollment decision. for example, some institutions may (either knowingly or unknowingly) perpetuate notions of life-long fame and fortune through recruitment materials intended to support programmatic agendas. in cases where this is true, prospective students may often rely on personal assumptions and marketing to make enrollment decisions. if a prospective student chooses to pursue a professional arts degree based solely on these notions, unforeseen and unrealized challenges may position them to accumulate education debt. upon graduation unforeseen and educational debt challenges may quickly force them to obtain a part-time job, which may further motivate them to obtain an even higher paying fulltime job; ultimately they may abandon their professional artistic pursuit because of financial necessity. for those not experiencing student debt issues, unanticipated challenges before and during their post-secondary arts training could position students for career paths that do not meet their pre-professional expectations. early career feedback from alumni of professional arts training programs may help to better identify and address these types of new student perceptions and assumptions. key barriers the cited unanticipated if not poor professional outcomes for arts students occur for many reasons. however, more research is needed to determine causation and correlation. in an effort to address these types of outcomes proactively, arts entrepreneurship educators have shown promise, developing courses, curricula and programs specifically designed to teach students contextual business/career/technology skills, behaviors and competencies. an informal inventory conducted by dr. gary beckman and jonathan gangi in 2013 revealed that there are at least 60 institutions within the united states offering dedicated courses (83) to the study of arts entrepreneurship. despite growing support for arts entrepreneurship education, barriers to recognizing arts entrepreneurship education as “essential” to professional arts training exist. suggested barriers include but are not limited to barriers in curricular theory, accreditation and assessment. barriers of curricular theory although there are many curricular/theoretical models for k-12 and collegiate arts education, a framework known to both is discipline based art education (dbae), which came to favor in the united states during the 1980s and 1990s. the model is familiar, historic, globally recognized and formalized – in contrast to arts entrepreneurship curricular theory, which is largely unfamiliar, emerging and informal. according to the white barriers to arts entrepreneurship education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 31 journal of aesthetic education, dbae “focuses on specific skills including techniques, art criticism and art history.” in 1987, the journal published the following framework identifying several basic characteristics of dbae: a. rationale 1. the goal of discipline-based art education is to develop students’ abilities to understand and appreciate art. this involves a knowledge of the theories and contexts of art and abilities to respond to as well as to create art. 2. art is taught as an essential component of general education and as a foundation for specialized art study. b. content 1. content for instruction is derived primarily from the disciplines of aesthetics, art criticism, art history, and art production. these disciplines deal with: (1) conceptions of the nature of art, (2) bases for valuing and judging art, (3) contexts in which art has been created, and (4) processes and techniques for creating art. 2. content for study is derived from a broad range of the visual arts, including folk, applied, and fine arts from western and non-western cultures and from ancient to contemporary times. c. curricula 1. curricula are written with sequentially organized and articulated content at all grade levels. 2. works of art are central to the organization of curricula and to integration of content from the disciplines. 3. curricula are structured to reflect comparable concern and respect for each of the four art disciplines. 4. curricula are organized to increase student learning and understanding. this involves a recognition of appropriate developmental levels. d. context 1. full implementation is marked by systematic, regular art instruction on a district-wide basis, art education expertise, administrative support, and adequate resources. 2. student achievement and program effectiveness are confirmed by appropriate evaluation criteria and procedures. (journal of aesthetic education, 1987) rationale section (a) states, “the goal of discipline-based art education is to develop students’ abilities to understand and appreciate art.” this suggests that the primary goal of dbae is not vocational, but aesthetic. a question emerges: if arts entrepreneurship education is perceived as vocational, traditionalists who hold authority in institutional arts policy may rationalize arts entrepreneurship education as a non-essential component of the traditional dbae approach. other barriers may exist within or originate from traditional curricular/theoretical models. for example, in alignment with the goals of traditional dbae theory, facilitators of dbae programs rightly rationalize the performative aspects of the arts as essential to professional arts training. however, commentary from proponents of arts entrepreneurship education (such as white barriers to arts entrepreneurship education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 32 dempster, below) suggest that arts students need to focus on mastering skills, competencies and behaviors beyond artistic practice and performance: we are naturally concerned about our students graduating into a hypercompetitive, winner-take-all marketplace without the skills and knowledge that could give them the competitive edge needed to succeed. (dempster, 2011, p. 244) what makes little sense is expecting that we can drive students through four or five or six years of a highly regimented curriculum that affords few choices and asks for little individual initiative, and then expect them to flourish in a world that rewards creativity, opportunism, experimentation, and distinctiveness more than anything else—in short, an entrepreneurial world. (dempster, 2011, p. 250) unanticipated or poor professional outcomes can occur when arts students graduate with skills, competencies and behaviors that are not in significant demand. for example, economist david throsby identified the artistic workforce as a hypercompetitive winner take-all lottery (throsby, 2010). throsby’s view suggests that for the best chance of arts and arts-related career success, arts students may benefit from learning skills, competencies and behaviors outside their discipline. if intellectual diversity in professional arts training curricula is a goal, arts faculty and administrators may help facilitate this by structuring curricula in a way that encourages students to explore alternative arts and arts-related career-paths throughout the creative sector. why should the actor who finds out in his second year that he also loves dance, be forced to choose between the two? why should the musician who wants to be a music executive, be forced to wait four years in order to learn about the music business? why should an arts student be limited to studying the practice and performance of the arts? pujol supports this point when he says: art students need access to training in other disciplines, combining what we may identify as the very best of historical and contemporary drawing, painting, sculpture, photography, and installation art with conservation, ecological, and environmental efforts; ethics; cultural anthropology; urban sociology; behavioral psychology; global political science and economics; robotics; and media theory, among other fields. nevertheless, the challenge is not just to open old boxed-up departments and bring in this challenging and refreshing intellectual diversity; it is also to not set this in stone. (pujol, 2009, p. 5) in summary, even if arts entrepreneurship education courses are adopted in higher education arts degree plans, barriers in curricular or programmatic theory may keep arts entrepreneurship education from being perceived as essential to professional arts training. these barriers may be re-enforced by perceived theoretical differences between arts educators across the institution. in many institutions, arts education curricula may be theory-driven instead of student-driven, thus re-enforcing theoretical barriers. to address the issues above, these and other curricular/theoretical barriers may be overcome through a renewed curricular focus on student outcomes. if curriculum design in arts education is lead by “what students need to be able to do”, and that focus is supported by (instead of led by) diverse art(s) education theory, white barriers to arts entrepreneurship education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 33 facilitators of traditional dbae and emerging arts entrepreneurship educators may find common ground, and engage in meaningful communication and collaboration. barriers of accreditation in the united states, the national office for arts accreditation (noaa) establishes specific curricular content standards for undergraduate and graduate arts programs. these standards are determined by several discipline-based administrative branches responsible for assigning accreditation standards to their respective programs. each branch has its own handbook, outlining content containing both broad and specific standards. within the section identified as “purpose”, located under the principles and policies sections of all four of the 201213 noaa handbooks (national association of schools of art and design (nasad), national association of schools of dance (nasd), national association of schools of music (nasm), national association of schools of theatre (nast)), it is identified that: students enrolled in professional undergraduate degrees are expected to develop the knowledge, skills, concepts, and sensitivities essential to the life of the theatre professional. (nast, 2012, p. 91) students enrolled in professional undergraduate degrees in music are expected to develop the knowledge, skills, concepts, and sensitivities essential to the professional life of the musician. (nasm, 2012, p. 98) students enrolled in professional undergraduate degrees in dance are expected to develop the knowledge, skills, concepts, and sensitivities essential to the artist in the field of dance. (nasd, 2012, p. 97) students enrolled in professional undergraduate degrees in arts and design are expected to develop the knowledge, skills, concepts, and sensitivities essential to the professional life of the artist/designer. (nasad, 2012, p. 91) evidence suggests that national and professional accreditation associations have yet to formally recognize contextual business/career/technology education as “essential” to professional arts training. for example, in every noaa handbook, within sections labeled “recommendations,” it is “recommended” that accredited programs teach students to: • acquire the skills necessary to assist in the development and advancement of their careers. (nasm, 2012, p. 101) • acquire the skills necessary to assist in the development and advancement of their careers, including the development of competencies in communication, presentation, and business skills necessary to engage in professional practice in their major field. (nasad, 2012, p. 94) • acquire the entrepreneurial skills necessary to assist in the development and advancement of their careers. (nast, 2012, p. 94) white barriers to arts entrepreneurship education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 34 • student orientation to the nature of professional work in their major field. examples are organizational structures and working patterns; artistic, intellectual, educational, economic, technology, and political contexts; development potential; and career development. (nasd, 2012, p. 100) national arts accreditation policy influences regional arts accreditation policy, which in turn, influences institutional arts education policy and curricula. accreditation language also largely complements and reinforces the mentoring advice that arts students receive as part of their professional arts training. the four noaa handbooks define the focus of accredited professional arts training degrees as follows: • the professional degree focuses on intensive work in art and design supported by a program in general studies. normally, the intent is to prepare for professional practice. (nasad, 2012, p. 87) • the professional degree focuses on intensive work in theatre supported by a program in general studies. (nast, 2012, p. 82) • the professional degree focuses on intensive work in dance supported by a program in general studies. normally, the intent is to prepare for professional practice. (nasd, 2012, p. 87) • the professional degree focuses on intensive work in music supported by a program in general studies. normally, the intent is to prepare for professional practice. (nasm, 2012, p. 87) while none of the noaa handbooks specifically define the word “professional” (perhaps purposely), all noaa handbooks indicate that accredited professional arts training programs should prepare students for professional practice (nasad, p. 87, nast, p. 82, nasd, p. 87, nasm, p. 87). according to the handbooks, at least 50-65% of accredited programs curricula must focus on intensive work within a fine arts discipline: • baccalaureate degrees meeting professional degree standards are normally listed as bachelor of fine arts, and normally require that at least 65% of the course credit be in theatre studies. b.f.a degrees in theatre education and certain other combined degrees in theatre require at least 50% of the course credit to be in theatre studies. (nast, 2012, p. 84) the phrase “at least” implies that accredited programs may keep more then 65% of their course content/credits focused on artistic mastery if they choose (e.g. an extreme example being a dance program where 99% of the program is focused solely on artistic mastery). the language in the handbooks suggests that all courses specifically unrelated to aesthetic mastery (e.g. contextual business/career/technology education) should support the program as general studies content. the handbooks only broadly identify general studies content, purposely leaving this interpretation to the individual institutions. for example, the nasm handbook indicates, white barriers to arts entrepreneurship education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 35 6. general studies a. competencies specific competency expectations are defined by the institution. normally, students holding a professional undergraduate degree in music are expected to have: (1) the ability to think, speak, and write clearly and effectively. (2) an informed acquaintance with fields of study beyond music such as those in the arts and humanities, the natural and physical sciences, and the social sciences. (3) a functional awareness of the differences and commonalities regarding work in artistic, scientific, and humanistic domains. (4) awareness that multiple disciplinary perspectives and techniques are available to consider all issues and responsibilities including, but not limited to, history, culture, moral and ethical issues, and decision-making. (5) the ability to identify possibilities and locate information in other fields that have bearing on musical questions and endeavors. (nasm, p. 99) arguably, there should be nothing “general” about the contextual business/career/technology education taught within professional arts training programs. all four noaa handbooks expect accredited institutions to help students develop the knowledge, skills, concepts and sensitivities essential to the artist in their discipline-based field of study. whether it is the language of the individual institution or the national or regional accrediting body, merely recommending that contextual business/career/technology education be taught to arts students, and identifying that content broadly may help to perpetuate the national perception that arts entrepreneurship education is helpful but non-essential to a professional artist. barriers of assessment while arts entrepreneurship educators may be able to teach arts students in professional arts training programs contextual business/career/technology skills behaviors and competencies, national arts entrepreneurship learning will be difficult to assess and evaluate without consensus on formal student outcomes.1 difficulties in the national assessment of arts entrepreneurship learning will only be compounded by stakeholders’ inability to agree on what “art(s) education” is. groys supports this notion when he states: 1 note that at this time, there are no formally recognized outcomes for arts entrepreneurship education by an accreditation organization. efforts to address this lacuna appear in college music society committee on music entrepreneurship education (2012). white barriers to arts entrepreneurship education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 36 today art education has no definite goal, no method, no particular content that can be taught, no tradition that can be transmitted to a new generation—which is to say, it has too many. (groys, 2009, p. 27) unspecified learning objectives, and immeasurable student outcomes in arts education programs and courses may re-enforce barriers to assessment of arts entrepreneurship learning. for example, nitko & brookhart suggest, “proponents view assessment as an objective way to ensure that all students demonstrate that learning has occurred.” (nitko & brookhart, 2011, pg. 9) “students will be able to experience the beauty of the arts” is neither a specific learning objective nor a measurable learning outcome. although a faculty member may understand exactly what that beauty means to him/herself, as well as how to evaluate the learning of it, the professional evaluator looks at this and thinks, “experience how?” “what type of experience?” “which art forms?” “how many experiences will the students experience?” “how does the program define the word beauty?” “who is determining that beauty?” though there are many who continue to engage in discourse concerning the increasing demands for more accountability in arts education, given the national educational policy agenda, the concern is here to stay. as it stands, arts entrepreneurship educators are faced with at least two obvious choices: resist accountability or embrace and articulate specific and measurable contextual business/career/technology learning objectives for arts students. if the latter, the arts entrepreneurship field would overcome this barrier. conclusion although still largely informal and emerging, arts entrepreneurship may be a transdisciplinary approach for teaching contextual business/career/technology education to arts students. if this is true, “thinking and behaving as an arts entrepreneur” may be a way for students to overcome the limitations of dbae curricular theory, and also a way for faculty to address the unanticipated or poor professional outcomes of students in professional arts training programs. certainly, there is hard evidence that arts students desire the contextual business/career/technology education they need in order to create, obtain and sustain their careers. (lindemann, et al., 2012, pg. 27-30) arts entrepreneurship educators may be able to help students learn to do this, however, significant barriers keep arts entrepreneurship course content from being perceived as “essential” to professional arts training. ironically, despite lackluster professional outcomes for alumni of professional arts training programs, there is no shortage of students applying to professional arts training programs. dempster supports this notion when he writes: why worry about reforming our professional training programs for musicians, dancers, and artists? after all, professional arts education is booming in the united states. we have hundreds of thousands of students registered and more applying each year at ever-higher tuition rates. new programs at every level are multiplying daily, and specialized fine and performing arts high schools are proliferating. in fact, i’m regularly stunned to hear about the creation of new doctoral programs in the arts when there are hundreds of disappointed applicants for every vacant college job. enrollments in college arts curricula by some measures are growing faster than enrollments in the stem (science, technology, engineering, and math) fields. perhaps most intriguing of all, many of the most white barriers to arts entrepreneurship education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 37 selective private universities are rushing into the arts in a big way, upping the bidding contest for the country’s top students. (dempster, 2011, p. 121) current technology is making the world smaller. understanding and being able to adjust to the challenges and opportunities of globalization is playing an ever-increasing role in students’ decisions to stay as competitive as possible (whether or not that employment is arts or artsrelated). earning a college degree is often a necessity for students, but if earning that degree does not open the professed or perceived professional door, the degree may appear to the student and public as a waste of time, money, and resources. consider the high stakes implications reported from both the national center for educational statistics, and lindemann, tepper and gaskill: the average total cost of attendance in 2010–11 for first-time, full-time students living on campus and paying in-state tuition was $20,100 at public 4-year institutions and $39,800 at private nonprofit 4-year institutions. (indicator 40) (nces, 2012, p. 98) levels of debt over $60,000 significantly decrease the odds of one ever working as a professional artist, but this is not the case for any other level of debt. amounts under $60,000 may not necessarily impede individuals from becoming professional artists – although it may stop them from remaining professional artists. (lindemann, et al., 2012, p. 24) it appears that one of the worst outcomes for all stakeholders of professional arts training programs occurs when a newly graduated arts student abandons the field due to financial necessity. this outcome does not help increase the worth, merit or value of professional arts degrees but rather, devalues and demoralizes the arts student and is detrimental to the field of arts education, the nations’ creative and performing arts industries, and of course, the national economy. beckman supports this notion when he states: we lose this nation’s arts and intellectual arts capital when talented and competent students relinquish their dreams of arts employment. this occurs—in part—because of a recalcitrant arts training infrastructure that has yet to acknowledge the human consequences of an idealized view of art. for every trained artist who cannot afford their child’s day care, we are not exposed to their unique view of the world. for every violinist, violist, and cellist who cannot make a car payment and is forced to seek employment outside music, we cannot experience the transcendence of beethoven’s last string quartets. for every playwright who cannot find an affordable venue to premiere his or her latest work, a reflection of our humanity is lost among the piles of private art. as enlightened educators, we have a responsibility, in my opinion, to find new relevance in our students’ talent and exuberance about their role in society. (beckman, 2011, p. 30) not all arts degrees lead students to artistic careers, however, students who desire selfemployment in the artistic workforce must be better prepared to create and sustain arts and artsrelated ventures in addition to recognizing opportunities across arts disciplines. to facilitate this, white barriers to arts entrepreneurship education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 38 arts training program administrators should consider arts entrepreneurship as an approach for teaching their students the contextual business/career/technology education they need to succeed as professional artists. lastly, both arts education faculty and administrators must develop valid and reliable methods and tools to assess student learning and achievement in a persuasive manner to meet growing demands for program accountability. list of references artspire. (2011). the profitable artist: a handbook for all artists in the performing, literary, and visual arts. kindle. ny: allworth press; new york foundation for the arts. beckman, g. d. (2011). "disciplining arts entrepreneurship education: a call to action." in beckman, g. d. disciplining the arts: teaching entrepreneurship in context. kindle. lanham: rowman & littlefield education. buckley, b., & conomos, j. (2009). rethinking the contemporary art school. halifax: the press of nova scotia college of art and design, n.d. carnevale, a. p., cheah, b., strohl, j. (2012). hard times: college majors, unemployment and earnings. publication. georgetown university. washington: georgetown university. carnevale, a. p., strohl, j., melton, m. (2011). what's it worth?: the economic value of college majors. pdf. georgetown university. washington: center on education and the workforce. 2013(february 13). retreived from <http://cew.georgetown.edu/whatsitworth/>. cherbo, j. m., stewart, r. a., wyszomirski, m. j. (2008). understanding the arts and creative sector in the united states. rutgers, kindle. college music society  committee on music entrepreneurship education. (2012). suggested outcomes for arts entrepreneurship education. 2013(feburary 13). retrieved from <http://ae2n.net/page6/styled-5/page26.html>. dempster, d. (2011). "some inmodest proposals (and hunches) for conservatory education." in beckman, gary d. disciplining the arts: teaching entrepreneurship in context. ed. gary d. beckman. kindle. lanham: rowan & littlefield education, 134. groys, b. (2009). "education by infection." in madoff, s. h. art school: propositions for the 21st century. kindle. cambridge: mit. journal of aesthetic education. (1987). "discipline-based art education: becoming students of art." journal of aesthetic education, 21(2), 135. lindemann, d. j., et al. (2012). painting with broader strokes: reassessing the value of an arts education. special report no.1. indiana university, vanderbuilt university. bloomington: strategic national arts alumni project. nasad. (2012). "national association of schools of art and design." nasad. pdf document. 2013(feburary 13). retrieved from <http://nasad.arts-accredit.org>. nasd. (2012). "national association of schools of dance." national association of schools of dance. 2013(feburary 13). retreieved from <http://nasd.arts-accredit.org>. nasm. (2012). "national association of schools of music." national association of schools of music. 2013(february 13). retreived from <http://nasm.arts-accredit.org>. nast. (2012). "national association of schools of theatre." national association of schools of theatre. document. 2013(february 13). retrieved from <http://nast.arts-accredit.org>. white barriers to arts entrepreneurship education ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 2 (3) 39 nces. (2012). the condition of education. national center for educational statistics. 2013(february 13). retrieved from <http://nces.ed.gov/pubsearch/pubsinfo.asp?pubid=2012045>. nitko, a. j., brookhart, s. m. (2011). educational assessment of students. boston: pearson. pujol, e. (2009). "on the ground: practical observations for regenerating art education." in madoff, s. h. art school: propositions for the 21st century. ed. madoff, s. h. cambridge: mit. snaap. (2012). a diverse palette: what arts graduates say about their education and careers. annual report. indiana university. bloomington: center for postsecondary research. throsby, d. (2010). the economics of cultural policy. kindle. new york: cambridge university press. woodson, c. g. (2010). the mis-education of the negro. kindle. us: seven treasures publications. microsoft word frameworks for layout-final_edits2.doc artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts     volume  1,  issue  2   http://artivate.org     pp.  65-­‐77   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   copyright  ©  2013,  the  author               a note to readers: the following article by co-editor linda essig was peer reviewed by the artivate editorial board and edited by gary d. beckman. frameworks for educating the artist of the future: teaching habits of mind for arts entrepreneurship linda essig, arizona state university abstract this essay looks at pedagogies that can be deployed to teach the habits of mind that support arts entrepreneurship through the lenses of frameworks developed by gardner, duening, and costa & kallick for conceptualizing ways of thinking. it draws a network of connections between these frameworks for ways of thinking on which are mapped various pedagogies for teaching arts entrepreneurs as employed in educational programs and as described in recent literature. after first briefly summarizing each of these frameworks, i graphically describe the ways these various frameworks may overlap and then offer examples of pedagogies that support the development of entrepreneurial habits of mind for artists and others. introduction in five minds for the future, howard gardner (2008) writes, “i believe that current formal education still prepares students primarily for the world of the past, rather than for the possible worlds of the future” (p. 17). his premise is meant to extend across all disciplines, but nowhere is it more evident than in the contrast between the conservatory arts pedagogy of the past and the emergent pedagogy of arts entrepreneurship education. in the traditional, studiobased model of arts education, the disciplinary talents of students are developed in the studio of a master teacher (hong, essig, & bridgstock, 2011). gardner however, advocates for teaching “ways of thinking,” of developing adults with “synthesizing and creative capacities” (p. 17). gardner’s poetic turn of phrase “the possible worlds of the future,” reflects an underlying concept of entrepreneurship: seeing the potential for something to exist in the future that does not exist in the present or, as it is commonly known in the entrepreneurship literature, “opportunity recognition.” this ability to imagine future possibilities, what i have come to term “the future imaginary,” can be nurtured in the classroom to, quoting gardner (2008) again, “prepare youngsters so that they can survive and thrive in a world different from one ever known or even imagined before” (p. 17). in other words, ways of teaching can lead to ways of thinking. gardner provides a framework for developing curricula and pedagogy across all disciplines. classical literature on entrepreneurship (e.g. kirzner, 1973; schumpeter, 1950; essig     frameworks  for  educating  the  artist  of  the  future   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)           66   drucker, 1985) provides a framework that is more specific, but not limited in a way that would exclude the arts. in fact, the four fundamental entrepreneurial actions elucidated in that literature: opportunity recognition/discovery; creation (the novel); innovation; and equilibration (of an imbalanced market) are actions as applicable to the arts disciplines and trans-disciplines as to any.1 as peter frank (2008) writes “entrepreneurship and entrepreneurial behavior are embodied in ‘what’ is accomplished and not ‘where’ or within a specific context. . . . the entrepreneurial act is universal within the private, nonprofit, or public sector” (p. 194). tom duening (2010) links gardner’s five minds specifically to entrepreneurship education. he traces the development of thinking about entrepreneurship from trait theories, through behaviorism, to more recent cognitive theories. he points out that gardner’s “five minds” are developed from meta-categories of cognitive sub-skills that can be used to develop “curricular goals, objectives, and methods” (p. 2) . duening looks at cognitive theories specific to entrepreneurship to develop his “five minds for the entrepreneurial future” and begins to suggest ways to build curricula around objectives derived from those five minds. his suggestions, as elucidated following, do not go far enough toward building specific cognitive skills, at least as potentially applicable toward arts entrepreneurship. costa & kallick’s (2008) work on k-12 education provides a way of linking the behavioral and cognitive theories through their taxonomy of “habits of mind,” or “thoughtful, intelligent action” (p. xxii) in useful ways. this essay looks at pedagogies that can be deployed to teach the habits of mind that support arts entrepreneurship through the lenses of these various frameworks for conceptualizing ways of thinking. i begin to draw a network of connections between these frameworks for ways of thinking on which are mapped various pedagogies for teaching arts entrepreneurs as employed in educational programs and as described in recent literature. after first briefly summarizing each of these frameworks, i graphically describe the way these various frameworks may overlap and then offer examples of pedagogies that support the development of entrepreneurial habits of mind for artists and others. the multiple frameworks gardner’s five minds gardner (2008) collects ways of thinking into what duening (2010) calls “synthesized metacategories” (p. 3) that gardner views as a policy recommendation. briefly described, these five                                                                                                                 1 one could argue, per schumpeter (1961/1911), that equilibration is not an action in itself, but rather a result of the creative destruction that occurs after opportunity recognition, creativity, and innovation. i include it here as part of the entrepreneurial process. essig     frameworks  for  educating  the  artist  of  the  future   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)           67   are: • the discipline mind: gardner views the disciplined mind as master not of the skills of a specific discipline (i.e. subject matter) but rather “a distinctive way of thinking about the world” (p. 30) like a _________[fill in the blank]. • the synthesizing mind: defined as “the ability to knot together information from many different places into a coherent whole” (p. 46). • the creating mind: the creating mind is one (or a group of ones) that, “perennially dissatisfied” (p. 83) with the current state, “is willing to pick herself up and “try and try again” . . . to forge creative achievements” (p. 83). creative achievements, it is worth noting are innovative within a specific domain and subsequently have an influence on that domain (see p. 81). • the respectful mind: the respectful mind is not just tolerant, but is sympathetic with and values members of other groups or cohorts. • the ethical mind: “the ethical mind looks at oneself in relationship to society” (p. 144). it produces work that gardner calls “good;” work that is excellent, responsible, and engaging. figure 1. gardner’s five minds for the future. essig     frameworks  for  educating  the  artist  of  the  future   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)           68   duening’s five minds and habits of mind like gardner, duening (2010) delineates five “minds” in an attempt to organize thinking about learning objectives in an entrepreneurship curriculum. while all five are important to developing an entrepreneurial perspective, that is a disciplinarily entrepreneurial mind, only three are cognitive: the opportunity recognizing mind, the designing mind, and the risk-managing mind; one is a characteristic (the resilient mind); and the last is action-oriented: the effectuating mind. thus, duening’s approach differs significantly from gardner’s. that does not, however, mean that these five “minds” are not a useful framework for developing teachable “habits” of mind, which link the cognitive with the behavioral. duening defines each of his five minds thus: • the opportunity recognizing mind: as a form of pattern recognition after baron (2006)2 • the designing mind: “the ability to design a ‘solution’ to a customer’s problem” (p. 11) • the risk managing mind: characterized by the ability to evaluate and subsequently minimize risk • the resilient mind: “ability to absorb defeat and/or bad news without losing one’s focus on goals and objectives” (p. 13). the effectuating mind: an “orientation toward goal definition and goal achievement” (p. 14). effectuation can also be thought of as a means-end relationship in which the goal develops from the means as opposed to the causation model in which the means are chosen to produce a specific end (sarasvathy, 2001), thus effectuation brings us back full circle to recognizing the opportunities that the means provide.                                                                                                                 2 baron suggests that entrepreneurs have a unique capacity to use cognitive frameworks to recognize patterns of connection between, for example, demographic changes, technology, and other factors. essig     frameworks  for  educating  the  artist  of  the  future   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)           69   figure 2. gardner’s five minds with duening’s five minds for an entrepreneurial future. duening’s five minds for an entrepreneurial future are more akin to the “habits of mind” defined by costa & kallick (2008) than to gardner’s cognitive meta-categories as they can be viewed as mindful behaviors or, as noted earlier “thoughtful, intelligent, action” (p. xii). because entrepreneurship can be viewed as a universal form of human action (koppll & minitti, 2008), the action orientation of the habits of mind taxonomy provides another framework for the development of action-oriented entrepreneurship pedagogy. briefly listed here, costa & kallick’s (2008) sixteen habits of mind can be mapped onto gardner’s five cognitive minds and duening’s entrepreneurial minds: • persisting • managing impulsivity • listening with understanding and empathy • thinking flexibly • thinking about thinking (metacognition) • striving for accuracy • questioning and posing problems essig     frameworks  for  educating  the  artist  of  the  future   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)           70   • applying past knowledge to new situations • thinking and communicating with clarity and precision • gathering data through all senses • creating, imagining, innovating. • responding with wonderment and awe • taking responsible risks • finding humor • thinking interdependently • remaining open to continuous learning figure 3. costa & kallick’s habits of mind mapped on to gardner’s five minds for the future and duening’s five minds for an entrepreneurial future. (these are situated so that minds and habits that work together are graphically adjacent.) how, then, do we consider all of these multiple “minds” or “habits of mind” in relation to entrepreneurial behavior, and specifically in the arts and culture sector, and subsequently, how can we “teach” them? figure 4 illustrates how the gardner, duening, and costa & kallick’s taxonomies might essig     frameworks  for  educating  the  artist  of  the  future   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)           71   relate to one another and subsequently to the entrepreneurial framework of opportunity recognition, creation, innovation, and equilibration or market entry as synthesized from the classic works of schumpeter (1961/1911) and kirzner (1973). the delineation between the habits of mind and the entrepreneurial categories is not hard and fast, but provide a tool for seeing the ways in which the trans-disciplinary habits of mind can relate to the disciplinary actions of entrepreneurship. figure 4. the habits of mind taxonomy as related to four phases of the entrepreneurial process. pedagogy having laid out these multiple frameworks as a foundation, the attention of this essay now turns to pedagogic methods for teaching artists the entrepreneurial habits of mind that will support their success as artists. three pedagogic techniques are discussed and subsequently connected to the multiple frameworks delineated earlier: mentorship, collaborative team projects, and experiential learning through incubated venture creation. mentorship mentorship is a key component for training gardner’s “disciplined mind.” it can essig     frameworks  for  educating  the  artist  of  the  future   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)           72   encompass “modeling ways of thinking,” and “the provision of timely useful feedback on earlier efforts” (p. 31). it can be likened to coaching or to the teaching of fishing. the mentor, often in an experiential context, shows a student how to cast the line and then offers feedback on the student’s strategy, technique, and results. thus, the student fisherman eats not just for one night, but has food for a lifetime. the mentor models techniques for self-reflection as well, so that the student can evaluate his or her own results when they work independently upon program completion. smith (2005) points to the goal orientation of mentorship. drawing on the ancient relationship between mentor and telemachus, smith notes, “mentoring is intentional” (p. 63). not only does a good mentoring relationship have goals, goal-setting itself is often one of the learning outcomes of the mentor/protégé relationship. the goal-setting process becomes one of the means toward the larger goal of a successful career in the arts. thus, the effectuating mind, the mind that looks at (or finds) the available means and develops ends there from can be developed by the mentor/protégée dyad. mentorship has long been a pedagogic technique for disciplinary training in the arts in which the master teacher guides the student artist in his or her own studio. kuuskoski (2011) relates such disciplinary training to what he calls “entrepreneurial mentorship,” writing that mentorship “helps students develop both a diverse set of skills [i.e. the discipline of their artistic practice] and alertness toward identifying opportunities for impactful arts projects “ (p. 107). not only the artistic discipline, but the entrepreneurial discipline of opportunity recognition can be developed in the mentor/protégé relationship. the more seasoned mentor may perceive opportunities more readily and using the classical socratic technique of questioning, guide the protégé toward recognition as well. this concept of alertness to opportunity is understood by kirzner (1982) to be the propensity to imagine or formulate a vision for the future. only when one is alert, can the reality if the future be brought into alignment with that which is envisioned. thus, mentorship can be seen as a pedagogy for the habits of mind in the upper third of figure 5. these are the habits related to disciplinary thinking, but also effectuation and synthesis. moving outward to the costa & kallick’s habits of mind, mentorship supports thinking and communicating clearly and with precision, striving for accuracy, questioning and posing problems (which in a good mentoring relationship can be a bi-directional activity), applying past knowledge, and others. simonton’s (1984) social psychological study of artistic creativity finds a positive correlation between artistic eminence and the quantity of mentors, or “masters,” as he calls them in his study. preliminary data from an arts venture incubator (n=27) likewise suggests that regular, directed, and active mentoring can be correlated with venture success. essig     frameworks  for  educating  the  artist  of  the  future   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)           73   figure 5. three signature pedagogies mapped onto the habits of mind taxonomy. collaborative team projects learning to work collaboratively is not only practical, but is also supportive of entrepreneurial behavior, especially in the areas of creativity and innovation. some research indicates that groups produce more novel ideas than individuals working separately. groups provide a fertile ground for the emergence of novel ideas (meisek & haefliger, 2011). to be successful in developing novel ideas, groups should be heterogenous rather than homogenous. a tendency to focus on commonalities rather than differences inhibits the development of new ideas (paulus & nijstad, 2006) and can lead to what organizational behaviorists call “groupthink.” from george orwell’s 1984, groupthink is the inhibition of creativity by seemingly automatic consent to the majority view. if groupthink can be avoided, rich novel ideas can emerge. as nemeth and kwan (1984) have shown, exposure to minority judgment in groups produces more original associations. if creativity is understood as the generation of novel ideas, then ideation skills are at the foundation of creativity. these can be practiced in group brainstorming exercises. ward (2004) looks at three forms of creative cognitive processes that support entrepreneurship: conceptual essig     frameworks  for  educating  the  artist  of  the  future   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)           74   combination, developing analogies, and problem formulation. brainstorming groups in an arts entrepreneurship classroom can exercise these techniques. groups may be asked to combine lists of preexisting concepts or products in new ways or think of new ones, find analogies between new or existing concepts, or define problems that require creative solutions. a recent brainstorming exercise among four groups of four students in my own classroom yielded a total of 75 ideas for arts-based projects that used some form of cognitive combining in concept description. examples included laundromat/bar, conga line/cancer, professors/break dancing. from the list of 75, students could then begin to assess which ideas met actual needs or wants or addressed real problems. the brainstorming exercise is timebound and operates under the following ground rules, adapted from gryskiewicz & taylor (2007): • suspend judgment (all ideas are equally valid) • encourage freewheeling (no idea is too wild) • quantity (come with as many ideas as possible; weeding comes later) • cross-fertilize (ideas feed off of other ideas) • avoid killer phrases or words (e.g. “no,” “really?” “i don’t think so”) a brainstorming exercise such as this addresses not only gardner’s “creating mind,” but also the “synthesizing mind” and “the respectful mind.” respectful, nonjudgmental discourse is a prerequisite to effective brainstorming. paulus & nijstad (2003) assert that creativity in groups is most effective when group members share their diverse perspectives. group work is, perhaps, one of only a few ways to develop the respectful mind for which gardner advocates. to take the exercise further, into the realm of more practical entrepreneurship, and the development of duening’s “designing mind” and “risk-managing mind,” students can be asked to begin to design the organizational structure around the cognitive concepts and then assess the feasibility of the concept itself. to do this effectively, students need to dissect the impulses behind the initial brainstorming (“meta-cognition” and “managing impulsivity” in costa & kallick’s parlance) and then create/imagine/innovate the ways in which the cognitive combinations identified in brainstorming can be brought to fruition. while students willingly participate in brainstorming activities in the classroom, informal polling indicates that they prefer not to work on team projects outside of the classroom, for the most part due to the problem of free-riding and the logistical challenge of scheduling six or eight students. further observations of the impact of digital tools such as group discussion boards can be made to assess if these teaching tools are an effective substitute for in-person brainstorming. experiential learning for the purposes of this essay, experiential learning for the arts entrepreneurship educator essig     frameworks  for  educating  the  artist  of  the  future   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)           75   means providing opportunities for students to learn through the experience of launching and/or managing an arts-based venture. within this context, students might be asked to develop an idea and put it before an audience or, to use more business-oriented language, put it out in the marketplace. or, they may be asked to be entrepreneurial in their approach to managing a venture such as a student-run gallery, theatre company, or arts education program. in doing so, one can help the student develop gardner’s “ethical mind,” the mind that understands the artist entrepreneur as a citizen of a community with “rights, obligations, and responsibilities” (p. 129). the respectful mind developed through collaborative project work is now exercised in the bright light of day, in the public. cantor (1995) notes that experiential learning programs can bring students together with their communities and further that such linkages can lead to positive economic development outcomes. gardner’s ethical mind seems most related to duening’s entrepreneurial minds of resiliency and effectuation because these involve the relationship of the student to their larger community. to develop the resilient mind, duening recommends a series of classroom interactions in which students share their experience of failure or interact with entrepreneurs who have failed. these exercises may teach students about resiliency, but they do not necessarily teach students to be resilient. resiliency is a necessary prerequisite to several of costa & kallick habits of mind, including persisting, finding humor, and responding with wonderment and awe. educators can help students develop resilience by providing them with real opportunities to fail. failure is an excellent teacher. to cite just one example from an experiential learning curriculum, the student literary manager of a student-managed theatre company failed to secure the performance rights to a script. the production was officially cancelled, but the students, resilient and persistent, as well as passionately committed to the work, invited friends and instructors to a dress rehearsal. in doing so, they learned not only an operational lesson, but a behavioral one as well. they persevered and although unable to reap as much reward (both monetary and artistic) as they had hoped, through resilient and persistent action presented their work to an invited audience. modeled after small business venture incubators, a university arts venture incubator provides an experiential learning opportunity in which students can launch – or attempt to launch -an arts-based venture. in a university setting, the primary objective of the incubator may be primarily educational, in contrast to commercial small business incubators that measure their success via employment, launch percentage, or other economic development metrics.3 return on                                                                                                                 3 a study of the evaluation metrics of university-based arts incubators is nearing completion at the time of this writing. essig     frameworks  for  educating  the  artist  of  the  future   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)           76   investment, whether in financial or cultural capital, is secondary to the program’s educational objectives. the incubator provides seed money and mentorship and connects student arts entrepreneurs to business services. students must secure matching funds to the incubator investment. this is perhaps the most direct means by which the incubator teaches persistence. the student must persist at securing support or they will “fail,” where failure is defined by the withdrawal of seed funding. a former student who launched an online music business through such an incubator program comments on what he learned through the eventual failure of his business, “sometimes you have to go through those mistakes and learn how to make hard decisions even though, emotionally, you want to keep the business alive. i was able to tap into so many opportunities because i started this company,” (in partridge, 2011). conclusions and further thoughts gardner’s cognitive approach to teaching future citizen leaders and costa & kallick’s behavioral one can be viewed as a multi-dimensional scaffold for the development of arts entrepreneurship pedagogy. interactive pedagogies, in which students experience entrepreneurial behaviors and their results can be effective in developing the alert, visionary, resilient arts leaders of tomorrow. yet, rigorous research is needed to determine the efficacy and impact of such pedagogies on entrepreneurial behaviors. references baron, r.a. (2006). opportunity recognition as pattern recognition: how entrepreneurs “connect the dots” to identify new business opportunities. academy of management perspectives, february, 2006 104-119. cantor, j.a. (1995). experiential learning in higher education: linking classroom and community. ashe-eric higher education reports 24(7), 1-102. duening, t. (2010). five minds for the entrepreneurial future. the journal of entrepreneurship, 19(1), 1-22. essig, l. (2009). suffusing entrepreneurship education throughout the theatre curriculum. theatre topics, 19(2), 117-124. frank, p.m. (2008). a model of nonprofit and socially motivated entrepreneurial behavior. in g. shockley, p. frank & r.stough (eds.) non-market entrepreneurship: interdisciplinary approaches (pp. 192-205). cheltenham, uk: edward elgar. gardner, h. (2008). five minds for the future. boston, ma: harvard business press. gryskiewicz, s. s. & taylor, s. (2007). making creativity practical: innovation that gets results. greensboro, nc: center for creative leadership. essig     frameworks  for  educating  the  artist  of  the  future   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   artivate  1  (2)           77   hong, c., essig, l., & bridgstock, r. (2011). the enterprising artist and the arts entrepreneur: emergent pedagogies for new disciplinary habits of mind. in n. chick, a. haynie & r. gurung (eds.), exploring more signature pedagogies (). sterling, va: stylus publishing. kirzner, i.m. (1973), competition and entrepreneurship. chicago, il: university of chicago press. kirzner, i.m. (1982). uncertainty, discovery, and human action: a study of the entrepreneurial profile in the misesian system. in i. krizner (ed.) method, process, and austrian economics (pp. 139-160). lexington, ma: lexington books. nemeth, c., & kwan, j. (1985). originality of word associations as a function of majority vs. minority influence processes. social psychology quarterly, 48, 277– 282. partridge, a.r. (2011). the business of art. alumni magazine, 15(1), 46-47. paulus, p.b. & nijstad, b.a. (2003). group creativity: innovation through collaboration. cary, nc: oxford university press. sarasvathy, s.a. (2001). causation and effectutation: toward a theoretical shift from economic inevitability to entrepreneurial contingency. academy of management review, 26(2), 243-263. schumpeter, j.a. (1961/1911). capitalism, socialism, and democracy, 3e. new york: harper & brothers. simonton, d.k. (1984). artistic creativity and interpersonal relationships across and within generations. journal of personality and social psychology 46(6), 1273-1286. smith, michael v. 2005. modern mentoring: ancient lessons for today. music educators journal 91(11), 62-67. acknowledgements the main ideas of this essay were developed for and presented at the annual conference of the international society for the scholarship of teaching and learning (issotl), milwaukee wi, 2011. a subsequent revision was presented at the higher education creativity conference in chengdu, china, 2012. boyd branch illustrated the figures from a sketch by the author. many thanks to dr. tamara underiner for providing useful feedback on the final version of the paper and to gary beckman for his editorial acumen. microsoft word nytch layout for pdf.docx artivate:  a  journal  of  entrepreneurship  in  the  arts     volume  1,  issue  1   http://artivate.org     pp.  25-­‐34   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________   copyright  ©  2012,  the  authors             the case of the pittsburgh new music ensemble: an illustration of entrepreneurial theory in an artistic setting jeffrey nytchuniversity of colorado boulder abstract this article presents a case study of the pittsburgh new music ensemble (“pnme”), an arts organization transformed by reinventing its artistic product based on new methods of audience engagement. the pnme approach illustrates a number of theoretical concepts in action, and provides an example of how artists and artistic organizations may apply entrepreneurial principles to the development of their artistic products. broader implications for the theories illustrated by the case are noted. introduction the past five years have been difficult ones for arts organizations. a 2008 study by the national endowment for the arts shows audience participation in “benchmark” arts events (which include plays, musicals, classical music or jazz concerts, ballet and opera) dropped to 34.6 percent, a five percent drop from 2002 and the lowest level since surveys began in 1982 (nea report, 2009, pp. 1-3). though the report identifies a number of factors contributing to this decline, it does not attempt to identify efforts to stem the broad declines it describes. while there are no formal studies of methods employed by organizations to reverse this downward trend, my observations of struggling arts organizations nationwide suggest that efforts tend to be either based on long-accepted (but not empirically proven) conventional wisdom (e.g., “symphony audiences don’t like contemporary music”) or are random efforts that may be creative and even, in the short term, effective, but which are not driven by a deeper understanding of the issues operating or the best ways to engage with those issues. the result of this situation is that artists and arts organizations on the whole continue to struggle, and the successes that do occur are random and rarely replicable. this paper suggests that an entrepreneurial approach to these problems offers a vehicle through which arts presenters can re-frame the challenge of audience (re-)building as one of connecting a product of value to the needs of a market, and in so doing, gain new insights into potential ways to reverse the downward trajectory of attendance and financial support that so many organizations face. a case study of the pittsburgh new music ensemble (pnme) provides an opportunity to explore this approach, and illustrates three theories in action: hedonic consumption, effectuation, and inchoate demand. each of these areas will be briefly reviewed, with the pnme case serving as an example of these theories in practice. by studying actual arts organizations that have successfully reinvigorated their audience we can also gain new insights into the application of entrepreneurship theory in artistic settings. the organization examined in this paper is just such an example, with implications for individual artist entrepreneurs and artistic organizations alike. theories relevant to entrepreneurship illustrated by the pnme case in addition to its value to artists and presenters, the pnme case may be read as an illustration of three theoretical areas concerning consumption, entrepreneurial decision-making, and market demand. these are summarized following. hedonic consumption building on the seminal work of levy, who noted that “people buy products not only for what they can do, but also for what they mean” (levy, 1959, p. 118), hirschman and holbrook developed the hedonic consumption model in a series of papers published in the 1980s. defined as “those facets of consumer behavior that relate to the multi-sensory, fantasy and emotive aspects of one’s experience with products” (1982, p. 92), the hedonic consumption model articulated a critical divergence in consumer behavior between consumption of products that are more about aesthetic experience (a perfume, for example) than traditional consumer goods with specific utility (a toaster, table, or electric saw). in the traditional models for consumption, the consumer determines the value of a product by its utility alone, nytch     pittsburgh  new  music  ensemble   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________         _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________     artivate  1  (1)     26   whereas hedonic consumption recognizes that the emotive and sensory aspects of a product can be equally powerful components in determining value to the consumer. subsequent work synthesized by charters (2006), further parses the consumption of aesthetic products, distinguishing products that are primarily about delivering pleasure (purchasing a bungee jumping excursion, for example, or hirschman and holbrook’s original example of perfume) from those that encompass a broader range of cognitive and emotional activities within a complex aesthetic experience (such as attending a beethoven symphony or a shakespeare play). the hedonic consumption model has been foundational in the development of a theory of arts entrepreneurship: the model explicitly states that the value consumers find in artistic experiences is fundamentally different from that of traditional utilitarian products due to the stimulation of the consumer’s senses and/or emotions. further, hirschman and holbrook identify another aspect to their model that is of particular relevance to the pnme case, namely the fact that consumption of aesthetic products “generates and requires substantial mental activity on the part of the consumer” (1982, p. 96). identifying this dynamic was central in the re-designing of pnme’s artistic product, as will be seen in the case following. effectual entrepreneurship the work of saras sarasvathy (e.g. 2001) identifies a critical gap in the traditional understanding of markets and products, which operate on the assumption that the central elements required for deciding, for example, price, already exist. an example of such an assumption would be the standard classroom exercise in which price is determined by studying the relationship between cost and revenue, or by exploring the nature of the demand curve for the product in question. sarasvathy (2001) poses a critical question that is more often than not the plight faced by many entrepreneurs: how does one determine demand for a product – and thus make a reasonable projection of revenue – when no market currently exists for it? can one accurately determine marginal cost when no such product has been made before? pondering these and other questions led sarasvathy to develop the model of effectual entrepreneurship that asserts that entrepreneurship is a process borne out of creatively leveraging existing resources to connect with (or create) a new market rather than devising a process to deliver a pre-conceived product to an existing market. she further posits that the effectual model may be a more accurate reflection of the process most would-be entrepreneurs, who have little or no access to outside investors, actually undertake (2001, 2008). as defined by sarasvathy, effectual entrepreneurship is a process for making decisions; in contrast to choosing “between means to create a particular effect” (the traditional approach), an effectual entrepreneur “chooses between many possible effects using a particular set of [existing] means” (2001, p. 245). the result is an open-ended process in which the initial impulse for a product (launching a fast food indian restaurant, in sarasvathy’s example) might lead to an entirely different business (a cooking school that teaches indian cuisine). one particular way in which effectuation arises is from contingent problem solving, for which the first step is identifying a specific unmet need. the entrepreneur then evaluates the resources at hand and sets out to meet that need with whatever resources are available. this aspect of effectuation is particularly relevant to the pnme case, as explored following. inchoate demand though the concept of ill-formed demand is not new (as summarized in york, sarasvathy, and larson, 2010), a general definition and theory of how such demand operates in the marketplace was first articulated by geroski (2003). geroski identifies a fundamental difference between “articulated demand,” which is focused on an existing product and the specific (articulated) desire for that product expressed by consumers, versus “inchoate” demand, which can only be a “general demand” for things that do not yet exist, and therefore lacks specific characteristics (geroski, p. 28). nytch     pittsburgh  new  music  ensemble   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________         _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________     artivate  1  (1)     27   the concept is further refined in the work of york, sarasvathy, and larson (2010), in which “latent demand” (unmet but identifiable needs articulated by consumers) is contrasted with “inchoate demand,” which is “unformed…[and] non-existent in an articulated form” (p. 143). while geroski maintains that inchoate demand is critical in the creation of new products and markets, york et al. show how these early entrants into new markets are not random occurrences: “they are driven by a set of beliefs about the nature of inchoate demand in their industry.” further, “there is no conscious choice to discover and exploit an opportunity […]; rather, the new firms are creating opportunity by shaping inchoate demand into tangible articulations” (p. 145). because of its focus on the creation of art absent a specific articulated demand, blaug’s assertion that the arts are an example of supplier-induced demand (2001, p. 127) is relevant to the discussion of inchoate demand as well. blaug, however, does not consider the creation of art forms driven by the consumer experience of the art, and york et al. apply the inchoate demand model solely to social entrepreneurship. the pnme case offers an illustration of how inchoate demand may operate in an arts setting and adds an additional layer to blaug’s use of supplier-induced demand by its focus on the consumer experience as the driving force in the development of the artistic product. the case of pitsburgh new music ensemble the pittsburgh new music ensemble, founded in 1976, is one of the nation’s first professional ensembles exclusively devoted to the performance of contemporary chamber music.1 for its first twentyfive years pnme was like most other new music ensembles: founder-driven, operating on small budgets that could fluctuate widely from year to year, and with a modest audience made up of professional associates, friends of the artists, and a small core of aficionados. as the organization aged and its founder’s energy flagged, the creative energy of the participants dissipated, audiences shrank, and performance quality sagged. when the founder retired in 2001, the situation was sufficiently dire that the board of directors recognized that nothing short of a radical rebuilding of the group would save it from oblivion. after a difficult transition, new artistic and executive directors were hired with a mandate to transform the organization both artistically and, if necessary, structurally. with the help of a major grant from a local foundation, the group undertook a year-long planning process to contemplate what needed to be done. they began by reflecting on their own significant experience as music presenters generally and of contemporary music in particular, listened to feedback from frequent attendees, and engaged in informal discussions with peer groups across the country. these conversations revealed that the challenges pnme was facing – small audiences and inconsistent quality of performances – were not unique. the result of this evaluative stage was the realization that a completely new artistic product was necessary if the organization were to break out of the pure “survival mode” in which most groups of its kind were stuck. such a new artistic product would, in turn, likely require an organizational restructuring to execute. the directors then engaged in a creative dialogue to determine what, precisely, this new artistic product might look like. at the core of the resulting transformation was a change of focus away from the traditional orientation of arts presenting organizations (particularly, but not exclusively, “classical” music groups), which might be expressed, “this is what we have to offer; won’t you come and see it?” this is the entrepreneurial equivalent of inventing a new widget without consideration of the marketplace and then hoping one can convince the public to buy it; when such an approach is undertaken in a commercial venue, the new widget is not likely to be a success. yet this is the approach that the traditional fine arts have taken with their products for the better share of the last 150 years, justifying their stance by arguing that appreciating offerings of so-called “high culture” is part and parcel of membership in a civilized society.2 to put it bluntly and in market terms: “you should want to buy this. [now eat your peas!]” when applied to an art form that is likely to have a smaller audience to begin with – such as contemporary chamber music – this attitude guarantees what is the accepted norm for such groups: tiny audiences, shoestring financial survival, and an existence on the periphery of the larger cultural landscape. nytch     pittsburgh  new  music  ensemble   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________         _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________     artivate  1  (1)     28   the new directors of pnme took a different approach, however. they started with their own observations regarding the experience of the audience at contemporary music concerts, pondering what characteristics a new music concert needed to have in order to be more compelling both to existing patrons and to a broader range of people. by taking a critical look at the traditional concert paradigm and informed by numerous conversations with peer organizations and audience members, they concluded that a typical classical concert (and particularly a contemporary chamber music concert, with its frequent stage changes and a programming structure that tended to string together large numbers of shorter, unrelated works) created too many points at which the audience could (and likely would) disengage from the experience. once disengaged, it is always difficult to regain focus. the result was a concert that only the most die-hard new music fans would endure; even then patrons would often lament the breaks between works and the disconnected nature of the concert itself. this was contrasted with the experience of a film, in which most patrons will continue to watch even if they do not think the film is particularly good: the continuous, integrated nature of the medium itself makes disengagement much more difficult. this observation regarding how audiences interact with live art inspired a new format for pnme concerts, one in which programs were intentionally restructured to create thematic unity and theatrical continuity similar to that of a film. set changes were carefully choreographed to eliminate the disruption between pieces, and non-musical elements such as video, projected images and spoken word maintained continuity over the arc of the program (which often flowed without intermission or even pauses between works). finally, theatrical elements such as lighting, costuming, and movement framed the program as a dramatic experience, one in which the continuous engagement of the audience was of paramount importance. the use of additional visual and theatrical elements is always with a specific intent: they must either serve the dramatic thread of the program or aid in maintaining a seamless flow (as in a video or spoken word piece that draws the audience’s focus away from a set change happening elsewhere on stage). pnme artistic director kevin noe has dubbed this model the “theatre of music.” these artistic changes in turn mandated organizational changes. in order to attract the most qualified artists capable of assuming a variety of roles beyond that of a traditional classical musician, pnme had to draw on artists from across the u.s. and internationally. since conducting a traditional fallspring season in this way would be prohibitively expensive, the season was converted to a summer festival format, presenting five weeks of concerts during late june and july. given the intensity of the rehearsal schedule – and the need to schedule additional rehearsals for the many theatrical elements involved – artists were signed to contracts in which pnme was their sole commitment for the duration of the season. this in turn resulted in a different contract structure, a different rental arrangement with the venue (and indeed, a different venue), and a radically different cash flow in which the vast majority of expenditures happened during a very narrow span of the calendar, requiring that nearly all of the year’s fundraising needed to happen before the beginning of the season. it is important to stress that the theatre of music has never amounted to a “dumbing down” of the artistic product for the sake of hopefully reaching new audiences, an unfortunate mistake many classical music organizations make. my observations of classical music groups across the country reveal that the first mistake made when trying to attract new audiences is to assume audience members are incapable of interacting with the music on a sophisticated level. this condescension is in fact one major reason why “dumbing down” tends to have the opposite of its intended effect. in contrast, a central tenet of the theatre of music paradigm is that, as stated by hirschman and holbrook, audiences seeking an aesthetic experience actually welcome the “substantial mental activity” required of such experiences (1982), and therefore demanding audience engagement with the art is not something to be shied away from but rather embraced. the trick is to create the necessary setting in which an audience can experience a meaningful mental and emotional connection to the art even when the repertoire is challenging and unfamiliar. the various elements of the theatre of music, coupled with extreme care and intentionality in the choosing of repertoire to create continuity and a dramatic thread, allows pnme to program challenging contemporary repertoire chosen purely on its own merits. nytch     pittsburgh  new  music  ensemble   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________         _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________     artivate  1  (1)     29   an excellent example of how a theatre of music concert is structured is the quartet for the end of time concert, first premiered in 2009 and being revived for the 2012 season. the show opens with a single spotlight on three clay flowerpots, downstage center. the percussionist enters, sits cross-legged in front of the flowerpots, and performs frederic rzewski’s mystical piece, to the earth. the staging for messiaen’s quartet for the end of time is pre-set upstage of the percussionist in total darkness with the exception of the three candle pedestals that have been lit as the percussionist enters. during the last section of the rzewski, the performers for the messiaen quietly enter and take their places, so that as soon as the rzewski concludes and the spotlight fades, the lights come up on the messiaen set and the players begin the quartet. to stage the conclusion of the piece – nearly an hour later – director noe was faced with critical questions: “how does one follow such a monumental and arresting work? and how will the group transition to the rest of the program? we could just end with the messiaen, but the reason for programming it was to place it in context and provide commentary on its impact. how do we handle that critical moment immediately following its conclusion, however?” recognizing that the success of the entire show hinged on this crucial point, noe spent literally months pondering its solution. eventually, he found the answer: john cage’s iconic 4’ 33”, in which the time indicated is broken up into three movements of silence. what better way to follow the powerful mysticism of the messiaen than to simply give the audience four and a half minutes of silence to contemplate what they have just heard? furthermore, the structure of the cage piece allowed the players of the messiaen to exit, in sequence, and extinguish the three candles as they did. as the pianist – the designated performer for the cage – finished the piece and extinguishes the final candle, the thunderous drum beats of george crumb’s idyll for the misbegotten resound through the hall, accompanied by a blaze of lights illuminating portions of the stage that have hitherto been dark; the transition to the final piece of the program is complete. the resulting program is 70 minutes long without any breaks or applause, and creates a mystical journey of the utmost power and impact. the use of lighting is critical; no other theatrical devices were required in this case. the addition of other visual and theatrical elements are simply tools employed to transform the overall aesthetic experience of the audience; the ultimate goal is to maintain engagement so that patrons can effectively connect with the expressive impact of the music. this approach to concert design is in direct contrast to artists or arts organizations that consciously choose their material based on what they believe will appeal to the broadest possible audience by asking the least of them (i.e., modifying the core artistic content to cater to the lowest common denominator in perceived audience tastes). therefore, what distinguishes the pnme model is not a compromise of traditional artistic standards (quality of repertoire and/or performance), but rather an innovative approach to how the art is framed and integrated into a dramatic/theatrical experience. the entire concert becomes a work of art in itself – a work designed with the utmost attention to detail and polish at every level and structured with the audience’s experience of that work always foremost in mind. in addition to being of interest to artists and presenters, the pnme case is an important entrepreneurial study as well. the premiere performance of the “new pnme” enjoyed attendance that was a company record at that time. in the eight years since the theatre of music was unveiled, season attendance has grown more than 600 percent, a trend driven primarily by word-of-mouth and leveraging social networks as opposed to traditional marketing methods. in addition, the company has released two commercial recordings and received numerous accolades from critics, including special recognition at the international fringe festival in edinburgh, scotland. pnme’s transformation was an extraordinary entrepreneurial success – success driven by artistic innovation designed to connect their audience with their art. theories at play in the pnme case although the new directors of pnme were not being consciously “entrepreneurial” as they set out to rebuild their group, their approach illustrated entrepreneurial thinking in a number of important ways. in the general sense, turning the mindset from one of “present it and they will/should come” to a customer-oriented approach of “how we can create a better experience for our audience” is nytch     pittsburgh  new  music  ensemble   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________         _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________     artivate  1  (1)     30   entrepreneurial thinking at its core. in addition, the pnme case provides an excellent study in how several specific theories relevant to entrepreneurship can operate within an arts setting. hedonic consumption pnme’s consideration of how to create an aesthetically engaging product for its audience relates directly to the hedonic consumption model, but with an interesting twist. while the continuum between different categories of products (hedonic/aesthetic on one end of the scale and purely utilitarian on the other) is a critical observation, the focus of this model is still primarily as an instrument of marketing: the aim is to understand consumer behavior as it relates to existing products (holbrook, 1982; holbrook and hirschman, 1982; lacher, 1989; lacher and mizerski, 1994). additionally, studies of aesthetic products (and the philosophical study of aesthetics in general) are based on the product first, and either studying how consumers react to it (hedonic consumption model) and/or the nature of the object itself that commands our attention (the philosophy of aesthetics) (charters, 2006). in neither case is the consumer the beginning point of the process by which an aesthetic product is created. the pnme case is an example of inverting the traditional focus of the hedonic consumption model, an inversion with direct implications for artists as the vast majority of artists and arts organizations proceed on the assumption that their product exists for the purpose of artistic expression, not the satisfaction of customer needs (hirschman, 1983). this inversion also broadens our understanding of how the hedonic consumption model can operate in an arts setting. the enormously positive response that pnme has enjoyed also underscores a specific aspect of the model, which maintains that “substantial mental activity” can represent value to the aesthetic consumer: the very nature of the continuously integrated and dramatic style of the pnme concert results in an intense experience for the audience, which is encouraged to remain engaged with unfamiliar and challenging material for an extended period of time. the enormous increase in numbers of the pnme audience over the past decade – growth that has largely attracted patrons who are not aficionados of contemporary music – along with audience feedback gathered by directors, performers, and surveys alike, indicates that challenging the audience is not only not a deterrent to growth, but is actually one of its driving forces. this stands in sharp contrast to the traditional sort of survey-based programming, because those survey responses inevitably result in programming what the audience already knows. in the case of pnme, the audience is not likely to be familiar with any of the works programmed; consequently, the goal is to create a concert that will stimulate the most potent hedonic response possible, rather than what is simply the most familiar, or “easy.” effectual entrepreneurship the mindset shaping the theatre of music paradigm is reminiscent of the effectuation model articulated by sarasvathy (2008), which asserts that entrepreneurship is a process borne out of creatively leveraging existing resources to connect with (or create) a new market rather than devising a process to deliver a pre-conceived product to an existing market (the traditional approach of artists). when implementing the new theatre of music, the directors began with the company’s core resources. on the artistic side, this included their expertise and excellence in the realm of contemporary chamber music. on the operational side, they worked within their modest cash resources and their established presence in the community (embodied in patrons, audience members, and local institutional supporters). a local grant provided short-term support for a very small amount of equipment purchases and operational support, but the vast majority of the re-launch of the new pnme was accomplished through leveraging existing resources to their maximum extent. in short, the new pnme was by and large an act of artistic entrepreneurship.3 this suggests that effectuation may be a more productive method of generating entrepreneurial opportunities in the arts by encouraging artists and presenters to see the artistic product as a resource to be effectively leveraged to accomplish the ultimate goal of connecting with unmet need in the marketplace. this is fundamentally different than the usual treatment of the artistic product as the end in itself, and to see it as an isolated thing that exists in a state fundamentally disconnected from the needs of the audience it seeks to attract. nytch     pittsburgh  new  music  ensemble   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________         _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________     artivate  1  (1)     31   inchoate demand the pnme case clearly illustrates a fulfillment of inchoate demand. the architects of the theatre of music knew from their own experience, as well as, anecdotally, the experience of both existing audience members and potential audience members, that the typical contemporary chamber music concert was not, on the whole, a satisfying experience. they also inferred, from their professional experience as artists, that there was an unfulfilled desire on the part of their audience for a different kind of artistic experience of concert music generally. they also believed that if a more compelling vehicle for presenting contemporary chamber music could be developed, a broader audience could be harnessed as well. just as york et al. (2010) note that identifying inchoate demand tends to result in products/ventures that are familiar to the observer, pnme’s directors used their own knowledge and experience in the field of contemporary music to guide the redefining of its artistic product in such a way as to satisfy the desire of their audiences for a more compelling and engaging experience – a desire that was previously “unformed…[and] non-existent in an articulated form” (p. 143). it is important to note that the entrepreneurial impulse was not a new venture; rather, the entrepreneurial impulse was the art itself, a new artistic product (and a new organizational identity) designed to better connect with its market/audience. implications the broader application of the pnme case is where its real power resides; it is more than an example of entrepreneurial success in an arts setting or an illustration of important entrepreneurial theories in action. the way in which pnme went about reinventing itself, and the theories exercised in that process, has broader implications for artists, arts organizations, and scholars of arts entrepreneurship theory. implications for artists as mentioned above, artists have traditionally taken the attitude that the self-expression of their artistic impulse was the defining force of their work and that audiences are, at best, incidental, and at worst, irrelevant. the pnme model illustrates that artistic excellence and authenticity need not be sacrificed in order to reach a wider audience. in fact, not only are authenticity and audience connection not mutually exclusive, it is the authenticity itself – when expressed with an understanding of audience sensibilities – that is crucial to establishing and maintaining that connection. this is a completely new concept to most classically trained artists, particularly musicians. it must also be distinguished from the long-held practice of creating artistic content designed at the outset for broad popular acceptance.4 the pnme does not chose content based on what they believe will be most easily accepted by their audience, but rather structures programs with an understanding of audience behavior and sensibilities, creating a structure that is designed to maintain their interest and engagement with the art. this understanding was informed by their own experience as artists, the experiences of colleagues and peer groups, and by keen and careful observation of their own audiences. that said, the theatre of music need not be a source of direct, literal imitation for artists. rather, it should be viewed as what can result when an understanding of how the sensibilities of one’s audience (both existing and potential) can be the central driver of creative reinvention of the concert experience. this is a powerful concept for artists and presenters to apply to the challenge of shrinking audiences and dwindling financial support. such a reorientation of the artist’s perspective deserves further case examples of how individual artists and arts organizations implement such an approach (both in terms of their own creative process and their business success). study of what i will term “applied creativity” may in turn result in new conceptual frameworks and practical tools for working artists across a range of disciplines. nytch     pittsburgh  new  music  ensemble   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________         _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________     artivate  1  (1)     32   implications for arts administrators and presenting organizations through discussions with colleagues and carefully following the travails of arts organizations nationwide, i have noted that organizations faced with declining attendance and tightened budgets tend to react first with external changes (a new marketing campaign, community outreach) followed by internal administrative changes (replacing or reorganization staff, recruiting a new crop of wealthy board members). these changes are sometimes successful in the short term, and can be valuable and even necessary components to an organization’s survival. the downside to such an approach is that it rarely changes the underlying issues driving the problem: audiences and their communities are valuing the artistic product less, and, as in any market, the less a product is valued the less viable it will be in the marketplace. an approach in which consumer needs becomes the impetus for transforming both the product and the method of delivering it is likely to have a greater chance of viability and sustainability. bringing an understanding of the audience’s relationship to the artistic product to the beginning of the problem-solving process, instead of leaving it on the sidelines, is a critical concept for artists and administrators to embrace. an additional benefit to this approach is that it provides artists and administrators, often at odds with each other over the best way to revitalize their organization in economically sustainable ways, to find common ground from which to create mutually agreeable solutions to the complex problems facing their institutions. there are a handful of symphony orchestras that are beginning to take just such an approach in the face of deepening financial crises and declining audiences. the colorado symphony, for example, has recently negotiated a new contract with its musicians that will allow players not required for a given subscription concert to engage in community outreach and educational programs across the broad geographical range of the front range urban corridor. the result will be a greater community engagement in both new and existing markets, at little additional cost to the organization. another example is the brooklyn philharmonic, which is restructuring its artistic product to better reflect the history and culture of brooklyn (as distinct from its larger and more influential neighbor, manhattan) by engaging local artists in neighborhood-based initiatives designed to create grass-roots connections with the organization. the orchestra is also modifying its business model through new cooperative marketing relationships with their corporate sponsors. given a few more years for these initiatives to take root, these groups will provide excellent opportunities for case studies that could help define new paradigms for the symphony orchestra’s relationship with its community, and how that relationship can help create a financially sustainable institution. such case studies in turn may provide useful models for other types of arts presenting organizations. conclusions during recent years of stress within the arts economy, artists and arts organizations in need of renewed vitality often look at their artistic product last; they will look first to issues of new funding, marketing initiatives, or other cosmetic and/or administrative issues. often the art itself is simply taken for granted, or, ironically, is considered only as an afterthought and not as central to the question of organizational mission and identity. if artistic content is considered at all, it is usually in the context of altering it to accommodate the perceived tastes of a more popular audience, rather than examining the way in which the content they wish to perform is presented and framed, and how those frames influence the relationship between their audience and the art being offered. the result of this disconnect between the artistic product and its audience is that change initiatives are either short-lived or fail entirely, artistic integrity is often compromised, and the underlying issues of audience need go unaddressed. the pnme case demonstrates how creating a new artistic product grounded in an understanding of how the consumer will receive it can be a powerful transformative force resulting in a rebirth of an organization, critical acclaim, and explosive audience growth while maintaining the highest artistic standards: in short, an entrepreneurial success. the case also demonstrates the distinction between altering the artistic content in hopes of appealing to more individuals (the so-called “dumbing down” approach) versus using an understanding of the audience’s inchoate need to create a more effective nytch     pittsburgh  new  music  ensemble   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________         _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________     artivate  1  (1)     33   aesthetic experience of the art one wishes to present. the design of the theatre of music was driven by an understanding of such inchoate demand, not an attempt to cater to the perceived tastes of a particular audience, and is therefore an example of a new type of artistic innovation with intriguing implications for a broad spectrum of the performing arts. while the pnme study is a powerful one for artists and arts administrators to contemplate, it also raises fascinating questions for scholars of entrepreneurship theory to contemplate. for instance, what new sorts of products (artistic or otherwise) might emerge if the aesthetic essence of a product is not an incidental characteristic, but is the product itself? might such products expand beyond purely artistic ones into the realm of objects of utility (the ultimate platonic union of form and function)? can the hedonic consumption model be applied beyond the realm of marketing, serving as a focusing mechanism for developing an aesthetic component in a wide range of products and services? how might further exploration of the concept of inchoate demand highlight the roles that creativity and aesthetic sensibility can play in the innovative development of new products/ventures of all kinds? these questions are offered as springboards for continued research into the relationships between artistic creation, aesthetic consumption, and entrepreneurial activity. with accumulation of a new category of artistic case studies, entrepreneurs can gain new insights into the nature of innovation by understanding the initial creative act through a new lens. these illustrations may in turn further illuminate theories of hedonic consumption, effectual entrepreneurship and inchoate demand, and help practicing entrepreneurs – artists and non-artists alike – unlock new avenues for creativity and innovation in their entrepreneurial endeavors. _____________________________________________________________________________________ references blaug, m. (2001). where are we now on cultural economics? journal of economic surveys, 15 (2), 123143. charters, s. (2006). aesthetic products and aesthetic consumption: a review. consumption, markets and culture, 9 (3), 235-255. geroski, p. (2003). the evolution of new markets. oxford, uk: oxford university press. hirschman, e. (1983). aesthetic ideologies and the limits of the marketing concept. journal of marketing 47, (summer), 45-55. hirschman, e., and holbrook, m. (1982). hedonic consumption: emerging concepts, methods and propositions. journal of marketing 46 (summer), 92-101. holbrook, m. (1982). mapping the retail market for esthetic products: the case of jazz records. journal of retailing 5 (1), 114-131. holbrook, m., and hirschman, e. (1982). the experiential aspects of consumption: consumer fantasies, feelings, and fun. journal of consumer research 9 (september), 132-140. lacher, k.t. (1989). hedonic consumption: music as product. advances in consumer research 16, 367373. nytch     pittsburgh  new  music  ensemble   _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________         _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________     artivate  1  (1)     34   lacher, k.t., and mizerski, r. (1994). an exploratory study of the responses and relationships involved in the evaluation of, and in the intention to purchase new rock music. journal of consumer research, 21 (september), 366-380. levy, sidney j. (1959). symbols for sale. harvard business review, 37 (july-august), 117-119. national endowment for the arts (2009). survey of public participation in the arts. washington, dc: national endowment for the arts. sarasvathy, s. (2001). causation and effectuation: toward a theoretical shift from economic inevitability to entrepreneurial contingency. the academy of management review, 26 (2), 243-263. sarasvathy, s. (2008). effectuation: elements of entrepreneurial expertise. new horizons in entrepreneurship. northampton, ma: edward elgar. york, j., sarasvathy, s., and larson, a. (2010). the thread of inchoate demand in social entrepreneurship. in hockerts, k. (ed.), values and opportunities in social entrepreneurship (pp. 141-162). new york, ny: palgrave acknowledgements: portions of this paper were delivered at the 2012 annual meeting of the u.s. association of small business and entrepreneurship. the author is grateful for the insightful conversations and generous guidance provided by gary beckman (director of entrepreneurial studies in the arts at north carolina state university), jeffrey york (deming entrepreneurship center, leeds school of business at the university of colorado-boulder), the current editors of this journal, and the current leadership of pittsburgh new music ensemble for their feedback on the articulation of the theatre of music model. __________________________________ 1 i was executive director of pnme from 2003 (the second season of the “new pnme”) through 2007. 2 by “traditional fine arts organizations,” i refer to mainstream groups that specialize in canonic repertoire such as the symphony, ballet, opera, chamber music presenters, and mainstream theatre, along with the contemporary repertoire equivalents such as contemporary chamber music groups, modern dance companies, and contemporary/experimental theatre. 3 while there is no consensus definition of the term “artistic entrepreneurship,” in this context i am referring to the use of entrepreneurial strategies within the creative process itself. 4 this is also in contrast with the time-honored tradition of an individual commissioning a specific work from an artist: while the artist is responding to the need of a particular customer (and may or not end up creating a work that pleases the customer and fulfills her/his expectations), this is distinct from developing a new way to connect artistic work with an audience en masse. microsoft word lso live final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 6, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 33-45 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2017, the author lso live: an entrepreneurial venture travis newton le moyne college abstract this case study, grounded in entrepreneurship theory, explores lso live, the sixteenyear-old record label wholly owned and operated by the london symphony orchestra (lso). the examination includes a history of the forward-looking lso, including: the player-owned model of the orchestra; the ensemble’s long tradition of film soundtrack recording; the launch of their in-house label, lso live; the organization’s current plans for a new “centre for music”; the lso’s efforts to engage audiences through digital audio and video content; and challenges facing the orchestra as they “push forward” into new territory while also capitalizing on their 102 year history. the lso’s experiences in launching, maintaining, and furthering the label illuminate the importance of traditional “legacy” arts organizations’ efforts to speak to a new audience and produce electronic media. keywords: lso live, record label, entrepreneurship, entrepreneurial orchestra introduction: britons in new york “as much as we are an orchestra, we’re a media producer as well,” says becky lees, head of lso live, the in-house record label of the london symphony orchestra (b. lees, personal communication). during a recent trip to new york city for their annual residency at lincoln center, lees was intent as ever to continue the lso’s “push forward” into new digital territory. while surely ms. lees found the time to enjoy the lso’s two performances at the newly renamed david geffen hall, chief among her duties while in the u.s. were meetings with the orchard, once a new york city startup (recently acquired by sony music entertainment) that specializes in music distribution (brown, 2015). according to ms. lees, lso live’s partnership with the orchard, which aggregates content on 120 platforms, is critical as the label makes the most of the popular (and necessary) streaming market. however, this aggressive move into streaming (among other channels), while reflective of the lso’s long history of innovative thinking, is also a gamble for lso live, now in its sixteenth year of existence. as sales of complete albums decline and streaming becomes increasingly popular, the challenge of monetizing their recordings is increasingly difficult for lees and the entrepreneurial label. management of the label is of major importance to the lso (lees reports directly to managing director kathryn mcdowell), and it is clear that their board of directors and funders value the lso’s forays into the digital realm. however, the reality of an evolving marketplace remains a challenge for an organization working to balance their storied history with their need to quickly move forward (b. lees, personal communication, october 27, 2016). applicable theory this case study is best viewed through the lens of multiple established theories related to innovation, entrepreneurship, intrapreneurship, creativity, and the application of these theories in an arts environment. in addition to the established framework outlined below, concepts explored in extant literature will be woven throughout the case as they are applicable to lso live’s story. in his seminal work, innovation and entrepreneurship, peter drucker (1985) explored innovation and entrepreneurship within organizations. defined as the means by which newton lso live _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 34 entrepreneurs exploit change as an opportunity, drucker viewed (and defined) innovation as a tool for entrepreneurs, and defined the entrepreneur as one who “always searches for change, responds to it, and exploits it as an opportunity” (1985, p. 28). at the center of this case is the founding of lso live, which occurred during the tenure of managing director clive gillinson, often referred to as an entrepreneur (jepson, 2007). indeed, lso live does seem to fit into the drucker framework of an entrepreneurial venture. drucker outlines policies and practices in four major areas of entrepreneurial management, the first of which involves an organization’s receptivity to innovation and willingness to perceive change as an opportunity rather than a threat. as highlighted in the case, the lso has demonstrated a history of innovative practices that are woven into the organization’s culture, creating what drucker dubs the “entrepreneurial climate” (1985, p. 150). the concept of intrapreneurship has emerged in the past two decades and began with a focus on the entrepreneurial individual working within an existing organization or corporation. the areas of focus of this relatively new concept have since expanded to also include exploration of new ventures as well as the characteristics of entrepreneurial organizations. the work of antoncic and hisrich suggests that the broadest definition of intrapreneurship is entrepreneurship within an existing organization (antoncic & hisrich, 2003, p. 9). they go on to observe, “intrapreneurship can be viewed as a curious, constantly searching activity at the frontier, not at the core” (p. 10) and also to identify various dimensions of intrapreneurship, some of which apply to this case and will be explored throughout. in order to explore entrepreneurial and innovative practices within arts organizations, the work of ruth rentschler is foundational. in the entrepreneurial arts leader, rentschler begins her exploration of entrepreneurship by citing, among other things, peter drucker’s definition of creativity as “the ability to manage the application of knowledge” (as cited in rentschler, 2002, p. 3). rentschler effectively argues that this view of creativity meets arts organizations on their “home ground” as repositories of knowledge. she then outlines twelve elements of entrepreneurship, which include various roles and responsibilities (both internal and external) of entrepreneurs in arts organizations (p. 56). while this pioneering and theoretically-grounded framework is certainly useful in analyzing the various individuals working for the lso and lso live, rentschler’s work also explores creativity as encompassing organizational change and development (p. 124), which relates to the case on a higher level as described following. london symphony orchestra a history of innovation tasked with leading the lso’s media production unit lso live, becky lees is at the helm of an entrepreneurial venture within an organization now entering its twelfth decade of existence (london symphony orchestra history, 2016). founded on june 9, 1904, the lso has been owned and governed by the players of the orchestra since its inception (morrison, 2004a). perhaps best known for the musicians’ laser-like accuracy during the opening seconds of star wars, the lso has been on the forefront of new media throughout their entire history. the orchestra’s first recording project took place in 1913, nine years after the founding of the lso, at hmv’s hayes studios (stewart, 2004). since that time, the lso has earned the title of “the world’s most recorded orchestra,” and the latest version of their discography is 1,073 pages in length (stuart, 2016). newton lso live _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 35 the orchestra’s recording activities have included contracts with columbia, emi, and decca, among others; performing on dozens of film soundtracks (perhaps most notably for the first six star wars films); and forays into television, most notably under the baton of andré previn during the bbc’s popular program, andré previn’s music night. the lso also infiltrated popular culture via their “classic rock” recordings, the results of which were artistically derided but financially beneficial (morrison, 2004a). in some instances, the orchestra has reacted to opportunities presented to them; in others, the lso has proactively pursued potential projects. the latter approach is evidenced in the process by which the lso became the orchestra booked for the original star wars film in 1977. the chairman of the lso, anthony camden, had asked andré previn (principal conductor at the time) to phone his favorite film composer, john williams. williams took the call and informed the lso that he was, indeed, working on a new project, but that it wouldn’t interest the lso because it was all “up in the universe.” camden suggested that the lso would like to record the score, but williams indicated that the recordings (including eighteen sessions) needed to start within a month. camden moved quickly, and within a day, he had scheduled the sessions (some of which started late at night following evening concerts). the project ignited a long-term relationship between the lso and williams that continues to the present day (morrison, 2004a, p. 179). proactiveness is one of the eight dimensions of intrapreneurship outlined in the work of antoncic and hisrich, defined as “pioneering and initiative taking that is reflected in the orientations and activities of top management” (2003, p. 18). this particular dimension of firm level entrepreneurship is evident throughout the lso’s history, including the founding of lso live. the management of the lso has often come from within its ranks, with seven out of the twelve lead administrators having performed as a member of the ensemble. one such leader was clive gillinson (former cellist with the lso), who served as managing director from 1984 until 2005, when he became executive and artistic director of carnegie hall in new york city. described by the wall street journal as “entrepreneurial and astute,” gillinson did, in fact, help to move the lso from staggering deficits into positive territory, and also held the chief administrative role when lso live was founded in 2000 (jepson, 2007, p. b.15). in fact, the new label was so closely associated with gillinson that the players of the orchestra nicknamed it “lso clive” (morrison, 2004b). gillinson’s performance as managing director serves as an exemplar of managerial creativity, as explored in the work of ruth rentschler. at the foundation of her framework for the twelve elements of entrepreneurship in arts organizations are the four roles typically assumed by the arts leader, including: entrepreneur, managerialist, impresario, and custodian. gillinson falls most clearly into the entrepreneur category, defined by rentschler as one who “mobilises creative ideas and the necessary funding to establish new programs, changes of direction, calculated risk-taking ventures that are high-quality, of intellectual importance and broad-ranging interest” (2002, pg. 56). the lso today today’s london symphony orchestra is an ensemble striving to be an ambassador of london through live concerts in london proper and across the globe (including regular residencies in china, france, japan and the united states), via their presence on multiple media platforms, and by dedicating substantial resources (£1.3 million annually) to community engagement. newton lso live _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 36 never an ensemble to rest on its laurels, the lso, now led by managing director kathryn mcdowell and newly-appointed music director simon rattle, is in the process of advocating and planning for a new “centre for music” for the orchestra. with a cost estimate of £278 million, the project (in partnership with the barbican centre and the guildhall school of music & drama) has undergone a feasibility study and has moved into the stage of seeking bids from architects and pursuing funding (malvern & morrison, 2015). the barbican centre, current home to the lso and owned by the city of london, has long been criticized for its dry acoustics and unflattering architecture (morrison, 2004a). though renovations in 2001 improved the acoustics dramatically, simon rattle has called the barbican’s acoustics merely “serviceable” (malvern & morrison, 2015, p. 7). the new venue is slated to open in 2023 and is said to include a number of technological advances, including touchscreens at each seat to enable patron interaction; projection screens to display close-ups of performers and visual enhancements; and of course the most up-to-date acoustic design (malvern & morrison, 2015). the proposed venue has ignited arguments on both sides of the issue. those in favor see an opportunity to allow the lso to compete with other topnotch orchestras around the world – a difficult task given the orchestra’s current practice of often rehearsing in one venue (st. luke’s) and performing in another (the barbican). on the other hand, critics question the need for a “swanky centre,” citing high operating costs, lack of openness to the community, and the potential to largely saturate government funding that could be helpful to many other, smaller, arts organizations (kenyon & hewett, 2015, p. 31). chief among the positive implications of moving into a new lso-controlled performance venue is the orchestra’s ability to rehearse more consistently in their main concert venue. currently, many of the lso’s rehearsals are held at st. luke’s, a space that the lso purchased in 2001 and spent £18 million to renovate into a multi-purpose space. st. luke’s has been very useful for the lso, but is not acoustically suitable for capturing lso live recordings. with the new venue, the record label will have the opportunity to capture multiple rehearsals, gathering additional “takes” for potential use in their recordings. from a purely artistic perspective, rehearsing and performing consistently in the same venue will also aid the orchestra in continuing to refine their identity and cohesion as an ensemble, something that incoming music director simon rattle is keen to emphasize. the plans for the new center also call for built-in audio and video recording equipment. currently, the lso brings in equipment for each recording session, which constitutes a significant cost for the organization. the new venue will enable consistent and strategic microphone and camera placement, and conversations are also underway to potentially include a recording studio within the facility to enable the orchestra to engage in studio recordings on-site (b. lees, personal communication, october 27, 2016). however, plans for the new venue have recently encountered a major roadblock due to a shift in personnel at the highest levels of british government. former chancellor of the exchequer george osborne, who left office in july 2016, had promised £5.5 million to fund the development of a business case for the venue, and his successors in the cabinet have deemed the project not affordable, stating that “london is already home to world-class culture and music venues, from the iconic royal albert hall to the barbican hall and the royal festival hall at the southbank centre” (mccann, 2016, p. 1). this recent development is a major blow to the lso’s efforts to make a case for (and fund) the new venue. newton lso live _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 37 in terms of financial performance, the lso has operated largely in the black in its recent history, partly due to the diversity of their revenue streams. in their financial statements for the 2015 fiscal year (ending on july 31, 2015), the lso reported a shortfall of £258,000, which represents 1.52% of their total expenditures of £16,977,000 for that year. lso management is predicting similar shortfalls in the coming seasons, due largely to reductions in public funding. the orchestra also carries an unrestricted reserve fund, totaling £2 million as of july 31, 2015. refer to table 1 for an accounting of the orchestra’s total revenue and expenses from 2010-2015 (london symphony orchestra limited, 2011-2015). table 1 london symphony orchestra financial data year total revenue total expense net income 2010 £15,735,000 £15,574,000 £161,000 2011 £17,682,000 £16,477,000 £1,205,000 2012 £16,506,000 £15,992,000 £514,000 2013 £16,271,000 £16,492,000 -£221,000 2014 £16,028,000 £15,980,000 £48,000 2015 £16,719,000 £16,977,000 -£258,000 source: london symphony orchestra limited, 2011-2015. the lso receives contributed income in the form of substantial annual grants from both the arts council england (£2,206,000 in 2015) and the city of london (£1,975,000 in 2015), in addition to raising funds through sponsorships, donations, and investment income. in terms of earned income, the orchestra’s major revenue-generating activities are their concerts at the barbican, for-hire engagements (including film score recordings), sales from lso live, and revenue from lso st. luke’s and lso discovery, both components of the orchestra’s education programming (london symphony orchestra limited, 2011-2015). film and video game recordings continue to be a large part of the lso’s operations. long before “video games live” began touring the world, the lso jumped into the gaming industry by performing on the soundtrack for lara croft tomb raider: angel of darkness in 2003 (martini, 2006). the orchestra continues to record for various star wars video games, as well as many recent feature films, including the danish girl, suffragette, and cinderella, all released in 2015 (london symphony orchestra – imdb, 2016). lso live founding the establishment of lso live, the in-house record label of the london symphony orchestra, was risky. the idea to start the label, structured as a wholly owned subsidiary of lso, came at a time (the late 1990s) when record labels were cutting back on projects, and the lso decided that, rather than waiting for the phone to ring, they would strike out on their own, further evidencing the organization’s proactiveness. stemming from a desire to preserve performances conducted by sir colin davis (chief conductor from 1995-2006), a key component of the label’s success was the establishment of a profit-sharing agreement with the players of the orchestra. under the agreement, the players are not paid an “up-front” guarantee for the recording, but they newton lso live _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 38 do share in the profits from the sales, after expenses are paid (clements, 2000). this practice has come under fire, especially from executives at established record labels, who were less than thrilled with the existence of a new competitor. “you have to ask: 'are the players out of pocket?' it's not particularly fair. i don't work with orchestras that go down that route,” said matthew cosgrove, director of the warner classics label (higgins, 2005). however, this profitsharing agreement was critical to the label’s viability and also lessened the up-front costs (and therefore financial risk) associated with the label’s activities, which is in alignment with rentschler’s previously-cited definition of an entrepreneur as one who takes “calculated” risks. another motivation for founding the label was a desire to ensure that lesser-known works were afforded high-quality recordings. given the new label’s flexible cost structure, the orchestra has managed to focus not purely on sales, but also on choosing the repertoire that they felt should be recorded based largely on intrinsic aesthetic value. “sir colin davis has never recorded the elgar or vaughan williams symphonies or those of walton or bruckner,” mr. gillinson said. “the recording companies have to be careful they have several conductors and they can't record all the pieces several times over. so someone like sir colin, who has so much to say, may never be recorded” (jury, 1999). on the topic of producing recordings that are purely popular, sir colin davis stated, “if you think like that, then what you get is a kind of entropy, a mezzo-forte of nothingness” (jepson, 2005, p. d.8). these values were enacted most recently in the 20152016 season, when the lso commissioned and recorded symphony no. 10 by sir peter maxwell davies. paired on an album with panufnik’s symphony no. 10, the recording has been shortlisted for a 2016 gramophone contemporary album of the year, one of the most prestigious awards in existence for recordings of new works (“the 2016 gramophone classical music awards shortlist,” 2016). originally priced at £4.99 per cd, the lso live recordings were (and remain) a bargain compared to mainstream classical recordings. the first releases on the new label were distributed solely by the orchestra, including mailing the first album to 20,000 lso ticket buyers as a component of the initial marketing efforts (cardy, 1999). recorded in september 1999 and released in early 2000, lso live’s first album featured dvorak’s symphony no. 9, “from the new world,” conducted by sir colin davis. by 2003, the label had sold 250,000 copies of recordings and managed to place its recordings in sainsbury’s, the ubiquitous grocery store chain in the united kingdom (dalya, 2003). also in 2003, the label became profitable (sooner than expected), and began sharing profits with the players of the orchestra. today, still in its adolescence at only sixteen years old, the label has released 100 recordings since being founded in 1999 and was the first classical label to make its entire catalog available for download. indeed, as one of the first classical labels to fully embrace the itunes distribution model, the label’s prominent placement on itunes lists and pages is a result of their status as early adopters. the label continues to rely heavily on itunes for distribution with 55% of their streaming subscriptions coming from apple music. in the fall of 2016, lso live managed a “mendelssohn takeover” of itunes as they promoted the release of symphonies 1 and 4, conducted by sir john eliot gardiner (b. lees, personal communication, august 10, 2016). though lso live has managed to become very popular on spotify (currently at more than one million streams per month), the revenue generated by streaming services pales in comparison to earnings from sales of hard copies or downloads. this shift of the recording newton lso live _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 39 industry into streaming services, according to ms. lees, is to blame for lso live’s dwindling profits (see table 2). though still in positive territory, the label has gradually become less of a profit-generating outfit over the past five years. table 2 london symphony orchestra subsidiary financial data year lso live revenue lso live expense lso productions revenue lso productions expense 2010 £700,000 £427,000 £1,813,000 £711,000 2011 £696,000 £539,000 £2,785,000 £1,499,000 2012 £694,000 £460,000 £3,481,000 £2,119,000 2013 £820,000 £671,000 £3,784,000 £2,326,000 2014 £640,000 £527,000 £4,022,000 £2,175,000 2015 £720,000 £618,000 £3,648,000 £2,180,000 source: london symphony orchestra limited, 2011-2015. however, profit generation was not the sole motive behind the founding of lso live. many of the label’s albums have garnered worldwide critical acclaim, raising the profile of the ensemble across the globe. of the many awards and recognitions heaped upon the label are grammy awards (the first having been awarded in 2002), classical brit awards, gramophone awards, and others (morrison, 2004a). praised in the guardian as “the first and best of its kind in the u.k.,” lso live albums are broadly hailed as world-class (service, 2009, p. 17). beyond audio lso live is now in the process of moving beyond their audio recordings into the aesthetically demanding audio-visual realm. while there is a stated intention to continue to produce high-quality audio recordings, the label is also recognizing society’s hunger for video content. moving into video production has been a “steep learning curve for everyone,” says ms. lees. currently, the lso produces five audio-visual recordings per year. one large challenge is the inability to “patch” performances together from multiple concerts, as is done with their audio recordings. this limitation is mostly a function of the cost of filming multiple rehearsals and/or concerts, which is roughly £50,000 per event. while for their albums the lso may schedule a “patch” session to address passages that need attention following a live performance, this buffer of time and resources does not exist in their video production scheme. additionally, having cameras onstage with human operators can be very intrusive, both for the players and the audience. the lso is now experimenting with remote cameras, but there is often degradation in quality to overcome when utilizing robotic cameras. musicians are also often uncomfortable being filmed, not having received training to prepare them for work on camera. even for world-renowned cello soloist stephen isserlis, the presence of recording equipment can be unnerving. “if you make a mistake, someone listening in scotland jumps,” isserlis stated. “i was playing in moscow and saw the tv cameras around -i had no idea whether it was being broadcast live, and i didn't ask. i preferred not to know" (jays, 2011, p. 8). the lso has partnered with the guildhall school of music & drama to create an “orchestral artistry” graduate program that begins to address the need for music students to establish a level newton lso live _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 40 of comfort with performing on camera, but these efforts are in the very beginning stages (b. lees, personal communication, october 27, 2016). finally, orchestras have struggled in the past to make video broadcasts visually interesting to an audience more accustomed to special effects. though the metropolitan opera now successfully broadcasts their “live in hd” series to 70 countries across the globe, orchestras have had far less success in finding an audience for video broadcasts. for example, in 2012 the l.a. philharmonic canceled its “l.a. phil live” movie theater transmission effort, citing their inability to attract sponsors (ng, 2012). other american orchestras have successfully moved into video production, typically in conjunction with semi-staged concert versions of musical theater productions. examples include stephen sondheim and george furth’s company performed by the new york philharmonic and the “live from lincoln center” televised production of sweeney todd featuring emma thompson (fisher, 2014). however, the challenges inherent in creating video content do not seem to phase the lso’s innate entrepreneurial spirit and approach, which seems to be ingrained in the organization’s culture. the orchestra, through lso live, is currently experimenting with virtual reality (vr) technology, having already completed three projects utilizing vr. through these projects, viewers are able to toggle their view of the orchestra via controls on their screen, or, if wearing a vr headset, by simply moving their head. still a young segment in the consumer electronics world, the future potential of vr is evidenced in google’s investment in the technology as a potential new “ecosystem,” and the lso intends to be ready (rao, 2016). according to ms. lees, virtual reality cameras are very small and discrete, offering a more intimate (and interactive) experience for the viewer while simultaneously being less intrusive for musicians. though the lso’s vr projects are experimental in nature with no as-ofyet defined revenue stream, lso live has partnered with melodyvr, a start-up that promises the world’s largest library of virtual-reality music content, complete with 360-degree (ambisonic) audio (sigee, 2016). additionally, the lso is one of four artists (alongside the who, rudimental, and james bay) who will be featured in melodyvr app demonstrations at hundreds of telefónica germany’s o2 branded stores during 2016 (cunningham, 2016). engaging the community in organizing their community engagement initiatives, the lso created another subsidiary, lso productions. lso productions is the wholly owned subsidiary that houses lso discovery (the 26-year-old education and outreach arm of the orchestra) as well as the operations of st. luke’s. part of the strength of lso live is their strong partnership with lso discovery. though both are technically subsidiaries of the lso, the two organizations are an integral component of the orchestra’s operations. for example, when lso live wanted to conduct market research on their new vr projects, they set up kiosks at family concerts to gauge the level of interest amongst kids and families (b. lees, personal communication, october 27, 2016). through lso discovery, the orchestra reaches 60,000 people per year through performances in the barbican, st. luke’s, and various locations in the community (including hospitals). in addition to these domestic activities, musicians of the orchestra also engage with japanese students during the orchestra’s regular visits to japan. lso discovery and lso live overlap in many ways, not the least of which is their creation of digital content on behalf of the orchestra. one such example is the orchestra’s annual bmw-sponsored free “open air classics” concert newton lso live _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 41 outdoors in trafalgar square (2016 marked the fifth year of this concert). lso live captured the event utilizing vr cameras, and samples are available for viewing on the orchestra’s youtube channel. the home of lso discovery is the previously mentioned st. luke’s, an early 18thcentury church that received a £18 million makeover in 2001, courtesy of the lso and spearheaded by the ever forward-looking clive gillinson. utilized today for rehearsals, chamber orchestra performances, community engagement initiatives, and as a venue for hire, st. luke’s has become an incredibly valuable asset for the lso – partly due to the venue’s revenue-earning potential. since 2010, net income for lso productions, the subsidiary within which st. luke’s is housed, has more than doubled, largely due to st. luke’s rental activity (see table 2). with features including geothermal heating, acoustic isolation to block street noise, and seating that disappears with the push of a button, st. luke’s seems to be filling a need in the community for a high quality event space, beyond its utilization by the lso (morreau, 2003). pushing forward as the lso and their now sixteen-year-old record label continue to “push forward,” a number of challenges face them. though lso live was on the cutting edge at the time of its founding in 2000, other top-notch ensembles have also moved into the digital realm – often with the lso’s help. indeed, lso live has made a practice of consulting with other ensembles, including the royal concertgebouw orchestra amsterdam (rco). the rco currently broadcasts digital content via a live “webradio” channel and high definition video, has a presence on spotify, and also sells albums, dvds and blu-rays under the “rco” label (“watch & listen,” 2016). ms. lees concedes that the rco is now, indeed, a competitor for lso live. in the united kingdom, comparable orchestras have also established a digital footprint. in 2005, the london philharmonic orchestra (lpo) established their own in-house label, following in the footsteps of the lso’s successes with lso live. the lpo also has a steady presence on spotify and other digital platforms, including itunes (“about the lpo label,” 2016). the philharmonia orchestra (also based in london) similarly boasts a well-developed digital presence (“digital,” 2016). though clive gillinson, the former managing director of the lso, stated that the lso was the only orchestra in the u.k. that could be considered “world-class,” not all critics agree. andrew clements, music critic at the guardian, said, “i think the philharmonia is as good as the lso. and they do much more interesting programmes, and work with more interesting conductors” (higgins, 2005). multiple arts organizations in the united kingdom, including the philharmonia orchestra, are also introducing virtual reality (vr) content. the national theatre, english national ballet, and royal opera are a few examples of british arts organizations that are investing in the technology, which provides users an “immersive” experience and eliminates geographic boundaries. however, it remains to be seen how widespread vr headsets (necessary for fully experiencing vr content) will become – some estimates suggest that only 3% of the population will purchase vr headsets this year (armstrong, 2016). internally, challenges also remain. even within an organization as entrepreneurial and forward-looking as the lso, there are obstacles to overcome in pursuing an aggressive digital agenda. the structure of the players’ contract (i.e. paid per service rather than on a regular salary) leads to less flexibility for additional recording sessions. the cost and ease of audio newton lso live _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 42 recording has certainly become more manageable, but the challenges of creating meaningful video content persist. consumers are less interested in albums than they are in “compilations” and “moments,” and this shift has ms. lees and her team considering lso live’s next move. for christmas 2016, the label will release a single in collaboration with the choir of kings college cambridge exclusively on apple music – the first such release in the label’s history. this type of bite-sized content release may be an indicator of lso live’s approach in the ensuing months and years. at its core, the existence of lso live is dependent upon the goodwill and “buy in” of the orchestra’s players (who also happen to be the firm’s owners). in 2002, clive gillinson declared that the label’s success is largely owed to the strong player-owner tradition of the lso. “the reason that most american orchestras can’t set up a similar label even now is because the players don’t identify with, or feel involved in, the management of their orchestras in the way that ours do” (morrison, 2004a, p. 246). in order for lso live to continue to thrive and innovate, the players must continue to be invested in its success. implications arts organizations, especially orchestras, around the world have much to gain from a close inspection of the lso and their entrepreneurial start-up in lso live (it should be noted here that some, including the previously-mentioned rco, have already capitalized on such knowledge). the flexibility of the profit-sharing agreement with the musicians of the orchestra is at the core of the label’s economic feasibility, and it is clear that such an agreement was possible due to the players’ investment in the lso’s success and their involvement in the orchestra’s managerial function. though it is often assumed that large institutions have more difficulty innovating than do their smaller counterparts, the lso has proven otherwise. indeed, drucker refutes the notion that “bigness” is an obstacle to entrepreneurship and innovation, stating that “it is not size that is an impediment to entrepreneurship and innovation; it is the existing operation itself, and especially the existing successful operation” (1985, p. 148). larger “legacy” organizations are often in a better position to innovate, given their ability to carve out resources in order to invest in new ventures. the metropolitan opera’s investment in their “live in hd” series is another widely documented example. although there have been challenges, the overall net effect of their investment appears to be positive (they currently broadcast in seventy countries). structurally, the lso seems to be working to unify its organizational culture by melding live performances with the digital world through its pursuit of and planning for the new “centre for music” (although those plans have recently hit a major roadblock). and, though typically brought into programming conversations after seasons have already been planned, ms. lees is becoming increasingly involved on the front end of these conversations. critics have accused the metropolitan opera of putting singers’ appearance ahead of vocal ability in casting for operas chosen for their “live in hd” broadcasts (wakin, 2009). programming specifically for the benefit of lso live content may similarly place the lso in an awkward position as the orchestra balances their core work (live performances) with their new role as a media producer. many questions regarding the future of lso live remain; chief among them: will the impact of the label on the orchestra’s overall programming continue to increase due to the audience’s thirst newton lso live _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 43 for digital content? regardless of the path forward, it is safe to assume that orchestras across the globe will be following the entrepreneurial lso’s every move. references about the lpo label. (n.d.). retrieved november 01, 2016, from https://www.lpo.org.uk/recordings/about-the-lpo-label.html. antoncic, b., & hisrich, robert d. (2003). clarifying the intrapreneurship concept. journal of small business and enterprise development, 10(1), 7. armstrong, stephen. (2016, oct 23). a real eye-opener. sunday times, p. 22. brown, g. (2003, apr 22). orchestras' own labels outshine and annoy the majors. the times, p. 19. brown, h. (2015). brad navin. billboard, 127(10), 12-13. cardy, karen. (1999, feb 11). lso launches low-price series. music week, p. 4. clements, a. (2000, dec 08). friday review: record makers: traditional record companies are lurching from crisis to crisis, but the lso has set up its own label. and it's actually making money, says andrew clements. the guardian, p. 14. cunningham, t. (2016, sep 07). gloomy prospects for stanchart spreads to all banks. the daily telegraph, p. 7. dalya, a. c. (2003, apr 29). orchestra spots a gap in the supermarket. the times, p. 9. drucker, peter. (1985). innovation and entrepreneurship. new york, ny: harperbusiness. fisher, n. (2014, sep 20). emma thompson starring in sweeney todd. the times, p. 3. higgins, charlotte. (2005, apr 09). britain's greatest orchestra, or a grand illusion? lso chief quits on sour note: critics round on boss over 'world-class' claim. the guardian, p. 3. imdb. (n.d.). london symphony orchestra retrieved october 25, 2016, from http://www.imdb.com/name/nm1499772/. jays, d. (2011, feb 27). coming live to a cinema near you. sunday times, p. 8. jepson, b. (2005, oct 25). a maestro known to boo his own audience. wall street journal, p. d.8. jepson, b. (2007, jan 30). a cultural conversation with clive gillinson: carnegie hall's leader is broadening its reach. wall street journal, p. b.15. jury, louise. (1999, dec 12). lso goes on attack in war of cheap cds. the independent, p. 6. kenyon, n., & hewett, i. (2015, dec 17). does britain really need a dazzling new concert hall? the daily telegraph, p. 31. london symphony orchestra history. (n.d.). retrieved october 07, 2016, from http://lso.co.uk/orchestra/history.html. london symphony orchestra limited. (2011). report and financial statements for the year ended 31 july 2011. retrieved october 1, 2016 from http://apps.charitycommission.gov.uk/accounts/ends91/0000232391_ac_20110731_e_c. pdf. london symphony orchestra limited. (2012). report and financial statements for the year ended 31 july 2012. retrieved october 1, 2016 from http://apps.charitycommission.gov.uk/accounts/ends91/0000232391_ac_20120731_e_ c.pdf. newton lso live _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 44 london symphony orchestra limited. (2013). report and financial statements for the year ended 31 july 2013. retrieved october 1, 2016 from http://apps.charitycommission.gov.uk/accounts/ends91/0000232391_ac_20130731_e_ c.pdf. london symphony orchestra limited. (2014). report and financial statements for the year ended 31 july 2014. retrieved october 1, 2016 from http://apps.charitycommission.gov.uk/accounts/ends91/0000232391_ac_20140731_e_ c.pdf. london symphony orchestra limited. (2015). report and financial statements for the year ended 31 july 2015. retrieved october 1, 2016 from http://apps.charitycommission.gov.uk/accounts/ends91/0000232391_ac_20150731_e_ c.pdf. malvern, j., & morrison, r. (2015, dec 17). rattle set to win his pounds 278m concert hall. the times, p. 7. martini, t. (2006, spring). let's get digital. strings, 27. mccann, k. (2016, nov 05). pm pulls the plug on osborne's concert hall. the daily telegraph, p. 1. morreau, a. (2003, apr 04). classical: rising from the ashes ; the transformation of a derelict london church into the lso's stateof-the-art music education centre is worth every penny spent, says annette morreau. the independent, p. 22. morrison, richard. (2004a). orchestra: the lso: a century of triumph and turbulence. london, england: faber and faber limited. morrison, r. (2004b, aug 10). the man who changed the face of the lso tells richard morrison why it is time to go. the times, p. 18. newmark, d. (2015). the new symphony opera or ballet integrated media agreement international musician. retrieved november 30, 2016, from http://internationalmusician.org/the-new-symphony-opera-or-ballet-integrated-mediaagreement/. ng, d. (2012, oct 09). l.a. phil kills live series; funding woes force the cancellation of broadcasts to cinemas after just two seasons. los angeles times, p. d.5. philharmonia (n.d.). digital. webpage retrieved november 01, 2016, from http://www.philharmonia.co.uk/digitalt rao, l. (2016). inside google's next ecosystem: virtual reality. fortune, 173(7), 39-42. rentschler, ruth. (2002). the entrepreneurial arts leader: cultural policy, change and reinvention. st. lucia, queensland: university of queensland press. service, t. (2009, dec 09). giant steps: ten years ago, there was chaos and inertia. now britain's opera houses are world class and its conductors have revolutionised their orchestras. tom service on how it all happened. the guardian, p. 17. sigee, r. (2016, jun 09). fine tuning. evening standard, p. 35. stewart, andrew. (2004, jan). gramophone, 81(915), 32-33. stuart, philip. (2016). lso discography. retrieved october 1, 2016 from http://lso.co.uk/images/pdf/discographylsoweb2016b.pdf. newton lso live _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 45 the 2016 gramophone classical music awards shortlist. (n.d.). retrieved october 27, 2016, from http://www.gramophone.co.uk/classical-music-news/the-2016-gramophoneclassical-music-awards-shortlist. wakin, d. j. (2009, feb 15). verdi with popcorn, and trepidation. new york times, p. ar.1. watch & listen. (n.d.). retrieved november 01, 2016, from https://www.concertgebouworkest.nl/en/watch-listen. microsoft word uncg_formatted_final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 3, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 21-37 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2014, the authors responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs: an exploratory study of arts entrepreneurship in north carolina higher education dianne h.b. welsh, tamaki onishi, ruth h. dehoog, and sumera syed university of north carolina at greensboro abstract to address the call for examination of academic and professional approaches to arts entrepreneurship, we summarize the academic arts entrepreneurship programs in the state of north carolina and conduct a pilot study with data gathered from arts entrepreneurs who attended the 5th annual southern entrepreneurship in the arts conference in greensboro, north carolina. our review of the descriptive data reveals that arts entrepreneurs face a variety of needs and challenges, which are psychological (e.g., peer support) as well as technical (e.g., start-up skills). these findings suggest that, as prior literature stresses, arts entrepreneurship education programs should entail both the “entrepreneurship mindset” aspect and the “venture creation” aspect, so we advocate a holistic approach that combines both these perspectives with other related courses. we conclude, based on our exploratory study, that collaborative and flexible approaches, such as cross-campus programs for arts entrepreneurship education in higher education, could have beneficial outcomes for art entrepreneurs. implications for future research are discussed. introduction while scholarly discussions linking arts to entrepreneurship are nothing new (e.g., adler, 2006; lounsbury & glynn, 2001), arts entrepreneurship has emerged as a distinctive field encompassing diverse disciplinary inputs in higher education. in part because of its promise to address “employability” issues of artists (pollard & wilson, 2014), the field of arts entrepreneurship has begun attracting attention from scholars and educators in a wide range of disciplines, such as performing arts, visual arts, and literacy, as well as business entrepreneurship. as a result, despite a relatively short history of this field, recent years have witnessed a “movement” (druckenbrod, 2009) toward the expansion of arts entrepreneurship education through the collective efforts of scholars, educators, and practitioners (beckman & essig, 2012). as the field is evolving, we believe it is time to reflect on beckman's (2007) question about the effectiveness of arts entrepreneurship education. effectiveness in education is conceived of as a multidimensional concept, entailing learners’ educational satisfaction and their academic, career and personal development (cameron, 1978). in other words, the effectiveness of arts entrepreneurship education is explicated by the extent to which arts entrepreneurship educational programs address and meet students’ needs in terms of their professional, as well as academic, development. the first challenge for all arts entrepreneurship educators and scholars who seek to design appropriate content and methods lies in defining the concept of arts entrepreneurship (brown, 2005; pollard & wilson, 2014). a second challenge is to consider the wide range of artists and their various needs in developing and promoting their entrepreneurial efforts (beckman & essig, 2012; cray, inglis, & freeman, 2007). a third challenge is to define the various educational approaches and models that may be appropriately designed to meet artists' expressed needs for both academic and professional development (essig, 2013). once the first three challenges are in large part met, perhaps the most difficult fourth challenge is to welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 22 measure the effectiveness over time of the education and training provided in different arts entrepreneurship educational models. welsh and tullar (2013) have provided some beginning evidence for assessing entrepreneurship across campuses in their entrepreneurial propensity scale. this paper is an effort to consider the first three challenges, and trusts others will address the fourth in future publications and build on the work of welsh and tullar (2013) in assessing cross-disciplinary entrepreneurship, particularly arts entrepreneurship. as do the fields of nonprofit management (o’neill, 2007) and social entrepreneurship (choi & majumdar, 2014), the field of arts entrepreneurship suffers from the contested nature of key concepts, processes, and goals (hong, essig, & bridgstock, 2012). the “commercial” approach of business entrepreneurship connotes a negative view toward arts education and as such is a controversial topic (bridgstock, 2012). artists and musicians fear that entrepreneurship education may result in jeopardizing their mission, creativity, and artistic quality. as dimaggio (1991), among others, argues, the tension between “arts” and “business” can be heightened in entrepreneurial processes. at the same time, artists are constantly struggling to establish their professional careers within a shifting context that seeks to respond to changes in funding, governance, and competition (cray, inglis, & freeman, 2007). for instance, in the 1980s during the reagan administration’s budget cuts in non-market programs, including the arts (hall, 2001), artists were forced to obtain sophisticated management and entrepreneurial skills for their survival (salamon, 1987). more recently, the economic downturn of the great recession resulted in large reductions to what were considered "non-essential" programs in the arts as donors and government funders not only saw reduced revenues, but also sought to alleviate the harmful effects of the recession on social programs. given this complex environment, developing appropriate educational programs for arts entrepreneurs necessitates a deep understanding of the needs and challenges artists face. to explore appropriate educational programs in arts entrepreneurship, the first issue of artivate directs us back to the core principle of this field; it reminds us that the fruit of artists’ endeavors is aesthetic. thus, “our prefix separates us from the business school and our suffix separates us from the arts school” (beckman & essig, 2012, p. 1). with this principle in mind, educators have explored multiple approaches to teaching arts entrepreneurship. one approach focuses on “new venture creation” while the other approach focuses on “habits of mind” or “entrepreneurial mindset” (beckman & essig, 2012; beckman, 2007; essig, 2013; pollard & wilson, 2014). other scholars emphasize that artists can pick up entrepreneurial mindsets anywhere and focus on skill-building that includes new venture creation, but goes beyond the basics to other important topics, such as entrepreneurial marketing, entrepreneurial finance, and law for entrepreneurs (welsh, 2014). many artists have already established their businesses when they realize they need entrepreneurial business skills beyond starting the business and creating a feasibility and business plan. this is a more comprehensive or holistic approach to arts education that provides lifelong skills for the artist (welsh, 2014). as a first step, our study answers the call by essig (2013) to examine the approaches to learning for arts entrepreneurs from an academic perspective in one state, north carolina, and from a professional development perspective by reporting the results of our survey conducted at a major conference in the same state. thus, our study, although limited, begins to examine both the academic and professional needs of artists and how they are being met. arts and entrepreneurship in north carolina north carolina is an interesting place to study the issues surrounding artists’ needs and welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 23 arts entrepreneurship education for several reasons. first, north carolina has a vibrant artistic community with a nationally competitive employment market for visual artists (including designers and photographers) and musicians (north carolina arts council, 2012). the number of jobs in the artistic and creative fields in north carolina increased by more than 8 percent between 2006 and 2011 to 137,225 total creative jobs, generating over $12 billion in wages, salaries and benefits – $2 billion more than the impact in the previous four years (north carolina arts council, 2013). second, as table 1 presents, north carolina is home to long-standing university-based, innovative arts entrepreneurship programs. not only are many students graduating with arts education degrees, they also have further access to arts entrepreneurship programs offered throughout the state. third, our decision to conduct a pilot study in north carolina is also convenient; the study authors are based in the state. one co-author of this article, dianne welsh, has established a close relationship with a local community of artists and entrepreneurs throughout north carolina and the southeast region of the united states that allows us to obtain critical insights into the everyday working life of artists and their businesses. see table 1. at the same time, from a broader perspective, earnings of artists in north carolina have lagged behind the national average. according to the national endowment for the arts’ data compiled from u.s. census, 26.2 percent of artists in north carolina versus 2.3 percent of artists nationwide earned less than $15,000. conversely, the percentage of artists with higher earnings ($100,000 to $124,999, $125,000 or more) is lower in north carolina than the national average (national endowment for the arts, n.d.). arts entrepreneurship has been attracting growing attention due to the possibilities it affords to address graduate employability issues (pollard & wilson, 2014). therefore, while earnings alone do not represent “success” in an artistic career, it is one important indicator. this data on artists’ economic conditions indicates that, despite north carolina's rich history and resources in the arts and entrepreneurship, there appear to be serious unmet needs for arts entrepreneurs. cross-campus entrepreneurship programs: a comprehensive approach   we advocate a blended approach that combines the particular business discipline applied to art in a course. this way, the learning is both blended and applied (welsh, 2014). this solves the problem that beckman and essig (beckman & essig, 2012; essig, 2013) discuss: that arts entrepreneurship education is not just about the “how to” of venture creation, the heart of arts entrepreneurship is about our deep understanding about artistic creativity and imagination. this is encompassed in cross-disciplinary programs. while these programs are more complex and there are the ever-present resource constraint issues in higher education, the blending of the business discipline applied with art offers the most promise for artists to not just survive, but be successful. facing these challenges, we believe that cross-campus programs, such as those at north carolina state university and the university of north carolina at greensboro, are effective methods to teach the complexity of arts entrepreneurship. welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 24 table 1. university-based programs for arts entrepreneurship in north carolina university and location (main url) type program/ department and degree level class format examples of courses offered north carolina state university raleigh, nc (http://oucc.ncsu.edu/minors/art s-entrepreneurship) public • music department arts entrepreneurship minor • undergraduate offered primarily on campus • foundations in arts entrepreneurship (ema 365) • practical arts entrepreneurship (ema 370) • understanding the arts economies (ema 375) • capstone experience in arts entrepreneurship (ema 430) university of north carolina at chapel hill chapel hill, nc (http://www.unceminor.org/abo ut/requirement) public • school of business entrepreneurship minor (artistic track) • undergraduate offered primarily on campus • artistic venture creation (econ 327) university of north carolina at greensboro greensboro, nc (http://entrepreneurship.uncg.ed u) public • business and economics entrepreneurship minor and major (creative industries profile ) • cross listing courses with other programs (e.g., school of music, theater and dance; department of interior architecture; department of media studies; department of english) • undergraduate and graduate offered primarily on campus • creative space: the meeting of art and entrepreneurship (ent/art 276) • creativity, design, and entrepreneurship (ent/iar 321) • advanced studio practicum: art and entrepreneurship (ent/art 394) • entrepreneurship in music (ent/mup 402) • entrepreneurship practicum in apparel and consumer retailing (ent/crs 421) • entrepreneurship in apparel and design (ent/crs 431) • career management for dance and performing artists (ent/dce 455) • multimedia for social entrepreneurship and civic engagement (ent/mst 320) • media financing and distribution (mst 524) • media organization and management (mst 524) • entrepreneurship and independent press publishing (ent/eng 535) • theatre management (thr 584) • entrepreneurial career development in music (ent/mup 661) university of north carolina school of the arts winston salem, nc (http://www.uncsa.edu/vcprovo st/bulletin/2014/ug/2014ugco mpletebulletin.pdf) public • school of music • undergraduate offered primarily on campus • career development seminar: music entrepreneurship • (the school also offers a performing arts management program through the school of design & production) welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 25 university of north carolina pembroke pembroke, nc (http://www.uncp.edu/academic s/colleges-schoolsdepartments/departments/art/de grees/art-entrepreneurshipcertificate) public • department of art arts entrepreneurship certificate program offered primarily on campus (the detailed course information not available) wake forest university winston salem, nc (https://entrepreneurship.wfu.ed u/academics/ese-minor) private • school of business entrepreneurship and social enterprise minor • undergraduate and graduate offered primarily on campus • creativity and innovation (ese 100) • foundations of entrepreneurship (ese 101) • managing the entrepreneurial venture: start-up to early growth (ese 205) • creativity and innovation (ese 100) • entrepreneurship (bem 377) • arts entrepreneurship (ese 310) • nonprofit arts and education entrepreneurship: promotion of latin american and latino visual cultures (ese315) table 1. university-based programs for arts entrepreneurship in north carolina as essig (2013) stresses, three pedagogic techniques—mentorship, collaborative team projects, and experiential learning through incubated venture creation—are vital to effective methods to teach arts entrepreneurship. in particular, collaborative and experiential learning in a heterogeneous environment is highly effective in helping students develop innovative ideas (essig, 2013). there are a number of ways that this can be achieved pedagogically, one of which is the cross-disciplinary approach. as such, classes blend the particular discipline (e.g., music, architecture, dance, or art) with entrepreneurship and apply the principles of entrepreneurship to real situations the artists face to be successful in their practice (welsh, 2014). another method is having the curriculum all in one place. many institutions have curriculum and programming that encompass the whole of an arts college (e.g., arizona state university) (beckman & essig, 2012). often classes are cross-listed between the particular arts discipline and entrepreneurship so they can count towards an entrepreneurship minor or major in the business school as well as the arts major (welsh, 2014). the cross-disciplinary minor is more common in this regard due to the time constraints of arts students and the skill sets needed for their arts career being covered adequately in a minor (welsh, 2014). another variation, besides a cross-disciplinary minor open to all majors, is a specific arts entrepreneurship minor that solely focuses on arts entrepreneurship courses. still another method that some schools have chosen (e.g., uwmadison) is to grow an arts entrepreneurship or arts enterprise focus from within a business school (beckman & essig, 2012). this goes along with kuratko's (2005) study which found that entrepreneurship education in united states has exploded to more than 2,200 courses at over 1,600 business schools. considering this, collaboration with business schools seems promising for the advancement of arts entrepreneurship education. cross-campus approaches are a major part of the arts entrepreneurship programs at north carolina state university (ncsu) and the university of north carolina at greensboro (uncg). welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 26 ncsu’s arts entrepreneurship minor is the nation’s first cross-campus arts entrepreneurship program heralding out of the music school, according to their brochure (ncsu, n.d.-a). the university of north carolina at greensboro, under the direction of dianne h.b. welsh, has the largest cross-campus entrepreneurship program in the state of north carolina and the largest for a school with its size in stature in the united states. the entrepreneurship cross-disciplinary program1 encompasses 47 courses in 26 departments or programs since its founding six years ago. it includes one of its seven profiles or areas of specialization, a creative industries profile, within the minor and major in entrepreneurship, offered out of the bryan school of business & economics. currently, 11 courses are listed under the creative industries profile that students can choose from in the entrepreneurship cross-disciplinary program (uncg, n.d.), including music, art, interior architecture, media studies, dance, theatre, consumer and retail studies, and english. the classes are taught by professors in the discipline that are taught entrepreneurship through the coleman entrepreneurship fellows program and the director, as well as working one-on-one with the hayes chair in entrepreneurship. uncg’s entrepreneurship cross-disciplinary program has been widely recognized and won six major national and international awards since its inception in 2009. another variation of cross-campus or interdisciplinary programs can be found in the expanding nonprofit programs. while the focus of much of the discussion here has been on artists’ self-employment, many artists choose to affiliate themselves with collaborative work in nonprofit agencies, gain funding from local foundations, or obtain government grants. these opportunities are perhaps better understood by having at least some understanding of the nonprofit sector, as well as the entrepreneurial mindset and skills required for success in both self-employment and in nonprofit work. in particular, courses in social entrepreneurship have become popular and appropriate for artists who wish to promote not only their creativity, but also serve the needs of their communities or specific populations. navigating the world of government and foundation funding, gaining access to partnerships with existing nonprofit agencies, or collaborating with other artists requires a somewhat different skill set than that traditionally offered in standard entrepreneurship courses. nonprofit programs, such as the existing post-baccalaureate nonprofit management certificate at the university of north carolina greensboro, have the potential to add material not found in most entrepreneurship programs—e.g., nonprofit management, philanthropy, nonprofit financial management, grant writing, strategic planning, nonprofit law2. other programs in north carolina universities (ncsu and unc charlotte) also offer similar courses and certificates that reach out to practicing artists and others who need this kind of training and education. uncg’s option of completing the program completely online on a part-time basis offers greater flexibility to artists who have limited time and financial resources. additional coverage of these nonprofit subjects outside of formal certificate or degree programs are beginning to be offered by nonprofit institutes, centers, and continuing education programs in many universities, though few are marketed explicitly toward the artist entrepreneur. some are in the form of workshops or institutes, which are affordable, require little commitment, and give artists a local network of potential collaborators or contacts. the advantage over a full degree or certificate is that artists can typically select only those topics or workshops that they need, rather than a full program with coverage of materials they may not see as necessary. 1 http://entrepreneurship.uncg.edu 2 www.uncg.edu/psc/mpa welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 27 nonetheless, for artists, the often unintended, but valuable, consequence of taking courses or workshops with other participants in the nonprofit sector is that they will gain a broader perspective and may become more flexible in furthering their careers in programs with existing agencies. from the standpoint of the “habits of mind” approach (beckman & essig, 2012; essig, 2013), cross-campus and cross-disciplinary opportunities beyond the business school base are critical. these opportunities may also be developed to build artists’ careers, such as in fine arts degrees and nonprofit studies. mfa and bfa programs are increasingly developing their own courses in arts entrepreneurship that may add significant value for their students. however, many of those in north carolina universities, such as those cited above, appear to be confined to single disciplines, such as in music schools or art majors, with only suggested outside electives in management or entrepreneurship. given the reality of budget cuts and fewer resources, we recommend more concerted efforts toward cross-campus arts entrepreneurship minors, certificates, and perhaps majors. this could contribute toward cross-fertilization among artists who otherwise tend to focus solely on their own arts program in theatre, dance, music, literature, and film. in fact, the graduate certificate in entrepreneurship was open to any major, and included nonprofit management and law classes, now serves as a model for other institutions. unfortunately, the certificate is no longer available due to budget cuts. the value of studies beyond disciplinary boundaries may have the added benefits of increasing the creative expression of students, as well as providing them with a rich network of contacts beyond a single major or degree that are likely to extend past graduation. future for cross-campus programs for arts entrepreneurship while there is no official count of cross-campus programs in the united states or around the world, it is evident that cross-disciplinary programs continue to flourish in various forms unique to the college or university. conferences have been developed out of many academic programs to encourage working artists to attend if they cannot take university classes (e.g., north central college, drury university, st. olaf’s college). the self-employment in the arts conference3 has both an annual conference and regional conferences, including the southern entrepreneurship in the arts conference4 at which we conducted our survey. welsh’s upcoming publication (2014) provides insights into the support for and development of cross-campus programs. the global consortium of entrepreneurship centers sponsors an award for exceptional activities in entrepreneurship across disciplines, the only one that focuses on crossdisciplinary efforts. the ewing marion kauffman foundation first funded interdisciplinary initiatives around the country at 19 colleges and universities in 2003, called the “kauffman campuses” program (kauffman foundation, 2012). most of these kauffman campuses still have cross-disciplinary entrepreneurship courses available to their students and a minor in entrepreneurship. in the last five years, the coleman foundation has sponsored the entrepreneurship fellows program, focused solely on cross-campus entrepreneurship course development outside the business school curriculum. professors across campus are trained in entrepreneurship and how to blend entrepreneurship concepts and practices with their discipline in the courses they teach. the coleman foundation has a summit for both new and veteran fellows each year, 3 www.selfemploymentinthearts.com 4 http://seac/uncg.edu welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 28 where they are provided training by seasoned directors of the program and the program’s founder, joseph roberts5. the individual campus directors then continue the training and mentoring throughout the year on college campuses. so far, 250 faculty members at 20 colleges and universities from across disciplines have been engaged, resulting in new or revised crossdisciplinary courses that blend entrepreneurship with the specific discipline taught by each professor outside the business school. each course must emphasize self-employment, but each college is allowed to develop their own model for cross-disciplinary entrepreneurship that fits their campus. the focus on self-employment is particularly applicable to the arts, where many artists are self-employed in their own businesses. cooperatives do exist among artist entrepreneurs, but are less common in the united states compared to other parts of the world, such as europe. pilot survey on arts entrepreneurship arts entrepreneurship is an emerging, yet growing, field that lacks empirical studies (katz, 2008). our exploratory study, therefore, addresses the call for empirical studies in arts entrepreneurship, with a specific objective to identify the needs and challenges of the arts entrepreneurs that attended the 5th annual southern entrepreneurship in the arts conference in greensboro, north carolina in february 2014. we ask what challenges artists are facing and what programs and resources do they conceive of as urgent needs for their professional career advancement. we present data from our survey with the conference participants, and identify the major challenges and the needs the respondants seek to fulfill through services and programs offered by higher education. our limited findings and conclusions lead us to recommend collaborative and flexible approaches to arts entrepreneurship education, as discussed earlier in the article. since our survey had a limited sample, this study is highly exploratory and we cannot draw any implications for arts entrepreneurship education in a larger context. nonetheless, surveys conducted of artist entrepreneurs are limited and we believe that our findings provide arts entrepreneurship educators and scholars with important insights and a “reality check” on the current needs of arts entrepreneurs and help us develop future programs that will meet their needs. data and methods given the needs of artists’ employment and professional career advancement in north carolina, this exploratory article is based on our survey study conducted at the southern entrepreneurship in the arts conference in february 2014. the subsequent sections detail this survey study, in particular the survey site, data collection methods, and data analytical methods. the survey site. to obtain data illustrating the current state and needs of artists for advancement of their professional careers, we chose to survey participating artists at the 5th annual southern entrepreneurship in the arts conference held on february 22, 2014, on the campus of the university of north carolina at greensboro located in the piedmont triad. while we were aware that our convenient sample was small and likely to be biased, the main rationale behind our sample selection lies in the fact that participants were artists actively seeking information and resources about arts entrepreneurship to advance their professional careers. 5 editor’s note: joseph roberts is a co-editor of artivate. welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 29 thus, we expected the conference participants to provide as many important insights as possible for our study, i.e., the challenges artists were facing in their career development and educational programs, and resources they needed from higher educational institutions. second, we also chose the southern entrepreneurship in the arts conference as a main site for our data collection due to the scale of this conference. dr. dianne h.b. welsh founded the conference in 2009 after starting a similar conference in tampa/st. petersburg in 2007, and creating the curriculum in business and entrepreneurship for the ringling school of art and design, “the business of art and design.” this conference is the largest event for both entrepreneurs and artists in the southeastern united states, and attracted what is likely the largest pool of audience members who are entrepreneurs and artists in our target area. artists have attended from as far away as pennsylvania and florida. further, prior empirical studies suffered from a very low rate of survey responses from the arts and cultural field. for example, one study by morris, coombes, schindehutte, & allen (2007) had a 21 percent return rate. the scale of this conference allowed us to collect responses from a large number of individual artists, whom would be extremely difficult to reach otherwise. data collection methods. our survey instrument intended to identify the major challenges and needs of artists in their professional and entrepreneurial careers. considering a relatively nascent state of research on arts entrepreneurship (beckman & essig, 2012; pollard & wilson, 2014), qualitative and exploratory research is more appropriate and effective (glaser & strauss, 1967). therefore, we highlighted the exploratory nature of this pilot study and utilized primarily openended questions in our survey questionnaire, responses which were reviewed via content analysis. our survey questionnaire consisted of six questions, three of which asked our intended survey respondents about challenges and needs that they are facing, as well as methods they used previously, in career advancement. more specifically, we asked: “how have you been advancing your professional career?” “what are major challenges that you are facing in your career advancement?” and “what training programs or resources do you need to advance your professional career?” the question of “how have you been advancing your professional career?” offered respondents a set of multiple choice answers: “took entrepreneurship course,” “took nonprofit management course,” “attended the previous southern entrepreneurship in the arts conference,” “attended other conferences or workshops,” and/or “other”. the questionnaire also had a question about the respondents’ interest in participating in our future research on arts entrepreneurship. a survey questionnaire was distributed to all conference participants when they checked in at the conference. descriptive open-ended questionnaires require more time and effort on the part of survey respondents. to maintain an acceptable response rate, we followed suggestions from dillman, smyth, & christian (2009) about “providing extra motivation” to the conference participants. for instance, the conference’s founder, dr. welsh, announced the importance of this survey and our plans to tailor future arts entrepreneurship programs to meet their needs. we received 119 responses from the 288 attendees on the same date, a response rate of 41 percent. a typical response rate ranges from 26 to 50 percent in the nonprofit context (hager, wilson, pollak, & rooney, 2003). our response rate was higher than the average response rate ranges. data analysis methods. after the conference, separate content analysis on the gathered responses was conducted by two coders for the purpose of validity (krippendorff, 2012). content analysis is a methodology that reliably develops measures to interpret textual material welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 30 (krippendorff, 2004) that in the last decade has been increasingly used in management studies (duriau, reger, & pfarrer, 2007). the objective of our content analysis was to identify recurrent themes in respondents’ answers, from which we determined major challenges and needs that artists were facing in their professional career advancement. survey findings the results summarized in the subsequent sections are based on the collected responses and the content analysis. while limited in scope to one major conference, we hope that the results of the survey give us a glimpse into artists’ pragmatic needs from extant educational programs of arts entrepreneurship, regardless of whether those artists are practicing in the community or pursuing college degrees in the southeastern united states. sample characteristics as depicted in table 2, a wide range of fields and interests was represented in the sample. the total of 119 survey participants included artists in the following fields: visual arts (48 percent), performing arts (21 percent), literary arts (12 percent), and the remaining 12 percent divided among business, technology, and entrepreneurship. there were nine respondents who did not specify their fields. it should be noted that our sample included student artists from the host, university of north carolina at greensboro, and other colleges in the state of north carolina. we included these student artists in our dataset because they were formally or informally involved in arts-related programs and/or arts entrepreneurship and facing the same or even greater challenges to developing their careers as non-student artists. our sample also included those who were from outside greensboro, where the conference was held: of 288 conference attendees, 168 were from other areas. we did not differentiate the survey participants by location because their attendance of the conference suggested that these participants had access to resources provided by universities in north carolina, including the host university of north carolina at greensboro. table 2. survey of arts entrepreneurs: specialized fields fields examples response (%) visual graphic, painting, sculpture, photography, textile, fashion, film, media arts, illustration 62 (48%) performing music, dance, theater 27 (21%) literary creative writing, novel, poetry 16 (12%) other business, life coach 15 (12%) no answer 9 (7%) the number of responses does not equal the number of survey respondents (n=119) since some respondents reported more than one field as their specialization. methods previously utilized for professional career advancement welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 31 our survey participants were also asked how they had been advancing their professional career. our survey questionnaire lists the following methods: “took entrepreneurship course,” “took nonprofit management course,” “attended the previous southern entrepreneurship in the arts conference,” “attended other conferences or workshops,” and “other.” as table 3 shows, 34 respondents (29 percent) reported that they took an entrepreneurship class, whereas only six respondents (5 percent) took a nonprofit management course. one respondent took courses for a certificate in arts administration. the much larger number of respondents who took entrepreneurship courses may be due to the many uncg students who participated in the conference. seventeen percent of respondents had attended the southern entrepreneurship in the arts conference in the past. the mission of the conference, a regional version of the selfemployment in the arts national conference, is to present entrepreneurial strategies and resources for students and emerging artists to become self-supporting and successful in their careers. a related goal is to foster their ongoing development by creating networking opportunities among students and emerging artists, working artists, business professionals and community organizations (for a complete background of the conference, please see welsh, 2014). aside from university-based courses and conferences, artists have actively used the internet and social media, as well as on-the-job training (26 percent). table 3. methods previously utilized for professional career advancement methods examples response (%) took entrepreneurship course 34 (29%) took nonprofit management course 6 (5%) attended the precious sea 20 (17%) attended other conferences 18 (15%) other 30 (26%) no answer 9 (8%) the number of responses does not equal the number of survey respondents (n=119) since some respondents reported more than one method. sea = sothern entrepreneurship in the arts conference. major challenges in professional career advancement table 4 presents the four main recurrent themes within major challenges, which our content analysis identified in the survey responses along with illustrative quotes from our survey respondents. with respect to major challenges, the biggest group of respondents—36 percent of arts entrepreneurs (42 responses)—reported that a lack of start-up and other managerial skills and knowledge has hindered their professional career advancement in the artistic and creative fields. this result should not be surprising since our survey respondents sought out business and entrepreneurship skills by attending the southern entrepreneurship in the arts conference. nevertheless, we believe this result warrants our attention because those who reported “a lack of money and financial resources” as the main challenge constituted a smaller group (25 percent) than the group reporting “a lack of start-up and other management skills” (36 percent) and the welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 32 second largest group reporting “a lack of confidence and non-financial support (26 percent). these results may be interpreted as an impact from pioneering arts entrepreneurship programs, in particular comprehensive programs that stress entrepreneurship and business skills. our survey underscores that artists are familiar with, at least by name, a variety of business and management techniques such as marketing. instead of concluding that money was the main challenge, these artists know that money should be obtained by utilizing various management skills effectively and efficiently. the most interesting result was that “a lack of confidence and non-financial support” was identified as the second largest challenge according to our survey data (31 responses representing 26 percent). we see two different patterns in this group: internally and externally challenged people. first, the group that are internally challenged, i.e., artists’ own personality may not be best suited for entrepreneurial activities, such as an introvert personality. second are those that are externally challenged with networks, i.e., due to the nature of their work, many artists struggle on their own without an adequate support system (e.g., finding my team or reliable people). additionally, artists indicated that what they meant by networks was how to get inside them, for example how to approach a gallery to display their work. the results further suggest that even with increased knowledge about various business skills, artists still need to develop entrepreneurial skills. twenty-five percent of the survey respondents indicated a lack of financial resources, and 13 percent a lack of time as major obstacles in their career advancement. as welsh has witnessed with artists with whom she has collaborated, many artists are working on their own instead of being affiliated with or forming an organization such as an internal revenue code 501(c)(3) nonprofit. our survey results show that overall many artists are overwhelmed and struggling, alone without financial support and other forms of support. many artists also take a second job to make ends meet (“managing artwork requests with independent projects and dayjob,” a response to the question, “what are major challenges that you are facing in your career advancement?” from a visual artist). a response from an arts-major student reveals her struggle, “without money and time, it is very difficult for me to focus on my art” [emphasis in the original]. this response suggests that lack of money can undermine the quality of artistic work. as such, the lack of money and time has a negative effect on artists’ career advancement. table 4. major challenges in professional career advancement recurrent theme response (%) illustrative quotations a lack of start-up and other management skills 42 (36%) “getting started” “taking an idea and acting on it” “not knowing how to create a business model” “lack of knowledge about contacting companies” “marketing” “new technology” “training in nonprofit management” a lack of confidence and non-financial support 31 (26%) “finding direction” “motivation” “fear” welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 33 “introvert personality” “overcoming personal obstacles” “meet people in the creative entrepreneurship field” “finding my team or reliable people” a lack of financial resource 30 (25%) “money” “no income” “tax information” time constraints 15 (13%) “time” “time management” “struggle from full-time employment to freelance” n = 118 the number of responses does not equal the number of survey respondents (n=119) since some respondents reported more than one challenges or others did not provide their answers. training programs needed for professional career advancement our survey questionnaire also asked artist respondents at the conference “what training programs or resources do you need to advance your professional career?” as displayed in table 5, almost half the respondents (47 percent) identified the need for networking and peer support as the number one need among artist entrepreneurs. need for networking skills and peer support was followed by need for management programs and resources. this category was further classified into the following groups: ten respondents (20 percent) stressed that marketing help was their primary need. general business programs, including those for finance and running small business, came in second within programs and resources with nine respondents (13 percent). eight respondents (11 percent) reported that they needed nonprofit management programs, such as grant writing training, board management, and start up of a nonprofit structured under the internal revenue code 501(c)(3). technology related resources and training were also among important programs for arts entrepreneurs. eight respondents (11 percent) mentioned a wide range of technology training needs, including website development, software training, and social media. the remaining 4 percent asked for more conferences and events as important programs for their career advancement in the arts entrepreneurship. table 5. training programs needed for professional career advancement recurrent theme response (%) illustrative quotations networking 33 (47%) breakdown networking 27 (42%) “networking” peer support 6 (10%) “psychological resources for artists” “support group of peers” welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 34 “mentoring” management 27 (38%) breakdown marketing 10 (14%) “marketing” “arts marketing” business in general 9 (13%) “general business knowledge” “small business” “finance” “business knowledge” nonprofit management 8 (11%) “grant writing workshop” “board and member” “nonprofit management training” “creating a 501(c)(3)” technology 8 (11%) “classes on technology” “social media” “website training” conferences and events 3 (4%) “more conferences and events” n = 71 the number of responses does not equal the number of survey respondents (n=119) since some respondents reported more than one program needs or others did not provide their answers. discussion to contribute to growing efforts to advance the field of arts entrepreneurship, we summarized the academic programs available to artist entrepreneurs as well as conducting a pilot study. here we report descriptive data gathered from artists who attended the 5th annual southern entrepreneurship in the arts conference in greensboro, north carolina. we then investigated major challenges to artists’ professional career advancement and particular programs that may meet their serious needs. our analysis of survey findings confirmed that lack of managerial skills and knowledge is the biggest challenge. our analysis also identified that a lack of confidence and non-financial support is another major challenge hampering artists’ professional careers. the urgency with this confidence issue was underscored by artists’ reports identifiying non-financial support obtained from networking and peer encouragement as their largest need. still, needs for management programs, including marketing and nonprofit management, came second as programs that artists are seeking for their professional careers. our findings concerning the challenges faced, and which training programs are needed by artists confirm beckman and essig's (2012) point that effective educational programs of arts entrepreneurship should entail a comprehensive approach to arts entrepreneurship education. in the remaining section, we reflect on how we can proceed with advancing arts entrepreneurship education based on these findings. the prior literature on arts entrepreneurship education has offered important implications concerning future directions. for instance, essig (2013) suggests that main pedagogic methods for teaching artists the entrepreneurial habits of welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 31 (2) 35 mind are (1) mentorship, (2) collaborative team projects in heterogeneous settings, and (3) experiential learning through incubated venture creation. pollard and wilson (2014) elaborate five different, yet interconnecting, goals of teaching arts entrepreneurship; (1) the capacity to think creatively, strategically, analytically and reflectively, (2) confidence in one’s abilities, (3) the ability to collaborate, (4) well-developed communication skills, and (5) an understanding of the current artistic context. it should be noted that these methods and goals are highly relevant to what our survey respondents reported as their challenges and needs. they talked about how to approach opportunities as their major challenge-how to approach opportunities, such as a lack of confidence in approaching galleries and getting their foot in the door. they also indicated mentorship, networking, and collaboration as possible methods that will help them overcome these barriers. an overarching theme was their desire to learn and implement management skills and knowledge to be more entrepreneurial. based on these preliminary results, we advocate cross-campus programs as unique approaches to attain diverse goals in arts entrepreneurship education. we will also discuss other important considerations about collaborative and flexible educational programs for arts entrepreneurship. conclusion while this is still an exploratory study investigating arts entrepreneurship programs at the university level, we believe that insights from this pilot study inform us about the expressed needs of artists and educational opportunities for arts entrepreneurship. while we hope our limited pilot study is the first step toward more studies that gauge the effectiveness of arts education, we advocate a blended, holistic approach to arts education on the basis of our findings. we hope this may help to advance further conversations and research not only about artists’ entrepreneurship training, but about the effectiveness of arts entrepreneurship programs that aim to help artists “not just survive, but to be successful.” this phrase is what the founder of the southern entrepreneurship in the arts conference, dianne welsh, uses to describe why she started the conference. while additional national research on artists’ training needs is necessary to extend this study, future efforts must also be undertaken to examine the results of their training. program evaluations of existing and developing entrepreneurship programs can shed light on how satisfied artists are with various educational options, as well as examine how artists actually improve their skills and financial opportunities. future studies could also focus on assessment of arts entrepreneurship curriculum both inside and outside the classroom. references beckman, g. d. 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(n.d.). arts data profile #1 equal opportunity data mining: national statistics about working artists [2014]. retrieved from see more at: http://arts.gov/artistic-fields/research-analysis/data-profiles/issue1#sthash.rmopcjz7.dpuf north carolina arts council. (2012). creative north carolina at work 2012. retrieved from http://www.ncdcr.gov/portals/44/creative-north-carolina-at-work-2012.pdf north carolina arts council. (2013). creative north carolina 2013 fact sheet. north carolina arts council. retrieved from http://www.ncdcr.gov/portals/44/may13facts.pdf o’neill, m. (2007). the future of nonprofit management education. nonprofit and voluntary sector quarterly, 36(4 suppl), 169s–176s. pollard, v., & wilson, e. (2014). the “entrepreneurial mindset” in creative and performing arts higher education in australia. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 3(1), 3–22. salamon, l. m. 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(2013, january). a model of cross campus entrepreneurship and assessment. entrepreneurship research journal, 4(1), 95-115. microsoft word goldberg-miller formatted_final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 4, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 25-48 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2015, the author creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture shoshanah b.d. goldberg-miller, the ohio state university abstract over the 2000s, toronto initiated and instituted a process of cultivating itself as a creative city. entrepreneurial city visionaries found that in order to enter the global market, their planning had to be strategic. this paper explores how toronto’s policy entrepreneurs used planning, partnerships, and an expanded definition of economic development to create a “cultural camelot.” in addition to competing on the financial and revenue-generating fronts, a coalition of cross-sector leaders took on the challenge of fostering a livable city with a deep social ethos imbued within a variety of dimensions of urban life. this new focus gave toronto the chance establish itself as a center for innovation, which strengthened urban cultural capital and helped promote the strategic agenda of becoming a competitor in the creative economy sector. investment in research and creative city strategic planning, coupled with the allocation of financial and human capital resources across a variety of industries, served to encourage creativity, promote culture and competitiveness, and drive economic development. creative toronto: harnessing the power of arts & culture the decade of the 2000s in toronto was one in which there was a ‘creative cities coalescence,’ wherein cultural policy, economic development, and state and private support came together in a window of opportunity and played highly visible roles (see figure 1). the ability of toronto’s policy entrepreneurs to attach solutions to key problems, within both the cultural community and the municipal framework, resulted in a very visible outcome in that decade. stakeholders, including urban planners, policymakers, elected officials and the cultural community, put forward an agenda based on a variety of planning documents with the goal of branding toronto as a creative destination and cultural powerhouse. through the lens of policy theory, this paper looks at the factors that coalesced to bring this goal to fruition, including the identification of an opportunity, political will, timing, and the creation of powerful alliances. figure 1. toronto’s creative cities coalescence (goldberg, 2012) i examine the role of stakeholder partnerships in the municipal effort to develop toronto goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 26 into a globally recognized creative center during the decade of the 2000s, and i ask the following questions: in what ways did toronto’s policy entrepreneurs advocating for arts and culture play a key role in reimagining a creative city? was cultural policy tied to the ways that arts and culture gained a role on toronto’s municipal agenda in the economic development toolkit in the 2000s? what can we learn from toronto’s cultural collaborations over the decade? in order to develop an understanding of what transpired in that decade, i developed a case study of the city using a conceptual framework that looks at six main components: what arts and culture mean; how it is manifest; leadership and stakeholder partnerships; cultural policy in the municipality; economic development using arts and culture; and the integration of these two facets in the city’s strategies. within the public and urban policy framework, there are three main phases within the policy process: agenda setting, implementation, and evaluation. here i focus on agenda setting, and look at the ways that policy entrepreneurs or advocates were able to gain access to the municipal agenda using the arts and culture context. this is useful in understanding how proponents of arts and culture interventions can coalesce their messages, leverage stakeholder partnerships, and gain access to key policymakers and municipal actors in order to realize their goals and affect policy change. i utilize a powerful policy theory called agenda setting theory, which lies within the larger multiple streams framework, as a tool with which to examine what took place in toronto in the 2000s. this theory serves as a way to analyze the ways that a group of actors, including those in the public, private, and nonprofit sectors, were able to leverage arts and culture on the economic development agenda with the goal of transforming toronto into an internationally renowned creative city during that decade. while there are numerous policy theories that could be utilized in an investigation such as this, i employ agenda setting theory as it helps to understand how arts and culture became an option on the economic development agenda in toronto and allows me to look at ways that policy entrepreneurs coalesced their creative city message in order to do so. in this investigation, i focus on the municipal level, and center upon the process through which city actors in toronto during the 2000s were able to build stakeholder partnerships and put forward polices within the cultural context in order to create a cultural renaissance. i examine the way that these stakeholders focused scarce attention -both by decision makers and the polis - on their solutions. actors in the public, private, and nonprofit sectors coalesced to implement a strategic plan carefully designed by the municipality. this was a case of entrepreneurial cultural stakeholders who utilized their agenda for community building (jackson et al, 2003). this kind of cultural partnership took place during an opening in the political system after toronto’s amalgamation with outlying municipalities in the late 1990s. sabatier and weible (2007, p. 194) emphasize that during an open policy window the goals and aspirations of municipal actors can be changed and new benchmarks can be set for success. toronto exemplified this, as core beliefs about the city’s ability to participate in the global knowledge economy altered and resources became available through the platform of the cultural renaissance. contributions of financial resources and intellectual property were made in unprecedented quantities, and stakeholders in these domains took on exceptional leadership functions in the city's physical and social being. the process began with leading cultural organizations’ recognition of their problems, including aging infrastructure and decreased demand. this was coupled with the municipality's merging of cultural policy and economic development functions, in addition to the production of cultural planning documents (see table 1). the creation of these cultural plans and their goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 27 subsequent updates provided an opportunity for the city to engage with a number of stakeholders including cultural producers, arts organizations, and creative economy businesses, thus providing a way to gain buy-in from these actors. these factors, as well as the city's interest in and desire to enter the global marketplace through the knowledge economy, together with the fact that creative cities scholar richard florida made toronto his home brought media attention and worldwide interest to the creative sectors in toronto. federal and provincial funding gave the cultural renaissance the imprimatur of the state, and this led the way for the private sector to follow suit. plans for city of toronto creative city plans for culture for city of toronto name of plan date description the creative city: a workprint 2001 • a preview of the culture plan (2003) lays out the framework for creative innovation culture plan for the creative city 2003 • 10 year action plan to guide city’s cultural development • impact is tied to larger socioeconomic and environmental agendas for the city • emphasizes the use of arts, culture and heritage assets to contribute to the molding and marketing of toronto as a global cultural capital • calls for increased investment in arts and culture but also urban marketing specifically to increase spending from $9.3 million on tourism marketing to levels on par with montreal and toronto • makes several socially conscious recommendations as well: remain welcoming to newcomers and to focus on cultural diversity as a means of advocacy and strategies to engage youth • also included are recommendations for managing the city’s portfolio of cultural facilities through partnerships and restoration funding culture plan progress report: 2005 2005 • assessment of the culture plan, identifies any gaps that may have emerged since 2003 successes include: • per capita spending increased • increased allocations to toronto arts council • build grants culture plan progress report: 2008 2008 • half-way point review of 10yr action plan • summarizes the work that has already been done and reaffirms the need to harness momentum from these achievements to move toronto into the next phase creative city framework 2008 • creative companion plan to the agenda for prosperity • reiterates the points made in the progress report creative capital initiative 2011 • update of the 2003 culture plan • launched in jan 2011 • overseen by the city council’s economic development committee goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 28 economic development plans for city of toronto name of plan date description economic development strategy 2000 • 5yr action plan to guide economic development • emphasizes competition and the new position of toronto in the global market • identifies arts and culture as the standout industry within the city that sets it apart and has the ability to drive, activate, inspire ideas and innovations across the spectrum of sectors • think differently about competitiveness • people power the knowledge economy • quality of place attracts people and investment • establish a vital cycle of economic growth: strong economic foundations, competitive export clusters, and vibrant local businesses • tell ourselves and the world what a really great city toronto is • mobilize existing resources through partnerships agenda for prosperity four pillars of prosperity • proactive toronto: business climate • global toronto: internationalization • creative toronto: productivity and growth • one toronto: economic opportunity and inclusion 2008 • new plan for economic competitiveness and growth • creativity is at the heart of economic competitiveness • connect creative industries, districts or hubs to creative economy to strengthen creative city • focus on internationalization of business climate, productivity and growth, and economic opportunity and inclusion • strategy for international event attraction table 1. plans for city of toronto this paper examines a decade in toronto’s development and provides lessons for cities in utilizing arts and culture in economic development, with the caveat that urban centers must develop interventions tailored specifically to their own political and economic environments. stakeholder partners and policy entrepreneurs need to be mindful of threats to policy objectives caused by economic and political factors. shifts in policy actors may alter the ways that the public and elected officials view arts and culture strategies and their role in economic development opportunities. these interventions exist in an ever-changing political, public, and economic landscape, as endogenous and exogenous shocks necessitate responses and may delay, modify, or postpone creative city goals. methodology i conducted in-depth semi-structured interviews of twenty-one individuals in toronto and performed comprehensive archival and historical research. the archival and historical research goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 29 took place between october 2010 and may 2011 and involved the collection and analysis of books, scholarly articles, municipal policy documents, reports, government documents, news articles, and commissioned research studies. these sources were used to develop a picture of the decade of the 2000s in toronto regarding a number of dimensions, in addition to the specific areas related to cultural policy and economic development functions. the validity of the archival data was ensured through my comparison of source materials, as well as the selection of data from a variety of well-regarded sources such as the federal government, the province, and city and nongovernmental agencies. data secured through archival and historical materials were subsequently integrated with those gleaned from the elite interview process. an essential resource for this study was the epistemic community of economic development directors, urban cultural planners, artists, policymakers, and cultural managers in toronto. elite interviews conducted for this investigation were drawn from a pool of individuals within a clearly defined framework. respondents selected came from categories that included two main characteristics: those individuals who worked for the state either as elected officials, appointees, or city workers; and those outside of the government. within the category of state actors were the following: elected officials, appointed officials, those who worked for the province of ontario, and those that worked for the city of toronto. outside of the political arena i developed several clearly defined categories from which to draw respondents. these included: artist/architect; real estate developer; museum manager or administrator; academic or think tank director; film and television production manager; film/cultural festival manager; philanthropist; corporate funder; and arts service organization executive. in order to secure elite interviewees for this investigation, i used the snowball sampling technique. the interviews took place between december 2010 and march 2011 and ranged in length from forty minutes to two hours, with the majority in the one-hour range. additionally, during the course of this research a number of informal interviews were held in each city with academics, nonprofit managers, government arts executives, and other cultural stakeholders. the historical and archival materials were integrated with the interview data in order to glean an understanding of the role of cultural policy on the arts and culture interventions in toronto’s municipality in the decade under study. utilizing the conceptual framework developed, i analyzed the key influences that contributed to the development of a creative city initiative. i examined the context that led to an opening in the policy window in toronto early in the 2000s, and incorporated the thoughts and opinions of the respondents to form a picture of the factors leading to the presence of an arts and culture strategy on the city’s municipal economic development agenda. through the study of what led to toronto’s transformation via the cultural renaissance, i developed key concepts, which i consolidated into a series of policy recommendations designed to provide a reflective roadmap for cities utilizing arts and culture strategies. agenda setting: a theoretical framework agenda setting lies within the larger policy framework called multiple streams (ms), which seeks to understand how policies are made (kingdon, 1995). one of the most often cited policy theories, ms finds its focus through the examination of agenda setting and decision making, often at the highest levels of government. ms separates issues into three streams: problem, policy, and politics. it is only when the three streams are joined that what is known as a ‘window of opportunity’ occurs. importantly, it is when the three are harmonized that any policy ideas have the best chance for adoption. this point of convergence fosters the environment in goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 30 which policy change can happen (sabatier, 2007). since multiple streams speaks to many of the key issues within the agenda setting agenda function of economic development, in addition to the cultural policy realities of the decade in toronto, i grounded this inquiry within this robust framework. multiple streams framework points to the role of policy entrepreneurs as facilitators of change, especially during times where a policy window may be open and opportunities for the adoption of their ideas present themselves. the ideas of policy entrepreneurs focus on the provision of solutions to specific policy problems within a variety of areas. this theory suggests that these advocates play a crucial role within institutional settings, often serving as the bridge between the community and the policymakers. understanding that the attention of both the public and policymakers is often limited and is bombarded by a variety of special interests, policy entrepreneurs work to coalesce messages in order to focus awareness on their policy solution (kingdon, 2011, p. 183). this process takes place in steps and is often most active during times of uncertainty and under extreme conditions. in the economic development context, policy entrepreneurs in the arts and culture field may present their ideas during open policy windows precipitated by great change, such as the endogenous shock that took place during the amalgamation of toronto with surrounding municipalities in the late 1990s, resulting in the formulation of what became the city of toronto. toronto’s challenge in the early 2000s was that after it became an amalgamated entity, there was interest within this newly formed city government in entering the knowledge economy. the knowledge economy is understood to be inputs to the economy based upon activities and industries that are knowledge-based rather than those that utilize physical inputs or natural resources. a subset of this emerging sector is the creative economy, which is based on the conceptualization of ideas and ability to harness them for innovation in refurbishing existing practices or creating new offerings. through a focus on research and strategic planning, the creative economy was identified as a pathway toward the attainment of this goal. this, coupled with advocacy for capital improvements by leadership in toronto’s anchor cultural institutions, set up the framework for the inclusion of creative city options on the economic development agenda. within the context of public policy, agenda setting plays a variety of roles. on a federal level it involves a wide range of policy issues. these often are constrained by the numerous and conflicting issues competing for attention of both the public and policymakers (kingdon, 1995). the priorities of the polis and legislators regarding policy issues can compete with one another. often, special interest groups dominate legislative attention; however, public opinion plays an important role in the agenda setting function. the attention of elected officials does not move against the public attention, and lawmaking does take into consideration public opinion. nationally, the public focuses on a few issues while lawmakers are involved with a variety of issues. the actions of policymakers often are circumscribed by the size and constraints of political institutions. public representatives, special interest groups, and policy entrepreneurs can all sway the attention of elected officials (jones & baumgartner, 2004). studies have shown a strong connection between public opinion with regards to what should be on a political agenda and the role of the media in influencing this opinion (mccombs & shaw, 1972). the media can take punch lines and messages introduced by policymakers and policy entrepreneurs and amplify them through multiple channels. understanding this, politicians and policymakers seek to use targeted messaging to converge public priority with their own interests. these messages can be communicated through speeches, written materials, and media goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 31 interviews. the creation of policy images is important in putting forward initiatives or changes to the ways that the polis views ideas or groups (true et al, 2007). the process of effecting change incorporates translating an idea into an effective image, story or slogan. policy entrepreneurs work to distill messaging into palatable “punch lines” in order to gain public attention and buy-in for their proposals. this provides an opportunity for certain target populations to capture the aspirations of policy networks and translate these messages into images that serve to catalyze public opinion (ingram et al, 2007, p. 100). these images originate in ideas that then are expressed in shorter, media-ready messages. in effect, there can be a kind of battle for the awareness and interest of the polis that takes place through media outlets. however, positive media attention and strong public support do not always ensure that an issue will make it to the agenda on the federal level. agenda setting is important because it dictates what is decided, and who makes that decision, regarding policy issues that take priority (silver et al, 2002). echoing the characteristics of national policy agendas, the public within cities is often focused on a limited number of issues. technical experts, as well as the community, seek to exert influence on legislators in order to gain a place on the agenda. when an issue and the policy entrepreneur who represents that issue wish to gain access and attention on an invisible policymaking agenda, implementation of a bottom up approach involving the community often is the most effective strategy (john, 2003). through the process of deciding on the goal and the implementation of backward mapping, or realizing the necessary steps to achieve that goal, a strategic plan for a policy intervention can be formulated (weimer & vining, 2005, p. 283). top down methodology has proven to be ineffective in garnering the public support and acceptance of policy options. while actors on the national policy stage have numerous issues at hand and many competing agenda issues, policy entrepreneurs on the municipal level need to be more focused and must garner support within a smaller and more tightly focused field. in order to foster trust between policymakers and the community, local stakeholders increasingly are involved in decisionmaking and agenda setting, thereby seeking to promote “buy in” among effected parties (silver et al, 2002). although involvement in the agenda setting stage of policymaking does not ensure adoption of an issue into policy itself, it is a critically important stage that’s value cannot be underestimated (hays & glick, 1997). agenda setting in municipalities involves numerous stakeholders and a plethora of issues. housing, transportation, the environment, the economy, and jobs creation and retention are among the topics that compete for the attention of elected officials and the public. city planners and elected officials often seek ways to create revenue streams and rebuild their city centers as magnets for leisure and work activities. the economic development toolkit in cities has numerous interventions designed to address these issues. understanding why arts and culture have gained a place within the toolkit in municipal economic development and urban planning is important because, at this time, cities are looking for ways to expand tourism, build stronger tax bases, and develop their brand locally as well as globally. economic development incorporating arts and culture often heralded as a possible panacea for a variety of ills that may affect a city, the cultural community and its offerings have been touted as a solution to a wide range of problems. how can arts and culture become a part of the economic development agenda and be a valuable tool in the toolkit? traditionally, municipal economic development efforts and strategies have centered upon a variety of methods of encouraging businesses relocation to, as well as goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 32 investment in a city (grodach, 2011). among these are assistance with developers’ projects, tax abatements, and write-downs on land. there are several ways that urban economic development plays a role as far as the creative community is concerned, including drawing visitors and locals to a place-specific location in order to experience the culture, attracting new residents, businesses, and developers to a city, and fostering the production of cultural products or services that may be consumed locally and or elsewhere. many industries that are screen-based have outputs that are exported nationally and internationally as a part of a city’s economic development strategy (liu et al, 2010). in the case of consumption at the point of production in cities, this includes cultural districts, live music and theater, theme or heritage areas, and festivals. exported cultural goods range from traveling performances to graphic and industrial design products, fashion, publishing and screen-based production that is sold and distributed worldwide. the global marketplace for cultural goods is expanding as barriers to distribution are removed and marketing efforts become increasingly sophisticated. scott (2000, p. 13) discusses both the pressures on labor markets and the opportunities available for the cultural industries as a result of globalization. this means that cultural producers need not limit their scope to the local level, since both goods and services are able to be sold in a much more efficient way. all of these kinds of cultural goods and services can be beneficial economically to the city of origin, where oftentimes other businesses grow to support and enhance the arts producers and their consumers, creating a multiplier effect. public-private partnerships can serve as the keystone of this urban economic development. in concert with local government, neighborhoods in major urban centers have been resuscitated to become flourishing centers of art, commerce, and entertainment. urban areas can incorporate cultural planning into their marketing campaigns and utilize the creative city model to rebuild decrepit areas (grodach & loukaitou-sideris, 2007). one caveat to toronto’s success has been the often displaced and disillusioned residents who have watched their neighborhoods disappear and be replaced by prohibitively expensive housing and other high-priced amenities (scott, 2004). depending on culture to spur urban development, especially in badly deteriorated areas, could be a mistake. these efforts often include inherent dangers, such as misguided metrics regarding measurement of the effects of cultural economic development (markusen and schrock, 2006). cultural entities designed to draw visitors to an urban center often can isolate that city’s less affluent residents, and deny them the chance to participate in the arts (eisinger, 2000). urban areas and their planning professionals have embraced the creative community, using cultural solutions to revitalize decrepit areas, repurpose landmark buildings, and draw residents and visitors (markusen, 2006). a variety of disciplines have the opportunity to form alliances to address the creative cities conversation. this includes entrepreneurial stakeholders from the worlds of cultural policy, urban planning, and economic development, each of whom often bring very different goals, strategies, and metrics to the table when implementing ideas about cultural city creation. city of toronto: case study the city of toronto was created as a united entity on the first of january 1998. as such, it consisted of the merger of what had been the regional municipality called metropolitan toronto, which consisted of the cities of toronto, scarborough, etobicoke, north york, york, and the borough of east york (gertler et al, 2006). this amalgamation brought together 2.5 goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 33 million people in a new entity called the city of toronto. a challenge lay ahead for this emergent city – that of creating a shared vision and strategic plan. in light of growing international opportunities for economic growth, city leaders took on this task in a comprehensive way and began to plan for a shared future. the keystone of this planning incorporated the opportunities available in the rapidly growing sector known as the “knowledge economy”. after the 1998 consolidation of the federated boroughs that comprised the previous municipality of toronto, the new city embarked on a process to create strategic plans in order to enhance its competitive power within the context of a global marketplace. municipal actors determined that there was opportunity in the newly developing realm called the knowledge economy, and the city of toronto seized the chance to participate in all that this emerging sector had to offer. the decade of the 2000s afforded toronto the possibility of being a player on the world stage, and the creative community served as a key element in the process of tactical urban development. one of the defining aspects during this decade in toronto was the creation and implementation of a common vision for the city and its residents. the cultural sector played a critical role and served as a vital part of this strategy. in addition to the employment aspects of the knowledge economy, the city focused upon campaigns that drew attention to heritage and culture. in order to brand toronto as a creative city, several initiatives were put into place including the creation of a ten-year cultural blueprint. now one of the largest economies in canada, toronto has seen a dynamic level of growth and development over the past ten years. biotechnology, the information systems field, and other technology-based industries are a part of this framework, which focuses on the value and productivity of intellectual assets (powell & snellman, 2004). the knowledge economy also incorporates a wide range of creative industries, including cultural producers in nonprofit and for-profit industries, and integrates the concept of using creativity to shape production. a variety of professions are categorized within this context, such as architecture, design, the performing and fine arts, writing and journalism, photography, filmmaking, interior design, crafts, and television production (statistics canada, 2006). rather than focusing on manufacturing, toronto set its sights on the knowledge economy and chose to compete through developing and fostering the resources of creativity and knowledge, as well as taking into consideration issues inherent in attracting and retaining these kinds of workers. in addition to aspects of the knowledge economy such as technology, energy, and biotech, toronto targeted the creative economy as a part of the more expansive sector delineation. just after the amalgamation process took place, a new official plan was developed that would serve the joined entities. developed using each municipality’s former planning document, the vision looked at the next 30 years of growth in toronto. the document recognized that the city would have to think about development in a new way, and focus not on expansion of sites but on new ways to look at areas that already were urbanized (city of toronto, 2002). this plan put forward the concept of the new toronto as one where residents and visitors would feel safe, and for which torontonians would feel a strong sense of pride. inclusiveness was a key element of the plan, as well as the recognition of toronto’s extremely multicultural residential makeup. benefits within the plan included not only economic development and financial growth, but sensitivity to environmental, social, and quality of life issues as well. a recurrent theme in the plans was competition, which included initiatives within the city of toronto and strategies for the city to compete in canada, north america, and globally. for the city to be a worldwide player, it needed to be able to attract workers, foster capital goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 34 investment, and provide attractive jobs (city of toronto, 2000). being competitive meant focusing on intellectual capital, financing, infrastructure, and providing an attractive business environment. this economic development strategy also took into account ways to compete through quality of life, networking, and unity of vision. this set the stage for a kind of competitiveness that incorporated economic development goals and social concerns, with the vision of fostering the kind of city that would draw and retain businesses and residents and provide a culturally thriving city of which everyone could be proud. a key concept regarding the thinking to which toronto turned in crafting this new vision was the creative cities rhetoric circulating in the urban planning and economic development discourse. the idea of the power of a creative class, consisting of for-profit and nonprofit entities, which included a variety of workers who both produced cultural goods and services and provided a milieu that drew other residents and tourists to their midst was a compelling vision. richard florida’s research, writing, and speaking on this topic made him the unofficial spokesperson for the creative class concept, and it was a coup for toronto when he subsequently moved to the city in 2007 to head the newly established martin prosperity institute at the university of toronto. in addition to the search for its place in the global knowledge economy, one of the obstacles that faced the city was being able to expand its revenue-raising powers, since at the time of amalgamation the sole revenue streams were limited to user fees and property taxes. neither toronto’s mayor nor city council had the power to impose taxation or regulation. this issue would change, however, when in 2006 greater powers were granted to the city. in addition to the broadening of the newly amalgamated city’s powers came some shifts in the fiscal structure, which saw the province of ontario taking on more of the social service costs but reducing its contribution for municipal infrastructure and transportation (city of toronto, 2005). after amalgamation, city leaders began to evaluate and assess the municipality’s assets, including its workforce, knowledge base, and infrastructure. taking stock of existing partnerships and resources, these leaders focused on the possibility of being competitive in a north american as well as global marketplace. prior to amalgamation, toronto saw itself as competing with other cities across canada in a kind of east-west trajectory. this more powerful alliance engendered by the amalgamation of the numerous municipalities and the strategic initiatives it created gave the amalgamated city of toronto the impetus to compete in a wider marketplace. this included cities beyond canada’s borders, specifically american cities such as san francisco, seattle and even new york. for the new city of toronto, amalgamation brought an important role for arts and culture. the city used this sector in planning economic development, and gave the creative community a place at the table in city building. findings: toronto as “cultural camelot” municipal leaders used the amalgamation of the late 1990s to create an opportunity for self-examination and goal setting. a declining manufacturing sector coupled with deindustrialization led the new city of toronto to look for other options in order to develop a competitive niche. extensive research and planning documents led the way towards the knowledge economy, using the language of creative city building to leverage existing assets. with the imprimatur of the federal and provincial government, this new economic development agenda sought to harness the imagination of residents, visitors, and the world and to change the direction and impetus of the next decade. among the documents generated at the turn of the millennium was the official plan, which included the economic development strategy and the goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 35 culture plan, in addition to planning documents that focused on the issues of social development and tourism. each of these had the common theme of quality of life for all torontonians, with key goals that included building consensus around a shared vision of a healthy and vital city. elements of opportunity, diversity, urban beautification, and leadership were woven throughout the initial plans and carried through in subsequent updates (city of toronto, 2008). toronto's transformation over the decade using arts and culture, based upon an economic argument arrived at through studies and reports, was the combination of social value and economic value. the decade was one of great accomplishments physically embodied through the cultural renaissance. subsequent to the development of the vision of the renovation and revitalization of toronto’s major cultural institutions, the policy entrepreneurs, who were leaders of these organizations, built an advocacy coalition. this coalition implemented their concept of the integration of cultural policy and programming into urban economic development (markusen & gadwa, 2010). among the priorities of a newly created department at city hall, called economic development and culture, was a focus on using arts and culture as a means to implement social programs, especially in the areas of education and youth empowerment (jackson & kabwasa-green, 2007). toronto did surveys, conducted studies and put together partnerships to create an entrepreneurial municipal plan for the creation of a globally recognized cultural city. why did they go to all of this effort? through these reflective and integrative processes, the city was able to enhance the social value of arts and culture and create economic value, combining social purpose and economic purpose. this decade was about more than making money – it was about the manifestation of deeper values, inherently canadian values that spoke to a sense of the national pride. since the state, evidenced by provincial and federal funding, was the leader in financially supporting this initiative, this kind of investment was able to feed on itself through the multiplier effect. this window of opportunity created a cultural ecosystem that was greater than the sum of its parts. first, the leaders of the major cultural institutions acknowledged the challenges inherent in the dual issues of run-down facilities and low demand. second, a mayor was elected who was arts-friendly and wanted to find ways for toronto to enter the knowledge economy. third, there was an embedded cultural staff on the municipal level, actors who were very interested in research and produced comprehensive reports and plans. fourth, academics, specifically richard florida, put forward arguments that focused on the creative class and the knowledge economy as a driver of urban development. the addition of federal, provincial, and private sector stakeholders completed the ingredients that resulted in the perfect cultural collaboration. former toronto mayor david miller was a champion of arts and culture who, together with his administration, was a visible advocate of the creative economy. miller was elected to a three-year term in 2003, and was subsequently re-elected in 2006 to serve a four-year term. chief among the key players in his administration was executive director of culture, rita davies, who was renowned for her efforts as a spokesperson and champion of arts and culture in toronto. the longevity of her work for the city was significant as the chief cultural executive at city hall, and few other departments within the economic development and culture division played as visible a role over the decade. one example of municipal involvement in strengthening the creative economy was the toronto film board, created by mayor miller, which served as a consultative body with regards to the film industry, doing briefings for the municipality on the industry as a part of its role. goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 36 the early 2000s saw the convergence of policy entrepreneurs who were leaders of the major cultural institutions, a culture friendly mayor, and entrenched municipal staff that was producing comprehensive research pointing to the efficacy of the integration of cultural policy and economic development. the leadership of the main cultural institutions initiated and implemented this effort, demonstrating the role of these leaders as policy entrepreneurs in igniting this initiative. collaboration among toronto’s major cultural institutions, including the royal ontario museum, the canadian opera company, the national ballet school, the art gallery of ontario, and roy thompson hall, each of whom were concerned about aging infrastructure, led to the development of an idea to foster the renovation of key anchor entities in the city. according to a senior executive at the royal ontario museum, led by the royal ontario museum, individual institutions themselves decided to embark on an ambitious track that has worked and transformed the level of public demand. these changes have not been public driven, more by internal priorities. think of arts and culture as the “soul of the city.” we haven't just rebuilt these institutions– they have been revitalized. this adds to the public good. (m. engstrom, personal communication, january 13, 2011) in addition to a focus on rebuilding the large cultural institutions, toronto instituted marketing campaigns and a citywide festival, both of which highlighted the numerous lessrenown local cultural offerings. gross (2008) discusses the importance of having a variety of creative economy opportunities both for residents and tourists. one reasons this conflagration succeeded in toronto include is that this cultural renaissance had its roots embedded in social policy and social value, with qualitative underpinnings and echoes of canadian cultural identity. in addition, it enhanced national pride, promoted tourism, gave toronto international market status, and contributed to torontonians' social wellbeing. as a part of the messaging used in this creative cities campaign, diversity was a key element and mechanism for conveying “punch lines” of pride and economic value to residents. this was among the tactics employed by the city to encourage foreign-born residents to feel more valued as toronto strived to position itself as an increasingly international city. the outcomes of stakeholder investment in arts and culture had resulted in improvements that benefited not only the city but also its residents. there was a broad knowledge, both citywide and internationally, of toronto's increased visibility as an arts and culture center. all of the respondents in this investigation felt that there was an important role for leadership and stakeholder partnerships (see figure 2). this included the federal and provincial governments as well as the art community, who were key players who that brought the private sector in as partners. mayor david miller, an advocate for the arts, and the long-term municipal cultural leadership – especially executive director of culture rita davies -were powerful allies. the canadian state was open to the argument made by a powerful cultural community in toronto, led by the executives of the key institutions. toronto's private sector, including individuals and corporations, was healthy and receptive to being asked to participate in the transformation of the city into a hub for the knowledge economy. there was a focus on mutually beneficial goal setting that transpired at city hall during the decade, with the mayor being supported and guided by the leadership from important municipal employees. goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 37 figure 2. toronto findings: leadership, stakeholder partnerships, & reports research and reports were the key cultural policy tools employed, augmented by tax, zoning, and land-use policy, with the city’s cultural workers perceived by the polis and goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 38 stakeholders as being positive and helpful. municipal representatives used the tools to which they had access to bring cultural policy to life through the institution of events including citywide cultural celebration, nuit blanche, and branding campaigns such as live with culture. projects that reclaimed decrepit lands, such as wychwood barns and the pinewood film studios were viewed as examples of the city doing what it could with what it had. toronto leveraged its seemingly unique blend of cultural policy and economic development as it entered the global knowledge economy. the decade of the 2000s in toronto saw the creation of a powerful municipal department, called economic development and culture, in which the often-dissimilar policy objectives of these two domains were blended to an extraordinary degree. dependent on one another to fulfill the promise of the “cultural camelot” created by toronto's entry onto the creative cities scene, this distinct department produced an innovative and influential new paradigm for city building. in toronto, cultural policy was embedded in economic development, and in presenting a public face to this symbiotic relationship put forward a friendly and open demeanor. behind the curtain this was a savvy and competitive team, which was strategizing and planning for the achievement of its highly–calculated objectives. the two areas identified strengths and assets that the other did not have. in the municipality of toronto, arts and culture learned the economic development vocabulary, and economic development specialists used arts and culture as a tool with which to make changes in the landscape and financial power of the city. in canada, the economic argument had to be tied to the social value paradigm. a key element in the synthesis of these aspirations was the interconnection of cultural policy and economic development; in fact, these two departments shared that the same office space at city hall. the physical proximity, common goal of creating a cultural city, and lack of financial power gave the functions of cultural policy and economic development the conditions needed to form a tight bond and the motivation to seek stakeholder partners in the public, private, and nonprofit sectors. an open policy window was created as the newly formed city of toronto sought to find its place in the global knowledge economy. this opening offered an opportunity to put forward ideas on how to accomplish this goal. policy entrepreneurs both in the municipality and in the creative community believed that the problem, gaining world stature as a center of the knowledge economy, could find a policy solution within the creative cities framework. aligning the political landscape fell to the team at toronto’s city hall, who used planning documents and strategic options to fashion a blueprint for a so-called ‘cultural renaissance.’ thus, the streams of problem, policy, and politics were joined under the multiple streams model to provide an opportunity to move forward with this vision for a creative toronto. the municipality, over the decade, seemed to be in touch with its constituency. they did not do things arbitrarily. the city was seen as being in tune with economic value and social value and importantly the meeting of these two, as embodied within and linked through innovation and creativity. the polis in toronto was an audience to this initiative, with messaging to the public about toronto's rise as a cultural city prevalent during this decade. however, it was because the numerous players in this coalition had adopted a new sense of toronto's power and possibility as a cultural capital that this external messaging took place. in toronto, there was a strong perception of a powerful cultural community, one that needed to band together. toronto’s municipal actors changed their thinking about the way they could compete on the cultural level, as well as attempting to change the beliefs of cultural tourists and city residents. during the decade, the coalition, with its group of stakeholder goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 39 partners, was able to build consensus and accomplish an enormous amount to move toronto ahead with its ambitious plans. the groups that were aligned included the cultural leaders of the major institutions, the province of ontario, the canadian federal government, toronto's mayor, municipal departments including economic development and culture, tourism efforts, and the cultural community. within the context of this alliance, the change began with the amalgamation and subsequently was fostered by an external source: the nonprofit cultural institutions’ leadership. it then was bolstered by the research and reporting done by the municipal personnel, which enabled a new kind of policy belief in the potentiality of toronto as a cultural player on the global knowledge economy stage. since the expenditure by the provincial and the federal government was viewed as an investment in cultural infrastructure, cultural assets, and cultural amenities, it was not surprising that these stakeholders, together with the private sector, were interested in spurring economic development. there was a strong relationship between social and economic goals, one that was important to all of the players in the creation of toronto’s cultural camelot. this was a case of mutual interests among stakeholders, as opposed to competing interests. the many members of this coalition embraced the idea of a creative city as a way for the city to attract workers, residents and tourists, thus empowering this solution to the problem of entering the knowledge economy through the policy stream of the cultural economy interventions. these actors, organizations, institutions and corporations worked together in creating what could be viewed as a kind of “pareto improvement” to the city of toronto in which the city’s multiple stakeholders were made better off, without any one of them being made worse off. the cultural renaissance could be viewed as a positive externality, in that residents of toronto receive the benefits of a more visually attractive, culturally diverse, and reenergized city. this all circles back to the initial support by the state through the federal and provincial government, which branched out to the private sector from there. in the case of toronto’s cultural renaissance, gaining federal attention and support echoed the national dedication to and identity with multiculturalism. arts and culture became integrated as a part of toronto’s economic development strategy during the decade through a combination of cultural policy research, citywide events, and the highly visible cultural built environment of the cultural renaissance. this gave a widely recognized and public face to arts and culture policy and its implementation in economic development, thus showing all of toronto's stakeholders the efficacy of this utilization of arts and culture. as former mayor david miller explained, toronto is creative – this is where the arts are. one key element is that we support innovation and creativity. a creative toronto was at the heart of the economic strategy–it was the number one priority for the arts. my goal was to make toronto more prosperous, more livable, and to have more opportunities. arts and culture have helped on all levels. as it became accepted wisdom that arts and culture had an economic value, it became easier to succeed in bringing it in. my administration was championing the arts. we were free to do that. we have increased the funding every year; we made it a part of the conversation from the “bully pulpit” of the mayor's office. (d. miller, personal communication, january 20, 2011) the data show that arts and culture gained a role over the decade as a cornerstone of the economic development agenda in that city. it was the center of post-amalgamation cultural policy platforms, and was implemented in a clearly thought out manner with a wealth of research goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 40 to back it up, especially in the form of the substantive municipal cultural planning documents and their subsequent updates. during the decade, toronto, which had been in the shadow of montréal’s creative dominance, attempted a “cultural makeover” from the outside in, with economic development consistently coupled with cultural policy. this deeply integrated relationship between cultural policy and economic development in toronto could point to challenges in diversifying its economic development potential. the reports and studies produced by the city allowed policymakers, private sector leaders, and the cultural community to undergo a kind of change in their thinking about policy and economic development, and to recognize that the integration of arts and culture into economic development would be effective. this produced a consensus among a variety of actors and institutions, as well as a buy-in from the provincial and federal government. this support from the state meant that the policy interventions that took place in the arts and culture landscape of toronto's cultural renaissance were well funded, as well as receiving the imprimatur of the government. in toronto during the 2000s, there was a dedication to team building and collaboration in the areas of leadership and stakeholder partnerships. according to the municipality’s former executive director of culture, rita davies, arts and culture play a cohesive role–they help to coalesce communities, bridge differences, and tell our stories to ourselves and to the world. arts and culture help bring our stories together to tell our common story. richard florida's constructs – creativity and idea generation – are key. talent is nurtured in the arts, and then goes on to business. they say that the assets in the firm walk out the front door at the end of the day. the rest of canada benefits from creativity. (r. davies, personal communication, january 21, 2011) there was a perception of a team environment in which municipal, provincial, federal, and cultural community actors all played leadership roles in the cultural renaissance. the private sector was seen as following the state, especially when the larger government entities such as the province of ontario and the federal government came on board for this initiative, pledging nearly $260m cad in 2003 towards the renovation of the city’s anchor cultural institutions (jenkins, 2005). toronto was a consultative environment in which younger artists, community partnerships, and multiple stakeholder involvement contributed to the creative teambuilding that took place over this timeframe. summary toronto’s policy entrepreneurs contributed to the creation of the cultural renaissance in the 2000s. they gained traction on the municipal agenda through policy entrepreneurship in the creative economic development context. toronto needed to build partnerships and form alliances across sectors in order to bring in stakeholders with greater access to resources. there was available funding from the state and the private sector that the city wished to bring to the implementation of the cultural renaissance. it was through the development of a strong, unified plan that included a variety of actors that this coalition building resulted in the kind of buy-in that was necessary to implement toronto’s ambitious cultural makeover. in the decade of the 2000s, toronto needed to collaborate across sectors in order to grow and thrive. the city was in an ambitious phase of development and employed cultural policy tools that were focused on the cultural renaissance. the fact that toronto did incorporate culture and economic development together into one department in 2005 under mayor miller meant that goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 41 they were more apt to consider using city-owned land and buildings as an asset for repurposing using arts and culture. the city had a stated interest in partnerships across the public, private, and nonprofit sectors and put economic development using arts and culture front and center in its city building campaign. the integrated culture and economic development department at city hall justified interventions that incorporated arts and culture both on social benefit and economic grounds. in striving to compete on a global stage, the municipality utilized creative city data and reports in addition to stakeholder partnerships as cultural policy tools within an economic development framework (brooks & kushner, 2002). this was a case of city actors needing to be accountable to stakeholders, which during the 2000s included the provincial and federal government and corporate and individual donors. these actors were invested in the multifaceted goals of enhancing the cultural built environment, strengthening toronto’s creative brand, and fostering community engagement (grodach, 2009). toronto used research to create a vision of what could be accomplished in becoming a creative city, and employed strategic planning to implement this ideal (see table 2). topic area summary what arts and culture mean in the city toronto has been able to transform itself through arts and culture through the articulation of an economic argument and using studies and reports as tools with which to make this case. the perceived social value of arts and culture to the city is based upon a combination of cultural identity, civic pride and an inherent dedication to social welfare. the role, benefits, and manifestation of arts and culture in the city over the decade of the 2000s, the highly visible built environment of the cultural renaissance has redefined the city. in addition, citywide festivals, public art and increased tourism have enhanced awareness of toronto as a cultural place. stakeholder involvement and leadership the canadian federal government, the province of ontario, and the art community played a role in bringing the private sector to the table in building toronto as a cultural center over the past decade. the combination of an entrenched municipal cultural staff and engaged mayor were a powerful team. what cultural policy means in the city and its manifestation to compensate for its lack of economic power, toronto used research and reports as its main cultural policy tools, together with the integration of tax and zoning initiatives and adaptive reuse strategies. have arts and culture gained a role on the economic development agenda? toronto utilized, empowered and implemented economic development using arts and culture as the keystone of its entry as a globally competitive cultural center. ties to cultural policy cultural policy and economic development are interconnected in toronto in a mutually beneficial relationship. table 2. themes in toronto’s decade of dynamism smart practices: arts & culture in municipal economic development goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 42 in understanding lessons learned from the cultural renaissance, toronto provides three examples of implementing the integration of arts and culture to create a dynamic city. these are: 1) institute robust research and planning; 2) develop and sustain stakeholder partnerships; and 3) integrate both public good and economic benefit in economic development projects and programs. the following analysis discusses the efficacy of each of these three pillars in light of their innovative and comprehensive components. 1) utilize research and strategic planning in the creation and implementation of arts and culture interventions in the municipal economic development toolkit. effective strategy can be informed by research, which can guide policy development and implementation incorporating arts and culture. toronto did this with its cultural renaissance, in which the wealth of reports and briefings helped stakeholders to become knowledgeable and subsequently to buy into the plan. toronto used strategic planning to enter the global knowledge economy and to shift its focus towards nurturing a “creative competitiveness” (boudreau et al, 2009). city actors incorporated a social ethos into the bottom line goals set for municipal development over the decade of the 2000s. toronto produced a wealth of research and reports which gave municipal stakeholders the ammunition they needed to bring provincial, federal, and private sector actors and entities to the table in formulating the elements for the cultural renaissance (city of toronto, 2001). the municipality laid out the foundation of this ambitious urban project and sought funding for it through the provincial and federal government as well as the private sector. toronto’s research on the creative city was a tool with which to generate funding and buy-in from this variety of stakeholders, and was influenced directly by numerous reports that made the economic and social case for the support of culture by the state and private actors (blaug, 2001). part of the strategy for toronto during the decade included the development of citywide cultural initiatives and the repurposing of city-owned properties using an arts and culture lens. the 24-hour arts festival nuit blanche was an example of an event that focused attention upon the cultural amenities found in toronto, and brought up to a million participants together to celebrate the city’s creative spirit (bahn, 2009). initiated in 2006, nuit blanche makes contemporary art accessible to the public, drawing up to a million people to the city streets for a popular festival targeted at community engagement and interaction with art (jiwa et al, 2009). numerous cultural institutions, galleries, and creative spaces open their doors, welcoming residents and visitors to a lively celebration of toronto’s creativity (kurtz, 2009). wychwood barns, a repurposed streetcar storage area, is an instance of toronto’s employing city-owned land with which to develop a community resource with a cultural dimension (gertler et al, 2006). it was redeveloped by the nonprofit artscape together with the city of toronto, and opened in 2008 with live-work facilities for artists, a public park, and a community gallery space. now offering a variety of cultural events such as gallery tours, classes, music offerings, and art festivals, wychwood barns has become a popular destination for toronto residents who wish to take advantage of the cultural programming, green space, and sense of community. these examples illustrate the way that a strategic plan incorporating arts and culture can be brought to life and enjoy subsequent success. 2. when developing and implementing creative city plans, build and cultivate relationships and stakeholder partnerships across policy domains and throughout sectors. toronto respondents perceived the relationship building aspect to be extremely important and an integral component of the cultural renaissance throughout the decade,. the strong ties goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 43 established between the city and private sector actors were seen as groundbreaking, and something to be continued as part of a culture of collaboration initiated by the municipality. the data revealed that a sense of collaboration among municipal executives, as well as across sectors, was an important tool in building economic strength through arts and culture interventions. as zukin (1995, p. 2) observes, arts and culture in economic development is an effective means by which cities can boost consumption and differentiate themselves by developing a creative economy brand. toronto did this by fostering cohesive strategic planning, specifically manifest in the annals of city hall. during the planning and implementation of the cultural renaissance, toronto’s municipal government, specifically the department of economic planning and culture, saw one of its main responsibilities as bringing stakeholders together and building consensus. the numerous instances of partnership development include not only drawing in the federal and provincial government, corporate actors, and private individuals, but also eliciting input from the cultural community and artist stakeholders. within the municipality, this department served as a convener and locus for the creative city aspirations and activity during the decade through a team-based approach to the creation and implementation of toronto’s cultural renaissance. florida (2012, p. 305) points to the importance of what he calls a “people climate” in fostering the right environment in which these kinds of interventions can succeed. open dialogue between private and public sector actors, the implementation of consultative processes, and eliciting the advice of experts all were hallmarks in regards to the creative city building process. partnerships included those with private sector actors, such as scotia bank’s sponsorship of nuit blanche and businessman michael chin’s significant contribution to the royal ontario museum’s renovation. respondents saw toronto’s business community as following the lead of the government entities, and examples such as these illustrate the possibility of leadership from the private sector that could serve as examples for the future. financial investments made during the cultural renaissance exemplify the power of reaching out into the private sector. 3. create and institute economic development initiatives that incorporate arts and culture through a framework that integrates both social good and economic benefit components. focusing on the two facets of economic development may serve to assist in meeting the goal of strengthening the city financially, while putting forward policymakers’ agendas of celebrating diversity, building neighborhoods, and increasing municipal pride (markusen, 2007). integrating these goals can contribute to a municipal environment in which the economic development aspirations of a city are strengthened by a dedication to public benefit. in this way, the purpose of one supports the other by acknowledging the potential of this interdependent relationship, in which each area has seemingly disparate goals and objectives. zolberg (1990, p. 25) emphasizes that there is an inexplicable but very tangible connectivity between the social good produced by arts and culture and its functionality in playing a role in commerce and the economy. economic development projects intent on growing the creative industries may create revenue streams through corporate taxes and workers’ revenues, and non-material results that can include becoming known as a center of a cultural industry, such as publishing or film and television production. public good interventions using arts and culture can build civic pride, reinforce the city’s efficacy as a place to do business, and draw cultural tourism. arts and culture provided benefits to toronto that were manifest both in the realm of public good and that of economic strength. public art, festivals, and fairs are examples of public good interventions that can serve as a means to create a sense of excitement for visitors and a goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 44 feeling of inclusion and pride of place for residents who are able to take advantage both of classical and popular cultural offerings (scott, 2000). instances that focused on arts and culture’s role in public good initiatives are exemplified by toronto’s citywide nuit blanche cultural festival. in each case, the interventions attracted cultural tourism, built civic pride, and provided a multiplier effect that contributed to the financial health of the city. another example is the “live with culture” campaign mounted in toronto in 2005, instituted to bring attention to the wealth of creative options to be found in the city (boudreau et al, 2009, p. 193). the initiative focused on attracting visitors and strengthening pride of place for residents. it also served to showcase the wealth of cultural amenities available to workers, thus reinforcing toronto’s attractiveness to the business community. toronto concerned itself with attracting and keeping the screen-based industries in the city by offering incentives and providing ease of use amenities designed to assist companies in conducting business. the toronto international film festival (tiff) is an illustration of a screen-based cultural event that leverages its relatively small annual budget to provide nearly $70 million cad in economic impact each year (gertler et al, 2006). tiff has grown to encompass a year-round location called the tiff bell lightbox & festival tower, housing screening areas, gallery space, and a condominium. on the economic side, the city made investments in its cultural built environment, as exemplified by the renovation of the royal ontario museum and art gallery of ontario. among the economic development initiatives that incorporate the two dimensions of public good and economic benefit are cultural districts or developed areas designed to attract visitors and residents to creative offerings, instances in which the twin goals of increasing social value and promoting financial growth are blended (stern & seifert, 2007). examples include the distillery district, in which a repurposed set of buildings were fashioned to create a destination for cultural offerings and entertainment, and the pinewood studios project, which incorporated a planned neighborhood and film production center to be built on city-owned land (mcclelland, 2005). conclusion this case study exemplifies the power and importance of implementing arts and culture in economic development and city building initiatives, and the important role played by policy entrepreneurs. this is a case illustrating the agenda setting aspect of the multiple streams framework, in which policy entrepreneurs seized the open policy window created after the period of toronto’s amalgamation. the decade of the 2000s exemplified the joining of the three streams of problem, policy, and politics. the problem was how to enter the knowledge economy; the policy aspect included the fruits of the integration of arts and economic development; and the politics centered upon a strategy that brought the local, provincial and federal goals into alignment through the built cultural environment, a dedication to public good, and the strengthening of toronto’s cultural economic health. toronto deliberately refashioned itself using a blended cultural policy and economic development template. this innovative initiative incorporated research, strategic planning, and stakeholder partnerships to create the goal of entering the knowledge economy through a creative cities initiative. policy entrepreneurs within the municipality, as well as those from the cultural community, worked together to focus the attention of policymakers and the polis and to coalesce messaging about toronto’s power as a cultural entity on the global stage. not only did this initiative gain a place on the economic development agenda over the 2000s, it played a role in goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 45 setting the municipal agenda as toronto’s leaders and citizens embraced their city’s growing worldwide popularity as a center of culture. strategies employed mirrored traditional economic development initiatives, but incorporated a strong social equity premise focused on aspects of the cultural economy that are a part of the public good, such as pride of place, heritage, and national identity. despite the competition for attention among the many actors and departments in the municipal government, the creative cities strategy gained prominence in toronto during the decade (jones & baumgartner, 2004). key cultural players brought together powerful partners including provincial, federal government, and private sector actors, gaining access to the city’s policy agenda through a strategy that included substantive plans and significant updates to these reports (kingdon, 2011). bolstered by these municipally authored studies, the cultural renaissance initiative penetrated toronto's agenda and was manifest in the numerous stakeholder relationships, creating a powerful reality that strove to fulfill the dream of a world-class cultural city. city policymakers worked together with the cultural community and the media to message toronto's cultural camelot to the public (silver et al, 2002). citywide initiatives, festivals, and fairs such as nuit blanche, live with culture, luminato, and toronto international film festival, drew the money, attention, interest, and excitement of residents and tourists alike. regular updates to the municipally created culture plan, in conjunction with initiatives designed to provide some live/work space for artists and incentives for the real estate developers and cultural industries such as film rounded out the agenda, making decade one of dynamism for toronto. over those years, toronto has been – on the municipal level – a convener and a facilitator. arts and culture were seen by city dwellers as a normal part of life, and now are taken for granted. toronto is part of a worldwide competition to participate in the knowledge economy, which in turn attracts members of the creative sector to the city. municipal actors in toronto, especially those in the department of economic development and culture, took the new vision of the city as a participant in the creative cities and knowledge economy and placed it deliberately in the public eye, making it an important way that the city leaders communicated with constituents. the integration of the culture and economic development departments served as a platform for this plan, and the numerous stakeholders were involved both in the development of strategy and its articulation. toronto in the 2000s had to make the case for its desire to commit resources of time, energy, and finances to this endeavor. in order to secure the necessary capital, policy entrepreneurs, both in the municipality as well as the cultural community, needed to attract buy-in. carried out on multiple levels, toronto’s municipal mission during that decade was first to garner support for and subsequently to implement this vision of the creative toronto; one that balanced a focus on commerce with one on culture (carr & servon, 2009). this study provides a better understanding of the ways that policy entrepreneurs can coalesce to gain access to the municipal agenda. the multiple streams framework, and specifically the agenda setting theory, serve as tools to explore and explain how endogenous shocks, in this case the amalgamation of toronto’s outlying areas into a larger entity, can serve as opportunities for change. a focused message, combined with political will and motivated stakeholder partners, gave toronto the dynamism it needed to set and achieve an ambitious goal. the case reflects upon the blending of opportunity, strategy, and policy, and the analysis serves to further the understanding of the ways that opportunities can be leveraged through careful planning and the coalescence of seemingly disparate interests. goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 46 it is important for the stakeholders in creative city interventions to understand the role played by factors such as changing economic circumstances, shifts in public opinion, and the opinions of newly elected policymakers. as an example of this, in contrast to the ebullience of the decade, the political infrastructure and the enduring power of toronto’s cultural renaissance may be tested. on the physical level, issues related to the quality of program offerings in these behemoth, renovated spaces is a concern. on the demand side, the financial realities stemming from a weakened u.s. dollar in relation to the canadian dollar, coupled with slower border crossing time after the 2000s led to a diminishment of u.s. tourists to toronto. film and television production in toronto slowed after the decade, primarily due to the stronger canadian dollar and more competition for production worldwide. the cultural component of the municipal policy domain within economic development has been challenged as a change in mayoralty questions the efficacy of increasing funding both to the nonprofit and for-profit components of the creative sector. the two functions of cultural policy and economic development in toronto’s city hall could be pulled apart just as easily as they were integrated together. because toronto’s private sector is newly involved as champions of culture to the extent they have been over the 2000s, they may not be willing to advocate strongly on the municipal, provincial and national levels to protect the fruits of that decade regarding cultural policy. additionally, the city needs to build and sustain the immigrant demand for arts and culture. since immigrants make up nearly fifty percent of toronto's residents, providing education, uncovering interest, and stimulating demand for arts and culture within that sector of the community will be an important area of focus. these concerns point to the need for policy entrepreneurs to continue to make the case for arts and culture in the municipal, commercial, public, and creative economy realms. the opinions and concerns of the polis and policymakers shift and change according to a variety of factors, and strategies need to be tailored to the realities of current affairs. advocates of arts and culture in economic development can use the tools of agenda setting within the multiple streams framework as a guide to understanding how to navigate this landscape effectively to meet their goals. although creative city partnerships of the kind discussed here offer the opportunity for all to benefit, success is not assured. the further development of theoretical frameworks and utilization of policy theories that can assist in understanding and addressing the disjointed interests of a variety of stakeholders in the public, private, and nonprofit sectors could contribute greatly to improved outcomes in urban economic development initiatives employing arts and culture. this type of policy entrepreneurship serves as a model for cities worldwide, demonstrating that the blend of policy, planning, and persistence can result in the creation of a city of culture that offers economic wellbeing and quality of life enhancements for residents and visitors alike. acknowledgements this research was funded by a generous grant from the rockefeller foundation goldberg-miller creative toronto: harnessing the economic development power of arts & culture ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (1) 47 references bahn, j. 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(2008). from creative economy to creative society: a social policy paradigm for the creative sector has the potential to address urban poverty as well as urban vitality. progressive planning, the magazine of planners network, 107, 14-18. weimer, d., & vining, a. (2005). policy analysis: concepts and practice (4th ed.). upper saddle river, nj: prentice hall. zolberg, v. (1990). constructing a sociology of the arts. new york, ny: cambridge university press. zukin, s. (1995). the cultures of cities. cambridge, ma: blackwell microsoft word seman_formatted final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 4, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 33-49 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2015, the author what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? an examination of a music scene as economic cluster michael seman, university of north texas abstract a growing area of discourse in urban economics is the value of artistic production and its role in economic development theory. one arts subsector that has received little attention is popular music. prior research tangentially acknowledges that music scenes function as economic clusters, but little detailing of their dynamics as such exists. the bulk of attention is paid to how these scenes operate in the framework of the broader music industry, not how they contribute to their surrounding urban economic landscapes. this paper uses michael porter’s economic cluster theory to examine denton, texas’ music scene. findings point to the scene operating as an economic cluster as defined by porter in addition to catalyzing economic and community development. results address the existing gap in research leaving the economic value of music scenes underexplored and help detail the necessary conditions for a music scene to develop. keywords urban, economic, cluster, music, scene, entrepreneurship introduction a growing area of discourse in urban economics is the value of artistic production and its role in current economic development theory (currid, 2009). one arts subsector that has received little attention in this discourse is popular music. of specific interest are music scenes – the spatially-based cultural agglomerations of human and physical capital that include musicians, consumers, entrepreneurs, technicians, venues, and studios all working together (often in a volunteer, “do-it-yourself” or “diy” nature) to facilitate the creation and performance of music (bennett & peterson, 2004; connell & gibson, 2003; florida & jackson, 2010). music scenes are recognized as part of the urban economy by some authors, but only superficially as economic clusters with emphasis placed on the roles those clusters play in the larger framework of the music industry (florida & jackson, 2010; florida, mellander, & stolarick, 2010; lin, 2014; scott, 1999). this practice obscures the scale and scope of a music scene’s role in its surrounding urban economic landscape by reducing it to an unexamined milieu contributing product to a larger industry. other authors examine the positive externalities generated by music scenes, placing them tangentially into the urban economic development discourse (florida, 2002; grant, haggett, & morton, 2009; lloyd, 2006; seman, 2010); however, there still lacks a thorough understanding of how music scenes operate in the urban economy. observing a music scene through the lens of existing economic cluster theory and detailing scene participants’ interactions would help one gain that understanding. this paper seeks to answer the question; are music scenes economic clusters as defined by porter (2000)? answering this question will further detail how music scenes operate in the urban economy, give policymakers insight on their value as catalysts, and help fill a research gap that has left music scenes a nearly nascent presence in the discourse concerning urban economics and cultural production. to answer the research question, this paper first presents a literature review detailing the pertinent points of economic clustering and music scenes. next, the case study location is detailed and the research methodology is described. analysis and discussion of seman what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 34 the research findings is then offered and is followed with suggestions for further study and a conclusion. from growth models to music scenes the end of the 20th century saw a much different national economy in the united states than the one at the start of the century. with this change came a rethinking of how to construct models explaining regional economic growth. weber (1929/1968), harris (1954), isard, (1956) and others offer that the competitive advantage of firms is derived from economies of scale, resource availability, minimization of input costs, transport access, and the geographic aspects of agglomerations. these attributes still account for some aspects of growth, but by the end of the century newer models emerged. romer (1986) and lucas (1988) argue the variables of educated, highly skilled human capital and technology are better at explaining why certain regions are more competitive than others in a time of rapid globalization (fujita & thisse, 1996; glaeser, 1994) while krugman (1991) focuses on population concentrations and the tendency of specialized labor and firms to co-locate for economic security as reasons for regional success. drawing from both sets of models, porter (2000) suggests regional economic growth is the result of “economic clusters” capitalizing on “the effect of location on competition” manifested in the “four interrelated influences” of local context, factors/inputs, related and supporting industries, and demand conditions. these clusters give regions competitive advantages in productivity, innovation, and new business formation (2000, p. 19). porter defines economic clusters as: “…geographic concentrations of interconnected companies, specialized suppliers, service providers, firms in related industries, and associated institutions (e.g. universities, standards agencies, trade associations) in a particular field that compete but also cooperate” (2000, p. 15). economic clusters are driven by dense networks of educated, highly skilled human capital leveraging technology and creating knowledge spillovers through face-to-face contact – what storper and venables (2004) describe as “buzz.” porter’s observation of this activity as integral to the innovation process builds on the work of marshall (1890/1990) and jacobs (1970, 1961/1992) who suggest similar concentrations breed atmospheres of innovation. the translation of these regional growth theories into current economic development practices manifests in strategies aimed at attracting and retaining educated, highly skilled human capital which will provide established firms with innovative ideas and practices in addition to starting new firms (clark, 2004; currid, 2009; florida, 2002; glaeser, kolko, & saiz, 2001; mather, 1999). artistic production is placed into this urban economic framework as, in addition to often contributing to a city’s brand, redevelopment efforts, and industrial growth, the milieu surrounding artistic production also functions as an amenity attractive to this desired human capital (currid, 2009; florida, 2002; lloyd, 2006; scott, 2000; seman, 2010). however, the clustering dynamics of artistic production have not been specifically detailed through the lens of porter’s (2000) work. music is a subsector of artistic production that also has a surrounding creative milieu, or “music scene.” these scenes are attractive to human capital and capable of economic externalities (seman, 2010), but when framed in the urban economy for analysis, it is often with emphasis on the roles they play in the larger framework of the music industry or as mere glimpses into a much larger and denser network of cultural production in a city’s economy (currid, 2007; florida & jackson, 2010; florida, mellander, & stolarick, 2010; scott, 1999; seman, 2010). the detailing that does exist speaks to them embodying many characteristics of seman what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 35 economic clustering, but not in a thorough and concise manner. at the same time, the concept of bands as firms is emerging with snow (2010) drawing comparison between high-tech start-up firms and bands in terms of operational dynamics and business lifecycles while blackwell, stephan, and stephan (2004) and guiney and zheng (2012) suggest bands conduct business much like more traditional, established firms in other industries. economic cluster traits are suggested in some analyses of music scenes. scott (1999) finds that a dense, localized geographic location offers music scene participants “a relatively high probability of finding just the right kind of input within easy access at just the right time” leading many to play “important roles at many different stages of the production process” (scott, 1999, p. 1971/1974). like silicon valley, scott (1999, p. 1975) also offers that a music scene may be “sustained by educational and training institutions.”1 straw (2005) places emphasis on the social aspect of the dense networks of scene participants noting that “scenes emerge from the excesses of sociability that surround the pursuit of interests” and finds the “lines between professional and social activities are blurred, as each activity becomes the alibi for the other” (straw, 2005, p. 412/413). lines are also blurred as scene members often act simultaneously as cultural producers, facilitators, and consumers (smith & gillett, 2014). analysis of the fertile music scene in athens, georgia during the late 1970s and 1980s (which spawned bands such as the b-52’s and rem) offers further itemizing of music scene components and how they may operate in a manner evocative of economic clustering. jipson (1994) details the core components of athens’ scene and notes it offers a density of potential audience members and performers, a low cost of living, several places to perform with lax booking policies including a plethora of house parties, a recording studio, a well-respected art department attracting a continual supply of students turned musicians focused on creative innovation, and a geographically and socially tight-knit community of scene participants. in addition, jipson (1994) stresses there was a lack of competition amongst bands, and a decided bent towards having fun while playing over achieving technical proficiency. florida and jackson (2010) consider the history of music scenes in the united states and detail the development of smaller, “independent” (or “indie”) music scenes in the 1980s located outside of the “major centers” typically thought of for cultural production. these indie or diy scenes are built upon networks organically established by the self-empowering punk rock movement and are often located in college towns where “music talent is located, students have free time to form and play in musical acts, and there is considerable demand for live music performance” (azerrad, 2001; florida, mellander, & stolarick, 2010, p. 786; seman, 2010). case study : denton, texas denton, texas’s music scene was selected as a case study for this research as it was easily accessible and vibrant. denton is a city approximately 40 miles north of dallas with two universities, a population of just over 110,000, and a thriving music scene with growing national and global recognition (beehner, 2008; rogers, 2007; seman, 2012; simmons, 2010; sims, 2008). denton’s music scene is estimated to encompass “100 or more acts” at any given time and is “eclectic and artistically ambitious, with a high degree of musicianship and a strong diy ethic” (sims, 2008). in addition, my eight-year history as participant in the music scene allowed for unparalleled access to contacts and insight potentially unavailable in another geographic area. 1 it should be noted that while scott (1999) states that he is analyzing u.s. recorded music industrial clusters – seman what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 36 o’connor (2002) suggests that not all music scenes are carbon copies of each other and denton’s scene is idiosyncratic in a number of ways. it is highly concentrated and has an oceanic depth and breadth with artists and bands mining a wide variety of genres. collections of scene members form “micro” scenes around genres such as experimental noise, americana, and punk, yet still often interact within the broader scene and self-identify as part of it supporting straw’s concept that music scenes are areas of “multiple musical practices” (r. gomez, personal communication, january 2, 2013; r. buttrum, personal communication, january 13, 2013; straw 2001, p. 248). another trait not found in many other music scenes in cities of similar population size is the routine national and international recognition for the scene’s participants. several bands such as midlake, centro-matic, slobberbone, baptist generals, sarah jaffe, brave combo, and lift to experience enjoy or have enjoyed widespread success, in some cases selling more than 100,000 copies of a release globally, licensing songs to commercials, television, and film, appearing on nationally broadcast late night television shows, and playing to capacity crowds in venues and theaters in the united states and internationally. there are also a number of musicians such as earl harvin and matt chamberlain who participated in denton’s music scene for several years then left to perform and record with various bands with international profiles (head, 2011; liles, 2009; tama, 2006). methodology porter (1998, p. 79) suggests that to fully understand economic clusters, one must detail the “many important actors and relationships in competition.” to capture the dynamics of the “important actors and relationships” driving denton’s music scene, a convenience sample was constructed in a manner similar to becker (1963), whose participatory immersion in chicago’s jazz music scene allowed him direct access to the subjects he sought to study. due to my participatory experience in the music scene as well as the literature reviewed in previous sections, certain individuals were specifically targeted in the music scene as sample participants thus defining the convenience sample with an undercurrent of purposive sampling. the final sample consisted of 25 individuals including musicians, venue owners, promoters, label owners, booking agents, and city representatives – or some combination thereof. perceptions of the scene were captured from participants both established and emerging and from across a wide range of musical genres in order to have a sample “representative of the range of points of view” (rubin and rubin, 1995, p. 66). a series of “structured” and “semi-structured” in-person interviews (bernard 1988) were conducted over a two-month period. interviews lasted from 30 to 90 minutes and were conversational in nature. a survey instrument was used with questions both subjective and factual included. the interviews were transcribed and analysis included creating theoretical memos to help spot trends and themes in the information gathered. these extended notes helped when comparing the results outwardly to the literature initially reviewed as well as to the other qualitative data accumulated during interviews, including secondary sources such as books, magazines, newspapers, websites, and blogs. both methods of continual comparison or “analytic induction” allowed for trends and “interesting relationships” to emerge (bernard 1988; crang 2005). using porter’s cluster theory framework to examine denton’s music scene was at times challenging as sometimes even a nuanced understanding of both the theory and the dynamics of the music scene were not enough to help connect the two via conversation with scene members seman what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 37 during the interview process. much of this disconnect is due to the theory not being designed to describe cultural activity where firms – in this case, mainly bands – are far less capitalized and often not as singularly focused on business-oriented success. however, when the responses of music scene members are considered holistically as a group and augmented by research observations, porter’s theory is adequately detailed, albeit as though looking through a telescope backwards. in essence, as described in the next section, denton’s music scene is sort of like silicon valley, but different. results a scene of productivity. porter (2000) suggests certain elements regarding local context, factors/inputs, related and supporting industries, and demand conditions must be in place and interact within a framework for a location to foster a successful cluster with a competitive advantage in productivity, innovation, and new business formation. in terms of productivity, porter offers that clusters give a location productivity advantages in five ways via “access to specialized inputs and employees,” “access to information,” “complementarities,” “access to institutions and public goods,” and “incentives and performance measurement” (porter, 2000, p. 22/23). denton’s music scene capitalizes on all five with resulting productivity gains. what drives productivity in denton’s music scene is the institution, the university of north texas (unt), but not in the manner that would invoke comparisons to stanford and silicon valley. unt’s college of music is one of the consistently top-ranked post-secondary music schools in the country, but it does not actively engage the music scene that exists in the city. glen farris, a musician and production manager for the dallas-ft. worth booking agency spune stated that, “the schism between unt music and the rest of denton’s music has been massive and wide...” this sentiment was echoed by the majority of people interviewed. this stands in stark contrast to stanford’s engineering department, which fostered the development of silicon valley (saxenian, 1996). the majority of scene participants interviewed who moved to denton to attend unt did so to enroll in programs other than music. the significance of this detail is multi-tiered. “employees” with specialized music knowledge from unt’s college of music definitely form bands, but there are also students in the department of radio, television, and film (rtvf) and the college of visual arts and design (cvad) programs who also form bands in addition to using their specialized knowledge in fields such as photography, graphic design, and filmmaking to provide services and inputs to existing bands. of the ten participants that attended unt in non-music majors, all of them lend their specialized knowledge to the music scene while in firms or as freelancers, with eight of them also participating as active musicians. this situation supports scott’s (1999, p. 1975) observation that a music scene may be “sustained by educational and training institutions that focus on local, agglomeration-specific needs” and is not without precedent. jipson’s (1994) analysis of the commercially and critically successful athens, georgia music scene of the late 1970s and 1980s also emphasized the university of georgia’s art program as an important structural element. before that, the british invasion of the 1960s saw bands like the beatles, the who, rolling stones, and the kinks populated by art students (kitts, 2008). an externality of having a large pool of human capital with specialized training (official or not) in the creation and performance of music is the increased availability of “specialized inputs” in the form of musical equipment. porter (2000) describes this phenomenon, stating that “the presence of a cluster not only increases the demand for specialized inputs but also increases seman what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 38 their supply” (porter, 2000, p. 22). with four music instrument stores and two pawn shops specifically catering to musicians in the city, there is a lot of musical equipment exchanging hands. rob buttrum, bassist for the touring doom metal band terminator 2, out of body records label owner, and experimental noise performer in projects such as vaults of zin and filth noted the selection and quantity of musical equipment found in denton rivals that of a much larger city. the concentration of scene members with specialized knowledge also helps raise productivity in denton’s music scene by fostering an atmosphere of knowledge allowing for “access to information.” music scene participants painted a picture of a concentration so great that it permeates the entire city facilitating the “face-to-face” contact storper and venables (2004) suggests drives a regional economy. locations as diverse as venues, coffeehouses, bookstores, record stores, churches, house parties, the unt campus, and the “university kroger” grocery store are all places where conversations are held. kyle lavalley, the creative director of the 35 denton music festival, highlighted this scenario noting, “i think it’s pretty much unavoidable to go anywhere in denton without running into a musician” (personal communication, january 2, 2013). the locations where concentrations of scene members facilitate knowledge transfer updates jacobs’ (1961/1992) notion that such activity only happens in concentrated urban areas facilitated by foot traffic and the “sidewalk ballet” (jacobs, 1961/1992, p. 153). while many of the locations where knowledge transfer does take place are within the walkable downtown core of the city, others are generally accessible only by driving. denton’s music scene, like los angeles’ film cluster and silicon valley’s hi-tech cluster, successfully incorporates creativity, knowledge spillovers, and information transfer in areas both walkable and primarily accessible by car. knowledge exchanged ranges from technical and business details – often concerning “new technological, operating, or delivery possibilities” for music that porter (2000, p. 23) suggests facilitates innovation – to opportunities outside of the scene. participants offered that the existing pool of information is a “free-flowing exchange” with everything “a phone call away, from knowledge to a loaner amp.” one musician stated that “when someone needs a job, everyone sort of... helps,” adding that she knows several people who received jobs outside of the music scene because of connections established inside of it – a common theme amongst those interviewed (personal communication, december 28, 2012). larger questions of business development and the dynamics of “buyers” outside of the scene were also addressed. eric pulido, guitarist in midlake and an owner of paschall bar offered that when his band was ready to tour the country there were people in denton’s music scene willing to share information on how to undertake the process; and, in turn, pulido has shared information he’s gained from touring to help others. these exchanges answer the question posed by storper and venables (2004, p. 353) of what comprises the “interactions” of “agents” in a particular “milieu.” this no-cost knowledge exchange also helps younger firms better position themselves to address the marketplace outside of denton’s music scene, while in turn strengthening the locational competitive advantage of the scene. this ease of information access is not surprising in light of the fact that the majority of the scene members felt there was a low barrier of entry into the scene which porter (2000) suggests is necessary to foster productivity. the economic and geographic clustering of firms and individuals also breeds opportunity for complementarities. denton’s music scene offers firms the ability to capitalize on the seman what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 39 “efficiencies” in “joint marketing” while complementarities emerging through the leveraging of linkages also exists (porter, 2000, 22). bands working together to book shows in order to crosspollinate and increase their audiences is a common practice amongst those interviewed. musician and studio owner matthew barnhart explained, “...you’re using the additional gravitational force of all these people together to promote generally what you’re doing in a way you couldn’t do if you were just trying to reach out yourself… that’s the way scenes work” (personal communication, december 26, 2012). denton venues willingly participate in crafting multi-band evenings and day-long festivals, often host benefits, and work with local record labels for specialized “album release” nights. joint branding by firms within the scene extends across industrial sectors. the venue rubber gloves has worked with local screen printing company pan ector and record label gutterth records to co-brand an annual evening of live screen printing and music. video synthesizer designer lzx industries routinely taps denton bands for songs to accompany their promotional videos. these activities also speak to efficiencies gained by cluster participants leveraging linkages in a complimentary fashion. like scott (2000), currid (2007), and molotch (2002), who note that commodification of place through cultural production is a powerful branding agent for the items produced, porter (2000) suggests complementary marketing efforts enhance the reputation of a cluster, helping to brand it and the location it inhabits, increasing productivity and adding to the competitive advantage of the location. the joint marketing activities in denton’s music scene have helped developed bands who in turn have branded denton’s music scene internationally as a nexus of high-quality musical creativity and production. “i’ve recorded with guys because of the reputation of denton,” musician scott danbom claimed regarding his work as a session player (personal communication, january 4, 2013). midlake drummer and redwood studios co-owner mckenzie smith offered, “there are a lot of successful bands from this area...there’s a reputation here” (personal communication, january 8, 2013). porter (2000) suggests that successful economic clusters have productivity benefits through incentives and performance measurement driven by competition amongst firms. clusters that are not advanced have little local rivalry, and what does exist is based on imitation, not innovation, with imports providing the competition. placing music scenes in this framework of competition yields mixed results. jipson’s (1994) structural analysis of athens’ prolific music scene points to there being no competition amongst firms. when asked if the denton’s music scene was competitive, 61% of scene participants confirmed that it wasn’t while 39% replied that it was. of the confirmations, 89% tempered their responses observations that the competition was “positive,” “healthy,” “friendly,” or marked by equally amounts of cooperation, being a “mix.” barnhart suggested the scene has advanced to where suppliers and the market rely on innovation for productivity gains; there is cooperation amongst suppliers with competition directed inward, focused on innovation to differentiate products. he stated regarding bands, “we're not talking about cover bands trying to play in bars for uninterested people. your product is not that you're a band – the product is the art you make. and you're only competing with yourself in that regard” (personal communication, december 26, 2012). demand conditions in denton are equally as dichotomous. the presence of unt’s college of music in addition to the plethora of musicians enrolled in the rtvf and cvad programs combines to saturate most audiences with what porter (2000) would label as “sophisticated and demanding home customers” (porter, 2000, 21). musician rob gomez detailed how this audience facilitates innovation, stating, “you are not going to get up there and seman what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 40 just play some middle-of-the-road rock and roll… you have to be a little bit more creative.” he added, “it’s a tough audience here” (personal communication, january 2, 2013). others interviewed noted audiences are “reverent,” “focused,” and “sophisticated” with a heightened level of expectation in music performance resulting in “a higher standard” and “a lot to live up to” when playing a show in denton. at the same time, several scene participants noted that audiences are willing to play a role in fostering experiments in innovation as well as support bands that may be having an off-night. rob buttrum observed that a denton audience will be supportive and accepting if a band is giving their all and “having a blast” while performing even if they are still developing their sound (personal communication, january 13, 2013). living rooms of innovation and garages of incubation. one item that was repeatedly identified as integral to the innovation process and new business formation is the abundance of inexpensive rental housing in denton. the primary function of this housing is to meet the demand of students looking for off-campus residences while attending college; however, an unintended consequence of this inexpensive housing is it facilitates a developmental eco-system for firms in the scene. due to its abundance and affordability, one could argue this housing embodies traits similar to a “public good” that porter (2000, p. 22/23) notes must be accessible for a cluster to develop a competitive advantage. according to participants, it is not uncommon for a band to live and rehearse in a rental home, record in the living room of a friend’s, have tshirts printed in the garage of someone else’s, shoot a video in a different garage, and play shows hosted in any number of the branded, quasi-venues that scene members operate in their rental homes. midlake’s smith noted that denton, “is still affordable… people can rent a house, set-up a studio, and work on an album. a lot of bands rent houses together – that’s what we did” (january 8, 2013). inexpensive rental housing allowed the band midlake to develop as a firm and innovate, developing successful products in the form of albums and live shows. these products succeeded in national and international market spaces allowing them to diversify both as a firm and individuals, subsequently opening a bar (figure 1), two recording studios, and a commercial music company in denton. midlake also takes a hands-on role in the development of fledgling artists such as sarah jaffe, a role which porter (2000) notes is common in economic clusters (e. pulido, personal communication, january 8, 2013; m. smith, personal communication, january 8, 2013). seman what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 41 figure 1. pachall bar interior. photo: marcusjuniuslaws.com by permission. inexpensive rental housing combined with the demand for support services by bands helps incubate new firms and foster innovation outside of the music sector in differing ways, mirroring porter’s (2000) suggestion that key to innovation in a cluster are firms that have the ability to “experiment at lower cost or delay large commitments until there is greater assurance that a new product, process, or service will pan out” (p. 22-23) and jacobs insight that “new ideas must use old buildings” (1961/1992, p. 188). amandus studios was founded by graduates of unt’s rtvf program who, while playing in bands, started shooting videos in their rental house for other bands in the scene. they eventually leveraged their talents and contacts in the scene to secure video production work for events like the 35 denton music festival, then larger clients in dallas and oklahoma (c. crosswhite, personal communication, december 27, 2012). in addition to production space, amandus studios co-founder charles crosswhite found the low cost of housing beneficial in terms of networking, reasoning that “the more money you are not spending on rent means the more money you have to socialize which means making connections, the more money you have to spend on equipment, which is your life.” this in part supports currid’s (2009) analysis of cultural production in new york city where social networking is a primary driver of the creative production process from finding collaborators to securing project-employment. pan ector industries is a screen printing and design firm born in the garage of the house several company founders lived in while finishing art degrees at unt and designing shirts for bands on the side. co-owner michael little welcomed having space to develop the business with lowto no-overhead, but as they secured contracts from government agencies and private industry alike it “had gotten to the point where it sucked living with the business” (personal communication, january 23, 2013). the firm has since moved to a commercial space. pan ector industries success is also due to the “juxtaposition of firms in related industries” enabling them to “perceive new buyer needs” while helping the firm in “perceiving new technological, operating, or delivery possibilities” (porter, 2000, p. 23). while still art students, the founders of the firm tested the concept of “live printing” at a concert they co-hosted with a denton promoter and venue and discovered that buyers liked having merchandise made to their specifications onsite. they leveraged this experience beyond an annual night of local bands to a continual stream of festivals and outdoor events throughout the dallas-ft. worth metro area resulting in a significant revenue stream (m. little, personal communication, january 23, 2013). house venues in denton also offer a chance for career development. natalie dávila made the jump from booking and operating the long-running denton house venue, the “majestic dwelling of doom,” in her basement (figure 2) to being hired as 35 denton’s director of programming (rodrigue, 2012). farris sees house venues as “the spring training of the scene,” and noted that, “there are all these roles that need to be filled. someone’s got to run the pa; someone has to manage the stage” (personal communication, january 11, 2013). for buttrum, running the house of tinnitus in his living room helped establish a national network of social and professional contacts facilitating his national touring efforts with the band terminator 2 (r. buttrum, personal communication, january 13, 2013). seman what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 42 figure 2. majestic dwelling of doom. photo: natalie dávila by permission. it should be noted that while this paper suggests inexpensive rental housing is a necessary condition for a music scene to develop as an economic cluster, it is not a sufficient condition. the other necessary conditions porter (2000) offers detailed in this paper work in a holistic manner. there are many cities with an abundance of inexpensive housing options, but comparatively few with successful music scenes. even with old buildings, there is still a need for new ideas. saxenian (1994) observes innovation and new business formation in silicon valley’s economic cluster occurring due to fluidity amongst employees and firms, suggesting this cooperation in the face of competition is due to shared university ties, socialization in the community, and the relative geographic density of firms – all traits that denton’s music scene embodies. smith noted that all of the business ties and offshoots of midlake are closely interwoven with personal relationships. it is also uncommon for a musician to be in only one band (or one firm in general, band or other). often a musician will participate in multiple projects until either one reaches a national or international level of success or the musician decides to take what he or she has learned in the competing firms and start a new project. the baptist generals’ chris flemmons detailed the reality of this in his band noting that his band members, “all had other projects they were working on… but it just made everybody a better musician” (personal communication, december 27, 2012). the echo lab is another example of this with partners recording projects elsewhere until generating enough business to make building their own studio a viable idea (m. barnhart, personal communication, december 26, 2012; firstley, 2010). seman what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 43 scene members also circulate as employees of venues like dan’s silverleaf and rubber gloves and form the core staff of the 35 denton music festival developed by flemmons when he wasn’t dedicating time to his own band. this fluidity amongst firms – like the benefits of inexpensive rental housing – supports porter’s (2000) observation that firms need the ability to experiment with little financial and long-term contractual responsibilities that could impede innovation. it is important to note that like porter (2000) suggests, local financing was a factor in the growth of several firms once they exited the incubation stage and were able to market their innovations in a larger market space. denton’s music scene also helps develop independent contractors and entrepreneurs. smith has leveraged his work and contacts in midlake to position himself as a top session drummer for recording and touring. two in-house booking agents at rubber gloves left to form their own booking agencies, daughter entertainment and tactics productions, while multiinstrumentalist jeremy buller leveraged his work with bosque brown to land studio and touring work with bands while at the same time using denton’s music scene network to gain web development work for denton artists, venues, restaurants, media outlets, and the 35 denton music festival. musician and entrepreneur lars larsen designed and manufactured video synthesizers in a spare bedroom in his home and now runs lzx industries which employs three scene members and services an international clientele (j. baish, personal communication, january 15, 2013; j. buller, personal communication, january 15, 2013; l. larsen, personal communication, december 30, 2012; m. smith, personal communication, january 8, 2013). discussion economic cluster as catalytic amenity. while the dynamics of denton’s music scene can be framed by porter’s (2000) economic cluster theory, the fit is not perfect. first, music scenes are rooted in cultural production with participants not always seeking financial gains as a reward. in some cases, cultural production is the reward. this disconnect is mirrored in some dynamics that are prominent in porter’s (2000) work, but are less emphasized or entirely absent in the study results. for example, bands did not offer incentives internally “for achieving high productivity” nor did they tailor their aesthetic output in order to satisfy “new buyer needs.” competition is a dubious point as well. porter (2000) suggests that while there is a high level of cooperation in clusters, there is also a high level of competition amongst firms. denton’s music scene is not without a competitive nature, but it is overwhelmingly cooperative. using porter’s theoretical framework, it could be argued that this is a trait of a cluster that isn’t advanced, but if one looks to the arguably more successful cluster in athens, georgia, the same emphasis on cooperation over competition is present (jipson, 1994). examination of additional music scenes – and other types of cultural scenes – within porter’s (2000) economic cluster framework is needed to better understand the competition dynamic. the clustering dynamics of denton’s music scene also provide several indirect effects on the city’s economy. porter (2000) alludes to clusters having this potential, such as fostering tourism, but does not explore this facet in depth. in addition to facilitating employment networks as scott (2005) and currid (2007) observe in the film and fashion industries, denton’s music scene acts as an amenity, attracting educated, highly skilled labor. all 25 participants in this study relocated to denton, due – in varying degrees – to the presence of the city’s music scene. of this sample, 44% have bachelor’s degrees and 16% have advanced degrees and their collective employment profile resembles the “creative class” that florida (2002) suggests drives regional growth. denton’s music scene also supports seman’s (2010) suggestion that music seman what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 44 scenes can catalyze urban redevelopment, with the owner of rubber gloves adaptively reusing the former offices of a cement factory as a venue and the success of dan’s silverleaf spurring the redevelopment of multiple buildings around the venue (carlisle, 2009; j. glover, personal communication, january 4, 2013; d. mojica, personal communication, january 24, 2013). denton’s music scene also functions as a community development catalyst mirroring similar situations in places like flint, michigan and buffalo, new york (conaway, 2004; seman, 2013). in the research sample for this study, several people are either former members of the music scene that have moved into policymaking positions in the city, such as kevin roden who represents district 1 on the denton city council and julie glover who is the city’s economic development program administrator, or they serve on public commissions and boards, or they are people who leverage their positions in the music scene to do everything from organizing and playing shows raising thousands of dollars for local charities to finding employment opportunities for fellow scene participants (j. glover, personal communication, january 4, 2013; s. porter, personal communication, december 29, 2012; e. pulido, personal communication, january 8, 2013; k. roden, personal communication, january 8, 2013; j. seman, personal communication, december 28, 2012; watts, 2013). finally, denton’s music scene is an industry in its own right with the 25 former and active scene participants interviewed representing 16 bands, 3 recording studios, 2 music venues, a bar, a film company, a screen printing and design company, a video synthesizer company, a commercial music production company, and a music festival. some of these firms are more financially successful than others. for example, of the 16 bands, only four have significant sales figures and the ability to employ members, but all of the firms outside of the bands employ denton residents, contribute to the city’s tax base, and generate revenue, a portion of which is presumably pumped back into the local economy. conclusion analysis of the qualitative data suggests that denton’s music scene functions like an economic cluster as defined by porter (2000). denton’s music scene has a locational competitive advantage resulting in comparative gains in productivity, innovation, and new business formation. the presence of “specialized inputs and employees,” a thick atmosphere of information, firms that work together on projects, the public good of unt, and the quasi-public good of inexpensive rental housing foster productivity. unt and inexpensive rental housing also drive innovation as the university helps attract scene participants and the housing provides space for them to incubate ideas. scene participants and firms sharing information concerning “new technological, operating, or delivery possibilities” for music also helps drive innovation as well as sophisticated local audiences expecting bands to push creative envelopes while playing live and tolerating their imperfections during the process. this innovation leads to new business formation as does a low barrier of entry to the scene, an established local market, a high number of scene participants with specialized knowledge utilizing available tools, and financial institutions willing to invest in firms. the findings of this study suggest that policymakers should address their music scenes formally as one would an economic cluster in order to foster existing economic externalities in addition to igniting new economic possibilities. for example, city officials in austin, texas and seattle, washington instituted the austin music commission and seattle music commission respectively, comprised of representatives from a broad cross section of local music scene seman what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 45 participants. the goal of these organizations is to help guide city policymakers on how best to address their music scenes for the benefit of scene participants, residents, and the city as a whole. through the work of the austin music commission, a “music and entertainment division” was established in the city of austin’s economic development department. the music and entertainment division functions as “…an economic development accelerator and centralized resource center for austin’s music industry, and an active community partner for austin’s citizens, community groups, and neighborhoods,” while also focusing its efforts on “job creation, talent export, trade development, and industry revenue growth.” city policy changes addressed by the division include loading and unloading zones for musicians and mitigating noise from downtown venues (city of austin, 2015; titan music group, 2012). the seattle music commission is comprised of 21 scene participants and tasked with “advising city officials regarding leadership and support in the music arena, and also serving as a forum for city employees and departments to share information on upcoming issues and opportunities of relevance to seattle's music sector” (seattle city of music, 2014). items the commission has addressed with the city include expanding busking and public performance opportunities, integrating local music in the sea-tac airport, establishing venue loading zones, advising the chamber of commerce concerning their “music industry sector strategy” and outreach events, and facilitating educational opportunities with local schools and universities (seattle city of music, 2014; seattle music commission, 2013). the city of omaha and the omaha chamber of commerce informally addressed their thriving music scene by working with developers who emerged from it to help realize the “slowdown” mixed-use project. when completed in 2007, the 56,000 square foot project housed the offices of the scene-driven independent rock record label, saddle creek records, its warehouse, a bar, venue, cinema, residential units, and retail space. the city and chamber helped guide the developers (who were also saddle creek records representatives) through the process of site selection, tenant recruitment, and arranged for $1.3 million in tax increment financing to complete the deal. the project met with immediate success and is now a cornerstone of the city’s “north downtown” entertainment district (seman, 2010). proactive policy steps like the ones taken by cities like austin, seattle, and omaha mirror some of porter’s (2000) suggestions on how to engage and support clusters through policy initiatives – steps such as establishing communication with and giving representation to music scene participants, addressing music scenes via a similar economic framework as other established clusters, and removing obstacles that may be hindering entrepreneurs. the research presented in this paper also speaks to the importance of policymakers being cognizant of scene activity hidden in the living rooms and garages of rental homes, much like bill hewlett and dave packard who initially worked clandestinely in a suburban garage. in his analysis of portland, oregon’s “artisan economy,” heying (2010) suggests an early cognizance is important, suggesting that city representatives and policymakers should foster cultural producers and entrepreneurs in their earliest steps and “give them some advice; help them out; stick with them when they make mistakes” (p. 284). framing a music scene in porter’s economic cluster theory enhances both the understanding of the theory and how music scenes operate within the urban economy. this research supports and further defines prior research by those examining cultural production dynamics in the urban economy and more research should be undertaken to address the gaps where economic cluster theory does not adequately describe cultural production in order to push the theory forward. additionally, more research examining music scenes through the lens of seman what if hewlett and packard had started a band instead? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 46 urban economics may help music scene participants, policymakers, and researchers better understand the roles these cultural economic clusters play in developing and sustaining urban communities and economies. acknowledgements the author would like to thank carl grodach, richard florida, enid arvidson, rod hissong, and several anonymous reviewers for insight and helpful comments while developing this article and the faculty and staff of smu-in-taos where this draft was completed. references azerrad, m. 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(1968; originally 1929). theory of location of industries. chicago, il: university of chicago press. microsoft word 16 summer 111 final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 5, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 7-22 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2016, the authors entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries: insights from an emergent field andrea hausmann and anne heinze european university viadrina frankfurt (oder), germany abstract this article reports the results of a systematic review of the current state of research on arts, cultural, and creative entrepreneurship. by means of a systematic database search, 50 scientific articles from peer-reviewed journals were identified and analyzed with regard to the interpretation of the terms and the primary objects and focal areas of current research. in conclusion, it can be stated that to date there is no consensual understanding of the terms. while some authors differentiate between entrepreneurs and other players in the cultural and creative industries, the majority of researchers makes no such distinction. moreover, the specific objects of current research mainly fall into the two categories “groups of persons” and “sub-segments of the cultural and creative industries.” and, finally, while there exists some considerable research on entrepreneurship in the music industry by now, less attention was paid to other sub-sectors of the cultural and creative industries. introduction entrepreneurship research has become an established discipline over the past decades to such an extent that independent – albeit still relatively young – fields of research have emerged that examine entrepreneurship in special sectors. this includes, for instance, entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries (e.g. hagoort, 2007; klamer, 2011; lounsbury & glynn, 2001). the growing relevance of entrepreneurship in the arts and culture sector is closely related to the emergence of the creative industries starting in the 1990s in great britain (british council, 2010). those industries comprise i.e. the art, architecture, press and book market, performing arts, the music and film sector, and the software and games industry (e.g. caves, 2000; phillips, 2011). the term “entrepreneurship,” generally speaking, describes the discovery of new “meansends relationships” (shane & venkataraman, 2000, p. 220) and includes the exploitation of an opportunity (bygrave, 2010; drucker, 1993) as well as the creation of a new organization to implement a novel idea (gartner, 1990). in general entrepreneurship research, innovations and novel ideas are regarded as characteristic elements of the entrepreneurship process (lumpkin & dess, 1996, p. 142). general literature on entrepreneurship also largely agrees that an entrepreneur acts differently from a manager (carton et al., 1998; kelley & marram, 2010; schumpeter, 1934). an entrepreneur establishes an organization to realize an entrepreneurial opportunity (carton et al., 1998, p. 3) and is at the same time responsible for the continued existence of this organization. by contrast, a manager is usually responsible for planning, organization, and management of a third-party enterprise (kelley & marram, 2010, p. 373). while in general entrepreneurship theory most researchers agree on these core characteristics of entrepreneurship by now, research on the terminology and understanding of entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries is still in its beginnings. accordingly, the purpose of the present study is to shed more light on the current status quo of research on entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries or, more specifically, to answer the following research questions: to what extent are the terms “arts”, “cultural,” and “creative entrepreneurship” distinguished from one another and which subject areas are primarily discussed? therefore, and by means of a systematic database search, we will identify refereed hausmann and heinze entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 8 scientific publications on arts, cultural, and creative entrepreneurship and analyze them with special regard to the interpretation of the respective term, the primary objects and focal areas of research in the following. the paper will be rounded off by a discussion of our findings, the main limitations of the study, and implications for future research.   methodology and data to answer the aforementioned research question, a database search by means of the journal articles database (jade) and the ebscohost® online reference system was conducted in march 2016. as a first step, the relevant databases were searched for the occurrence of the keywords “arts entrepreneurship,” “arts entrepreneurs,” “creative entrepreneurship,” “creative entrepreneurs,” “cultural entrepreneurship,” “cultural entrepreneurs,” and “culturepreneurs.” in a second step, and in order to filter our search results three selection criteria were subsequently applied. first, our search results were limited to those articles using the keywords within title, abstract, and/or keywords. this was based on the idea that for a literature review that aims to clarify the terms “arts,” “cultural,” and “creative” entrepreneurship the articles examined should also include and discuss the respective terms. second, to ensure the academic quality of the papers, only full-length papers from peer-reviewed journals were taken into consideration. research notes, literature review studies, book reviews, and editor prefaces were excluded. third, we also excluded papers when their overall quality was not strong enough. once identified, each paper was carefully reviewed by both authors in order to determine its inclusion. data collection was conducted thrice, and all sets of selected papers were compared to ensure reliability. at the end of the data collection process, a sample of 50 papers was generated for analysis. thereof, the keyword search of “cultural entrepreneurs/ship” and “culturepreneurs” yielded a total of 28 hits, while “arts entrepreneurs/ship” yielded 13, and “creative entrepreneurs/ship” 9 hits. as shown in table 1, 22 of the 50 articles have a theoretical-conceptual focus (e.g. dobransky & fine, 2006; ellmeier, 2003; halim et al., 2006; klamer, 2011), while 28 papers are empirical. the empirical articles comprise 19 qualitative studies – thereof 11 articles use case studies (e.g. acheson et al., 1996; cinnéide, 2005; johnson, 2007; metze, 2009; kolsteeg, 2013) and another 8 articles use interviews (e.g. dempster, 2008; scott, 2012; smit, 2011; wilson & stokes, 2006). there are 5 quantitative studies. some authors choose a mixed-methods approach (krzyżanowska & tkaczyk, 2013; rae, 2005; welsh et al., 2014; wilson & stokes, 2004). in the context of the following analysis, we discuss the terminology as well as the objects and focal areas of the research conducted to date. hausmann and heinze entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 9 table 1. frequency of research methods (n=50). findings terminology of entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries cultural entrepreneurship is a relatively young research field within entrepreneurship research. as shown in table 2, the number of articles published in peer reviewed journals has risen significantly since 2001. it is in this regard that terms such as “arts,” “creative,” and/or “cultural” entrepreneurship have become more widely used and researched. table 2 also shows that in 2011 an absolute maximum of manuscripts published in peer reviewed and mostly entrepreneurship related journals such as international journal of entrepreneurship and innovation and journal of small business and enterprise development was reached. from then on, the total number of articles has slightly decreased, even though artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts was launched in 2012 and since then has published a large number of peer-reviewed articles on the topic of arts entrepreneurship in particular. table 3 shows that the authors primarily use the terms “cultural entrepreneurs/ship” / “culturepreneur” (23 of 50 articles). the terms “arts entrepreneurship” / “entrepreneurship in the arts” are used in twelve articles, while one uses both of the terms. in 6 articles the term “creative entrepreneurs/ship” is used. in 8 of the articles analyzed, the terms “cultural entrepreneurship” and “creative entrepreneurship” are both used. in one of the articles examined the terms are even used interchangeably and the author notes: “the current discourse about the creative economy draws on different notions of cultural and creative entrepreneurs. these definitions differ as to whether they include only nonprofit activities, such as the arts, or also commercial activities, including architecture, design, and media. however, they all concentrate on economic activities 0 5 10 15 20 25 n o.  o f  a rt ic le s   research  method   hausmann and heinze entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 10 dedicated to producing goods and services with mainly aesthetic and symbolic value” (smit, 2011, p. 46). following this approach, “cultural entrepreneurship” and “creative entrepreneurship” are thus related to economic or entrepreneurial activities of the cultural and creative industries as a whole. table 2. frequency of articles by year (n=50). table 3. frequency of terms (n=50). 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 n o.  o f  a rt ic le s   publication  year   0 5 10 15 20 25 n o.  o f  a rt ic le s   terms   hausmann and heinze entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 11 irrespective of the precise term used, the concept of general entrepreneurship theory is the common basis of all definitions. often, as the results of our analysis show, the general term “entrepreneurship” is initially explained by the authors (e.g. beckman, 2007; essig, 2015; hausmann, 2010; klamer, 2011; lounsbury & glynn, 2001; preece, 2011; scott, 2012; wilson & stokes, 2006). where this is not the case, the authors usually also remain vague on the definition of “arts entrepreneurship”, “creative entrepreneurship” or “cultural entrepreneurship” (cinnéide, 2005; dempster, 2008; drda-kühn & wiegand, 2010; halim et al., 2011; nijboer, 2006; stanley & dampier, 2007); all in all, 25 of 50 articles failed to provide an explicit explanation. the definitions provided in the remaining 25 articles differ quite considerably. some authors understand cultural entrepreneurs as freelance artists and creative industry workers, who are forced to act as entrepreneurs, i.e. because of changing labor market conditions in the cultural sector (ellmeier, 2003; konrad, 2010). interestingly, in the 1990s “cultural entrepreneurship” was predominantly discussed in the context of project management and was strongly associated with the realization of specific individual events (acheson et al., 1996). from the year 2000 on, the term is more frequently used in the sense of founding a new company (rather than realizing one single project). phrases like “to exploit as an enterprise” (rae, 2005), “to result in economically sustainable cultural enterprises” (kavousy et al., 2010), “to create a (micro) business” (hausmann, 2010), “starting a not-for-profit organization” (preece, 2011) and “through a mediating structure or organization” (essig, 2015) clearly indicate that some authors refer to the creation of an enterprise/organization, which is a core characteristic of “entrepreneurship” in general as noted earlier. additionally, our analysis showed that most of the authors identify entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative sector also by means of the other characteristics of general entrepreneurship theory. for example, the discovery, evaluation, and exploitation of an entrepreneurial opportunity is often mentioned (hausmann, 2010; johnson, 2007; lounsbury & glynn, 2001; rae, 2005; scott, 2012). authors also refer to the aspect of “innovation,” which is another acknowledged characteristic of entrepreneurship. our analysis revealed, for example, expressions such as “novel combinations” (swedberg, 2006), “innovative applications” (kavousy et al., 2010), “innovations or improvement of existing offerings” (konrad, 2010; translated by the authors), “innovative ways of doing” (scott, 2012) or “novel ideas” (mokyr, 2013). in summary, there is no consensual understanding of entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative sector. with the exception of four articles (wilson & stokes, 2004 and 2006; rae, 2005; enhuber, 2014), which refer to other authors, the definitions provided differ quite widely from each other (see table 4). what can also be derived from our analysis is that in many cases no precise distinction is made between cultural/creative/arts entrepreneurs and other players in the cultural and creative sector. three of the 25 articles explaining the term include “managers” in the definition (acheson et al,. 1996; wilson & stokes, 2004; chang & wyszomirski, 2015). in another article, managers are explicitly excluded from the definition (klamer, 2011). terms describing other players such as “freelancer” and “self-employed workers” (ellmeier, 2003; konrad, 2010) or “owner-managers” are sometimes used as synonyms for the entrepreneur (johnson, 2007; konrad, 2010; smit, 2011; wilson & stokes, 2006). by contrast, rae makes the following clear hausmann and heinze entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 12 for the creative sector: "creative entrepreneurs are diverse, from self-employed artists to owners of global businesses" (2005, p. 186). cultural entrepreneurs/ship author/s and publication year definition acheson et al. (1996) "cultural entrepreneurship involves a conception, an initial launch, and a transition to an established event." (p. 321) enhuber (2014) "[..] cultural entrepreneurship can be understood to refer to `cultural change agents and resourceful visionaries who organize cultural, financial, social and human capital, to generate revenue from a cultural activity´ (tremblay, 2013)." (p. 4) ellmeier (2003) "cultural entrepreneurialism means all-round artistic and commercial/business qualifications, long working hours and fierce competition from bigger companies." (p. 11) hausmann (2010) "[…] cultural entrepreneurs are identified as artists undertaking business activities within one of the four traditional sectors of the arts [..]. [they] discover and evaluate opportunities in the arts and leisure markets and create a (micro) business to pursue them." (p. 19). johnson (2007) "[…] `cultural entrepreneurship`which here refers both to the creativtiy and initiative of the founder and to the constraint and opportunity represented by the specific cultural schemas that structure the historical context in which the founder is embedded." (p. 99) kavousy et al. (2010) "cultural entrepreneurs are resourceful visionaries, generating revenues from culturally embedded knowledge systems and activities; their innovative applications of traditions to markets result in economically sustainable cultural enterprises." (p. 228) klamer (2011) "when i view cultural entrepreneurs [...], i see people who are geared toward the realization of cultural values. […] the economics has to be an instrument for them in order to realize cultural values [...]. [...] cultural entrepreneurship has to involve more than marketing skills and sensitivityto the artistic process; it also involves the persuasive power to induce a candidate for art into the appropriate conversation and to realize it as a common good." (p. 154) konrad (2010) "cultural entrepreneurs are individuals who create new organizations, products or activities within the cultural sector […]" (p. 336, translated by the authors) lange (2008) "culturepreneur describes an urban protagonist who possesses the ability to mediate between and interpret the areas of culture and of service provision." (p. 116) lounsbury/glynn (2001) "we define cultural entrepreneurship as the process of storytelling that mediates between extant stocks of entrepreneurial resources and subsequent capital acquisition and wealth creation." (p. 545) metze (2009) "the ‘cultural entrepreneurship’ discourse provides an alternative interpretation [and] aligns ‘entrepreneurship’ with a counter-cultural or subordinate discourse of ‘maintenance of cultural value’ that artists, residents and small business in the creative sector often express." (p. 2) mokyr (2013) “cultural entrepreneurs, then, are defined as individuals that add to the menus from which others choose. […] usually they build upon existing but diffuse notions, and formulate them in a sharp set of propositions or beliefs, which serve as a cultural schelling focal point to their contemporaries. in that sense they create something new.” (p. 3) scott (2012) "therefore, the term cultural entrepreneur``can be understood as a subjectivity combining three elements. first, these individuals create new cultural products, such as songs [...]. second, they are oriented towards accessing opportunities [...]. third, [...] they have to find innovative ways of doing [...]." (p. 243) swedberg (2006) "cultural entrepreneurship, as i see it, may therefore be defined as the carrying out of a novel combination that results in something new and appreciated in the cultural sphere." (p. 260) wilson/stokes (2004) "[...] we follow ellmeier´s definition of `cultural entrepreneurialism` encompassing all-round artistic and commercial/business qualifications, long working-hours and fierce competition from bigger companies. [...] the particular ability of the cultural entrepreneur to coordinate artistic and managerial resources [...], can be seen as a defining characteristic of the use of the term `entrepreneur`." (p. 221) wilson/stokes (2006) "[...] we follow ellmeier´s definition of `cultural entrepreneurialism` encompassing all-round artistic and commercial/business qualifications, long working-hours and fierce competition from bigger companies. [...] this focuses attention squarely on the particular ability of the cultural entrepreneur to coordinate and leverage artistic and managerial resources." (p. 369) yang (2005) "cultural entrepreneurs tapped into the new cultural market by offering cr [cultural revolution, added by the authors] related cultural products. […] cultural entrepreneurs understand the market and know how to negotiate political control. (p. 16, 22) creative entrepreneurs/ship hausmann and heinze entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 13 rae (2005) "[…] creative entrepreneurship, which can be defined as the creation or identification of an opportunity to provide a cultural product, service or experience, and of bringing together the ressources to exploit this as an enterprise (leadbeater and oakley, 1999)." (p. 186) cultural entrepreneurs/ship and creative entrepreneurs/ship kolsteeg (2013) "cultural entrepreneurs by definition work in a social, political, economic and artistic discourse." (p. 5) smit (2011) "the current discourse about the creative economy draws on different notions of cultural and creative entrepreneurs. these definitions differ [...]. however, they all concentrate on economic activities dedicated to producing goods and services with mainly aesthetic and symbolic value." (p. 170) arts entrepreneurs/ship beckman (2007) „[…] to approach professional employment in the arts in a creative manner that will generate value for individuals and groups inside or outside traditional arts employment domains.” (p. 89) chang und wyszomirski (2015) "[...] a possible general definition: `arts entrepreneurship´ is a management process through which cultural workers seek to support their creativity and autonomy, advance their capacity for adaptability, and create artistic as well as economic and social value." (p. 11) essig (2015) "thus, in the arts and culture context [...] it may also be understood to include the creation of new expressions of symbolic meaning by individuals. [...] we can understand entrepreneurship, in the arts and culture sector and elsewhere, as a process for converting means to desirable ends through a mediating structure or organization that may be called a ´firm´ [...]" (p. 227) phillips (2011) "[…] arts entrepreneurship refers to the process whereby tangible cultural capital is created." (p. 20) preece (2011) "[…] performing arts entrepreneurship will refer to the process of starting a not-for-profit organization with the intent of generating artistic performances (creation and/or presentation)." (p. 105) table 4. definitions used by authors of sampled articles (n=25) research subjects having discussed the terminology of entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries, we will now discuss the subjects of arts, cultural and creative entrepreneurship research. our analysis revealed that the specific subjects mainly fall into the two categories “groups of persons” and “sub-segments of the cultural and creative industries.” within the first category, some authors focus on a certain group of entrepreneurs: specifically, they address “muslim cultural entrepreneurs” (fattah & butterfield, 2006), “women cultural entrepreneurs” (stanley & dampier, 2007), “music entrepreneurs” (hausmann, 2010), “creative entrepreneurs” (halim et al., 2011), “cultural entrepreneurs” (klamer, 2011; lounsbury & glynn, 2001), and “young entrepreneurs” (krzyżanowska & tkaczyk, 2013; lange, 2008). these relatively vaguely defined groups of persons are characterized in greater details only in very few articles. lange (2008) explicitly examines young design entrepreneurs, while smit (2011) takes a look at “architects”, “graphic designers,” “filmmakers,” “photographers,” and “visual artists,” and scott (2012) examines “music producers”. three of the articles examine managers from different cultural fields (konrad, 2010 and 2013; küttim et al., 2011). in two of these articles (konrad, 2010 and 2013), the founders of the respective enterprises are also taken into account; the studies by wilson and stokes (2004 & 2006) additionally refer to what is described as “ownermanagers.” other authors specialize in sub-segments of the cultural and creative industries, although the research subjects are mostly not defined in more concrete terms: dempster (2008) and preece (2011) take a look at the performing arts, colbert (2003) addresses the art market and the performing arts, faulkner et al. (2008) analyze a special segment of the broadcasting sector, namely the tv production segment, and zhao et al. (2013) refer to the movie sector. sperlich (2011) analyzes several segments of the cultural and creative sector, i.e. film, photography, and hausmann and heinze entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 14 architecture in particular, whereas essig (2015) refers to the us arts and culture sector in general. interestingly, more specific research subjects can mainly be found in articles that are based on a case study-oriented research approach. cinnéide (2005) examines the riverdance stage show. acheson et al. (1996) and preece (2014) take a similar approach with their analysis of the canadian banff television festival and the grand river jazz society. johnson (2007) examines the foundation of the paris opera under louis xiv. cyrs’s (2014) and enhuber’s (2014) case studies focus on single entrepreneurs, the founder of réalisations inc. montréal and damien hirst, the famous london artist. other authors choose a certain region as the subject of their studies. the analysis by o’connor and gu (2010), for example, covers the city of manchester, while the study by drdakühn and wiegand (2010) refers to altenkirchen, a small german town in the westerwald region. the study by kolsteeg (2013) refers to the netherlands and the city of utrecht in particular. all of these articles mainly address the research area “creative cities” that we discuss in the following section. research areas with regard to the research areas, the results of our literature review revealed a wide variety of fields that are frequently examined exclusively by only one article (n=18). however, among all articles analysed, four main topics were identified: (1) different management areas in the meaning of “cultural intrapreneurship” (acheson et al., 1996; colbert, 2003; dempster, 2008; lounsbury & glynn, 2001; nijboer, 2006; rae, 2005; scott, 2012; wilson & stokes, 2004 & 2006; zhao et al., 2013), (2) influencing or success factors for cultural entrepreneurship (cyr, 2014; faulkner et al,. 2008; halim et al,. 2011; hausmann, 2010; kavousy et al., 2010; klamer, 2011; konrad, 2010 & 2013; krzyżanowska & tkaczyk, 2013), (3) “entrepreneurship education” (beckman, 2007; beckman & essig, 2012; essig, 2012; küttim et al., 2010; phillips, 2011; welsh et al., 2014; white, 2013), as well as (4) the concept of the “creative cities” (drda-kühn & wiegand, 2010; enhuber, 2014; kolsteeg, 2013; o’connor & gu, 2010; phillips, 2011; smit, 2011). the following insights have been gained from literature: 1. most of the articles examined fall in the main research area of “cultural intrapreneurship” (n=10). the term “intrapreneurship” describes the implementation of innovative ideas in existing organizations. the studies focusing on cultural intrapreneurship thus address individual management areas, such as project management (acheson et al., 1996), risk management (dempster, 2008), library management (nijboer, 2006), marketing management (colbert, 2003; rae, 2005; zhao et al., 2013), and resource management (lounsbury & glynn, 2001; scott, 2012), and in this context primarily the raising of financial capital (wilson & stokes, 2004 & 2006). 2. concerning the influencing and success factors for cultural entrepreneurship (n=9), halim et al. (2011) primarily examine the personality of the entrepreneur, while konrad (2010) focuses on entrepreneurial competence and entrepreneurs’ social networking activities (2013). klamer (2011) and kavousy et al. (2011) address both internal and external influencing factors, whereas hausmanns’ (2010) study is confined to external influencing factors of start-up management in the cultural sector. krzyżanowska and tkaczyk (2013) also take a look at start-up management, with a focus on the competitive orientation of cultural and creative hausmann and heinze entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 15 start-ups. the study by faulkner et al. (2008) examines the exit strategies of smaller enterprises in the tv sector, which is another aspect of start-up management. cyr (2014) analyzes the creation process of small and medium-sized creative enterprises as a whole. 3. the third research area identified, “entrepreneurship education”, is addressed by 7 of the 50 articles. strikingly, 6 of them use the term “arts entrepreneurship” (beckman, 2007; beckman & essig, 2012; essig, 2012; phillipps, 2011; welsh et al., 2014; white, 2013). beckman (2007) and beckman & essig (2012) examine arts universities’ and higher education institutions’ educational offerings related to entrepreneurship in general, while welsh et al. (2014) refer to arts entrepreneurship in north carolina higher education in particular. essig (2012) looks at practices for arts entrepreneurship teaching, and phillipps (2011) addresses the education of artists. the study of white (2013) is more specifically related to the key barriers in arts entrepreneurship education. küttim et al. (2010) take a look at creative entrepreneurship trainings. interestingly, the term “cultural entrepreneurship education” is not used in any of these studies and generally seems not to be used. 4. the concept of the “creative cities” is considered by 6 of the articles examined. the development of the concept is rooted in the context of an increasing discussion of the creative economy in the 1990s. since then, it has been an important issue of cultural politics in europe, and even worldwide it has become an important topic that, inter alia, was forwarded by florida´s “rise of the creative class” (2004). all in all, this research stream is primarily focused on the impact of the cultural and creative industries on urban and regional development. the articles analyzed here discuss, for example, the conditions for subsidization of the cultural and creative industries in small rural towns (drda-kühn & wiegand, 2010), but also in large cities such as manchester (o´connor & gu, 2010). smit (2011) and enhuber (2014) address selected neighborhoods of larger cities such as amsterdam, rotterdam and london. kolsteeg (2013) refers to the local and national political context of utrecht and the netherlands. with the exception of phillips (2011), who provides an overview of selected creative cities in the usa, europe and asia, the research area “creative cities” by now mainly focuses on european cities and regions. discussion and limitations the purpose of this article was to identify to what extent the terms “arts,” “cultural,” and “creative” “entrepreneurship” are distinguished from one another and which subject areas are primarily discussed. to answer this research question, we analyzed 50 scientific articles from peer reviewed journals identified by means of a systematic database research. in the context of our analysis, the discussion of the terminology as well as the objects and focal areas of research were examined. as our analysis has shown, many different interpretations, research objects and focal areas can be found in current arts, cultural, and creative entrepreneurship research. with regard to the discussion of the terms, it can be stated that to date, “cultural entrepreneurship” is the most commonly used term in research literature. furthermore, and across all terms, a general theory defining the respective term is often missing. characteristics of entrepreneurship discussed in classic literature, such as entrepreneurial opportunity, innovation, and novel combinations, as well as the creation of an organization, are partly included in an overall definition of arts, creative, and cultural entrepreneurship. in many cases, no distinction is made between hausmann and heinze entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 16 entrepreneurs, managers, self-employed workers, freelancer, and owner-managers, as general entrepreneurship theory usually does. this means that entrepreneurship in a more classic sense of the term is hardly in evidence in the cultural and creative industries. in contrast, during the analysis some of the papers examined could be identified as seminal articles. these articles strongly forward the understanding and discussion of the terms and the research area of entrepreneurship within the cultural and creative industries in general (chang & wyszomirski, 2015; essig, 2015; klamer, 2011; konrad, 2010; scott, 2012; swedberg, 2006). additionally, we came to the conclusion that the scopes of the three terms examined for the analysis vary significantly from one another. thus, “arts entrepreneurship” is interpreted differently from “cultural” and “creative entrepreneurship”. with the exception of essig (2015) and preece (2014), who examine both the arts and culture sectors the research objects of articles using the term “arts entrepreneurship” are explicitly related to the artistic field (e.g. beckman, 2007; colbert, 2003; enhuber, 2014; phillipps, 2011; preece, 2011). colbert (2003) refers to particular arts organizations, i.e. symphony orchestras, theaters or museums. beckman (2007) addresses artists and musicians; phillips (2011) refers to artists in general while enhuber’s study (2014) is related to the artist damien hirst in particular. preece (2011) addresses the performing arts. in conclusion, those articles using the term “arts entrepreneurs/ship” position it within the cultural and creative sector. thus, “arts entrepreneurship” is defined more narrowly and refers explicitly to the artistic field of the cultural industries. by contrast, “cultural entrepreneurship” and “creative entrepreneurship” are usually defined more broadly and also relate to the other subsegments of the cultural industries and the creative industries as a whole. with regard to the research subjects and research areas, no consequential findings are available, as the authors rarely refer to each other in their studies. in respect to the research subjects in general, we conclude that these are often closely linked to the chosen research method or area. furthermore, articles based on a case study-oriented research approach provide more specific research subjects. additionally, our analysis revealed that the research subjects often fall into the “music” category. entrepreneurs and entrepreneurship in the music industry are examined generally by colbert (2003), hausmann (2010), preece (2011), scott (2012), wilson and stokes (2004 and 2006) and in the specific by cinnéide (2005), johnson (2007) and preece (2014) on the basis of a case study. unlike the music sector, other cultural segments have so far been examined only in individual cases; these include, for instance, the performing arts, the broadcasting sector, the design industry and the movie industry. in the context of the research areas four main research topics were identified. studies on entrepreneurship education primarily focus on the artistic area, with less attention paid to the cultural and creative sector as a whole. this underlines the results concerning the differences in the terminology of “arts” and “creative” and “cultural” entrepreneurship. moreover, individual aspects of cultural management are often discussed under the heading “cultural entrepreneurship”; in most cases, no clear distinction is made between these two research areas. closing our analysis and discussion we would like to point out that within a short period of time much has been done, written, and researched on entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries. however, there is still some research to do. based on our findings some implications for future research follow. with regard to the limitations of the present study, it should be noted that the results presented here were generated on the basis of a systematic research and evaluation process hausmann and heinze entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 17 addressing particularly our research questions. in this context, some interesting articles for the research field in general, such as dimaggio (1982), were excluded from the analysis as they were not using one of the terms examined. additionally, it cannot be ruled out that, in spite of a careful search, individual articles in academic journals were overlooked – which is the case with every literature review (e.g. kitchenham et al., 2009). however, it is safe to assume that the number of such publications is negligible, which means that the results of the present study would not change materially. implications for future research the following implications for future research can be derived from the above. first, our analysis has shown that from 2012 on the number of published articles on entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries has slightly decreased. to examine whether this applies to publications in peer reviewed journals in particular or to research in general could be the task of future efforts. however, a number of articles on arts, creative, and cultural entrepreneurship have been published in books (e.g. aageson, 2008; cinnéide & henry, 2007; lindqvist, 2011; towse & blaug, 2011; van amerom & nagtegaal, 2010). second, the present paper shows that entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries is more broadly understood than in general entrepreneurship research, as cultural management is often included. future research should try to establish a more precise distinction between cultural entrepreneurs and other players in the cultural and creative industries, and as a result, intrapreneurship and entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries should be examined separately from each other in the future. for the term “cultural entrepreneurship,” we propose the following definition be employed in future research: cultural or creative entrepreneurship, as we see it, can be defined as a number of individual activities undertaken to discover, evaluate, and exploit a commercial business opportunity within the cultural and creative industries. in this sense, the cultural entrepreneur acts in an innovative way of doing and launches a new start-up company in order to implement his/her issue. with regard to the discussion of the term, our analysis also revealed that the term “arts entrepreneurship” is more closely related to the artistic fields of the cultural industries, whereas “cultural” and “creative entrepreneurship” address all segments of the cultural and creative industries. as a consequence, independent research fields could be established – as it is already the case, for example, in “arts entrepreneurship education.” in respect to the research areas we recommend to expand research in all areas, for example, conceptual models could be developed and implemented as it is partly done in studies concerning the influencing or success factors for cultural entrepreneurship. additionally, the analysis of “creative cities” outside europe, i.e. in the thriving cities of asia, africa, and latin america, could shed light on trends and future possibilities in different countries. with regard to the research subjects, research could also be expanded in all areas. for instance, findings already available for the music sector could provide an impetus for other cultural sectors. for this purpose, the specifics of other sectors, such as the performing arts or the broadcasting and film sector, which have been only little researched so far, should be examined. findings from these fields could contribute to a better understanding of the needs and challenges of entrepreneurs within the individual sectors of the cultural and creative industries. on the basis of this knowledge, adequate support programs could be established. in hausmann and heinze entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 18 general, those programs will help to coordinate national policies, and a thriving creative economy. finally, in terms of methodology, the authors of the present paper believe it would make sense to more strongly focus on studies pursuing a mixed methods approach in order to develop a more complete understanding of the research field. as a first step, explorative insights could be gained from best practices. in order to obtain representative results more quantitative methods should be applied. we believe multi-methodological studies would contribute to a better understanding and establishment of entrepreneurship in the cultural and creative industries in general. references aageson, t. 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(2013). overcoming the illegitimacy discount: cultural entrepreneurship in the us feature film industry. organization studies, 34(12), 17471776. microsoft word mantiewilson final 092717 .docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 6, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 32-45 pp. 8-32 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2017, kevin wilson & roger mantie inspiring soulful communities through music: connecting arts entrepreneurship education and community development via creative placemaking kevin wilson and roger mantie arizona state university abstract due to its focus on business topics such as entrepreneurship and management, arts entrepreneurship education has often focused on economic motivations and market-driven rationales (beckman, 2007; manjon and guo, 2015). the same often holds true for the community development field (phillips, 2003). this article examines an interdisciplinary collaboration between courses in two disparate units of a university: music and community development. creative placemaking activities are presented as pedagogical tools for connecting arts entrepreneurship and community development goals. at the heart of the experiences described was a desire to extend beyond the dominant paradigm of both arts entrepreneurship and community development in relation to economic development of the individual and collective. in so doing, it is suggested that these projects represent a soulful approach to learning and community building (westoby, 2016; westoby and dowling, 2009) via creative placemaking. our charge [as arts entrepreneurship educators] is to prepare students for a professional life of means, meaning, and the opportunity to give back, equipped to thrive within the world they will soon inherit, a world rife with challenges, yet ripe with opportunities. mark rabideau recognizing the importance of weaving arts activities into the fabric of community development practice, the national endowment for the arts introduced a focus on “creative placemaking” in 2010. markusen and gadwa (2010) describe creative placemaking as a process whereby: [p]artners from public, private, non-profit, and community sectors strategically shape the physical and social character of a neighborhood, town, city, or region around arts and cultural activities. creative placemaking animates public and private spaces, rejuvenates structures and streetscapes, improves local business viability and public safety, and brings diverse people together to celebrate, inspire, and be inspired. (p. 3) artplace america, a ten-year collaboration between a number of foundations, federal agencies, and financial institutions, has been at the forefront of efforts to advance creative placemaking. drawing on the urban planning ideas of jane jacobs, artplace america suggests that community development work “must be locally informed, human-centric, and holistic,” and that in creative placemaking projects, “art plays an intentional and integrated role in place-based community planning and development”,(artplace america, 2016) due in part to the relatively large investment of economic capital in creative placemaking projects over the past ten years, creative placemaking has become an important conceptual and aspirational ideal influencing arts entrepreneurship and arts-related training programs in higher education. arts entrepreneurship education (aee) is an area of growing interest in arts education and pedagogy research that resonates with the discourses of creative placemaking. in part, aee is a response to the creative industries placing value on the consumption of arts, entertainment, and culture for economic growth in urban development (beckman, 2007; chang & wyszomirski, 2015; lloyd, 2002). due to its emphasis on business topics such as entrepreneurship and management, aee has generally been focused on economic motivations and market-driven rationales (beckman, 2007; manjon & guo, 2015). yet, there is growing support that more humanistic characteristics, such as self-efficacy, self-actualization, place-making wilson & mantie inspiring soulful communities through music _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 33 for exploration and innovation, empowerment, trust building, collaborative engagement, and sense of community are inherent to the pedagogy and practice of arts entrepreneurship in higher education (beckman & essig, 2012; manjon & guo, 2015). pollard and wilson (2014) identified five goals with respect to aee: (a) the capacity to think creatively, strategically, analytically, and reflectively; (b) confidence in one’s abilities; (c) the ability to collaborate; (d) well-developed communication skills; and (e) an understanding of the current artistic context. welsh et al. (2014) suggest that the effectiveness of aee is directly related to the extent to which aee programs address and meet both the professional and academic needs of students. roberts (2013) echoed this notion, suggesting that entrepreneurship in the arts goes beyond building a business skillset, and he advocates for pedagogy to be innovative by means of genre blending. while scholars have presented various pedagogic methods and dispositions for aee in recent years (essig, 2013, 2015; pollard & wilson, 2013; welsh et al., 2014), collaborative and experiential learning has been deemed effective in developing innovative ideas for students to utilize as value-enhancing knowledge sharing processes (essig, 2013; welsh et al., 2014). essig (2013) suggests that mentorship, collaborative team projects, and experiential learning are three useful pedagogies for developing “entrepreneurial habits of mind.” this situates universities as mediating structures for the creative process of arts entrepreneurship in linking the means for arts entrepreneurship (i.e., alertness, specialized knowledge, financial capital) with its end-goals (i.e., wealth creation, value creation, sustainable culture) (essig, 2015). in this article we describe the practical application of the university as a mediating structure by examining an interdisciplinary collaboration between courses in two disparate units of the university: music and community development. the intent of our collaboration was to offer a humanistic approach toward building and bridging relationships and developing human capacities that reach beyond the economically dominant paradigm within which research and practice in aee have typically been situated. while not officially (or even unofficially) courses in arts entrepreneurship, we believe the activities that resulted from our two courses embody the spirit of aee and demonstrate how aee thinking can be embedded in the fabric of arts training and community development. we believe our interdisciplinary collaboration responds to, and supports, rabideau’s claim that aee: must thrive in non-curricular spaces, as much as be infused across curricular initiatives; crosspollinate among faculty, regardless of generational boundaries, traditional silos, and tenured lines; and unite campus and community, with particular attention to those at the margins of society. (gartner, roberts, & rabideau, 2015) we further support jackson, herranz, and kebwasa-green’s (2003) assertion that there is a need for comprehensive documentation of the various ways in which people participate in cultural activities that can provide better grounds for understanding community dynamics. this article represents a modest step in that direction. setting the stage fortunately, from our perspective, community engagement projects variously described as outreach, engagement, creative placemaking, and more are becoming increasingly common in arts education and training programs in higher education. to our knowledge, however, instances of these initiatives originating in music units are less common than in other artistic units. although aee has advanced considerably in recent years, it is still, particularly in the higher education music field, in its relative infancy. in order to advance work in this area, ongoing theorizing is imperative. toward this end, we offer conceptual elaboration that is, to some degree, post hoc in nature. while our initial joint discussions were grounded in our respective pre-existing theoretical understandings as instructors and researchers and wilson & mantie inspiring soulful communities through music _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 34 we had what might be loosely be called “working hypotheses,” our collaborative efforts have helped to bring forth additional insights that we believe can add value to aee discourses. dialogical community development (dcd) community development has been concerned with the notion that economic development is a chief indicator of community wellbeing (bhattacharyya, 1995, 2004; phillips, 2003). yet, in order to ensure social support and a sense of community, humanistic characteristics such as agency, empathy, hospitality, resilience, and civic engagement are significant elements of sustainable community development (bhattacharyya, 1995, 2004; putnam, 2000; westoby & dowling, 2009). establishing trust and empathetically engaging with others in a manner that welcomes reciprocation opens the door for communication to spark collaboration. the conceptualization of community for this article heeds the call from westoby and dowling’s (2009) critical insight into the essence of community work. westoby and dowling coined the term “dialogical community development” (dcd) to reflect the practice of listening deeply and making oneself present to the other. dcd “invites awareness, attention and imagination that are directed at our relations to one another, our relations to place, to practice, to economics, culture, earth, politics and the traces of history and so forth” (p. 14). the “dialogue” in dcd is considered a “mutual process of building shared understanding, meaning, communication, and creative action” (2009, p. 10). dcd requires attentiveness throughout the process and orients community as hospitality by “welcoming other people, other ideas, and other ways of thinking about community life” (westoby & dowling, 2009, p. 12). westoby and dowling suggest that dcd is a social practice that fosters social relationships, invokes multiple elements of personal and collective agency, and aims to reclaim places as spaces of social activity rather than the current “norm” of speculative economic activity. in order for this to occur, this social process encourages poetic participation “that comes when people genuinely participate in community life as an intimate engagement of their creative imaginations” (2009, p. 18). in creating us: community work with soul, westoby (2016) introduces the term “soul” to describe the animation of the individual and the collective body. this builds upon his previous work with dowling (westoby & dowling, 2009) where they quote rhythm and blues legend ray charles’s classification of soul as “the ability to respond from our deepest place” (p. 14). westoby (2016) suggests that community work from a soulful perspective is a social process to be embraced as a responsive dance, something westoby and dowling describe as: a quality, a dimension, a movement towards experiencing life in a way that adds depth, value, relatedness, heart and substance…a soulful orientation invites hospitality towards other people and places and other ways of being, doing, and imagining. it requires…‘another’ way, one that demands heart, emotion, and will. (p. 15) dialogical community work with soul, then, is founded on finding deeper social and cultural meanings together and appreciating alternative ideas and ways of thinking, a notion that resonates strongly with the concept of hospitality found in the community music literature (e.g., higgins, 2007, 2012). creative placemaking bennett (2014) argues that “communities consistently employ creative placemaking interventions to strengthen economic development, encourage civic engagement, build resiliency, and/or contribute to quality of life” (pp. 77-78). he suggests that as part of organic community planning, creative placemaking ideally engages residents in the neighborhood development process. in response to various criticisms highlighting issues of gentrification and displacement (e.g., bedoya, 2012), creative placemaking has more wilson & mantie inspiring soulful communities through music _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 35 recently been deemed the deliberate integration of arts, culture, and community-engaged design in community development practices to expand opportunity for vulnerable populations (borrup, 2016). in his chapter, “creative placemaking: arts and culture as a partner in community revitalization,” borrup (2016) emphasizes that creative placemaking contributes to community building in that it amplifies “local human, physical, and cultural assets to enhance the social and civic fabric” (p. 1). aligned with aforementioned arguments concerning community development work and creative placemaking, borrup suggests that creative placemakers achieve success by thinking holistically and continuously pushing to connect established silos of practice. when done effectively, creative placemaking can arguably foster what debra webb, following roberto bedoya, calls an “aesthetic of belonging” through place-based arts initiatives (webb, 2014). this can contribute to what the urban institute’s arts and culture indicators project (jackson, 2006) calls “cultural vitality.” cultural vitality is considered “evidence of the creation, dissemination, validation, and support of the arts and cultural activity as a dimension of everyday life in communities” (jackson, 2006). while admittedly limited in scope and aspiration, the creative placemaking activities described in this article sought to enact soul, hospitality, an aesthetics of belonging, and cultural vitality by respecting and capitalizing on local people, places, and spaces. for purposes of analysis we have borrowed from webb (2014): (a) placemaking that is guided by civic engagement activities that foster cultural stewardship; (b) placemaking that spurs systemic social change and youth empowerment; and (c) placemaking that articulates a shared aesthetic of belonging. partnership the community music projects discussed in this article were the result of a collaboration between the instructors of a school of music graduate course entitled “music and community engagement” and an undergraduate course entitled “leisure and quality of life” in the university’s community resources and development school. students in the school of music class were partnered with selected students in the community development class and tasked with planning, facilitating, and evaluating community-based music projects overtly described as “creative placemaking,” and deliberately placed within a “community cultural development” frame. while this collaboration occurred in both 2015 and 2016, we wish to highlight the evidence from the inaugural year of the project to set the stage for how these projects illustrate the benefits for students within the contexts of creative placemaking, dcd, and aee. the overarching goal of the collaborative project assignment was for each school of music student to organize a “one-off” event with the potential of being sustainable for future engagements. the school of music students functioned as the music leaders and content specialists. the community development students served as “community development officers” responsible for researching and coordinating logistics. as instructors, we decided not to impose too much structure, enabling each project to be as broad or as narrow as desired. criteria were listed in the course syllabi as follows: ● event should occur no later than the last day of the semester ● event should be at least 30 minutes (but may be longer) ● should involve as many community members as feasible/reasonable; advertising and “recruitment” will be important ● must be self-supported [i.e., no course money available] ● must involve some form of documentation (i.e., pictures, video, post-event interviews with participants, etc.) in order to provide the greatest latitude for creative thinking, assessments were intended to focus attention on reflection without becoming overly prescriptive. the music students were required to submit a wilson & mantie inspiring soulful communities through music _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 36 short write-up that provided: (a) a brief description of the event (e.g., where and when did it take place? how many people did it involve? who were they?); (b) evidence of success that involved some sort of indicators or metrics (e.g., 7 of 10 people said afterwards they were satisfied or very satisfied and would do this again); and (c) brief thoughts on what might be changed or improved if one were to do the project again in the future. the community development students were required to submit a short reflection paper that identified: (a) how the project was personally, socially, and culturally beneficial to quality of life of the participant; (b) how it may have impacted the quality of life of participants personally, socially, and culturally; and (c) considerations for the future facilitation of these community programs. the community development students also offered a short class presentation after the completion of the program that illustrated how the event contributed to quality of life through photos, video, and other participant accounts. we initiated this partnership with the hope that students would listen to each other, as well as the participants from the community, throughout the creative process in order to address tensions and complexities collaboratively. as such, a goal was to offer an opportunity for students to step outside of their comfort zones in unfamiliar surroundings to think critically and cultivate new ideas with people they had never met. the results of this vision manifested through seven unique creative placemaking projects in 2015. the projects the seven projects for this experiment in creative placemaking took place in fall 2015. serving as examples for the discussion to follow, they are presented in no particular order. community garden the community garden project connected the music student, a low brass player, and the community development students with volunteers from a local community garden, as well as some other community members. the community garden volunteers explained the work they do and gave tours to the students. the event was a potluck style luncheon formed in appreciation for the volunteers of the garden, and included a tuba quartet playing polka music. there were about 20 people in attendance. at the conclusion of the event, the students drove the leftover food to the local homeless shelter. figure 1. community garden wilson & mantie inspiring soulful communities through music _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 37 heritage hallelujah the heritage hallelujah event, named after the school and the famous chorus by handel, was an opportunity to bring together people of all ages in song. the idea was sparked from a desire to create an annual tradition to invite alumni of the school, a private charter school with a circumscribed community, to actively participate in their december concert by joining the choirs on stage to sing a final number. there were a total of 50 people in attendance, 30 females and 20 males. of the 34 attendees who completed the exit survey offered by the student event hosts, all except for one indicated they would like to do this event again and 25 relayed that the event motivated them to pursue participating in similar music events in the future. figure 2. heritage hallelujah “beat lab” workshop for girl scouts the beat lab was a collaboration between the music student, a local museum, and the girl scouts organization. the activity fused acoustic and digital music-making in an effort to educate and encourage the participants to create their own musical arrangements (subsequently uploaded to the cloud for later sharing with their parents) and perform live in front of their peers. approximately 100 girl scouts attended the event, necessitating the school of music student to involve three other music students from the university to “apprentice.” over 85% of the girl scouts said they enjoyed the lab. this particular event was the launching pad for the music student’s startup business that now travels the local area facilitating activities and workshops similar to those offered at this initial event. figure 3. “beatlab” workshop for girl scouts wilson & mantie inspiring soulful communities through music _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 38 musical maps the musical maps event involved members of the community listening to live music while making art. significantly, the event occurred at a geographic area striving to become known as another arts corridor in the city’s downtown, emulating a successful example of one two miles away. the event was advertised using social media (i.e., facebook, instagram, twitter) for a local nonprofit organization leading up to the event. during the three-hour event, approximately 40 community members attended. collaborative efforts were supported by donations from a local for-profit music venue that provided compensation for the live performers, as well as food and drink donations by a company known to one of the community development students. figure 4. musical maps music and art making workshop this event was in some ways very similar to the musical maps event, except that it occurred on the university campus and involved only eight participants, most of whom were from the university’s international community, and it involved structured activities. the stated goal of this event was to mix music with visual arts in order to improve the quality of life for participants. figure 5. music and art making workshop wilson & mantie inspiring soulful communities through music _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 39 epic instrument maker challenge the epic instrument challenge was modeled after the musical hackathons held in new york and was inspired by what is often referred to as “maker culture.” student facilitators created the event with the notion that it might promote creativity and participatory culture (jenkins, 2009). because the local geographic area is dispersed due to urban sprawl, they hoped that it would bring together like-minded people. even though the event had fewer participants than anticipated, a young boy illustrated the ethos of the project with a wooden cigar box acoustic guitar he built with his father. he was rewarded for his innovative instrument and conjunctive performance with a small collection of records donated by a local record store. figure 6. epic instrument maker challenge instrument making out of recycled materials this event took place at a local community center that focuses on providing life skills and an accommodating environment for underserved youth. eight girls from the nearby community attended the event. the students facilitating the activity brought recyclable materials (i.e., water bottles, empty toilet paper rolls, etc.) to the center in order to work with the children to create their own instruments. the event also involved customizing a song from the sound of music by using lyrics made up by the participants. figure 7. instrument making out of recycled materials wilson & mantie inspiring soulful communities through music _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 40 discussion as is hopefully evident, the projects undertaken by the students illustrate the value of community development and arts entrepreneurship beyond strictly economic factors. pictures of the events illustrate how the projects were soulful experiences for participants per westoby’s (2016) definition of soul as the animation of the individual and the collective body. as discussed below using webb’s (2014) three framework components, we hope to provide a more intimate association between aee and dcd that amplifies the “dialogue” component of dcd, considered as a “mutual process of building shared understanding, meaning, communication, and creative action” (westoby & dowling, 2009, p. 10). civic engagement activities that foster cultural stewardship while the elements of dcd as a soulful approach to building community were evident in some capacity across all community music events, the aspects of civic engagement were showcased, despite their obvious dissimilarities, most prominently in the community garden, heritage hallelujah, musical maps, and recycled instruments projects. each of these individual events foregrounded a sense of hospitality and ways of being, doing, and imagining that helped to build a sense of community. as one of the community development students wrote in her reflection about the community garden event: a social benefit of this event was that i...was able to communicate my passions and future goals with [the community garden volunteers]. a cultural benefit was that we are all a part of a group small or big and we were able to come together and share our common goals...as students, we were able to make a difference and do something positive in other people’s lives. although the heritage hallelujah event occurred within a physical and social context that in some ways stretches the definitions of “public” and “civic,” it most certainly engendered a sense of cultural stewardship, one that helped to ameliorate differences of age and class. at the same time, the cultural and ethnic/racial homogeneity in this event was striking, highlighting the paradox in community development that, while communities are lauded to the extent they represent a genuine sense of belonging and participation, they are also defined according to in-group and out-group membership. when cultural stewardship promotes hierarchies and exclusion, civic engagement becomes just another mechanism whereby the already-advantaged entrench their dominant positions in society. in this respect, the recycled instruments event and, to lesser extents, the musical maps and community gardens events represented creative placemaking engagements that did not further enshrine economic and socio-cultural privilege. systemic social change and youth empowerment social change entails that people in a community have the capacity to engage with and feel as part of the participatory process. we felt this aspect most overtly in the beat lab, recycled instruments, music and art making workshop, and the epic instrument maker challenge. the capacity for community music projects to facilitate a sense of empowerment was recognized by one of the community development students, who, in reflecting on the recycled instruments event, remarked, “this project was something that anyone could do. it didn’t matter what age, gender or social class.” in an environment where waste tends to be overlooked, particularly relevant to the urban environment in which these projects took place, the recycled instruments project highlighted the notion that innovative use of materials can encourage creative solutions. it allowed for creative placemaking to be carried out in a no-cost, eco-friendly, and fun manner that helped the underserved youth to recognize their inherent musicality and their capacities to be creative. validation can also be empowering for youth as they attempt to “feel out” whether or not participation is acceptable. this was borne out in the epic instrument maker challenge, where the young boy with the wooden cigar box acoustic guitar was rewarded with a small collection of records donated by a wilson & mantie inspiring soulful communities through music _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 41 local record store for not only working with his father to create his instrument, but also performing classic rock songs to the receptive audience in the music-maker project. notably, the impact of the community music projects was as impactful on the students as it was on the participants. as one community development student remarked: working with youth that have bad home lives or struggle for their next meal was new for me. it was very eye opening to see these kids that have some type of struggle in their lives but they still had smiles on their faces and a positive attitude. despite their seemingly positive impacts, the one-off events undertaken by the students clearly do not qualify as systemic social change. that said, change is reliant upon empowerment, a concept that can take many forms beyond its socio-political implications. the beat lab, for example, provided not just a sense of confidence for the girl scouts, but demonstrable and tangible evidence of their creative capacities. exit tickets and student reflections all point to a very powerful event for everyone involved. the music and art making workshop, while it involved primarily older youth, was also seen as a valuable and empowering learning experience for everyone involved. as one of the community development students revealed: this project was personally beneficial to me because i got to learn different aspects of music and visual arts that i did not know before. i got to learn how to play a song on the piano and i got to try and learn how to draw. take in mind, i am not the best at drawing, but i gave it all i had. shared aesthetic of belonging contributing to the sense of belonging that comes from creative placemaking, the community garden and hallelujah events were both potluck-style events. as a result, the structure of these projects was inherently participatory in nature. in both cases, the provision and donation of food contributed to the overall sense of sharing, togetherness, and belonging. the participants were not merely consumers of the creative placemaking activities but were also active producers of the experience. the feeling of belonging is a key component to building community. one of the community development students from the music and art project conveyed her feelings that being in a safe and hospitable environment, coupled with encouraging dialogue, added to the experience in a positive manner: “throughout the entire event, all of the participants exchanged laughs and words of encouragement...everyone seemed to enjoy each other’s company, which benefitted each of the participant’s quality of life personally.” the reciprocal exchange of humor and positive dialogue support a soulful approach to community work. it helps establish a better sense of situational trust and acceptance, especially in an environment comprised of individuals from an array of cultural backgrounds. as another participant in the music and art project remarked: we all got to be in a comfortable setting where everyone became friends. they were also culturally benefitted because we all come from different places, so we got to learn about each other and we all got to learn about music and visual arts. the fact that both music and visual art were utilized in various fashions to bridge language and ethnic barriers and propagated creative placemaking suggests that it was an effective strategy for navigating these potential constraints. webb’s (2014) notion of aesthetics of belonging builds upon the work of bedoya (2012), who interrogates the notion of dis-belonging as it arises from creative placemaking work and its potential for displacement. we would argue that, while none of the events undertaken by the students reached the level of impact that might effect/affect long-term belonging or dis-belonging (and might go so far as to argue that belonging and dis-belonging are two sides of the same coin where both, by definition, co-exist), sensitivity to the aesthetics of belonging is critical to ethically-conducted creative placemaking work. while our wilson & mantie inspiring soulful communities through music _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 42 geographic area does not currently contain a large black/african-american population relative to national figures, it does contain a relatively high percentage of native americans; participants in all the creative placemaking events were primarily white and asian, with a few observably classified (particularly in the recycled instruments event) as hispanic. although demographic category is but one variable by which belonging might be measured, it is a primary one. utility together, students from two units of the university helped to facilitate experiences that offered a platform to illustrate resourcefulness and innovation towards creating value for themselves and the community. public (i.e., community garden, community center) and private (i.e., museum, local business) spaces were animated via music and art in these creative placemaking projects. local business viability was integrated through partnerships to provide food and drink, as well as getting more foot traffic through places of business. this said, the actual impacts of the project engagements were clearly limited, reflecting the scale and scope of the collaborative pedagogical experiment. in our opinion, the most useful aspect of this exercise with respect to creative placemaking and aee was its utility for fostering what pollard and wilson (2013) call “an entrepreneurship mindset,” or what essig (2013) describes as “habits of mind for arts entrepreneurship.” as mentioned earlier, musical instances of creative placemaking and arts entrepreneurship are rarer than with other art forms. as a result, existing capacity for creative placemaking in the music field pales in comparison with, for example, visual art, dance, and drama. although our community music projects were mostly the result of partner pairings (sometimes 3 in a group), their collaborative and applied nature responds to essig’s (2013) call for collaborative team projects and experiential learning. if initiatives such as this one were scaled to other universities, perhaps entrepreneurial habits of mind might become as commonplace among musicians as they are among other artistic disciplines. conclusion universities have evolved from traditionally being considered as detached from the community to now having a significant role in the cultural development and social fabric of communities (chatterton, 2000; langston & barrett, 2008). it is important for institutions of higher education to be embedded within their local communities to bridge aee and community development efforts. evidence of positive community planning and community building is carried out by and with communities (bennett, 2014) and it can be facilitated by embedding university-driven initiatives within the communities in which they are situated. this amplifies the need for universities to consider the effects of bridging campuses and educational levels in order to present students with optimal opportunities for engaging with one another to learn (gartner et al., 2015). at the heart of the experiences described here was a desire to extend beyond the dominant paradigm of both aee and community development in relation to economic development of the individual (aee) and collective (community development). in so doing, we argue that these projects represent a soulful approach to learning and community building (westoby, 2016; westoby & dowling, 2009). although not necessarily life-changing in any respect, the individual events reflected a genuine sense of poetic participation for everyone involved. with respect to aee, the three areas of mentorship, collaborative team projects, and experiential learning were integrated within each of the community music projects. the projects also exemplified, at least to some extent, pollard and wilson’s (2014) five goals of aee (i.e., the capacity to think creatively, strategically, analytically, and reflectively; confidence in one’s abilities; the wilson & mantie inspiring soulful communities through music _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 43 ability to collaborate; well-developed communication skills; and an understanding of the current artistic context). despite being located within a university coursework, the projects articulated here presented the students, per gartner et al.’s (2015) recommendation, with a “non-curricular space” in which they could work with community members and students from other disciplines to co-create their own learning environments. although not public-facing, the reflective aspects of the projects help to build the capacity to respond to jackson et al.’s (2014) call for greater documentation of community dynamics. our interdisciplinary collaboration implemented creative placemaking activities in these non-curricular spaces in an effort to connect aee and community development. creative placemaking activities provided opportunities for students to participate in civic engagement as community/cultural workers. the events themselves can be considered examples of cultural vitality in that they present “evidence of the creation, dissemination, validation, and support of the arts and cultural activity as a dimension of everyday life in communities” (jackson, 2006). lest our presentation be read as overly rosy, we must acknowledge that there were many challenges, frustrations, and mistakes that arose throughout the 2015 semester (many of which, incidentally, continued in the 2016 semester). communication between the graduate and undergraduate students was not always smooth, and the open-ended nature of the assignment, while certainly consistent with the “spirit of entrepreneurship,” was not necessarily something comfortable for students accustomed to the kind of explicit, narrowly-proscribed assignments and curriculum that have become commonplace throughout much of the education system. at the risk of over-generalizing, programs of study in music at the higher education level have historically focused on performance preparation, not community engagement or community development. based on anecdotal appraisal, the music students were, with maybe 1-2 exceptions, most certainly out of their comfort zone with these events. programs of study in community development, while perhaps more flexible than music study, do not typically feature arts entrepreneurship as prominent subject matter, as the community development field, for the most part, has not explored the possibilities of arts entrepreneurship for community development. this lack of attention to arts entrepreneurship education in community development practice and education is exactly why creative placemaking has become such a popular approach for garnering interest and integration into the discourse. the reflections from the community development students evidenced more surprise and recognition of the possibilities of arts entrepreneurship for community development. this is noteworthy to instructors in the community development field and like fields such as tourism and public policy, as it highlights the significance of arts and culture being amplified in the name of urban development. community development has figured prominently in the creative placemaking discourse practically since its inception. while there may have been a pragmatic aspect intended to marshal political support through economic rationalization, many creative placemaking discourses have, in our reading, moved in a more socially-conscious direction. although there may be other instances of collaborations between arts disciplines and the field of community development beyond what we were able to uncover, we argue that such synergies represent under-realized potential for aee. we hope that through greater sharing of examples, especially theorized examples, aee can continue to effect greater change for the benefit of both practitioners and the communities they serve. wilson & mantie inspiring soulful communities through music _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 44 references artplace america. 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(eds), culture and politics, 223-234. new york ny: palgrave macmillan. roberts, j. s. (2013). infusing entrepreneurship within non-business disciplines: preparing artists and others for self-employment and entrepreneurship. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 1(2), 53-64. webb, d. (2014). placemaking and social equity: expanding the framework of creative placemaking. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 3(1), 35-48. welsh, d. h., onishi, t., dehoog, r. h., & syed, s. (2014). responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs: an exploratory study of arts entrepreneurship in north carolina higher education. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 3(2), 2137. westoby, p. (2016). creating us: community work with soul. brisbane: tafina press. westoby, p., & dowling, g. (2009). dialogical community development with depth, solidarity and hospitality. brisbane: tafina press. microsoft word 126 for pdf final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 6, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 8-32 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2017, the author analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector: identifying arts entrepreneurs’ demographics and shared characteristics jason c. white college of charleston abstract the purpose of this study is to lay a foundation for comparative analysis of arts entrepreneurs’ demographics and shared characteristics in a given u.s. arts sector. guided by a conceptual framework for the u.s. arts sector, i utilized a cross sectional survey design to generate data for analysis. in this article, i reflect on the research process, interpret findings, and utilize new understandings as a catalyst for guiding and informing directions for the emerging arts entrepreneurship research field. keywords: arts entrepreneur; arts entrepreneurship research; arts sector researchers from around the globe have long examined entrepreneurship; traditionally defined as both a process of innovation and new venture creation (gartner, 1985; kuratko, 2014, pp. 4-5, p. 23), situated in a for-profit context (schumpeter & opie, 1934), analyzed through an economic lens (hayek, 1945; steyaert & katz, 2004, p. 187) and evidenced by way of business ownership (hawley, 1907; shane & gartner, 1995, p. 293). however, perhaps due to the prevailing view of entrepreneurship as a for-profit seeking activity (benz, 2006, pp. 23-24), and in the absence of a nationally adopted sectoral frame for the arts (cherbo, vogel & wyszomirski, 2008), there is little to no research within top tier entrepreneurship journals for guiding and informing individual (gilmore, johnson, levi, markusen, & martinez, 2006; preece, 2014, 2015), organizational (grandori & gaillard, 2011, pp. 103-108; kolb, 2015, p. 12;) and/or (infra)structural (cherbo, vogel & wyszomirski, 2008, p. 15; mccarthy, ondaatke & novak, 2007, p.15; wyszomirski & cherbo, 2001) entrepreneurship practice in the u.s. arts sector (cherbo, 1998a). for example, despite the framing of the arts as economic industries, and the merging of the arts into creative industry classifications (towse, 2010a, p. 462; prince, 2010, p. 122), a search within top tier entrepreneurship research journals suggests to me that the arts are largely absent from empirical entrepreneurship research. for example, a boolean search using the respective terms “arts industry”, “arts industries” and “arts sector” returned no hits within the journal of business venturing and entrepreneurship theory and practice, and only two hits in research policy. additionally, while the kauffman index of entrepreneurial activity does provide an annual measure of firm-level entrepreneurship activity by both industry and specific population groups, the index has historically focused on the following sectors of the u.s. economy: construction; manufacturing; trade; services; and other (fairlie, 2014; http://www.kauffman.org/microsites/kauffman-index). moreover, while research on the birth and mortality rates of non-profit arts organizations has been conducted (national endowment for the arts [nea], 2008; smith, nichols, ott, ball, & nea, 2003), there are many different types of arts organizations (varbanova, 2013, pp. 1-4), and it is difficult to make meaning from rates and stocks of birth and mortality of firms outside of the unique sectoral context in which such activity occurs (cherbo, vogel & wyszomirski, 2008, pp. 16-17). furthermore, concerning the founding, establishment and organizing of new arts organizations, there is to date no national survey, database or public index from which to compare founders’, establishers’ and/or organizers’ (hereafter referred to as arts entrepreneurs’) demographics and shared characteristics. although a model survey comes to mind (i.e. characteristics of business owners survey), the white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 9 u.s. census bureau discontinued that survey after 1992; adapting it into what is now known as the survey of business owners (sbo). notably, the sbo currently provides the only comprehensive regularly collected source of information on selected economic and demographic characteristics for u.s. business owners by gender, ethnicity, race and veteran status. however, while all businesses are organizations, not all organizations are businesses (kolb, 2015, p. 12), and so entrepreneurs of both nonprofit and state-subsidized arts organizations may often be excluded from such national survey initiatives. perhaps due to such exclusion, there is no easy way to identify those individuals who organize both non-profit and state-subsidized arts organizations across the u.s. nor is there a way to easily identify common challenges amongst distinct groups of arts entrepreneurs, how much financial capital one might want to acquire before undertaking specific arts-based ventures, or where distinct arts organizations (e.g., producing, presenting, education, policy, service, etc.) tend to, respectively, start-up, endure and/or dissolve. notably, in discussing entrepreneurs in the arts, varbanova (2013) situates her frame of entrepreneurship within a distinct sectoral context, and refers to arts entrepreneurship as, “…a socio-cultural activity based on innovations, exploitation of opportunities and risk taking behavior” (2013, p. 17). additionally, varbonova references a wide variety of entrepreneurs operating across the broader arts and cultural sector (e.g., producers, impresarios, art dealers, arts agents, artists’ agents, independent project managers and others) (pp. 16-17). while varbanova’s frame is supported by a literature review, it is important to note that without a clearer and more specific understanding of who arts entrepreneurs are, there is little to no way to identify the majority of arts entrepreneurs, those arts entrepreneurs outside of the dominant socio-cultural majority (i.e. minority arts entrepreneurs), or to determine both rates and stocks of both business ownership and organizational control in the arts by specific population groups. importantly, while both nonprofit and state subsidized arts organizations cannot legally be owned, arts entrepreneurs likely possess at least an initial capability to exercise control of such organizations via the establishment of rules of order (fama & jensen, 1983; grossman & hart, 1986; janney & dess, 2006). furthermore, arts organizations are social constructions with the power to both affect society and change the structure of the society in which they are embedded (staber, 2013; sarason, dean & dilliard, 2006). thus, where new arts organizations emerge, arts entrepreneurs will likely possess at least an initial capability to both affect society, and change the structure of the sector in which their organizational venture is embedded (dimaggio, 1998; sarason, dean & dilliard, 2006; battilana, leca & boxenbaum, 2009; valdez & richardson, 2013). while the arts management literature is a resource for guiding and informing organizational entrepreneurship practice in the nonprofit arts sector, it is important to note that the core arts management literature focuses on the internal management of non-profit arts organizations and their environments (towse, 2010b). notably, such a focus centers on the management of existing arts-based ventures, rather than the organizing of new arts-based ventures. moreover, while the social entrepreneurship literature has emerged as a resource for guiding and informing entrepreneurship practice for non profit-seeking purposes (benz, 2009), it is important to recognize that the venture aspirations of aspiring arts entrepreneurs may differ from those of aspiring social entrepreneurs. for example, scholars suggest that social entrepreneurs are primarily concerned with the resolution of social market failures, and the creation of social value for given members of society (nicholls, 2006). however, in discussing white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 10 arts entrepreneurship in the nonprofit performing arts, preece (2011) suggests that in the absence of a profit motive, arts entrepreneurs may be motivated by a sense of self-fulfillment brought on by the execution of an artistic organizational mission (p. 108). alternatively, for-profit arts-based ventures may differ from social entrepreneurship ventures, as research in cultural economics suggests that new ventures in artist-labor markets are often short-term, project-based and never intended to be long lasting (towse, 2010b, p. 384). research question given the desire to extend arts entrepreneurship research, and the need to identify arts entrepreneurs within the unique sectoral context in which they venture, this study centers on the question, “what are the demographics and shared characteristics of entrepreneurs in a given u.s. arts sector?” to situate the study in the appropriate sectoral context, i first identify and disclose my sectoral frame via a conceptual framework. i then identify and discuss both the scope and methodology of my study. afterwards, i report findings, interpret the data, and utilize key findings as a catalyst for guiding and informing directions for the emerging arts entrepreneurship research field. please note that the research question is intentionally broad, both in an effort to make room for emergent discoveries, and to capture a wide range of data for comparative analysis. conceptual framework for the purposes of addressing the research question, entrepreneurship is narrowly defined in this study as the organizing of new organizations (gartner, 1985), situated in an artsbased sectoral context, analyzed through a structuration lens (sarason, dean & dillard, 2006), and evidenced by way of legal incorporation (grandori & gaillard, 2011; kolb, 2015). however defined, scholars suggest that entrepreneurship practice remains across all dimensions, subcategories and typologies, both subject to and influenced by the context(s) in which it is situated (gelderen & masurel, 2012; welter, 2011). for example, in discussing the nature of entrepreneurial action, entrepreneurship scholar david deeds (2014) compares the study of entrepreneurship to a study of context-dependent idiosyncratic ventures. continuing, deeds suggests that in an effort to produce high quality defensible and replicable research in entrepreneurship, entrepreneurship researchers should clarify the context of their studies by identifying both the level of analysis, and the specific environment wherein their frame(s) of entrepreneurship takes place (p. 16). moreover, in framing new venture creation as an experience, authors morris et al. (2012) identify the venture experience as “idiosyncratic”, and suggest the nature of one’s experience depends upon interactions (or interplay) among individuals, streams of events, and the context in which the venture occurs (p. 160). forson et al. provide support by pointing out that mainstream entrepreneurship research still frames the entrepreneur as “…homoeconomicus stripped largely of affect, intersubjectivity, personal narratives, discursive groundings or intersectional complexities” (p. 54). continuing, forson et al. (2014) contend that widespread adoption of this view has led to, “…a monolithic framing of entrepreneurial activity as decontextualized, purely economic and universally convergent” (p. 56), and therefore propose a re-attention to the contextual micro, meso and macro-level interplay that both shapes and influences entrepreneurship practice in society. in taking this perspective, framing both arts entrepreneurship and the unique sectoral context in which it occurs seems a white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 11 necessary exercise; as the way in which researchers frame entrepreneurship guides the kinds of questions they ask about entrepreneurship (gartner, 1990). furthermore, the identification and disclosure of context in entrepreneurship research may point the reader to an appropriate level of analysis (or levels of analyses) from which to make greater meaning of research results. framing arts entrepreneurship scholars frequently position artists, arts administrators and technical creative workers (hereafter referred to as core workers) as the primary facilitators of art and works of art in the center of proposed art worlds, art(s) fields, creative and cultural industries and sectors; (cherbo, vogel & wyszomirski, 2008; hesmondhalgh, 2012; peltoniemi, 2015; maanen, 2009). in cases where core workers’ shared concern and primary activity is the facilitation of art (both for pecuniary and non-pecuniary purposes), they will naturally seek out both new and existing opportunities to do so (shane & venkataraman, 2000; mckenzie, ugbah & smothers, 2007). while common challenges and opportunity barriers await core workers in commercial arts and related entertainment industries (alexander, 2003; eikhof & warhurst, 2013; griswold, 1992; peltoniemi, 2015; sinckler, 2014), core workers in nonprofit arts fields may also face distinct challenges, including extensive social responsibility, public accountability, and policy restrictions on strategic and financial actions (hull & lio, 2006). moreover, emerging challenges to free expression in the arts have been noted (hawthorne, szántó, & national arts journalism program [najp], 2003), and economic challenges in the performing arts are often rationalized by baumol and bowen’s (1966) cost disease thesis. in an effort to overcome common challenges and opportunity barriers, there is evidence that core workers have engaged in various forms of entrepreneurship, both across art(s) fields and related u.s. industries. for example, after spending seven years trying to get his film financed and produced by major hollywood studios, actor nate parker engaged in entrepreneurship via self-employment (alvarez & barney, 2010; venkataraman, 2003), selfproducing, directing, and starring in his film the birth of a nation. parker presented his film at the 2016 sundance film festival, sold his film to fox searchlight for a record 17.5 million, and earned the sundance institute’s vanguard award. after recognizing the lack of national funding opportunities for individual artists, ruby lerner engaged in entrepreneurship via organizational development (gartner, 1985; stevens, 1999; grandori & gaillard, 2011) by founding and establishing creative capital, a nonprofit arts organization that provides both direct funding opportunities and technical assistance to individual artists pursuing adventurous projects across arts disciplines (see www.creative-capital.org). moreover, in 1965, when u.s. congress mandated that the nea restrict financial appropriations to those u.s. states with official statesubsidized arts agencies, many u.s. states recognized an infrastructural opportunity, and subsequently exploited that opportunity by structuring their own state arts agencies in what is arguably a case study in what might be called “infrastructural entrepreneurship” (wooley, 2013; wyszomirski & cherbo, 2001). in considering the above examples collectively, arts entrepreneurship seems to be less a predetermined process of new business creation, and more broadly the discovery, creation, and exploitation of new venture opportunities across the broader arts sector (alvarez, barney & anderson, 2013; alvarez & barney, 2010; short, ketchen, shook & ireland, 2010; mckenzie, ugbah & smothers, 2007). additionally, from the perspective of core workers, arts white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 12 entrepreneurship seems a normative rational response to unfavorable economic, political and juridical conditions, both in art(s) fields and across related arts and entertainment industries (maanen, 2009, p 209). where such unfavorable conditions are evidenced within a given u.s. arts sector, core workers may not be exempt from contextual challenges and barriers to arts entrepreneurship. as research suggests: (1) entrepreneurship education has not traditionally been recognized as essential to arts education (beckman, 2007; brown, 2007; pollard & wilson, 2014; white, 2013); (2) venture opportunity in related arts and entertainment industries is stratified by field gatekeepers (alexander, 2003; peltoniemi, 2015), and cultural stereotypes can influence the gatekeeping process (griswold, 1992; sinckler, 2014); (3) prominent u.s. public and private foundations have historically prioritized financial subsidy for mid to large-sized nonprofit arts institutions, rather than for individual artists and small community and cultural nonprofit arts organizations (chang, 2010; graves, 2005; mañjon & vega, 2012; miller & yudice, 2002). importantly, where venture opportunity exists within a given non-profit arts sector, core workers’ access may either be enabled or constrained by local, state and/or national arts and cultural policy (miller & yudice, 2002). furthermore, research illuminates cases of nepotism, racial discrimination, and gender inequities in international creative, cultural, arts, and related entertainment industries (banks & milestone, 2011; conor, gill, & taylor, 2015; dunlop, 2007; eikhof & warhurst, 2013; french, 2014; hesmondhalgh & baker, 2015; jones & pringle, 2015; shade & jacobson, 2015). such inequities in a given u.s. arts sector may motivate core workers to engage in arts entrepreneurship out of necessity, rather than as a result of the discovery of an opportunity (verheul, thurik, hessels & zwan, 2010; valdez & richardson, 2013). framing the u.s. arts sector to think about how to define and illustrate the u.s. arts sector from the top-down, i was guided by wyszomirksi’s proposed model of a u.s. creative sector (cherbo, vogel & wyszomirski, 2008, p. 14), a notable published model that aided in visualizing the arts as a distinct socio-economic sector embedded within the broader u.s. economy. for example, in framing the arts and creative sector, cherbo, vogel & wyszomirski define the sector as, “…a cluster of related arts and arts-related industries that require for production a pool of talented and skilled individuals, who along with ancillary organizations, provide products and services integral to the workings of the creative industries” (2008, pp. 9-10). cherbo et al. later posit that a sectoral frame can help us to “…visualize the arts through a broader lens, widen and deepen our knowledge of how cultural affairs works, and aid us in devising better cultural policies and advocacy coalitions” (p. 10). while the cultural policy benefits of adopting a u.s. sectoral frame for the arts are promising, primary points of departure between wyszomirski’s model and my sectoral frame include the way in which i define and organize general field/industrial activities and ancillary (infra)structural components. additionally, it is worth noting that my justification for framing the sector in this study as “arts-based” rather than “creative-based” is largely due to definitional challenges, as what is/is not creative is notoriously difficult to distinguish and determine, and such an exercise seemed beyond the scope of this study (towse, 2010a). moreover, the term “creative” is highly subjective, and ironically, those businesses and organizational entities deemed “creative” are usually included within creative economy/industries reports, while those deemed “un-creative” are omitted. as such, subjectivity no doubt contributes to discourse both white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 13 towards and within the paradigm of creative industries research and policy (trembley, 2011). arguably it is such discourse that has stalled national adoption of the “creativity-based” sectoral frame across the decentralized u.s. arts and cultural policy infrastructure (cherbo, vogel & wyszomirski, 2008, p. 12). while employing an “arts-based” sectoral frame avoids the definitional discourse within the paradigm of creative industries, it is important to note that arts-based classifications and distinctions are not excluded from their own set of definitional challenges. as many scholars have come to recognize, “the arts” are socially-driven (alexander, 2003, p. 2) and therefore are often what we (distinct members of a society) say they are (davies, 1991). for the purposes of this study, the u.s. arts sector is framed broadly as a segment or division (i.e. a slice of the pie) of the broader u.s. economy in which related arts fields and entertainment industries are situated. while a field is hereafter defined as an area or division of an activity, subject or profession (martin, 2003; lipstadt, 2003; bourdieu & wacquant, 1992), within the realm of national statistics, an industry refers to an aggregation of groups of firms and individual producers classified as producing similar (but not the same) goods and services (towse, 2010b). for the purposes of this study, both field and industrial producers are framed as core workers (cherbo, vogel & wyszomirski, 2008; hesmondhalgh, 2012; peltoniemi, 2015; maanen, 2009), firms are framed as arts organizations (i.e. nonprofit, for-profit, state-subsidized) (essig, 2015; varbanova, 2013), and similar goods and services are framed as arts and related entertainment products, services and performing arts experiences (peltoniemi, 2015; sayre & king, 2010). moreover, while a reference to the “nonprofit arts sector” is a reference to a sub-sector (i.e. half of a pie slice) of the broader u.s. arts sector (i.e. a slice of the pie), a reference to the “for-profit arts sector” is a reference to a parallel sub-sector (i.e. the other half of the pie slice) within the broader u.s. arts sector. collectively, a reference to the u.s. arts sector is a reference to the two sub-sectors, which plausibly co-enable “sectoral benefit”, or the collective socio-economic benefit that the u.s. arts sector affords to the broader u.s. economy. although the lines often blur (pankratz, 2013), and core workers often crossover between sectors (gilmore, johnson, levi, markusen & martinez, 2006), traditional distinctions between both the nonand for-profit arts sectors have often been based on the general perception of nonprofit activities as mission-driven and commercial arts and related entertainment activities as being driven by market considerations (pankratz, 2013). in an effort to draw attention to the distinct yet interrelated fields and industrial activities within the two sub-sectors of study, subsectors are considered both one at a time (fig.1, fig.2), and then synergistically (fig. 3). notably each sub-sector possesses (1) a core labor force with assumed general motivations (cherbo, vogel & wyszomirski, 2008; hesmondhalgh, 2012), (2) interrelated field (maanen, 2009) and/or industrial activities (cherbo, vogel & wyszomirski, 2008; sayre & king, 2010), and (3) an (infra)structure comprised of ancillary organizations that both aid in field/industrial activities and service core workers in areas of need (cherbo, vogel & wyszomirski, 2008; burgess & pankratz, 2008). white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 14 figure 1. the nonprofit arts sector for example, as can be seen in figure 1, core workers are centrally situated in the core of the nonprofit arts sector. they plausibly and collectively work both within and across interrelated art(s) fields towards mission-driven purposes (rosewall, 2014; badelt, 1997; hull & lio, 2006; salamon & anheier, 1992). concentric circles intersect core workers, representative of general field activities (i.e. creation, presentation, reception) (becker, 1982; maannen, 2009) that core workers must facilitate within the non-profit arts sector in order to enable sectoral benefit. importantly, while “creation” refers to the internal coordination and management of talent, equipment, materials and resources towards the production of works of art, “presentation” refers to the external coordination and management of public and private encounters between artists, audiences and existing works of art. moreover, “reception” refers to internal coordination and management of a dedicated physical or virtual space for the exhibition, display or performance of art. note that the prefix (re) is hereafter utilized as a reminder that such field activities are iterative, and through repetition, may successively enable sectoral benefit over time. additionally, in adopting the perspective that a constellation of support systems is an integral part of the infrastructure of the arts and creative sector (cherbo, vogel & wyszomirski, 2008), white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 15 note that the outermost circle of figure 1 both includes and represents distinct infrastructural components that both aid core workers in facilitating field activities and service core workers in areas of need (burgess & pankratz, 2008, pp. 32-34; maanen, 2009, pp. 217-219). alternatively, in figure 2, core workers are centrally situated within the core of the forprofit arts sector. they plausibly and collectively work both within and across interrelated arts and entertainment industries for market-driven purposes (rosewall, 2014 hull & lio, 2006; sayre & king, 2010). concentric circles intersect core workers in figure 2, representative of the general industrial activities of acquisition, commodification and distribution that core workers must facilitate in order to enable sectoral benefit (sayre & king, 2010; edwards, 2010; bernstein, 2015; trumble & riemsdijk, 2016). importantly, while “acquisition” refers to the procurement of legal rights and permissions to distinct works of art for the purpose of commodification, “commodification” in the for-profit arts sector refers to the shaping and transformation of an existing work of art into a product or content for sale. moreover, “distribution” refers to the publication and dissemination of art and entertainment products and figure 2. the for-profit arts sector white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 16 content for mass consumption. note that the prefix (re) is hereafter utilized as a reminder that such industrial activities are iterative, and through repetition, may successively enable sectoral benefit over time. additionally, in taking the perspectives of cherbo, vogel and wyszomirski (2008, p. 15), note that the outermost circle of figure 2 both includes and represents distinct infrastructural components which both aid core workers in facilitating industrial activities, and service core workers in areas of need. conceptually, while figure 1 enables an opportunity to theorize those distinct arts organizations that facilitate (re)creation, (re)presentation, and (re)reception in u.s. non-profit arts fields, figure 2 offers us an opportunity to theorize those distinct arts organizations that facilitate (re)acquisition, (re)commodification, and (re)distribution in u.s. arts and related entertainment industries. additionally, viewing both sub-sectors as distinct yet interdependent socio-economic systems (i.e. figure 3) offers us an opportunity to theorize cross-sector collaborations that may uncover new and existing opportunities for synergy. for example, prior to working in the arts and related entertainment industries, core workers often first develop their skills, abilities and talents in the nonprofit arts sector, often by attending arts education programs (e.g. k-12, collegiate, community) embedded in the nonprofit arts infrastructure and/or by working directly in nonprofit arts fields to facilitate mission-driven field activities. moreover, likely due to the benefit of public and private subsidy via 501c3 tax exemption, core workers in the for-profit arts sector may recognize the non-profit arts sector as a more cost-effective sector for arts education, workforce training, talent and skill development (burgess & pankratz, 2008, pp. 32-34). additionally, research indicates that the non-profit arts sector may be a more favorable sector for research and development, largely because both market pressures and project development costs can be diminished by tax incentives and public subsidy (cherbo, 1998b, p. 134). as pankratz states, “nonprofit leaders have tended to view commercial entertainment organizations primarily as funding sources that have not repaid, in philanthropic support, the essential research and development (r&d) that the nonprofit arts are said to provide the commercial sector” (2013, para. 3). for example, research indicates that broadway theatre producers in u.s. arts and entertainment industries often remain connected to nonprofit performing arts organizations because of their cost effective ability to workshop, revise, and revitalize classical works of art (cherbo, 1998b). such cross-sector arrangements may help to alleviate research and development costs in the u.s. arts and entertainment industries, thus enabling the nonprofit arts sector as a less risky and perhaps more favorable environment for arts-based venturing in the broader u.s. arts sector. essentially, if we frame both sub-sectors one at a time (e.g., fig 1, fig 2), and then synergistically (e.g., fig 3), we notice the cross-sector arrangements that have long enabled new venture opportunities across the broader u.s. arts sector (cherbo, 1998b). support for this position can be found in the results of the crossover study (gilmore, johnson, levi, markusen & martinez, 2006), in which the researchers found that artists in the sample frame (nearly 1800 responses) moved among arts sectors (i.e. commercial sector, nonprofit sector, community sector) far more fluidly then previously believed, and in addition, that each sector of study provided distinctive channels and support for artistic development (p. 5). additional support can be found in burgess and pankratz’s (2008) relevant discussion on interrelations in the arts and creative sector, and also, in pankratz’s (2013) research on interrelations within the nonprofit and commercial arts, in which he reports trends and identifies joint ventures made possible via cross white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 17 fi gu re 3 . th e u .s . a rts s ec to r white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 18 sector collaborations. moreover, if we frame that which is widely thought to be (re)created, (re)presented, and (re)received in the non-profit arts sector (i.e. art and works of art) from the perspective of core workers in the for-profit arts sector, we might view “art” as “product/content” yet to be acquired, commoditized, distributed and consumed en mass (bernstein, 2015; sayre & king, 2003; vogel, 2011). in taking this systemic perspective, we can now recognize the u.s. nonprofit arts sector as the research and development wheel of the u.s. arts and entertainment industries, and the u.s. for-profit arts sector as the distribution and consumption wheel of the broader u.s arts sector. importantly, while figures 1, 2 and 3 represent conceptual models only, the models have nevertheless aided me in illustrating my sectoral frame, and additionally, in pointing the reader to a multi-level framework [i.e. core (micro) level, field/industrial (meso) level, infrastructural (macro) level] for analysis of arts entrepreneurship activity in a given u.s. arts sector. scope of the study in alignment with the sectoral frame and conceptual framework, and in an effort to identify a level of analysis, this study centers on an analysis of arts entrepreneurship in the core (i.e. micro) level of the u.s. arts sector. generally within entrepreneurship research, to adopt a micro-view is to recognize the individual entrepreneurs’ ability to direct, control, or adjust the outcome of their respective venture by way of their own intrinsic traits (i.e. trait school of thought), recognition and awareness of opportunities (i.e. venture opportunity school of thought), or strategic planning process (i.e., strategic formulation school of thought) (kuratko, 2014). additionally, micro-level entrepreneurship research generally centers on the discovery of significant factors of influence that are part of an internal locus of control (kurtako, 2014). concerning the scope of the study, recall that there may be many arts sectors respective of the socio-cultural, ethnic, and regional diversity of the society in which the arts are situated. bearing this in mind, i opted to narrow my sectoral frame to a state level, aligning socio-cultural and geographic boundaries with those of a selected u.s. state, the ohio arts sector. to that end, a congressional district map of the state of ohio was utilized to better visualize the geographic context in which arts entrepreneurs of study were situated (see www.sos.state.oh.us). although legal state lines collectively bind the study’s sample population, the sample frame equated to a random sample of legally registered founders that incorporated ohio arts organizations both in and over the course of the years 2000-2015. note that in an effort to encourage homogeneity in the sample frame (i.e. a focus on small arts organizations per chang, 2010), i excluded arts organizations that reported annual revenue of $100,000 or more in their first year of incorporation. moreover, in an effort to control for self-employment, i excluded arts organizations that had less than two employees. before moving forward, it is important to note that due to the lack of a central office of cultural policy in the u.s., there is to date no official u.s. government sanctioned classification to indicate what does/does not constitute an “arts organization,” nor a national creative, cultural or artistic/arts field, industry or sector. nor is there to date any official u.s. government sanctioned list of target businesses and/or organizational entities that are proposed to constitute or derive such concepts or constructs. however, in recent years the national arts advocacy organization americans for the arts (afta) both proposed and developed a list of both u.s. creative industries and organizational classifications, reportedly tracking over 700,000 artswhite analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 19 centric businesses and organizations that are involved in the creation and distribution of the arts in the united states. although afta creative industries classification was utilized to identify arts organizations of study, note that for the purposes of this study, the following afta classifications were excluded from the query: botanical and zoological gardens; aquariums and zoological gardens; animal and reptile gardens; aquarium; zoological garden, noncommercial; arboreta and botanical gardens; arboretum; botanical garden. methodology in an effort to generate data for addressing the research question (i.e. what are the demographics and shared characteristics of entrepreneurs in the ohio arts sector?), i designed, pre-tested and administered an online survey to participants within the sample frame (fowler, 2013). feedback from pre-testing was used to inform the final survey draft, and pre-test participants received a small honorarium for their time. in addition, prior to survey administration, a final draft of the survey was presented to both an assessment expert (i.e., dr. kristin koskey associate professor of assessment and evaluation, university of akron) and a content expert (dr. wendy torrance, director of research, kauffman foundation) in an effort to inform the final survey version. to account for potential differences in intentionality between founders of for-profit artsbased ventures and founders of non-profit arts-based ventures, two survey versions were developed. essentially, although survey questions and items were similar on both surveys, certain words and question prompts were changed in an effort to keep both questions and item selections as contextual and relatable as possible. for example, whereas one of the for-profit survey questions asked, “prior to incorporation, did you have any experience starting a new business”, the non-profit survey asked the same question, but swapped the word “business” with “non-profit organization”. likewise, whereas one for-profit survey question prompt used the terms “business venture” and “owner”, the non-profit survey swapped “business venture” with “non-profit venture” and “owner” with “founder.” in both cases, the purpose of both surveys remained the same: to generate relevant and meaningful data evidencing demographics and shared characteristics of entrepreneurs within the ohio arts sector. although the afta 2015 creative industries reports estimated a population of 19,941 or more ohio-based arts-centric business owners, a list procured from the naics utilizing both afta classification and the sample criteria returned 6,675 records to which to administer a survey (n = 6,675). based on this estimated population, i used a sample size calculator (95% confidence level/ 5% confidence interval) to set the goal of achieving a representative sample (363) for the for-profit dataset. to encourage a greater return, i oversampled at 566, and included a raffled prize drawing incentive. guidestar served as the primary source for procuring the nonprofit dataset (guidestar.org). a purchased query from the guidestar association utilizing both selected ntee classification (category a) codes and the sample frame criteria returned 230 records to which to administer the survey (n = 230). based on this estimate, i used a sample size calculator (95% confidence level/ 5% confidence interval) to set the goal of achieving a representative sample (166) for the non-profit founder dataset. to encourage a greater return, i oversampled at 230 and included a raffled donation incentive. white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 20 the ohio secretary of state business database was used extensively to crosscheck the validity of both datasets. for example, upon comparison of several of the procured records to the records in the ohio secretary of state database, i found that several of the procured naics records possessed incorrect dates of incorporation and dissolution; an important finding that motivated me to begin inputting each procured record (both from naics and guidestar) into the ohio secretary of state database for validity checking. with additional assistance, i was able to check the validity of 786 out of the 6,905 records. whether or not a validated arts organization had since dissolved, invitational letters were addressed directly to all legally registered founders, and mailed to all target arts organizations within the sample frame. results and discussion the online survey remained open and accessible for 30 days. in full disclosure, new understandings arose both during and after survey administration, and thus future surveys will no doubt require revision. for example, not all survey questions were found to be relevant to the goals of the conceptual framework, and thus not all survey responses are reported in this article. additionally, whereas hawley’s (1907) theory of the entrepreneur might aid one in identifying entrepreneurs as business owners, both non-profit and state-subsidized arts organizations cannot legally be owned, and thus going forward, a pragmatic definition of the arts entrepreneur is necessary. supported by a theory of the entrepreneur as “founder” (hoang & gimeno, 2010, pp. 41-53; stevens, 1999, pp. 1-8), hereafter the arts entrepreneur(s) is/are identified as: the registered founder(s) who self-identified as being primarily responsible for organizing and establishing the target arts organization. it is important to note that i was unsuccessful in achieving generalizable response rates for both the nonand for-profit datasets. whereas the for-profit sample target was 363, total respondents to the for-profit (fp) survey were only 62. whereas the non-profit sample target was 166, total respondents to the non-profit (np) survey amounted to 53. these return rates mean that research findings are not necessarily generalizable beyond the scope of those who participated in the study. it also means that per the low survey response rate, i am unable to make statistical inferences from the data. nevertheless, both surveys are useful for providing descriptive statistics for comparative analysis. for example, despite being legally registered founders with the ohio secretary of state, the majority of np arts entrepreneurs self-identified as a staff or board member (53%), rather than the founder (32%). clearly this finding evidences a differentiation between the way in which i (the researcher) viewed the non-profit entrepreneurs of study (i.e., as “the” founders of nonprofit arts organizations), and the way in which the majority of nonprofit arts entrepreneur respondents actually viewed themselves, arguably as one part of a broader team of individuals; an important finding to remember for future arts entrepreneurship research studies in the nonprofit arts sector. results indicate that at the time the study took place, most of the participants were engaging in day-to-day activities within their respective arts organizations. this finding serves as an indicator of the most common stage and/or process of entrepreneurship (deeds, 2014) and furthermore, situates participants’ arts-based ventures in the maintenance and expansion phase of what might be called “arts entrepreneurship policy” (lundström & stevenson, 2005, p. 59). additionally, the majority of participants identified as nascent arts entrepreneurs (i.e. firstwhite analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 21 timers) (fp = 66%; np = 86%), rather than veteran arts entrepreneurs (i.e. who had prior experience founding/establishing/organizing arts organizations). to further summarize demographics and shared characteristics, the majority of ohio arts entrepreneurs in the study were between the ages of 45-68, with the youngest being 24, and the oldest being 86. additionally, while the majority (58%) of participants reported acquiring between $1-$999 in start-up financial capital (pre-incorporation), when given the opportunity to select from among a wide array of annual salary income ranges, the plurality of participants reported making between $80-$89,999 (fp = 15%) and $100,000 or more (np = 34%) in annual income (pre-incorporation). while it is unclear how participants’ annual salary incomes were generated, this finding nevertheless evidences the presence of a substantial financial safety net among the majority of arts entrepreneurs of study, despite the seemingly low start-up financial capital requirements of arts entrepreneurship (as previously defined). furthermore, when given the opportunity to select from among a variety of common venture financing options, the majority of fp respondents selected earned income or personal savings (47%), followed by used no financing/started from scratch (26%). alternatively, the majority of np respondents selected public or private grant funding (27%), followed by used no financing/started from scratch (23%). notably, the option “bank loans” was not selected by any of the np respondents. concerning shared characteristics in education, it is important to note that while a great majority of participants did receive a formal (sequential) arts education within the pre-k-12, community, and/or higher education settings prior to incorporation (fp = 68%; np = 69%), ironically, the majority did not receive any formal entrepreneurship education (fp = 64%; np = 58%). interestingly, the majority of participants indicated that they did receive formal management education prior to incorporation (fp = 54%; np = 57%). while a greater sample size is needed for correlational studies, future studies can assess the impact that such forms of education have on both arts entrepreneurs and arts entrepreneurship activity in a given u.s. arts sector. additionally, analysis indicates that 70% of participants had a post-secondary degree at the bachelors (38%) or master’s level (32%). this finding, when compared with the most prominent annual salary income ranges (pre-incorporation) selected by all participants (fp = $80-$89,999; np = $100,000 or more), the foremost gender of participants being male (fp = 60%; np = 57%), and the most prominent race of the sample (i.e. 92% identifying as white), evidences the dominant socio-economic status (ses) among arts entrepreneurs of study (i.e. upper middle class college-educated white males). guided by the push/pull strand of entrepreneurship scholarship (block & wagner, 2007; schjoedt & shaver, 2007; verheul, thurik, hessels & zwan, 2010), survey response items served as push/pull proxies for participants’ arts-based venture motivations. in addition to the option other, fp participants were given the opportunity to select from among the following proxies: (1) driven to do it myself; (2) did not make enough money at my previous job; (3) dissatisfaction in my previous career or place of employment; (4) pressured to go into the family business; (5) desired to support a non-profit mission; (6) desired greater autonomy in my career or work; (7) desired employment for either myself or others; (8) saw a profit-making opportunity. the plurality of fp respondents selected driven to do it myself (32%), closely followed by desired employment for either myself or others (19%). notably, while 19% of the fp respondents indicated other reasons, only one of the fp respondents selected the option desired white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 22 to support a non-profit mission (i.e. organizing a for-profit arts-based venture to support a nonprofit mission or purpose). alternatively, np participants were given the opportunity to select from among the following push/pull proxies: (1) desired greater autonomy in my work/career; (2) desired to do it myself; (3) needed access to public funding; (4) pressured to go into the family business; (5) did not make enough money at my previous place of employment; (6) dissatisfaction with previous state of career; (7) needed to employ myself and/or others; (8) recognized an opportunity to address a social need; (9) other. the plurality of np respondents selected other (46%), closely followed by recognized an opportunity to address a social need (44%). while this rationale (i.e. addressing a social need) is typical of those who engage in non-profit entrepreneurship, it is important to note that most of the reasons given were outside of item choices (i.e. other). for example, whereas one participant who selected “other” expounded, “desire to create something to benefit the community”, another expounded, “loved playing music.” as additional “other” reasons are both unique and specific, i concluded that my np item selections for this question were too narrow, and that more research was needed to uncover the diversity of arts entrepreneurs’ venture motivations and inspirations in the ohio non-profit arts sector. it is important to note minority arts entrepreneurship demographics and characteristics in the sample frame, as such disclosure can aid us in recognizing arts entrepreneurs outside of the dominant ses and, additionally, help researchers make meaningful group comparisons amongst minority arts entrepreneurs. while research on minority entrepreneurship need not be limited to race and ethnicity, it is important to note that the overwhelming majority of participants identified as white (fp = 77%; np = 92%), rather than american indian or alaska native, arab, asian, black or african american, bi-racial, hispanic or latino, multi-racial, native hawaiian or other pacific islander, other, or “prefer not to answer.” while this finding is not generalizable, it is worth noting that the racial makeup of the majority of ohio arts entrepreneurs of study mirrors the racial majority of ohio residents, in which 82.7% identified as white in the 2010 (latest available) u.s. census (see factfinder.census.gov). given research on minority entrepreneurship (butler & kozmetsky, 2004), such findings arguably imply ownership and control of arts organizations by race and ethnicity (fama & jensen, 1983,; grossman & hart, 1986). furthermore, concerning the gender of all participants, while there was a moderate concentration of female arts entrepreneurs in the sample frame (fp = 40%; np = 43%), none of the participants identified as transgender. such findings both encourage and challenge me to think about how i can work to make future arts entrepreneurship sample sizes more representative of the racial, ethnic and gender diversity of the united states. conclusion research from the strategic national arts alumni project evidences visual, literary and performing arts students’ desires for contextual entrepreneurship education (lindemann, tepper, gaskill, jones, kuh, lambert, lena, miller, park, rudolph & vanderwerp, 2012). alternatively, entrepreneurship scholars have recognized the ability of the arts to help facilitate learning associated with the study of creation opportunities (alvarez & barney, 2010, p. 574). while there is no consensus within the specialized literature on a definition of arts entrepreneurship (chang & wyszomirski, 2015), there is evidence that the arts entrepreneurship education field is white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 23 growing at an alarming rate. for example, according to a downloadable program inventory (file 6-20-2014-1.pdf) available on the society for arts entrepreneurship education (saee) website1, there are at least 112 dedicated arts entrepreneurship courses within 96 institutions of higher education in the united states. new research published by the pave program in arts entrepreneurship indicates 372 documented arts entrepreneurship offerings within 168 institutions of higher education (alliance for the arts in research universities, 2017). common educational goals involve but are not limited to: the development of related skills and competencies for transitioning into professional artistic careers, the study and practice of new venture creation in art(s) fields and related entertainment industries, and the development of an entrepreneurial mindset (essig, 2016, 2012; beckman, 2007). in the book entrepreneurship in the creative industries, brown (2007) identifies similar pioneering efforts in arts entrepreneurship education that have taken place in the u.k. for example, brown talks at length about the performing arts creative enterprise (pace) project that originated out of the performing arts learning and teaching innovation network (palatine) from 2000-2011. alternatively, beckman (2007) both identifies and discusses similar pioneering efforts in arts entrepreneurship education throughout the u.s. despite these significant educational developments in the academic field of arts entrepreneurship, it is important to recognize the lack of published peer reviewed research for guiding and informing arts entrepreneurship education and practice. while specialized research journals have emerged (i.e. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, journal of arts entrepreneurship research, and journal of arts entrepreneurship education) a body of empirical research is needed in order to both legitimize and advance the arts entrepreneurship research field. as evidenced in this study, research that identifies demographics and shared characteristics of arts entrepreneurs can aid students, practitioners and educators in identifying and making meaningful group comparisons amongst arts entrepreneurs of interest. interestingly, social identity theory (sit) provides support for this position. to summarize, social identity theorists generally perceive social identities as both groups to which one belongs and meaningful aspects of one’s self-concept (deaux, 1993). as such, while individuals seek to maximize their self-esteem by striving to achieve a positive social identity (a successful artist) (hechter, 2004), a disadvantaged position or capability may lead to a negative social identity (oft noted as the starving artist perception) (mullen, brown & smith 1992; tajfel 1982; turner, 1987; van knippenberg & ellemers, 1993). recognition may trigger one’s attempts to improve that position or status (tajfel & turner, 1986). contextually, where such negative social identities and/or disadvantaged positions are experienced in the arts, or evidenced in the core, field/industry, and/or infrastructural levels of the u.s. arts sector, coping strategies such as arts entrepreneurship may be desired. to that end, scholars suggest that strategies for coping with a negative social identity will likely be dependent upon how individuals perceive themselves in relation to their group affiliation (mummendey et al., 1999). notably, scholars who endorse a structuration frame posit that an entrepreneur’s awareness of their own capability and position within a given social system (e.g., u.s. arts sector) will influence their sense of agency (sarason, dean & dilliard, 2006). in cases where this is true, the identification of 1 see http://www.societyaee.org/resources.html white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 24 demographics and shared characteristics among arts entrepreneurs may aid the field in making meaningful group comparisons in what might be called “arts entrepreneurship research.” beyond demographics and characteristics, arts entrepreneurship research may be very useful for identifying new venture opportunities across the broader u.s. arts sector; better situating arts incubators in communities where there are low rates of arts entrepreneurship activity; identifying correlations between arts entrepreneurship activity and arts entrepreneurship education initiatives; analyzing sectoral ownership and control amongst specific population groups; and perhaps most importantly, increasing the contextual entrepreneurship knowledge and opportunity awareness of both arts students and aspiring arts entrepreneurs. in conclusion, while a greater sample size is needed in order to generalize results, i am confident this study can serve as both a proof of concept and a replicable model for future microlevel quantitative research studies in the academic field of arts entrepreneurship. 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(2003). foreword. in s. shane, a general theory of entrepreneurship. the individual–opportunity nexus (pp. xi–xii). northampton, ma: edward elgar. verheul, i., thurik, r., hessels, j., & zwan van der, p. (2010). factors influencing the entreprenurial engagment of opportunity and necessity entrepreneurs. retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/46455747_factors_influencing_the_entreprene urial_engagement_of_opportunity_and_necessity_entrepreneurs vogel, f. (2011). entertainment industry economics (8th ed.) [kindle for mac]. retrieved from amazon.com. welter, f. (2011). contextualizing entrepreneurship--conceptual challenges and ways forward. entrepreneurship: theory and practice, 35(1), 165-184. white, j. c. (2013). barriers to recognizing arts entrepreneurship education as essential to professional arts training. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 2(3), 28-39. wilkerson, m. (2012). using the arts to pay for the arts: a proposed new public funding model. journal of arts management law and society, 42(3), 103-115. woolley, j. l. (2014). the creation and configuration of infrastructure for entrepreneurship in emerging domains of activity. entrepreneurship: theory & practice, 38(4), 721-747. wyszomirski, m. j. (1982). controversies in arts policymaking. in mulcahy, k. v., & swaim, c. r (eds.), public policy and the arts (pp. 13-14). boulder, colorado: westview press. white analyzing entrepreneurship in the u.s. arts sector _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 32 wyszomirski, m. j., & cherbo, j. m. (2001). the associational infrastructure of the arts and culture. journal of arts management, law & society, 31(2), 99-102. microsoft word hart final-edited.doc artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 8, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 69-71 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2019, scott blackshire book review classroom exercises for entrepreneurship: a cross disciplinary approach, by james d. hart reviewed by r. scott blackshire, ph.d., mcnay art museum abstract in classroom exercises for entrepreneurship: a cross-disciplinary approach, james d. hart offers an expansive pedagogy for entrepreneurship training through creative play and experiential learning. nearly a century after political economist joseph schumpeter’s (1934) gesture that entrepreneurship involves innovations developed to meet a societal need, the what-isentrepreneurship debate continues—but not for james d. hart, director of arts entrepreneurship at southern methodist university. he quickly moves past definition roadblocks and sets about presenting aspects of entrepreneurship in a series of theatrical lessons. in classroom exercises for entrepreneurship: a cross-disciplinary approach, from the elgar guides to teaching series, hart elects to demonstrate entrepreneurial behaviors in action to support “‘dream making’ as an entrepreneurial lifestyle outside of the classroom” (p. xi). this book’s wealth of classroom exercises supports learning about entrepreneurship. however, it does not follow a standard business format. it speaks directly to the artist-entrepreneur with a theatre or performance background whose nature might be aligned with schumpeter’s “getting things done” attitude or an action mindset. hart intuitively animates his classroom practice and writes vividly about students’ responses. for someone who does not have a performance background, leading these activities may not be as easy as hart describes. hart taps into his deep roots as a performing artist, identifies creativity as critical for entrepreneurial success, and through his training invites entrepreneurs to explore (or learn!) creativity alongside business practices. if neither instructor nor students embody a performative mindset, the activities may seem daunting. still, there are lessons less-theatrical entrepreneurship instructors might find workable for their less-theatrical students. in the forward, entrepreneurship scholar gary beckman states, “students make choices based on their desire for success – and intriguing life experience” (p. x). hart knows classroom activities inform students’ future actions, so he stewards students toward entrepreneurial actions through experiential learning. hart posits creativity as a cycle of constituent parts—stimuli trigger impulses that spark imagination, eliciting actions refined through reflection, a necessary step in experiential learning (p. 11). from this cycle emerge powerful learning experiences (ples), exercises applicable and adaptable to entrepreneurship curricula. ples engage students in the moment, but more importantly, have an enduring “impact on one's thoughts and actions over time, and transfer to a wide range of contexts and circumstances” (rowland, lederhouse, and satterfield, 46). hart’s learning objectives lead artists—and entrepreneurs-in-training—to understand the power that comes from a toolkit of entrepreneurial skills and competencies. in addition to the focus on creativity, hart emphasizes communication—pitching ideas, networking with others, marketing to publics, and the like. he stresses confident communication. “confidence is the key. the more one publicly presents, the more comfortable they become doing so” (p. 27). interestingly, the inability to “confidently communicate their ideas” (p. 27) is often an unforeseen stumbling block for artists. despite artists’ abilities to communicate stories, moods, or ideas within and through their craft, it is not always easy to talk about one’s artistry or creativity. understanding the artist-communication conundrum, hart advocates that during “the entrepreneurial process it can serve students to articulate what is personally meaning to them” (p. blackshire book review: classroom exercises for entrepreneurship _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 70 46). over the course of more than fifty exercises, entrepreneurial pedagogy takes the form of creative action to support, among many outcomes, confident communication. hart flips the business school script and takes advantage of artistic ways of working as the primary means to develop an entrepreneurial mindset. two core themes emerge from the text. the first gives educators and students across disciplines permission to explore entrepreneurship through creative play and experiential learning – whether wading in bit by bit or jumping into the deep end. the second encourages discussions and conversation among students to articulate their vision of change via entrepreneurial engagement. to those ends, classroom exercises mimic real world, day-to-day entrepreneurial work, which bode well both for creative classroom settings and for instructors and students who are less inclined to “play.” in sections “part 1: ideation” and “part 2: action,” the spectrum of classroom exercises aims to move students’ theoretical ideas into practices of action. “part 3: introspection and reflection” cements the meta-cognitive nature of experiential learning, directing students to think about what they have created or done. throughout the text, hart also provides helpful citations and footnotes that, respectively, add context and direct readers across sections of the book to lessons with compatible outcomes. hart extends broad creative license to instructors, encouraging them to map their course—pair, scaffold, or combine any and all exercises that meet teaching goals, imbuing classrooms with equal parts creativity and flexibility to benefit students’ learning. any given exercise might be approached from different perspectives. although students follow the same exercise an artist, for example, might focus their learning in the context of a local theatre scene, while another student interested in business might consider the larger context of international markets. the activity titled “find your voice” exemplifies the importance of communication. hart notes, “by finding their creative voice, the entrepreneurial creator comes to best utilize their talents” (p. 79), ringing true in realms of art making and venture creation. by blogging, online participants use their “voice” to write about an idea or well-researched perspective and then respond to comments. students explore the greater blogosphere for examples of different, unknown ways to connect with audiences or “develop the loyal following of ‘true fans’” (p. 80). “finding your voice” also requires interaction with others. as one way to overcoming anxiety some feel in public forums, students are urged to consider what their audiences say. an audience’s collective voice, in turn, may inform an artist’s clarifying response or, perhaps, innovations to meet fan base expectations. a “plans and strategy” exercise titled “defense of plans” (p. 192) might be better called “confidence in plans.” through this lesson, students interrogate the breadth and depth of knowledge needed to defend their dream making. they also learn to accept critical feedback and suggestions made in the cycle of creative, entrepreneurial work. in short, “defense of plans” stresses preparedness and knowledge, and engenders confidence—the confidence to communicate (incorporating “find your voice”), to think quickly and deeply, and to respond professionally to queries about one’s ideas. the book’s final exercise “why do you create?” (p. 295) represents a summative assessment of sorts. taking hart’s cue to use exercises in innovative ways, if “why do you create?” is deployed as the first and last exercise in a course, instructors might collect formative and summative data to evidence students’ entrepreneurial growth over a semester. the richness of hart’s pedagogy applies to the various types of entrepreneurship— business, social, cultural, feminist, arts, intra-, collective—that have evolved since schumpeter’s framing of the term. beyond the classroom, hart’s students will stand on a “philosophical foundation helping them to keep perspective regarding what stage of their entrepreneurial adventures they may be in” (p. 279). classroom exercises for entrepreneurship reflects hart’s commitment to entrepreneurship, and he shares the philosophies on which he meditates to blackshire book review: classroom exercises for entrepreneurship _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 71 answer the “questions of ‘what makes you different and necessary’” (p. 36). for academia, hart’s pedagogical innovations speak to what entrepreneurs do and accomplish, not how entrepreneurship is defined. accordingly, for students, hart frees the next generation of dreamers, artists, makers, and entrepreneurs to communicate their visions of change confidently. references rowland, gordon, amber lederhouse, and diana satterfield. “powerful learning experiences within coherent learner groups.” performance improvement quarterly 17.2 (2004): 46 64. schumpeter, joseph a. the theory of economic development: an inquiry into profits, capital, credit, interest, and the business cycle. cambridge: harvard u p, 1934. microsoft word 148 final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 7, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 49-62 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2018, the author keying in: getting close to 186 carpenter, creative placemaking, and the artist entrepreneur tyler french brown university abstract this article describes 186 carpenter, a co-work and gallery space in providence, ri, and considers its praxis of nonparticipation in creative placemaking efforts and artist entrepreneurship models. i develop the category of the “not-not-for-profit” organization as a mode of organizing, which intentionally resists the legibility afforded by these discourses. by outlining the cultural circumstances that inform why some arts organizers chose to not participate in creative placemaking and artist entrepreneurship schemes, this ethnographically informed analysis can nuance their critiques and affirmations. my central question is: why are artists opting out of the resources creative placemaking provides, particularly in a city such as providence ri that has been a prime example of successful creative placemaking efforts? entering these discourses from the humanities and utilizing ethnographic gestures may present an alternative methodology for understanding how artists may still be mobilizing to make places, while also failing to reproduce funder-determined models of support found in the creative placemaking enterprise and artist entrepreneurship discourses. keywords: cultural studies; arts management; creative placemaking “i like to have people try it out with me first. it can be a little tricky and i find people learn it better when we do it together,” jori ketten told me and two event organizers as she handed us a set of keys to 186 carpenter, a community gallery and co-working space in providence, ri’s west end neighborhood. i added the three keys to my key ring as ketten walked us through the steps to open and close the space, demonstrating the nuances of each procedure. “the front door lock might seem like its locked, but it really isn’t,” she said as she jiggled the handle, then fully tugged, to pop the door open with a resonant clang. “and it might seem like it’s closed, but sometimes it doesn’t. you really have to push it.” the two event organizers did the first trial run, arming the alarms, setting the thermostat, turning off the lights, and locking the doors without any troubles. i repeated their steps, striding from the alarm panel in the back of the space to the front door confidently, spinning on my heel while locating the correct key, turning it in the lock before fully stopping my spin. “is it closed?” ketten asked. i rotated the handle and it didn’t move, but the door swung back from the frame. i had locked the door, but hadn’t closed it, leaving the space vulnerable. “just push it closed.” i pressed my right hand against the frame, put my body into it, leaning in with my shoulder to seal the space. 186 carpenter and its providence context jori ketten is the primary organizer of 186 carpenter and maintains the space with an amorphous cadre of co-organizers, whose engagements with the space include renting a desk in the shared office to presenting artistic work, organizing fundraising events for a range of groups and causes, and programming community-based arts activities in the gallery. as a recent addition to this cadre of co-organizers, i was surprised to find 186 carpenter missing from the multiple providence arts and culture maps developed by the city’s department of art, culture + tourism. french keying in to 186 carpenter _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 50 these maps are informed by the americans for the arts creative industries report, which provides a framework to understand and quantify the economic impact of creative industries in each state, including both nonprofit and for-profit organizations in its measures (“americans for the arts”, 2015). 186 carpenter slips outside of these measures, being neither a nonprofit nor a for-profit organization, while sharing organizational practices of each structure of incorporation and appearing to many outside of the circle of co-organizers to be one or the other. 186 carpenter, and similar spaces in providence and across the country, escape how governmental, philanthropic, and advocacy players support, make use of, and measure arts and cultural activities. these modes of organizing to support arts and cultural activities have been previously illuminated in the 2002 report the informal arts: finding cohesion, capacity and other cultural benefits in unexpected places (wali et al, 2002). the report importantly highlights the various connections between informal and formal arts and cultural spaces and activities. the maps of formal spaces and activities in providence inform and demonstrate the profitability of arts and culture in making a creative capital, the branding campaign adopted by the city in 2009. according to gadwa’s case study (2012) about this campaign, the department of art culture + tourism leveraged the city’s investments in this brand to gain support for developing “creative providence,” a planning document currently guiding arts and cultural strategies throughout the city. spaces for informal arts activities are tied to, yet escape full cooption by, the creative capital branding campaign. they also fail to directly and financially benefit from avenues of support mobilized by the creative providence cultural plan. while 186 carpenter is absent from the official maps of the creative capital and unable to participate directly in the creative providence plan, it interfaces with, networks, and supplements the various formal arts and cultural activities measured by the city and supported in the creative placemaking funding paradigm. i would like to offer another way to consider these informal spaces and activities, a way of looking that removes the questions of formality and informality from the informal arts report, while continuing to highlight the connections and blurred edges separating these designations and demonstrating what 186 carpenter and spaces like it uniquely facilitate. rather than incorporating as a nonprofit organization, 186 carpenter employs another mode of organizing, combining elements of sharing economy models, art gallery practices, and privately rented co-working spaces. in this article i refer to 186 carpenter as a “not-not-for-profit” to signal how its organizers participate in similar financial constraints as nonprofit art organizations, but at a much different scale and through different earned income mechanisms and cultures of support. throughout i consider the potential benefits and deficits of 186 carpenter’s use of the “notnot-for-profit” mode of organizing and propose a methodology for considering the impacts of its cultural “what,” by following the bodies that animate the space (including my own) through various activities not accounted for in economic terms. although this paper will not take up creative placemaking’s critics and champions, i hope by outlining the cultural circumstances that inform why some arts organizers choose to not participate in creative placemaking schemes, this analysis can provide nuance to its critiques and affirmations. my central question is: why are artists opting out of the resources creative placemaking provides, particularly in a city that has been a prime example of successful creative placemaking efforts? what cultural values and interactions are being missed in these success stories and/or critiques? how do these spaces close the door to researchers relying solely upon economic profitability as their metrics? by entering these discourses through the humanities, and relying upon ethnographic gestures as evidence of french keying in to 186 carpenter _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 51 alternative cultures of support, this article presents one way of slowing down to take stock of the “profits” that this funder-generated discourse produces and what it misses within less legible “places” and cultures of support. methodology in the discussion that follows, i pull from ethnographic observations of 186 carpenter and interviews with jori ketten in order to highlight the deeply collaborative and social nature of how the space is made. informed by what performance scholar shannon jackson terms proximate epistemologies, i show how 186 carpenter and its co-organizers offer a counterexample to the model of the artist entrepreneur currently at work in the city of providence and within the funderinstituted creative placemaking enterprise (jackson, 2000). practicing proximate epistemologies, being close and attending to the activities bodies enact in spaces may obscure my ability as a researcher to make claims beyond the proximate, beyond the doors of 186 carpenter. what this way of looking and writing offers is a window into understanding deeply nuanced cultural values and profits that escape the registers of how researchers may reproduce narratives that shore up funder-determined strategies, governmental uses of arts and cultural activities, and discourse of arts entrepreneurship. ethnographic methods rely on and foreground the subjectivity of the researcher and is vulnerable to critiques of preciousness, the potentialities and risks of which i will take up in the conclusion. by foregrounding how i am choosing to look at 186 carpenter, i may be able to show some of the culturally-specific activities which animate the space at the expense of fully knowing how they interface with broader structural issues. to be clear, this study is not merely an argument to make 186 carpenter, and the multitude of spaces like it, legible to and viable for increased avenues of support. i am more interested in tracing its politics of non-participation as a counterexample to funder-generated case studies and attending to what its “not-not-for-profit” model of co-organization mobilizes. looking at the ways that people belong to 186 carpenter as a “not-not-for-profit” can allow us to hold off, for a moment at least, questions of economic profit. to explore these questions, i consider as220, a formal arts organization in providence that, at a point in its 30-plus year history, chose to incorporate and has since become a featured organization in creative placemaking discourses. i will also briefly discuss the ghost ship fire as an example of the risks of leaving unexamined alternative modes of organizing in funder-generated discourses of supporting arts and cultural activities. by starting somewhere other than the question of economic returns, deliverables, and imperatives, and by taking seriously how “not-not-for-profit” organizing has historically been and continues to be a mode of supporting arts and cultural activities, i hope to show how competing definitions of value factor into the making of local creative places. this line of questioning may allow us to understand why some artists may resist being cast as entrepreneurs making places, and how we choose to look at their laboring in turn reveals our own interests and answerabilities as researchers. interviewing jori ketten prior to interviewing jori ketten in the fall of 2016, i had heard her name often repeated by other arts and cultural workers around providence. she had worked for and with a number of the arts and cultural organizations in the city in various capacities, including curating visual art shows, taking photographs of events, and playing in one of the local brass bands. i can’t recall exactly when or how we met: our spheres of circulation share many overlaps, as do the majority of cultural workers in providence. depending on your viewpoint, providence is a small city with french keying in to 186 carpenter _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 52 vigorous arts and cultural programming, or a big town with a cast of central, reoccurring characters. she makes an appearance at as many arts and cultural events as she is able, a shock of short-cut, bleached hair, a warm laugh, and a sincere, “how are you doing?” marking her arrival. only a few months prior to our interview, ketten started working in brown university’s swearer center, which connects students, faculty, and partners outside of the university through community engagement, engaged scholarship, and social innovation programs. as a graduate student at brown and cultural worker in providence, i wanted to interview her to hear more about her history working with local arts and cultural organizations, how 186 carpenter came to be, and how she characterizes her labor organizing the space. i had interacted with the space as a patron and performer before our interview. i had attended multiple art show openings, evening music events, and performed a poetry set as part of a mixed bill. during these evening events, the track lights warm the gallery space at 186 carpenter, invoking a living room that has become public, spilling out through the large windows on chilly providence evenings. 186 carpenter feels public and private simultaneously; each program seems to bring together a different circle of friends while also pulling in those who happen to walk by on any given evening. i was already personally invested in the space, the people it brings together, and the activities by which they animate the space before our interview, before becoming one of the co-organizers and before writing this article. we start at the beginning: in 2010, after finding a shared work space in providence unable to meet her needs, ketten began looking for alternatives. upon opening the door to 186 carpenter st., she knew immediately that was the space she wanted. the building had been recently renovated by new owners in 2009, belying none of its former features of a demolished deli. at the corner of carpenter and battey streets, the building has a large and open first floor and separate secondand third-floors apartment units. the large windows front the carpenter st. side and wrap half way around the corner. ketten and co-organizers rented the first floor, which has an open front room connecting to the back space (which became the office) through a wide, short hallway. off of the hallway is a bathroom, stairs to the basement, and a small storage space they transformed into a “kitchen.” one of the primary inspirations for the creation of 186 carpenter is as220, a nonprofit community arts organization with exhibition and performance spaces, live/work studios, youth programming, and a restaurant and bar. similar to the majority of cultural workers in providence, ketten and the 186 carpenter co-organizers had worked at as220, exhibited in their galleries, and attended countless events and performances in the organization’s various spaces. i focus in on this particular organization in providence because the energy behind the as220 collective’s founding in 1982, and its resulting mythology, mirror in many ways the founding energy of 186 carpenter. as220 has since become an exemplar of creative placemaking strategies, serving as a force of redevelopment in downtown providence. in contrast, although 186 carpenter emerged with the ascendency of creative placemaking, its lasting organizational status as a “not-not-for-profit” constrains its ability to directly profit from the avenues of funding this strategy has opened up for arts and cultural activities animating a geographically-defined place. my interview with ketten pauses here, for a brief detour into the history of creative placemaking, the potential problems it shares with arts entrepreneurship discourses, and as220’s history, which serves as a prophetic glimpse into the ascendancy of this funding strategy. this detour might allow us to examine how ketten and co-organizers simultaneously participate in and french keying in to 186 carpenter _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 53 benefit from the creative placemaking enterprise while desiring a space that continues to operate off its maps. the creative placemaking context according to the national endowment for the art’s first sustained look at the strategy (markusen and gadwa, 2010), creative placemaking requires cross-sector, private-public partnerships, working to shape the physical and social character of a place, to, in their conclusion of the definition, bring “diverse people together to celebrate, inspire, and be inspired” (p. 3). the next sentence immediately turns to economic deliverables, where these places may “foster entrepreneurs and creative industries that generate jobs and income, spin off new products and services, and attract and retain unrelated businesses and skilled workers” (p. 3). creative placemaking efforts align temporally and conceptually with the articulation of the “artist entrepreneur,” a kind of artist who, according to chang and wyszomirski’s (2015) literature review, “seek(s) to support their creativity and autonomy, advance their capacity for adaptability, and create artistic as well as economic and social value” (p. 25). both discourses slip between social and economic value. gadwa (2013) in a later article, “fuzzy vibrancy: creative placemaking as ascendant u.s. cultural policy,” argues creative placemaking (and i would argue arts entrepreneurship) is a “fuzzy concept,” because of this sliding between these different kinds of profit. the fuzziness of creative placemaking produces its critiques as well as the potential for directing resources to historically under-resourced places; it enables the rapid utilization of the strategy, but to many different ends. the tension between policy and practice gadwa highlights, is the tension between “gentrification and social-equity agendas” (p. 4). the term houses both capitalistic growth and social equity under the same rubric of “creativity,” its fuzziness asking these two camps to sit uncomfortably close. pulling together community-based arts activities, social practice artists, tourism bureaus, government agencies, and major funders, both private and public, does not automatically horizontalize the existent and historically-informed relationships between each of these players. creative placemaking and arts entrepreneurship can be put to radically different uses and its critiques should not get in the way of resourcing historically underresourced places and continued funding of projects with social equity at the center of their metrics of success. by not participating in these schemes, but existing alongside them, 186 carpenter may sidestep the strategy’s pitfalls (while also reproducing them, if not faithfully). continuing this investigation into the activities that animate 186 carpenter and other “not-not-for-profits” like it, we may be able to better understand what is denied when opting into creative placemaking and the attendant risks of this fuzzy funder-driven paradigm’s collapsing of social and economic profitability as well as a reading of the labor performed in the making of such spaces as entrepreneurial. according to micah salkind, (2013), the relationship between providence’s arts organizations and city government can be characterized as symbiotic, where each strategically embrace “the often reductive logics of creative city building to foster citywide civic engagement and more equitable access to art and culture” (p. 33). providence looms large in many of the best practice reports of creative placemaking, where local arts nonprofits have received national grants from an array of federal, state, private, and municipal sources to promote this activity, fueled by organizations like as220, as well as waterfire and the steel yard, among others (“artplace providence,” 2017). the city’s use of these organizations demonstrates the legacy of the older philanthropic strategies gadwa outlines, which further contribute to the fuzziness of creative french keying in to 186 carpenter _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 54 placemaking (gadwa, 2013). unlike creative placemaking though, these older strategies do not so easily conceal their economic motivations. while the bulk of these place-based projects that were at work prior to the coining of the term, organizational participation in these funding strategies cast the artist-leaders of these nonprofit arts organizations as artist entrepreneurs. the discourse of entrepreneurialism champions the original organizers for “making do” with their creativity amidst scarce economic resources. according to the case studies, these artists-nowleaders were able to transform their initially “not-not for profit” co-ops and squatting spaces into nonprofit organizations. through their entrepreneurial labor, they were able to make themselves into sustainable and sustaining institutions, not only for the artists they support, but also the city in which they are situated. at a point in the histories of these providence-based collaboratives, co-ops, and illegallymaintained spaces, the original organizers decided to, or were in some respects forced to, incorporate and participate in the development schemes salkind outlines (2013). in the original creative placemaking report, markusen and gadwa cite providence as a case study, highlighting the city government’s 30-year legacy of supporting arts and cultural in general and as220 in particular (2010, p. 53-54). their histories problematize the narratives produced in case studies, which are not able to consider what may have shifted for their original organizers in their choices to incorporate and participate in the city’s development schemes. what are the terms of these decisions and what may be foreclosed upon becoming a partner in urban development that has since been called creative placemaking? by briefly getting closer to the founding energies of as220, assisted by salkind’s ethnographically-informed study, we may be able to trouble the reproductive logics housed in creative placemaking narratives, to consider the initial energies swirling around as220, before returning to 186 carpenter. the as220 collective semi-legally inhabited a space before incorporating as a nonprofit, producing work through an earned-revenue model and relying on their “sweat equity” to power the space (salkind, 2013, pp. 43). the mythos of as220’s founding punks, radical theater producers, and multi-genre artists may be best summarized by their creative reworking of their semi-legally inhabited space to meet building code. in order to pass inhabitation inspection, they painted the exposed pvc pipes with copper paint, enabling them to continue making and presenting art in this space, animating what has been dually characterized as both a sleepy and dangerous downtown. the ingenuity, trickery, and laboring, without (immediate) desire of economic profit, of as220’s founding collective as a “not-not-for-profit” enabled their then sustainable support of arts and cultural activities. i cannot pretend to know the original organizers’ desires for incorporation and will not reduce these desires to only the desiring of access to economic resources. i invoke the mythos here as a contrast to the path currently being tread by jori ketten and 186 carpenter organizers, and to briefly demonstrate the complexity that is missed by case studies whose answerabilities to funders and stakeholders in creative placemaking efforts only start at the moment of incorporation. looking at a “not-not-for-profit” space, such as 186 carpenter, may allow us to uncover informal cultures of support that also function within nonprofit organizations, although teasing out an incorporated entity’s economic answerabilities and motivations may prove to be more difficult. in 2010, with as220 anchoring both arts and economic activity downtown, 186 carpenter began to take shape. although ketten was the driving force behind the start of 186 carpenter, she invited others to join in her efforts to shape the space, pulling together friends who wanted a space french keying in to 186 carpenter _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 55 to serve both their shared and diverse needs. they crafted 186 carpenter out of their experiences in formal and informal arts organizing across the city, including work at some of the organizations mentioned above. ketten cites formal galleries, museums, artists’ studios, nonprofit organizations, and basement and factory music shows as work experiences that provided inspiration for 186 carpenter. she says they wanted to “play off of those norms and take advantages of what’s good about them and also push boundaries” (j. ketten, personal communication, november 4, 2016). a hairstylist friend bought a chair, but moved away before it could be installed and a corner of the front room transformed into a salon. in order to satisfy health code regulations before opening a coffee shop, ketten worked with the landlord to install a three-basin skin in the small storage space (effectively creating the “kitchen”). she said she made “very tiny cups of coffee in special pour over cups, and had an espresso situation,” for about six weeks. when i ask about the early flexibility of the space, she reminds me that they “never had a business plan.” the original organizers and their friends had different arts and non-arts interests; 186 carpenter became a space to enact those interests. as the founding excitement around the space began to fade, certain organizers left, leaving room for other activities. it was then that ketten and co-organizers started curating performances and art shows in the gallery space. 186 carpenter’s organizational practices following my interview with ketten, i joined the current cadre of co-organizers (including only one other founding member, besides ketten) by agreeing to help with the space while receiving course credit for my degree. i wanted to become further enmeshed in this space that has provided me with energizing evenings during my time in providence and jori needed another set of hands to assist with programming, having less time to maintain the space since starting her fulltime job. the organizational practices that allow 186 carpenter to function, the politics of those practices, and the particularities of the space itself were not available to me for inquiry prior to my involvement as a co-organizer. my ability to comment on them following as a researcher requires my participation in the space, sweeping the floors, and locking up after events. ketten maintains 186 carpenter by subleasing workspace in the back room and charging small fees to community groups who make reoccurring and significant use of the gallery space for public events and organizational meetings. she does not require artists or event organizers to pay to use the space for performances or gallery openings. if artists chose to sell work, 186 carpenter retains a small percentage, significantly less than for-profit and even nonprofit galleries (jori always remains open to conversations about the exact percentage, artist to artist, and does not charge youth or fundraising groups). all payments are made to the name of “186 carpenter”, an account held by one of the original co-organizers, but separate from his personal account. ketten and co-organizers pay rent and utilities out of this account, without retaining additional funds or using it to make personal transactions. if the various streams of income that month run short of rent, jori’s relatively new job at brown university allows her to personally supply the remainder, an aspect of moderate economic privilege often occluded in both the case studies and mythos of similar arts and cultural spaces. only since starting at brown has jori’s personal income allowed her to continue to retain low subleasing fees while also weathering two significant rent increases for her lease of the building. although many who visit the space for the first time cast 186 carpenter as a nonprofit organization—asking if i am an employee, if we receive any grant funding, or if we are hiring— the organizational structure of 186 carpenter is neither incorporated as a nonprofit, nor does it french keying in to 186 carpenter _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 56 make a profit for its organizers. 186 carpenter is maintained through labor shared by the coorganizers, is not eligible to apply for grant funding, and does not provide economic benefits to its co-organizers. rather than tracking how money flows to keep the doors open, i want to follow how keys change hands to evidence the people who have made and continue to make the space, a view only available to those who participate. when someone leaves the body of co-organizers, they turn their keys back into the folder hanging in the office. these keys are more than a way to get into the space; they authorize care for and access to 186 carpenter, framing its “sustainability” as a notnot-for-profit. this “sustainability” runs against the definition of sustainability linked to economic independence, those required by many funder-driven support, as an organization’s ability to sustain its work by making continuous, and growing economic gains. these keys also, importantly, authorize their holders to make use of the space and assemble new publics in this organizing. to give three brief examples of what this access enables: the two co-organizers i mention in the opening vignette hung a show of donated visual artwork from providence-based artists as a fundraiser for the women’s health education fund; i assisted with multiple music shows ranging in genre from folk and hip-hop to noise-production; and ketten has shown me photos of a project in which an artist covered the walls in charcoal and invited participants to “draw” back into them using an eraser. granting keys continues the flexibility of the early organizing, sustaining 186 carpenter as a space responsive to the needs of those who make use of it. ketten and i often discussed tensions revolving around the profitability and sustainability of 186 carpenter, which relies upon more people making use of it, activating the gallery, and renting a desk in the office. she told me about a conversation she had with someone who was renting office space. this renter expressed interest in developing the 186 carpenter brand and advertising the office space on more co-working websites to gain visibility. after telling me she promptly denied this renter’s request, ketten then described her disappointment in the only journalistic article ever published about 186 carpenter in the providence monthly (goldman, 2015). although jori specifically requested the author of the article to not publish a photo with her in it, the journal ran a full body photo of her and cast her as the sole producer of 186 carpenter. “it was written by a friend of a friend,” she told me, “the introduction of this person will manage this responsibly and that felt important to me” (j. ketten, personal communication, november 4, 2016). there have been no other articles published about 186 carpenter since. i mention this conversation to show how ketten and other not-not-for-profit organizers themselves might resist standard processes—economic and symbolic—through which they or their spaces may become more legible. whether by an ad, an article, or a pin on the map of the city, perhaps, dominant nonprofit and for-profit arts cultural organizations frequently rely on characterizations of their space and cultural practices that are not only inaccurate, but can counter the politics of belonging to the space itself. despite being publicly hailed as an entrepreneur in the abovementioned article, ketten’s organizational ethos and strategies fail to reproduce those logics, even when it means “losing” money to maintain the space without the hope of recuperating it as a profit at some deferred point. the only wanted publicity, the sustainability ketten desires and requires to continuing the operation of the space, is that which brings more organizers into the space by inviting others to make use of the space and, in turn, to make the space through their use. the more time i spend “organizing” the space and the more time i spend with her, the more i have come to recognize the enormity of the labor ketten enacts on behalf of the space while french keying in to 186 carpenter _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 57 consistently inviting others to labor beside her, if temporarily. jori defines this labor ethos as “dit”, or do-it-together, rather than the common designation attached to the labor of such spaces: diy, or do-it-yourself. ketten resists the autonomy supplied by chang and wyszomirski’s (2015) definition of arts entrepreneurship, and implied in the term diy, by consistently making new sets of keys and granting them to co-organizers. making spaces and “cultural kitchens” gratefully, jori ketten and her co-organizers are not alone in rejecting fixed or fixing discourses that can entrap local culture workers. in the report “building community: making space for art”, urban planner and researcher maria rosario jackson (2011) and her partners at urban institute meaningfully call attention to how funders often overlook certain forms of arts, modes of organizing, and kinds of artists who fall outside their contemporaneous funding paradigms or are marked by other forms of marginalization. according to this report, artists’ motivations stand at frequent odds with funder priorities, such alternative aspirations include wanting “to be of service to communities or to pursue social justice-related issues; to connect to multiple and nontraditional publics and markets in different way…and to deal with problems outside the arts…” (p. 6). but rather than collapse these terms into economic entrepreneurialism, i have sought to show how providence not-not-for-profit organizers build spaces serving communities and artists prior to and outside of participation in creative placemaking initiatives. in this report jackson also provides the term “cultural kitchens,” as places where “people sort through and create identities and forms of representation that they share with each other and offer the rest of the world” (p. 11). i am pulled to the term and hesitate to overdetermine the metaphor, but cannot help recall 186 carpenter’s actual “kitchen” and what describing in detail this closet-turned-kitchen might show about 186 carpenter’s unique infrastructure. the closet off of the hallway connecting the front and back rooms only became the “kitchen” because one of the co-organizers wanted to have a space to make and sell coffee. getting close to the sink, we can see the impracticality of having three basins in such a small space; two to three coffee mugs fit in each basin (perhaps that’s why his cups of coffee were so small…). the sink meets minimum infrastructural requirements of partaking in such an activity as making and serving coffee. in the six years since 186 carpenter has been open, the people making use of the space continue to define the activities that happen inside while also physically producing the contours of the space itself. while it may be easy to romanticize the workings of the kitchen at 186 carpenter, to do so would obscure the labor it takes to maintain the space as a place for others to produce and consume art, gather together, and perhaps take part in an entrepreneurial scheme of their own, as the barista described above did. 186 carpenter’s “kitchen” embodies the flexibility of the space’s infrastructure, which allows for creative expression and its sharing described by rosario jackson’s “cultural kitchen.” yet these pieced-together spaces, ones that appear impractical to those outside, and their non-participation in formal organizing structures can produce increased liabilities for cultural workers, the most recent and tragic example being the fire on december 2, 2016 at ghost ship, a housing and arts space in oakland, ca. the tragedy fueled existent anxieties for ketten, as the holder of the lease and authorizer of activities at 186 carpenter. although ghost ship served a very different purpose from 186 carpenter and operated under a different mode of organizing, their statuses as “not-not-for-profits” may open up similar questions of liability and risk, not french keying in to 186 carpenter _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 58 mitigated by insurance protecting incorporated entities or the resources to address infrastructural concerns, if identified. what kinds of protection may be available for those who wish to organize intentionally around something other than economic gain, and what does “support” look like for them? how are artists maneuvering in these in-between spaces to find support and support each other against the economic grain of this rapidly expanding philanthropic discourse? how might the “nonprofit” designation actually conceal those who make economic gains from place-based cultural work in the urban contexts of oakland and providence? and, how might highlighting the activity generated by and at 186 carpenter legitimize alternative modes of arts organizing that do not principally move together out of a desire for constant economic growth, an assumed aspiration of arts entrepreneurial discourses? the discourse surrounding ghost ship highlights the economic desirability of living in such a space, in a surrounding place that is experiencing rapid development and a rocketing price of housing. importantly, liam dillon’s (2016) article in the la times quotes at length sam code, a tenant of ghost ship, who speaks about the desirability of living in a building he knew was not safe and the cultural values embedded in co-operatively creating a space, beyond solely a desire for lower rent. although the article foregrounds the economic desirability of choosing to live in a space like ghost ship, particularly for artists living in urban spaces experiencing rapidly increasing housing costs, dillon’s quoting of code reveals a glimpse of motivations that lie beyond solely economic desires. 186 carpenter has never made ketten or her co-organizers any economic profit. yet in some ways, 186 carpenter would be well positioned to take advantage of the support offered through creative placemaking initiatives and produce incomes for its organizers and expand its programmatic capacity. it generates activity in this neighborhood, is a place-based supporter of artists and other creative laborers, and serves as a container of arts production and consumption. the question remains, why would ketten and co-organizers opt out of these resources? might this politics of non-participation signal a desire for invisibility or illegibility? if the space remains illegible for use by intentional urban development (not to say that it is not already indirectly participating in these processes) and unprofitable for its organizers in the economic sense, how does it continue to exist? we may be able to tease out answers to these questions by attending an event at 186 carpenter. an evening at 186 carpenter one blustery evening this past winter, ketten and i tucked ourselves away in the corner of the gallery space (we keep the heat low and the windows are thin). that evening, the gallery belonged to f., a youth artist who now presided over his first ever solo art show. when his friends and mentors stopped by, they flung the right side of the double doors open and made a quick, straight line to his table on the other side of the gallery. the door would swing wildly around its hinges before smacking into outer wall and settling back, close to the latch, but not fully closed. i watched as ketten stood after each visitor to pull the door completely shut, to keep the cold out and the noise in. after the third or fourth time of the door not being closed, she started to remind the visitors to go back and close the door completely. if they didn’t hear her reminder, she would again stand, but to follow them, lightly touch them on the arm or shoulder and ask, “would you go back and close the door please?” after replaying this scene, rewriting multiple versions from field notes, my memory, and reflecting on my witnessing of similar scenes during my time at 186 carpenter, i returned to my french keying in to 186 carpenter _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 59 original interview with ketten. in my audio documentation, she was talking about a youth artist, d., who she collaborated with on a handful of events and who lives in the neighborhood: so there was a lot of awesomeness for me around d. using the space with his friends, and bringing another group of people in, some of whom had been to the space for other events run by, i'll just say, young people, young adults, and some of them had never been before. then the kind of unfortunate thing was that people were really respectful about not smoking inside, for example, but it meant that they were hanging out outside and around the space. they're mostly young people of color, and some of them are smoking, and maybe it's hard to tell what they're smoking. someone called the landlord. and another interesting cycle of this is that the landlord's grandchild is a child that d.'s mom takes care of as a caretaker or babysitter, so when the landlord called me and says, ‘what's going on? i hear that there's all these kids there and they're smoking weed and playing rap music.' and i was like, “oh, i'm sitting outside right now and i'm hosting an event for d., you know d,?” and he was like “d.?” and i was like “yeah, d.?” and he was like, “oh, ok.” and i was like, “everything's fine, thanks for calling, i'll tell them to turn it down a little bit.” i was so mad and frustrated...i try not to make it really loud because i respect a lot that the space is in a residential area and i always end things by 10:00 and even by 9:00, it's an early show and event space. and if anyone is smoking cigarettes or drinking outside or spilling into the street, i'm really probably kind of annoying about, “hey, stay on the sidewalk,” or, “the thing's done you got to disperse.” and i've never ever, ever had any calls or anything, you know? so it was just kind of a bummer to me. so that's a kind of neighborhood story in a way. (personal communication, november 4, 2016) this selection from my interview with ketten helped me understand why she was so intent on keeping the door closed during f.’s opening and the complexity of it swinging on its hinges. the surrounding neighborhood in part enables and constrains the activities that take place at 186 carpenter. d. lives in the neighborhood and has collaborated with ketten on a number of programs. attentive to both the desires of d. and the youth participating in his music shows, as well as her neighbors, ketten puts forth certain compromises by ending shows early in the evening and asking that all event participants disperse promptly after closing down the space. it is important to notice the culturally-specific elements that mark this singular incident when her compromise failed. the landlord heard “there’s all these kids there and they’re smoking weed and playing rap music.” the failed compromise is marked by youthfulness, a specific musical genre, and presumed illegal activity. by ensuring the door remained closed during f.’s opening, ketten attempted to avoid another failed compromise between the space she and f. had made and the place in which it was situated. i’ve started watching users interacting with other double doors entering “public” spaces. many enact the same physical motions of entering 186 carpenter, flinging the door open, releasing the handle when there is enough space for them to walk through, and surging through that now open space. they move quickly over the threshold to avoid an overzealous door closing mechanism. visitors to 186 carpenter enter expecting the door to close automatically behind them. french keying in to 186 carpenter _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 60 they expect a closing mechanism that is not materially there, which is not to say that there are zero protections in “place.” ketten, or someone else has to get up and close the door behind them or invite them to return and close the door themselves. this closing of the door, particularly for the youth artists using the space, serves as a gesture of protection: it protects the artists from getting the cops called on them and it protects the space from the potential liabilities of hosting underage youth. by touching their arm and inviting them to go back and close the door, ketten is inviting visitors to participate in the care of the space. although there are a handful of nationally-recognized youth arts nonprofit organizations in providence, 186 carpenter’s illegibility as a “not-not-for-profit” may have certain affordances for the unique protection it offers. at 186 carpenter, “youth” is not defined by a strict, postgraduation cut off point as it might be by nonprofit organizations offering (k-12) youth programming. ketten makes space for youth to become tenuously hidden from the “place” (the surrounding geographic area) that would be quick to criminalize them, youth just out of high school, in particular. by closing the door, youth co-organizers help to retain the productive illegibility of 186 carpenter to those who don’t know where the door is or how to get in. in describing how she works with youth artists and others making use of the space, ketten characterizes her role as a “spotter,” calling to mind gymnastic or cheerleading studios. the “spotter” moves behind and around the laboring body, hands up and weight dropped, ready to catch only if that body looks like it is about to fall. her do-it-together ethos warns against any assumptions that she is doing it herself, even though in many ways she takes on the majority of the labor it takes to run the space. by spotting youth artists, or working with them to produce the space together, ketten positions these youth as co-authors of the cultural “what” of 186 carpenter. by giving them keys, on however temporary and contingent terms, she fills a need for youth cultural kitchens. conclusion 186 carpenter’s not-not-for-profit status fends off, at least for a moment, pressures of economic profit instituted by funders invested in “place-based” philanthropy. it does so by constructing and transforming the social and physical components of a place, as it is both practiced and theorized by jori ketten and the 186 carpenter co-organizers. the co-organizers here make no money, and yet their labor, from farther away, looks like that of many other organizations that do. saying the main deliverable of the space is a social one is not to say how it socially co-operates, to participate in its co-operation by showing up, watching, and writing about it here. the not-notfor-profit, as this example shows, produces alternative culture of support that works against the grain of a place and a discourse that is quick to criminalize or entrepreneurialize any of its members. participating directly in how the space is made, patching the walls myself with ketten, making sure the door is closed and locked, has allowed me to consider how further resources may push the space in unwanted directions. 186 carpenter tactically belongs to the arts economy in providence with a mobility granted by its illegibility. even as a not-not-for-profit space that cannot be put to use by city agencies, it is pressured in other directions by other forces and certainly affected by shifts in the arts economy in the city, while also indirectly participating in development schemes. attending here to the space’s culture of supporting arts and cultural activities, and getting french keying in to 186 carpenter _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 61 close to the praxis by which 186 carpenter co-operates, acknowledges its particularities and how it may not be easily or authentically reproduced elsewhere. practicing a proximate epistemology (witnessing the touch on the arm, the size of the threebasin sink, the door that appears to be closed but actually isn’t) requires a closeness of my body, as a researcher, to the spaces that i examine. putting into practice a proximate epistemology through ethnographic field work and interviews has allowed me to understand how 186 carpenter may both function alongside and participate in tenets of creative placemaking (or willfully fail to do so) and maintain heterogeneous and dynamic responses to structural forces, which would want to reduce how we understand its profitability. future research teasing out the designation of a “not-not-for-profit” status allows us to doubly trouble “profit” as both economically and socially determined, where the discourses of creative placemaking and arts entrepreneurship sometimes conflate the two. the labor may look the same, but the particularities of the ways in which 186 carpenter interfaces with infrastructures of support, highlighted through the lenses of ethnographic research and cultural studies, reformulate creative labor to align with and expand jackson’s (2011) cultural kitchens. in this regard 186 carpenter and other not-not-for-profit arts and cultural organization may authorize others to create identities, form representations, and share them with others. getting closer to 186 carpenter allows us to see profitability beyond economic gain and render the “not-not-for-profit” a mode of organizing worth further research. what would it mean to focus on the creative laboring of the founding as220 collective, to ask what was forgone in their incorporation as a not-for-profit, rather than automatically cast incorporation as always desirable? could this mode of research both hold accountable the structural failures that had a hand in producing the ghost ship fire and the desire of cultural workers to sidestep the structural “solutions” that is quick to condemn similar spaces? this essay may also be a call for more inquiries into spaces that opt out, or sidestep creative placemaking. rather than more “case studies,” further research could participate in the activities of other spaces, create new narratives of how artists produce alternative cultures of support, or fail to reproduce funder-determined models. perhaps this kind of defaulting on best practices is also at work within nonprofit organizations participating in creative placemaking initiatives, obscured by the ways in which we are choosing to look at them. capturing the embodied textures of creative labor through proximate epistemologies may allow us to rough up the fuzziness between the policy and practice of creative placemaking and reconsider the role of the artist entrepreneur in making places. as of this writing, the future of 186 carpenter is unsure. the landlord has once again increased the rent, two significant users of the space have moved to other spaces in the city, and another cannot reliably secure their fee for using the space. i am brought back to 186 carpenter’s beginnings, a kind of lore about creative types finding, making, and making use of a space to fit their specific needs. as jori ketten has moved to fuller-time employment, losing the flexibility that once afforded her to be more present at 186 carpenter, as other previous co-organizers either advance in their careers, move away, as i am wondering if i will stay in providence since finishing my studies, the question remains: who, if anyone, needs to take over? if the energies for such a space to be used in such a way have dissipated, and its current use does not justify the actual price at which it is being maintained, what would it mean for it to just stop? french keying in to 186 carpenter 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(2012) cultural plan backs up “creative capital” branding: a creative city initiative case study on providence, ri. easton, pa: metris arts consulting. gadwa nicodemus, a. (2013) fuzzy vibrancy: creative placemaking as ascendant us cultural policy. cultural trends, 22(3-4), 213-222. goldman, j. (2015, march 17). 186 carpenter offers community art. providence monthly. retrieved march 25, 2017, from http://providenceonline.com/stories/186-carpenterneighborhood-art-gallery-providence-monthly,14787. jackson, m.r. (2011) building community: making space for art, washington, dc: urban institute. jackson, s. (2000). lines of activity: performance, historiography, hull-house domesticity. ann arbor, mi: university of michigan press. markusen, a., & gadwa, a. (2010) creative placemaking. washington, dc: national endowment for the arts. salkind, m. (2013). scale, sociality, and serendipity in providence, rhode island’s post industrial renaissance. in margulies (ed.) creative economies in post-industrial cities, london: ashgate, 2013 p. 33-57.  wali, a., severson, r., & longoni, m. (2002) the informal arts: finding cohesion, capacity and other cultural benefits in unexpected places. chicago, il: the chicago center for arts policy at columbia college. 103-article text-327-3-11-20200511 vol. 9, no. 1 spring 2020 editors’ introduction paul bonin-rodriguez university of texas at austin neville vakharia drexel university welcome to a two-part special of artivate. this issue reflects a doubling of both thematic scope and editorial team. we welcome two guest editors to this issue, susan badger booth and mark clague. susan is professor of arts management at eastern michigan university, and mark is associate professor of musicology and arts entrepreneurship and leadership at the school of music, theatre, and dance at the university of michigan. both susan and mark bring a breadth and depth of specialized knowledge of the city of detroit and the role that arts entrepreneurs are playing in its revitalization. special issue: detroit susan and mark’s introduction, entitled “detroit’s perpetual renaissance: timeless visions and daily blindness in the detroit arts scene” tells a compelling story of detroit’s multiple renaissance efforts from the 1950’s to the city’s 2013 bankruptcy to the current artist-driven, entrepreneurial efforts that are addressing the city’s pressing social issues. two additional articles focused on detroit provide unique insights into the role of arts entrepreneurship and its place within venerable cultural institutions and in understanding the city’s musical history. a book review of julie pincus and nichole christian’s canvas detroit delivers additional context on detroit’s artists and artist collectives. artivate 1.1 2 spring  the second half our issue takes a more global approach, with articles focused on arts entrepreneurship research in ghana, canada, and the united states. while this issue of artivate was in development, our world changed as covid-19 began taking its deadly toll. we could not avoid addressing the impact of the pandemic on artists and the arts sector as we went to press. in our special editorial “arts entrepreneurship internationally and in the age of covid-19”, we sought to collect voices of thought leaders in our field, asking for their reflections on what the future and role of arts entrepreneurship could be in a postpandemic world. their insights and optimism provide useful context for us all. times of disruption, such as we are experiencing, are also times of innovation. now more than ever, artists and arts organizations must continue to be the entrepreneurial thinkers and doers who will help us emerge from this pandemic as a more thoughtful, creative, and innovative society. the articles featured our spring 2020 issue represent exciting work for the field. “the student entrepreneurial journey,” keren naa abeka arthur and albert kwame arthur’s study of visual arts students in ghana, offers insight into the influence entrepreneurship can play in educational experiences and outcomes. their call for “policy makers in academia, industry and government” to work to integrate entrepreneurship into secondary and higher education comes at a moment when academic arts programs are facing unprecedented challenges. “crowdfunding canadian theatre: an exploratory analysis of kickstarter data with us comparison,” by mohammad keyhani, safaneh mohaghegh neyshabouri, and abbas hosseini amereii, contributes to a growing body of literature of crowdfunding as an entrepreneurial technology. this early study offers a descriptive analysis of the uses and limits of the platform for financing theatre companies in canada. comparing those findings against a us experience, the authors find that the distinctions to be largely of scale. in what may yet prove one of the most important questions for our field post–covid-19, b. kathleen gallagher begins “the roots of great innovation: state-level entrepreneurial climate and the sustainability of nonprofit arts and culture organizations” by posing the question, “do entrepreneurship levels affect the population dynamics of arts and culture nonprofits?” drawing from over two decades of data, gallagher’s findings point to the relationship between local nonprofits and a city’s “entrepreneurial climate” and address the policy implications of her work. issue cover image: photo by ken lund, cc by-sa 2.0, https://www.flickr.com/photos/kenlund/21756434151. microsoft word chang formatted final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 4, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 11-31 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2015, the authors what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals woong jo chang, seattle university margaret wyszomirski, the ohio state university abstract in this study, we investigate the ways in which arts entrepreneurship has been operationalized and defined in the literature. we identify eight scholarly journals in arts administration and policy, in business administration, and in nonprofit marketing published during 2003-2013 and review articles published in these journals. our review found that the scholarly literature on arts entrepreneurship has in fact been quite scarce. we also examine all articles in artivate, a journal that specializes in arts entrepreneurship. taking the literature as a whole, we found a plethora of meanings used in the literature, indicating an, as yet, unsettled definition. we suggest that some analytical clarity can be obtained by grouping the many meanings of arts entrepreneurship into five analytical “levels”: personal character traits, goals, strategies, tactics, and context. we also suggest a possible general definition: “arts entrepreneurship” is a management process through which cultural workers seek to support their creativity and autonomy, advance their capacity for adaptability, and create artistic as well as economic and social value. this management process involves an ongoing set of innovative choices and risks intended to recombine resources and pursue new opportunities to produce artistic, economic, and social value. identifying the emerging clusters from the meanings found in the literature, we conclude that to understand arts entrepreneurs, one must focus on the innovative combinations of strategy, individual skills, and mindset operating in each case of arts entrepreneurship and its context. as arts entrepreneurship is a constant exercise in recombination of skillsets, the possibility of flexible recipes begins to reveal what might be regarded as the recombinant dna of arts entrepreneurship. what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals arts entrepreneurship is a relatively new topic of research in arts management, cultural policy, and arts education, as well as a relatively new focus in entrepreneurial research. in artsrelated fields, the topic appears on the program of many scholarly and professional conference programs. from the conferences of the association of arts administration educators (aaae), the international conference on social theory, politics and the arts (stp&a), the international association of arts and cultural management (aimac), the international conference on cultural policy research (iccpr), the international council of fine arts deans (icfad) to the annual conferences of the league of american orchestras (lao), dance/ usa, and the us association for small business & entrepreneurship (usasbe), arts entrepreneurship has been the focus of panel sessions, keynote speakers, and/or affinity groups. the practice has even been recognized with the award of a first macarthur fellowship in 2010 when musician claire chase was named a macarthur fellow for arts entrepreneurship. in his 2007 article surveying the landscape of higher education offerings, gary beckman identified 36 institutions that offered courses and/or certificate or degree programs in arts entrepreneurship. writing more recently in 2013, jason white noted the number had grown to 60. in 2012, artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, an online journal on arts chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 12 entrepreneurship, was launched. in june 2014, the society for arts entrepreneurship education was established following its inaugural conference in dallas. clearly, the subject of arts entrepreneurship has become a hot topic. thus, it is timely to explore how our understanding of the subject of arts entrepreneurship has developed. a significant component of the scholarly literature concerns arts entrepreneurship pedagogy. while we note these as part of the literature, we will not discuss them in detail—that is a subject for another article. our focus is on the way in which literature has operationalized the concept of arts entrepreneurship, thereby presenting implicit definitions of the idea. identifying the literature pool to assemble a broad pool of relevant literature we chose to review all issues of selected journals that appeared regularly over the ten-year period between 2003 and 2013. this period was selected because 2013 was the most recent year for which online copies of the journals and their articles were downloadable from university library holdings and because scholars in arts administration broadly share the impression that the literature on arts entrepreneurship is steadily growing (e.g., beckman, 2007; beckman & essig, 2012; rentschler, 2003; scherdin & zander, 2011). then we moved back ten years to 2003. as we discovered, moving back a decade brought us to a cluster of entrepreneurship articles that appeared in the leading arts management journals at the very beginning of the decade, likely reflecting the emergence of arts entrepreneurs in practice. we identified major groups of regularly published scholarly journals. the first group, journals in the fields of arts administration and policy, was selected on the basis of published ranking and impact studies, specifically the assessment compiled by ruth rentschler and david shilbury (2008), which was “the first internationally accepted ranking in the field of arts management” (rentschler & kirchner, 2011). this multidimensional rating survey identified 14 journals using 30 expert informants who ranked each journal according to four quality and knowledge use indicators. four major journals in arts administration and cultural policy received top rating scores. these included the journal of arts management, law and society, international journal of arts management, international journal of cultural policy, and journal of cultural economics. we reviewed all articles published in each journal between 2003 and 2013 to identify those that dealt explicitly with entrepreneurship. a second group of journals treated the subject of entrepreneurship from the perspective of business administration. these included the journal of business venturing and entrepreneurship theory and practice. both of these received high rankings in the 2011 study by dos santos, holsaple and ye. in addition, we looked at the journal creativity and innovation management, understanding that its explicit commitment to creativity (as can be seen in the journal’s title and introduction) might make it focus particularly on arts entrepreneurship. we reviewed all articles published in these journals over the 2003-2013 decade and identified those that discussed entrepreneurship in a setting of the arts, culture, creativity, or any single artistic discipline (such as dance, music, opera, theatre, crafts, etc.). finally, two other likely publication outlets on arts entrepreneurship that are dedicated to nonprofit marketing were identified: journal of nonprofit & public sector marketing and international journal of nonprofit & voluntary sector marketing. finding and building audiences is a leading subject of concern for arts managers and funders, and there is a stream of thinking in the field of arts management that implies marketing and entrepreneurship are closely chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 13 identified with arts entrepreneurship. therefore, we were particularly interested in the possible role of nonprofit marketing literature in the field of arts entrepreneurship. among the articles published in each of the journals between 2003 and 2013, we selected those that self-identified (thru either the title or abstract) an interest in arts entrepreneurship. we also did a keyword search within the articles to see whether any additional articles contained a discussion of entrepreneurship, even though it did not self-identify the topic as a focal interest. in the next section, we report our findings from this review and present our analysis of the conceptual and definitional patterns displayed in the literature. a third section will then review all of the articles published in the recently established journal, artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, and compare them with the inter-disciplinary literature. a decade of interdisciplinary arts entrepreneurship literature: a plethora of definitions the idea of arts entrepreneurship is widely regarded as a fairly recent phenomenon. what may have prompted the recent interest? a clue to an answer may be found in the unstable and changing environment in which the arts found themselves during the period under study. the decade between 2003 and 2013 was characterized by a number of macro-level changes that challenged established operating assumptions and practices of artists and arts organizations. repeated economic disruptions destabilized the dynamics of cultural philanthropy. marketing faced a need to adjust to demographic shifts that saw the age of established arts audience members increase even as the arts sought to reach younger and more diverse populations. technological developments allowed audiences access to high quality arts experiences from their homes and social media revolutionized the ways in which arts marketing reached “born digital” generations. meanwhile, the spread of the concept of the creative industries emphasized the economic scale and significance of arts, entertainment, and cultural activities. but this proved to be a double-edged sword: it increased policy pressure for stronger earnings performance in a globalizing marketplace, while also diminishing support for public subsidies for the fine arts. as we will see, all of these developments had a hand in the rise of arts entrepreneurship discourse— particularly on the topics of change management and arts leadership, as well as new approaches to funding and marketing (wyszomirski & chang, 2012). nine journals were examined as plausible locations of literature on arts entrepreneurship: • four leading journals in arts management and arts/cultural policy • three leading journals in the general management field specializing in entrepreneurship • two leading journals in nonprofit, voluntary, or public-sector marketing table 1, following, summarizes the findings from this review. chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 14 journal total # of articles published during 20032013 # of articles on arts entrepreneurship % of articles on arts entrepreneurship arts management & policy journals journal of arts management, law, and society 218 10 (+2 educ) 4.59% (5.50%) international journal of arts management 203 6 2.96 % journal of cultural economics 169 1 0.59% international journal of cultural policy 300 4 1.33% entrepreneurship journals journal of business venturing 463 2 0.43% entrepreneurship theory and practice 432 2 0.46% creativity and innovation management 267 2 0.75% nonprofit marketing journals journal of nonprofit and public sector marketing 203 0 0% international journal of nonprofit & voluntary sector marketing 312 2 0.64% table 1. journal and article pool reviewed journals in arts management and arts/cultural policy the four arts management/cultural policy journals contained a total of 890 articles (excluding book reviews, issue introductions, and tributes to individual scholars). of these, only 19 (+2) presented research and analysis focused on arts entrepreneurship. the journal of arts management, law and society (jamls) was established in 1969 as the performing arts review. in 1982, it changed its name to the journal of arts management and the law; then in 1992, the title was amended to become the journal of arts management, law and society. its long publishing history makes jamls the oldest scholarly journal in the field of arts management and art/cultural policy. in the decade between 2003 and 2013, 218 articles were published in jamls, of which only ten treated the subject of entrepreneurship and the arts from a conceptual and/or definitional perspective. this represented only 4.59% of the total (an additional two articles discussed the teaching of arts entrepreneurship). ruth rentschler edit the fall 2003 issue, focused on the exploration of arts and entrepreneurship. renthschler was the head of the dowater school of management and chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 15 marketing at deakin university in melbourne, australia. she was also the acting head of the center for leisure management research. thus, she brought a business management and marketing perspective to the study of arts management. even more to the point, rentschler had published a book, the entrepreneurial arts leader, in 2002, which focused on cultural policy entrepreneurship in response to changes and challenges in government funding of the arts in a number of countries across the globe. in her introduction to the fall 2003 issue of jamls, rentschler spoke of the desire to contribute to the development of broad theoretical perspectives and declared the topics of entrepreneurial leadership and entrepreneurial organizations as innovations in relating to a changing marketplace. the articles included in the fall 2003 issue of jamls discussed small for-profit and nonprofit arts organizations, as well as “how arts leaders have managed in a complex and changing environment, while struggling to apply new ways of performing human work in a service industry” (rentschler, 2003, p. 163). the articles ranged widely, sought to contextualize entrepreneurship and the arts with regard to cultural policy, cultural leadership, cultural value, nonprofit development, leisure activities, and networking theory. in short, many conceptual and implementation tools that would come to characterize the arts entrepreneurship literature were introduced in this 2003 special issue. the fall 2003 issue of jamls clearly demonstrated that scholarly interest in arts entrepreneurship at this time was regarded primarily as a form of leadership, the ability to manage the recombination of basic organizational functions (such as marketing and funding) in the face of contextual change, and as a demonstration of policy entrepreneurship. as such, these articles built on two earlier experiments in studying entrepreneurship and the arts – studies by paul dimaggio (1982) and margaret wyszomirski (1987). dimaggio’s article, “cultural entrepreneurship in nineteenth century boston,” was concerned with formative organizational leadership at the boston symphony orchestra and the boston museum of fine arts. it raised concerns with new organization formation, with cultural leadership, and with manipulating both financial and artistic resources in new ways. alternatively, wyszomirski’s study of nea chair nancy hanks appeared as a case study chapter in an edited book on policy entrepreneurship and leadership innovation in the public sector. it was essentially a case study of policy opportunity spotting and new ways of organizing and directing advocacy (which could be regarded as a form of policy marketing). thus, the 2003 jamls issue introduced an international and broadly descriptive definition of arts entrepreneurship. the articles in the 2003 issue dealt with many facets of the concept. these included arts consumption patterns and competition (burton, 2003); leadership and regional cultural development (radbourne, 2003); managing a mixed funding system for arts organizations in the u.s. (mulcahy, 2003); “unraveling” the multiple value propositions of arts organizations (geursen & rentschler, 2003); music industry networks (jackson & oliver, 2003); and arts policy leadership in the public sector (thompson, 2003). furthermore, the jackson and oliver article linked music networks to the interest in the creative industries that spread out from the uk. after the fall 2003 special issue, entrepreneurship and the arts disappeared from jamls until a summer 2007 article by gary beckman explored the teaching of arts entrepreneurship in higher education. beckman reported a diversity of curriculum and programmatic approaches indicating a weak conceptual foundation amidst growing administrative and student interest. somehow in the years between 2003 and 2007, arts entrepreneurship had developed from a small research interest to a much talked about topic among deans of schools of the arts. beckman attributes this interest to “a response to poor professional outcomes, accountability pressures, and chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 16 the potential for meaningful community engagement [that led to] the development of innovative career strategies for arts students” (p. 88). thus, beckman returned to the concept of entrepreneurship as finding new ways to foster success and new expectations regarding what constitutes success in arts education and the professional preparation of artists. significantly, beckman noted that “there is no consensus on an accepted definition of entrepreneurship in an arts context . . . and that the subject arouses resistance among many arts administrators and artists from a belief that entrepreneurship represents solely a path toward monetary success at the expense of art” (p. 94). between 2009 and 2012, five other articles appeared in jamls that touched on arts entrepreneurship. in winter 2009, aleksandar brkić published “teaching arts management,” identifying four approaches to teaching arts management, one of which was arts entrepreneurship. thus, brkić’s article falls outside the scope of our current interest, since it is concerned with pedagogy rather than research-based conceptualization and definition. however, his inclusion of entrepreneurship as one of four main approaches to arts management is indicative of how arts entrepreneurship has become a commonly discussed topic in the field. in spring of 2009, pier luigi sacco and colleagues discussed fostering local entrepreneurship as a key dimension of local cultural development strategy. while the article also discussed the importance of networking, entrepreneurship was treated largely as a development tool for the local creative economy, rather than a leadership or innovation approach in its own right. in 2010, christoph behnke presented a case study of a german swiss curator of contemporary art in the 1960s, arguing that curators could be cultural entrepreneurs. behnke’s idea of entrepreneurship emphasized the ability to recombine political, economic, and aesthetic components in a new way to navigate a period of significant change. he also identified an entrepreneurial tactic in the way rhetoric and symbols are used, which suggested marketing. in 2011, steven preece (2011) brought up performing arts entrepreneurship (pae) as a disciplinary micro-culture in the arts. he argues that pae deserves its own theoretical treatment in the literature. incorporating concepts of “the performing arts event cycle” and the “performing arts value chain,” the author addressed fundamental questions within the pae subfield such as why, where, and when pae takes place. finally in 2012, angela besana presented an analysis of symphony managers as creative entrepreneurs in the sense of constantly finding new approaches to marketing and fundraising. besana’s (2012) article provided an interesting discussion of the entrepreneurial tactics of finding new sources of funding as well as new ways of finding and connecting to markets. however, it did not really present an entrepreneurial analysis. rather, it labeled orchestra managers as creative entrepreneurs, without clearly defining what this means or how it differs from administrative management. additionally, of the six articles that appeared in jamls between 2007 and 2013, only one dealt with conceptual and/or definitional issues: the behnke case study. two (brkic and beckman) discussed entrepreneurship with a focus on teaching arts management and pedagogy. preece’s article (2011) was focused on the new venture creation aspect of entrepreneurship. two other articles (sacco, et al. and besana) essentially labeled certain activities as “entrepreneurial,” but did not distinguish them either conceptually or definitionally. the journal of cultural economics (jce) is another well-established publication in the field of arts management and arts/cultural policy, having started in 1977. a review of the 169 articles that appeared in the decade between 2003 and 2013 revealed only one relevant article, “the cultural entrepreneur and the creative industries: beginning in vienna” by swedberg (2006), which deals with the definitional and conceptual origins of entrepreneurship as presented chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 17 by joseph schumpeter, that also considered how he applied this discussion to the arts (swedberg, 2006). this lone article seems to suggest that while cultural economists might regard arts entrepreneurship as a topic within economic theory, they seem less likely to consider it as a subject for economic analysis. the international journal of arts management (ijam) published its first issue in the fall of 1998 with a mission to improve information exchange and learning between arts managers and academic researchers who were also preparing future generations of arts managers in a growing number of academic programs (colbert, 1998). during our review period, six articles appeared discussing arts entrepreneurship: two were focused on arts marketing (one of arts organizations and the other of individual artists); another two were concerned with organizational leadership and change management; and each of the two final articles either discussed opportunity spotting to develop innovative types of arts and business relationships or the role of education in preparing musicians for careers as freelancers and in creating start-ups. in winter 2003, des griffin published an article about museum leaders as possible entrepreneurs. des griffin painted a backdrop of extensive change both in the environment surrounding museums and in the transformation of museums from “predictable, preachy, whitewalled and academic institutions into more engaged, educational, and entrepreneurial organizations committed to building audiences as well as collections” (2003, p. 5). as a result of these changes, des griffin argued, museum leaders have faced growing expectations to act as “superior change managers.” such entrepreneurialism is held to mean “an increasing focus on [their] audiences and on the generation of revenue from beyond the realm of traditional sources” (p. 5). later, des griffin reinforced the financial connotation, arguing that any distinction between entrepreneurship and innovation has to do with the implication that entrepreneurship involves generating money. he pointed out that this produces the expectation that museum managers “[do] more with less or generat[e] more revenues from outside government (or other traditional) sources” (2003, p. 10). he finished with a critique of “the wrong-headedness of a focus on the entrepreneurial business model and on efficiency.” later in 2003, ijam editor francois colbert explored entrepreneurship and leadership in marketing the arts. the focus on marketing addressed a common concern of entrepreneurs: finding new ways to approach and appeal to new markets/audiences. colbert drew on a broad base of marketing knowledge to argue that marketing the arts has particularities that differ from other products. it is product-focused, yet the product does not exist to fulfill a market need. the established arts market is distinctive and limited, yet diversifying it is an important element of leadership. getting children interested in the arts is “crucially important” (colbert, 2003, p. 34). entrepreneurship in arts marketing seems to require using common marketing tools such as branding, marketing both products and experiences, forging closer community ties, improving the level of customer service, and strengthening data collection and processing through new technology use. thus, for colbert, adapting and recombining well-known marketing tactics to the particularities of the arts market was the hallmark of arts entrepreneurship. in contrast, we see arts marketing as a key entrepreneurial tactic rather than the entire concept. ian fillis expanded on the perspective of marketing as entrepreneurship in his 2004 article on “the entrepreneurial artist as marketer: drawing from the smaller firm literature” published in ijam. the focus is on individual artists and artists working as owners of small businesses or as sole proprietors. heretofore, much of the arts entrepreneurship literature has tended to look at arts organizations as the context in which entrepreneurship is practiced. fillis launched a broad critique of conventional marketing strategies as being too logical, too linear, chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 18 and too uncreative (2004, p. 12). in seeking more creativity in marketing in general, fillis also argued for more creativity and new approaches in arts marketing in particular. by looking at small and midsized enterprises (smes), rather than large organizations, he linked into the idea that entrepreneurship is critical to new and small firms. furthermore, new and small firms have more flexibility and can adapt to change quickly. they also rely on extensive networking, including more personalized customer relations, and may be more creative in spotting opportunities. here, fillis alerted the arts manager as well as the individual artist not only to the marketing/entrepreneurship “interface,” but also to a set of elements that included effective marketing, artistic creativity, and small arts enterprises. this conceptualization of arts and entrepreneurship is broader than seen elsewhere in the literature of this decade, but its innovativeness was masked by treating entrepreneurship simply as “marketing” as it was assumed to represent the full picture of the concept. finally, in her article, “arts, culture and business: a relationship transformation, a nascent field,” bernadette mcnicholas (2004) explores various forms of cultural entrepreneurship to examine the evolution of arts and business relationships from arts sponsorships (which she claims are outdated) to different types of strategic arts and cultural partnerships and various forms of cultural entrepreneurship, as illustrated by a framework of types of arts and business relationships. the author concludes that arts/culture and business relationships now act as on-the-edge-innovation systems and dynamic complex adaptive relationship systems, offering unique opportunities and powerful economic advantages for business and communities in the 21st century. note that mcnicholas (2004) and other authors in ijam use the term, “cultural entrepreneurship” rather than “arts entrepreneurship.” this may be because ijam is more europe-centric (as well as canada and australia) where the term “culture” is used more interchangeably with the term “art,” and, therefore, the term “cultural management” is used far more frequently to refer to “arts management” than is done in the united states. just like jamls, after 2003-2004, articles selected and published by ijam seldom focused on entrepreneurship. however, discussions of the subject could be found in articles about specific case studies or regional studies, such as in “martin revheim, blå and the kongsberg jazz festival: suksess need not be translated” (2006) by stéphane vigneault, bernard chassé, and laurent lapierre. this case study examines the work of martin revheim, director of norway's very successful kongsberg jazz festival, since 2002. entrepreneurship in this article is discussed as a form of leadership. andrea hausmann (2010) again touches on the educational problems for arts entrepreneurship. in her article “german artists between bohemian idealism and entrepreneurial dynamics: reflections on cultural entrepreneurship and the need for start-up management,” hausmann explores contextual factors in cultural entrepreneurship in germany, especially focusing on start-up arts organizations. acknowledging the problems with the longterm economic success of start-ups in the german cultural sector, she finds the existing system of music education in germany to be inappropriate for young artists who will soon engage in freelance life or in the management of start-ups to be inappropriate. thus, while ijam published six articles on arts entrepreneurship during the decade under review, the term “entrepreneurship” was largely treated as an asserted, descriptive label and therefore escaped clear definition either conceptually or operationally. the international journal of cultural policy (ijcp), formerly known as the european journal of cultural policy, was first published in 1994, and renamed in 1997. the ijcp focuses on exploring the meaning, function, and impact of cultural policies. it discusses “culture” as chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 19 symbolic communication related to policy at any level rather than a way of life. in the decade between 2003 and 2013, 300 articles were published in ijcp, of which four treated the subject of entrepreneurship and the arts, representing only 1.33% of the total number of articles. the following articles draw attention to various forces of change as prompting a turn toward entrepreneurship in the arts. as such, they point to the importance of context and to a need to improve change management. among the changes discussed in andrea ellmeier’s article, “cultural entrepreneurialism” are “the ‘marketisation’ of culture and the ‘culturalisation’ of the market” (ellmeier, 2003, p. 5) – that is, the meeting point of market and culture. to respond to these concurrent processes of change, the author calls for “cultural entrepreneurialism” (which we term “arts entrepreneurship” in this review) and observes a transition from “cultural worker” to “cultural entrepreneur” in the creative sector. ellmeier recognizes new job profiles emerging in the creative cultural sector that fundamentally alter the image of artists and creators into cultural entrepreneurs who earn their living from their various micro-enterprises. in response to these changes, robert hewison, in his article “the crisis of cultural leadership in britain” (2004), calls for new forms of leadership driven not by market values, but by the social and public good. as he examines cultural leadership, he sees that relational cultural leaders, who work with and through others, will be of more value in the future, rather than transformational or transactional leaders. cultural leadership driven by the social and public good stretches the concept of arts entrepreneurship beyond the sustainability of artists and arts organizations and extends it to also produce social and public benefits that help to sustain civil society. in the process of change management, the following two articles question the general description of entrepreneurship as a form of “creative destruction” and, instead, suggest that arts entrepreneurship might emphasize “creative adaptation.” for instance, in “manageable creativity,” chris bilton (2010) notes how creativity in both theory and practice has become a “manageable” rather than a “destructive” concept. the structural model of creativity emphasizes the systems and infrastructure of an individual’s creativity, rather than that individual’s raw talent and the pure content of his or her creation. however, this approach overlooks the unpredictability of artists and their creations, posing an inevitable oxymoron – the belief that the creative process can be “managed” and held to a “structured” system through policy, even as its practitioners and products remain unpredictable by nature. in their article, “management skills for artists: ‘learning by doing’?” (2011), christine bauer, katharina viola, and christine strauss also consider the shift in the perception of creativity from being “destructive” to being “manageable” and the shift from transformational to relational leadership. consequently, they problematize the current training for artists that reflects on those shifts and call for more entrepreneurial education that includes business-related content for career development for artists. journals in the general management field specializing in entrepreneurship studies regarding the arts and arts organizations have also been scarce in business journals that focus on entrepreneurship. between 2003 and 2013, the entrepreneurship journals (journal of business venturing, entrepreneurship theory and practice, and creativity and innovation management) that we reviewed contained a total of 1,162 articles (excluding book reviews, issue introductions, and tributes to individual scholars). of these, only six reported research and analysis focusing on arts entrepreneurship. chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 20 the journal of business venturing (jbv), which has been published since 1986, introduced two articles in recent years that discuss the arts or the cultural sector. true to the journal’s name, each of these articles focuses on how arts activities try to obtain venture capital. in “nascent ventures competing for start-up capital: matching reputations and investors” joris j. ebbers and nachoem m. wijnberg (2012) argue that investors cannot know whether a nascent venture is worth investing in, since it does not yet have an established reputation; however, investors can rely on the past reputations of a venture’s founder based on his/her performance in earlier years. thus the authors studied the reputations of dutch producers and directors and examined their impact on investors. they use selection system theory to analyze the impact of different types of reputations on the behavior of investors. the professional reputations of individual artists play a significant role in securing funding not only from investors, but also from public and private donors. this article touches upon arts entrepreneurship to the extent that it focuses on investments in new projects in the dutch film industry. in 2013, paul belleflamme, thomas lambert, and armin schwienbacher published “crowdfunding: tapping the right crowd” in jbv. they address how for-profit, artistic, and cultural ventures use crowdfunding to raise external financing from a large number of small investors, namely the “crowd,” with each person providing a very small amount. this type of fundraising is carried out in place of soliciting money from a small number of investors who are in a position to make larger contributions. the authors compare two forms of crowdfunding: in one, individuals are invited to pre-order a product; and in the other, they are asked to advance a fixed payment in exchange for a share of future profits. in both cases “crowdfunders” are assumed to enjoy “community benefits.” belleflamme et al. (2013) used a unified model to determine when an entrepreneur chooses one or the other forms of fund raising. they found that entrepreneurs pre-order when a relatively small initial capital is required compared with market size; otherwise, they engage in profit sharing. entrepreneurship theory and practice (et&p), which has been issued since 1988, published two articles in recent years that examine entrepreneurial practices in the arts or cultural sector. the first article was “learning from levi-strauss' legacy: art, craft, engineering, bricolage, and brokerage in entrepreneurship.” the authors, bryan t. stinchfield, reed e. nelson and matthew s. wood (2013), studied 23 entrepreneurs using grounded theory; they were interested in “less ‘rational’ entrepreneurial behaviors” (p. 889). from their findings, five types of entrepreneurial behavior emerged: art, craft, engineering, bricolage, and brokerage. they then considered the association between these types of entrepreneurship and the financial sustainability of the venture. also in et&p, we found kristine m. kuhn and tera l. galloway’s (2013) paper, “with a little help from my competitors: peer networking among artisan entrepreneurs.” the authors implicitly challenge the general definition of arts entrepreneurs by focusing instead on “artisan entrepreneurs”-those who sell their arts and crafts through e-commerce sites such as etsy and artfire. they surveyed 343 artisan entrepreneurs to learn about their uses of technology in giving and receiving advice and assistance, both formally and informally, which the authors call “soft support” (kuhn & galloway, 2013, p. 1). they found that the types of advice and support (friendship, creative ideas, or business management, among others) an artisan entrepreneur sought, depended on his or her type of motivation (creative-expression and business-oriented). creativity and innovation management (c&im), which first appeared in 1992, publishes papers that discuss how imagination and innovation are organized and implemented in business, chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 21 with the goal to reduce the gap between theory and practice. in recent years, two articles were published in c&im that are related to the arts. in “bring in the arts and get the creativity for free: a study of the artists in residence project,” alexander styhre and michael eriksson (2008) examine artists in residence, a ten-month project conducted in sweden involving a collaboration of musicians, painters, actors, directors, dancers, and choreographers with a regular company so that artists would be in touch with the world of business. the goal of the project was to “think in new and creative ways” (styhre & eriksson, 2008, p. 47). the project showed the potential benefits of bringing artists into industry. in “a competence portfolio for professionals in the creative industries,” dana mietzner and martin kamprath (2013) consider the impact of developments in media and ict technologies on creative industries. through a literature review, interviews, and workshops with industry experts, they investigate trends in what they call “competence shifts.” the authors compile a portfolio consisting of professional, methodological, and personal-social competences for the creative industries, making recommendations regarding the competences that they felt needed to be included in training creative professionals. journals in nonprofit, voluntary, or public-sector marketing after reviewing the other journals in our study, we also decided to look at two leading nonprofit marketing journals. since marketing was one of the most common themes in the arts entrepreneurship literature to date, we wanted to inquire whether journals focused on this particular meaning of “entrepreneurship” might prove a fruitful source of pertinent articles and ideas. furthermore, since a significant segment of the arts are produced and presented by nonprofit organizations, we chose to concentrate on marketing journals concerned with nonprofit activity. journal of nonprofit & public sector marketing (jnpsm) was first published in 1996. within the decade that we reviewed, we found eight articles on issues related to the arts sector, several articles on social entrepreneurship, with one special issue (2010 volume 22 issue 2) devoted to social entrepreneurship. however, there were no articles in the jnpsm that address the subject of arts and entrepreneurship. international journal of nonprofit & voluntary sector marketing (ijnvsm) also began publishing in 1996. among a total of 312 articles that appeared between 2003 and 2013, the journal published 46 articles about the arts; of these, only two (0.64%) address issues in arts entrepreneurship. in “using creativity to achieve an entrepreneurial future for arts marketing,” ian fillis and ruth rentschler (2005) address marketing behavior in non-profit arts organizations. they examine how art, marketing, and entrepreneurship are related to creativity – that is, how it is necessary to think creatively when managing one’s arts organization to cope with the resource constraints. this paper utilizes creativity as a central concept to include a wide range of literatures to embrace non-linear, free thinking to solve current issues in arts marketing. in 2006, ruth rentschler and megan cardmone published “indigenous innovators: the role of web marketing for cultural micro-enterprises,” in which they discuss arts entrepreneurship. focusing on the indigenous cultural sector in australia, which annually contributes $100 million to the country’s economy, the authors note that most australian indigenous cultural producers are micro-enterprises. furthermore, due to their remote and isolated locations or few resources in urban areas, these micro-enterprises are struggling to market their cultural products. incorporating two case studies, rentschler and cardmone discuss the innovative uses of information technology, exploring web marketing as a possible solution chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 22 for the struggling indigenous cultural micro-enterprises (icme) and assess the attributes of effective web marketing. designative patterns in the scholarly literature despite a sense that arts entrepreneurship has been a hot topic in recent years, this review found that the scholarly literature on arts entrepreneurship has, in fact, been quite scarce. the preceding discussion of nine scholarly journals focused on arts management/policy, business journals concerned with entrepreneurship in general, and journals focused on marketing in nonprofit and public sectors during the years between 2003 and 2013. of the number of articles reviewed, only 29 (31 including arts entrepreneurship education) arts entrepreneurship articles appeared among a total of 2,567 articles published during our period of concern. although the number of articles is relatively small, many different phenomena were identified as exhibiting the phenomenon of arts entrepreneurship. each meaning can be understood as offering at least a partial and implicit definition of the term. in other words, our vocabulary is primarily designative. the sheer variety of these meanings reinforces the often-noticed lack of consensus among researchers about the definition of arts entrepreneurship. table 2 below lists fifteen meanings of arts entrepreneurship that appeared in the literature reviewed. the list is presented in simple alphabetical form. the number of times a given meaning appeared in the literature is noted in the left hand column, with an additional column noting frequency of use in articles published in artivate, launched in 2012. note that the number of appearances exceeds the number of articles because many articles address more than one manifestation or defining topic. the three most frequently used meanings of arts entrepreneurship refer to common business meanings of entrepreneurship: new ventures, locating new financial capital, and developing new markets. similarly, the next most common meanings also appear frequently in the general business literature —networking and change management. (change management is a term common to the nonprofit literature. perhaps the more apposite business term is “creative destruction.”) alternatively, many articles discuss more than one meaning or attribute of arts entrepreneurship in a single article. for example, a number of authors who explore arts organizational leadership as an exercise in entrepreneurship also argue that such leaders often aim to develop new forms of funding and/or new initiatives in audience/market development. other authors who examine arts organization case studies combine leadership, change management, and opportunity spotting in the same discussion. furthermore, organizational change is seen as being driven both/either by internal, organizational developments or by external, contextual factors. a number of authors touch on a role for new technology use in combination with other meanings. yet other authors, particularly those dealing with individual artists and arts micro-enterprises, tend to integrate issues of new venture creation with venture capital acquisition (sometimes employing social media such as crowdsourcing) with networking. those dealing with arts entrepreneurship in the public sector seem to emphasize opportunity spotting, with contextual sensitivity, networking, and recombination initiatives although such cases seldom use explicitly entrepreneurial terminology. chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 23 designated meaning (n = total # of meanings discussed) 7 journals reviewed (n = 55) 2 nonprofit marketing journals (n=5) artivate (n = 40) arts organization leadership 3 1 - bricolage --2 change management 4 -- competency/skills/education 4 -7 funding acquisition 6 -1 individual artists/small business 11 1 4 local/regional development 2 -2 marketing/audience development 6 -2 mindset/personal traits 2 1 4 networking 4 -1 new technology use 3 1 2 partnerships 1 -2 public leadership/policy innovation 1 -- opportunity spotting 2 -7 recombination 2 -2 social enterprise 1 1 4 theory/types 3 -- table 2. designated meanings of arts entrepreneurship examining the specialized literature: artivate a new scholarly journal – artivate – dedicated to developing the field discussion and to stimulating research on arts entrepreneurship began publishing in 2012. in their introductory article for the first issue, co-editors gary beckman and linda essig (2012) referred to the journal “ …as the first peer-reviewed platform for arts entrepreneurship scholarship originating in the u.s…”(p. 7). in the dialogue-structured article, beckman describes arts entrepreneurship as a hybrid of disciplinary inputs and stakeholders, noting that “‘…our product’ is aesthetic, thus, our prefix separates us from the business school and our suffix separates us from the arts school, but the beauty of our field is that our title unites the two in a new way.”(p. 1) and that “…what chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 24 artivate publishes is aimed at assisting scholars, educators, decision and policy makers, emerging and working arts professionals, and the public in understanding the field” (p. 7). the article goes on to discuss the emergence of interest in the subject in terms of contextual factors—such as the culture wars over arts and cultural policy; the impact of a changing economic climate on arts funding practices in both the public and private sectors; a growing recognition that artists have little practical training in managing their careers or their practice; and a search among arts and arts administration educators for better ways to prepare their students for professional success in the 21st century. thus, the very field itself is an example of intellectual entrepreneurship: it recombines existing disciplinary elements into a new way to educate future generations of creative workers; as an exercise in change management; and as a shift from cultivating “best practices” to fostering opportunity spotting and innovation. given the focus of artivate, it seems appropriate to compare how it has built upon, added to, and differed from the scholarly literature that largely preceded its appearance. artivate published 5 issues between its appearance in 2012 and september of 2014. each issue had three research-based articles which were peer reviewed for a total of 15 articles (bonin-rodriguez, 2012; lord, 2012; nytch, 2012; essig, 2013; roberts, 2013; shockley & frank, 2013; mathew & carl, 2013; kolsteeg, 2013; white, 2013; pollard & wilson, 2014; preece, 2014; webb, 2014; enhuber, 2014; griffey, 2014; welsh, onishi, dehoog, & syed, 2014). issue introductions and book reviews were not included in this count. while this gives us a much smaller pool of articles to consider, they were all concerned with arts entrepreneurship. this pool generated nearly as many designated meanings (n=50) as the larger pool of articles reviewed in the journals the focused on arts administration and policy more generally as well as the general business journals on entrepreneurship (n=54) and nonprofit marketing (n=5). looking at table 2, we can see that the artivate articles on arts entrepreneurship displayed many of the same meanings found in the more general literature review. however, a few additional meanings appeared in artivate—these included bricolage, mindset, and social entrepreneurship. artivate articles were also more likely to focus on two topics: 1) relevant competencies and skills as well as how these might be taught to artists and arts managers (n=7), and 2) opportunity spotting (n=7). moving from case studies to a definitional “recipe” taking the literature as a whole, we can now offer a preliminary definition of “arts entrepreneurship” as a management process through which cultural workers seek to support their creativity and autonomy, advance their capacity for adaptability, and create artistic as well as economic and social value. different combinations of resources can be directed toward different value equations and involve different risk calculations. seeing all these meanings and possible combinations, it would seem that the next step is to try to discern patterns or clusters that reduce the variety into a more manageable and parsimonious taxonomy. recognizing the possible basis for the taxonomy should advance our understanding of the phenomenon of arts entrepreneurship. this, in turn, could help generate explanations and research hypotheses that would guide and facilitate not only practice but also pedagogy. additionally, the fact that case studies seem to exhibit linkages among designations— such as mindset, new ventures, and opportunity spotting in cases concerned with individual artists—also suggests that each designation is not an alternative meaning of arts entrepreneurship but rather represents different aspects of the entrepreneurial process. chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 25 so, what clusters emerge from the collection of meanings found in the literature reviewed? we start with an observation that the literature carries the assumption that entrepreneurship is a form of management, and as such, calls on actions, skills, and decisions to direct an endeavor to achieve a set purpose. in arts entrepreneurship, this management purpose involves an ongoing set of innovative choices and risks intended to recombine resources and pursue new opportunities in order to produce artistic, economic and social value. as joseph schumpeter, the founding theorist of entrepreneurship, has described it, the process recombines pre-existing elements of activity in a novel fashion involving a measure of risk (schumpeter, 1934). for entrepreneurs in the arts, these risks can be three-fold: creativity risk, market risk, and career risk (tremblay, 2008). schumpeter argued that the functions of an entrepreneur were to reform or even revolutionize production and distribution by being alert to innovations in forces around them (e.g., new technology or invention) and changes in their environment (new market demographics, access to new markets, new sources of resources, etc.). furthermore, for products of the creative and cultural industries there are also many opportunities for innovative value propositions, since they embody multiple types of value—economic and cultural (throsby, 2001). table 3. taxonomy of arts entrepreneurship components definition: arts entrepreneurship is a management process through which cultural workers seek to support their creativity and autonomy, advance their capacity for adaptability, and create artistic as well as economic and social value. arts entrepreneur purpose: the purpose of this management process involves an ongoing set of innovative choices and risks intended to recombine resources and pursue new opportunities in order to produce artistic, economic and social value. leadership vision leadership tools personal capacity personal traits external environment strategies tactics competencies /skills mindset context new ventures creative enterprise career portfolios community or heritage enterprise social enterprise change management intrapreneur new marketing approach audience development new funding source new funding approach networking partnerships recombination bricolage new technology opportunity spotting business skill acquisition professional development: training and education perseverance risk-taking tolerance of failure 0pen-minded organization individual artist or small business artistic field local/regional locale chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 26 these aspects cluster into five categories of considerations. table 3 sets out these five categories and lists specific examples of each that have appeared in the literature that we reviewed. each instance of arts entrepreneurship embodies a metaphorical “recipe” that includes at least one element from each category. thus, arts entrepreneurship is a constant exercise in recombination. 1) leadership categories include both strategies and tactics—or ends and means. strategies identify the goals of value creation and the innovative vision. these can include new venture creation as independent microenterprises; arts based social entrepreneur activities; the creation of new artistic products or services relying on imagination; the promotion of policy change through policy entrepreneurship; selfmanagement of career transitions and the construction of career portfolios; managing change by recombination of “recipe” components; the generation of new cultural products and services relying on cultural heritage resources. 2) tactics indicate the tools or approaches one intends to employ in implementing the strategic vision. much of the research on art entrepreneurship has focused on the explorations of tactics—on developing new markets and reaching them in new ways; on using internet and social networks to deliver and promote the distribution of the arts via digital technology; on the benefits and processes of cultivating partnerships between arts organizations as well as non-arts organizations; on the use of crowdsourcing methods of fundraising; and on turning bricolage into an innovative production approach. while better understanding of these leadership ends and means tell us how arts entrepreneurs can act effectively, they do not help us understand (or teach) how to think entrepreneurially. thus, there are also two categories of personal characteristics that must be added into the entrepreneurship “recipe:” personal capacities and personality traits. 3) personal capacity consists of knowhow (competencies and skills) that effect the ability of an entrepreneurial leader to carry out the vision and to use implementation tactics. an often identified skill is opportunity spotting which is sometimes treated as a kind of intuition. business skills are another frequently mentioned aspect of personal capacity. sometimes discussions of personal capacity for entrepreneurship is discussed in term of how these competencies and skills can be acquired, namely through processes of training, education, and ongoing professional development. 4) personality traits and mindset refers to qualities of character or to ways of thinking that are believed to be associated with entrepreneurial behavior. frequently mentioned are being open-minded, perseverance, risk-taking, and tolerance for failure. 5) finally, entrepreneurship does not take place in a vacuum; it must be sensitive to the external environment and conditions that the entrepreneur contends with. these external factors provide the context in which entrepreneurship is practiced. studies of arts entrepreneurship generally specify whether the frame is organizational or individualistic. case studies often frame the entrepreneurial setting as dependent on the art form at its core, hence stipulating whether a case is set in the performing arts, or even more particularly in the field of music, or in museums, or the film industry. another significant contextual frame seems to be the actual community, geographic or spatial environment which shows up in explorations of how individual cities or chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 27 regions seek to foster greater arts entrepreneurship or the development of creative and cultural industries. with this set of categories, we can begin to understand why individual case studies often exhibit an implicit recipe in which a specific strategy (e.g, career portfolios) appears to be associated with a particular tactic (e.g. networking), with the acquisition of new (business or technological) skills acquired through training or education, by individuals who are risk-takers and persevering, and that these cases tend to involve individual artists who are either selfemployed or freelancers. to understand such entrepreneurs, one must focus on the innovative combinations of strategy, tactics, individual skills, and mindset operating in each case and its context. if arts entrepreneurship is a constant exercise in recombination, then the possibility of flexible recipes begins to reveal what might be regarded as the recombinant dna of arts entrepreneurship. we are only beginning to understand the interactions between leadership and personal categories, between context and choice of tactics, between certain mindsets and the ability to use certain tactics effectively. there are many gaps in our understanding of each category as well as the interactions among categories, but enough literature has begun to accumulate on the subject of arts entrepreneurship to show that we are dealing with a complex and dynamic phenomenon. these categories begin to allow us to see “variables” rather than simply variety. variables enable us to hypothesize relationships and to frame researchable questions. the resultant capacity for explanation, prediction, and choice will, in turn, help us to build models as well as discover how we can teach entrepreneurship. next steps: exploring other types of literature while the literature in scholarly journals that we reviewed provided a sample adequate to begin developing a layered and flexible definition for the phenomenon of arts entrepreneurship, it does not tell the whole story of the how our thinking on this concept has evolved. aside from artivate, which was designed to focus on arts entrepreneurship, the scholarly literature displayed an initial spurt around 2003-2004 with only sporadic contributions appearing thereafter. a consistent stream of arts entrepreneurship literature only emerges with the establishment of the specialized journal artivate. this is not the expected pattern for the growth of an idea and of interest in defining and operationalizing it, neither does this literature document or explain the intense interest in arts entrepreneurship pedagogy. we believe that other streams of literature and discourse have contributed to the emergence of the arts entrepreneurship concept. one additional stream lies in a number of scholarly books, most often edited collections, that produced literature that might otherwise have appeared in journals (e.g., doig & hargrove, 1990; hagoort & kooyman, 2009; hagoort, thomassen, & kooyman, 2012; henry, 2007; scherdin & zander, 2011). another stream can be traced through projects and studies that were stimulated by foundation initiatives (e.g., aageson, 2010; beckman, 2007; jackson, kabwasa-green, herranz, ferryman & rosenstein, 2003; markusen, 2013; mirikitani, 2008). yet another stream is evident in policy-directed research and program initiatives undertaken both in the us and abroad, especially in the commonwealth nations (e.g., higher education academy art design media subject centre & national endowment for science, technology and the arts, 2007; hku, 2010). and finally, we can also explore the literature published in arts disciplinary journals such as theatre topics and arts education review for single field discussions. only by tracing these additional streams of arts entrepreneurship literature can we piece together a more holistic understanding of the emergence of the concept of arts entrepreneurship as it currently exists. chang and wyszomirski what is arts entrepreneurship? tracking the development of its definition in scholarly journals ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 4 (2) 28 these are avenues of further research that we are continuing to explore and hope to share with the field in the near future. references aageson, t. 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(2012, may). arts-based entrepreneurship in the new economy and the competition state: developing policy options to fit a different context. paper presented at the arts, new growth theory, and economic development symposium, washington, d.c. retrieved from http://arts.gov/sites/default/files/wyszomirski-ppt.pdf microsoft word b1.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts vol. 8, no. 2, summer 2019 book review artists re:thinking the blockchain edited by ruth catlow, marc garrett, nathan jones, and sam skinner marc mitchell university of arkansas a blockchain is a digital record of transactions. the name comes from its structure, in which individual records, called blocks, are linked together in a single list, called a chain. blockchains are used for recording transactions made with cryptocurrencies, such as bitcoin, and have many other applications. each transaction added to a blockchain is validated by multiple computers on the internet. these systems, which are configured to monitor specific types of blockchain transactions, form a peer-to-peer network. they work together to ensure each transaction is valid before it is added to the blockchain. this decentralized network of computers ensures a single system cannot add invalid blocks to the chain. —techterms.com to many, the term blockchain conjures notions of complex computational coding, digital currencies, and a world far removed from everyday life. while there may be some truth to this view, the technologies surrounding ethereum-based systems and other blockchain applications have sweeping implications for the contemporary cultural landscape. artists re:thinking the blockchain, a deftly crafted collection of twenty-eight essays, explores the impact of a decentralized ledger, or database, and how those invested in creative enterprises could conceivably utilize technology to promote efficiencies, build trust, and design systems that boost entrepreneurial endeavors. the book offers a provocative and compelling read regardless of one’s background in the arts or business. 80 while not a traditional textbook, the collection of thematically organized essays establishes a baseline knowledge for those individuals who seek to explore the transdisciplinary nature of new technologies and understand how these systems can support artistic practices. the editors—ruth catlow, marc garrett, nathan jones, and sam skinner—have created a platform that allows the book to operate as a work of art, one in which each author has the liberty to experiment with the presentation of their thesis and create a more performative experience for the reader. organizing the book into three parts—documents, fictions, and theory—the editors offer a format where readers can opt to enter and exit the book at various points without sacrificing context or insight. however, it should be noted, there was clear consideration of how the book was structured, and it benefits readers (especially those who may not be tech savvy) to move chronologically through the text for the most comprehensive understanding. the book begins with two essays that form a critical framework as one moves through the remainder of the publication. nathan jones and sam skinner provide fundamental information via “a quasi proto preface,” which does a wonderful job equipping the reader with concise synopses related to each of the twenty-eight texts. ruth catlow extends these efforts in her essay “artists re:thinking the blockchain,” which expands the conversation to include historical information pertaining to the socio-political, financial, environmental, and ethical implications of decentralized technologies. as readers begin the first section, documents, an article by the design informatics research centre outlines finbook, a qr-code system that allows readers to rank their favorite essays in the book by awarding them fitcoins. this pseudocurrency provides a traceable value that can be evaluated in real-time through open-source software. this novel merger of traditional book and participatory art allows readers to engage in blockchain technology in a manner that is easily unraveled and playful. primavera de filippi, paul seidler, paul kolling, and max hampshire all explore the ways in which decentralized technology can play an increasing role in crafting new ways of thinking about ecology in their texts. in jaya klara brekke and elias haase’s essay “breaking chains and busting blocks: commentary on the satoshi (hippocratic) oath for blockchain developers,” questions surrounding ethical and moral dilemmas take center stage for those who are actually developing the technologies. specific artworks, artists, and exhibitions play a prominent role in the essays by martín nadal, césar escudero, and ami clarke, as well as the interview between sam skinner and simon denny. in many ways, these texts do a marvelous job of addressing themes first brought to the mainstream with the ninth berlin biennial in . topics such as the commodification of information, the pitfalls and benefits of digital sharing, and even pop culture’s relationship to institutional critique all make appearances in the essays. fictions, the second section of the book, offers a nice respite from the foundational elements established in the first section before transitioning to the dense theoretical essays found in section three. no doubt the editors planned for this breather, and it is perfectly situated. 81 cecilia wee’s “flying under a neutral flag” positions the reader amid complex moral dilemmas that surround a decentralized and anonymous system, even when it’s meant for the greater good. the essays by theodoros chiotis, rob myers, lina theodorou, and juhee hahm provide waggish takes on digital and screen culture, coding, and the way we create networks. taken as a whole, the section provides a refreshing and unusual vantage point for considering the societal implications of ethereum-based systems. like most aspects of contemporary culture, blockchain and its offshoots are simultaneously celebrated and vilified by those who are most familiar. this conflict is apparent in the third section of the book, theory. whereas the previous essays highlighted facts or provided fictional accounts, the essays within theory were teeming with overarching philosophical questions related to the technologies. in hito steyerl’s barn burner of an essay “if you don’t have bread, eat art!: contemporary art and derivative fascisms,” she rides the perfect wave of satire to highlight the correlation of events occurring throughout the world and the technologies outlined in the book. ben vickers and rob myers both discuss the sociopolitical impacts of blockchain technology within governmental structures as well as those communities trying to upend traditional institutions, regulations, and authority. given the premise of the book—ways in which artists can rethink the blockchain—the essays by helen kaplinsky and mark waugh are delightfully dense in discussing the implications of smart contracts, how ethereum-based systems could shift the historical paradigm found in museum structure, and ways in which these systems could handle artist copyright in the future. while the book may not be suitable for introductory courses related to art or entrepreneurship, it’s a valuable resource for those who have interests that extend into the realm of new media and commerce. it’s a refreshing publication that straddles both traditional scholarship and an avant-garde approach to discussing philosophical topics related to art and digital culture. the result is an immersive experience where each reader finds their own context for relating to new and abstruse technologies. for readers wanting to teach blockchain technology, two authors from this collection, ben vickers and jaya klara brekke, have published the white paper, an annotated guide to satoshi nakamoto’s  bitcoin white paper. the book, which also includes james birdle’s history of cryptography, provides a primer for readers who are newer to blockchain but would like to read one of the original texts. visit https://ignota.org/products/the-white-paper for more information. and for ongoing news of blockchain developments in the arts, readers may wish to follow tim schneider on artnet and jason bailey of artnome. 82 microsoft word 139-article text-492-2-11-20200916.docx vol. 9, no. 2 fall 2020 special issue: arts entrepreneurship education guest editor’s introduction leveraging creativity monika herzig indiana university welcome to this special edition of artivate with four articles exploring the concept of arts entrepreneurship education. this research was presented at the leveraging creativity virtual conference in conjunction with the new. not normal symposium on june  and , , hosted by the center for cultural affairs at indiana university. the field of arts entrepreneurship education has experienced exponential growth over the past fifteen years from  institutions offering courses in this area in  to nearly  institutional offerings in , with continued increase in numbers. in their article in this issue on reframing the arts within the liberal arts community, furman university faculty and administrators archino, lanier, and mcclain chronicle the design and expansion of an arts entrepreneurship curriculum specifically in liberal arts education. instead of adding additional requirements to an existing curriculum, the arts and arts history majors at furman university located in greenville, sc were reconfigured to integrate entrepreneurial competencies. in addition, the arts-based experiential learning approach positioned the arts as an integral component of the entrepreneurial mindset across all fields. experiential learning has been recognized as an essential element of entrepreneurship education. ben toscher, in his article for this issue, explores this concept, reporting on an empirical investigation he conducted into how students exercise and explore personal agency in entrepreneurship education. his findings indicate that teacher-created environments directly influence the development of personal agency and toscher encourages educators to engage in student-centered learning. aparna katre explores strategies towards acquiring entrepreneurial skills in the professional field. looking at specifically the entrepreneurial cycle of successful craft entrepreneurs in artivate 9.2 2 a legacy city, the author offers options towards building a conceptual model. hence the article suggests options to extract teaching models from observations in the field. finally, my case study of the abcs of jazz education—jamey aebersold, david baker, and jerry coker—exemplifies the role of improvisational training in entrepreneurship pedagogy. arguably due to their extensive training in improvisational skills, these individuals built the foundation of worldwide jazz education curricula and materials in exemplary fashion. the role of the jazz model has been discussed extensively in entrepreneurship literature mainly in regard to developing improvisatory capacity and fostering a growth mindset, essential elements of effectual entrepreneurship. the example of the abcs offers a glimpse into the process and results of their improvisatory explorations and successful implementations. of course, the ability to improvise and quickly respond to crisis has become essential in , when the world’s economy and social structure has been shattered with the effects of the covid- pandemic. at this time, the art world and nonprofit economy are greatly impacted, their futures uncertain. initially, the leveraging creativity conference this issue draws on was scheduled as a small two-day gathering on the indianapolis campus of indiana university with about thirty presenters and an expected attendance of about one hundred. most likely recordings of the events would have been limited to not more than a handful of roundtables. as the pandemic unfolded, the leadership team responded quickly by moving the conference online. the first day was transformed into a series of discussions based on seven prerecorded keynote presentations with the goal of exploring possible pathways into this uncertain future. experts joined internationally and slightly over eight hundred people registered for the presentations. the keynote videos now have close to two thousand views on youtube and the discussions garnered over one thousand views. all videos can be accessed on the center for cultural affairs website at culturalaffairs.indiana.edu. in addition, the second day of paper presentations was conducted in two parallel tracks with twenty-eight presentations and sixty-one participants. most of the research briefs were publicly available prior to the presentations and all sessions are also archived on the center for cultural affairs website for further viewing. responses to the gathering were overwhelmingly positive with a sense of inspiration and opportunity for everyone and multiple requests for encores. even though the casual networking opportunities in the hallways and hotel lobbies were missing, as were the communal evening dinners and cocktail hours, the sense of community prevailed and opportunities for participation and sharing research and discussions actually increased exponentially. as we continue dealing with the effects of an unprecedented crisis, we start to see glimpses of the new future and its opportunities. it seems more important now than ever to support our students with curricula that foster entrepreneurial capacities and equip them with tools for envisioning and reinventing their and our future. this set of articles provides an informational and conceptional groundwork towards implementing sound pedagogical strategies. about the center of cultural affairs at indiana university the mission of the center for cultural affairs at the o’neill school of public and environmental artivate 9.2 3 affairs is to advance the understanding of the place of arts and culture in public life. the cca will facilitate a network of scholars and practitioners interested in advancing cultural affairs research, produce high-quality and relevant research on arts and cultural policy and management issues, and serve as a resource to the arts and cultural sector. issue cover image: steve johnson from pexels blank page microsoft word 3.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts vol. 8, no. 2, winter 2019 a theory of arts entrepreneurship as organizational attack jason c. white college of charleston doi: https://doi.org/10.34053/artivate.8.2.3 theory is developed by way of a systematic process that attempts to explain or provide a rationale for the way something works. kuratko () defines a theory of entrepreneurship as “a formulation of verifiable relationships, or underlying principles that explain entrepreneurship, predict entrepreneurial activity, or provide normative guidance” (p.). scholars in the entrepreneurship literature have been critical of the lack of theory guiding entrepreneurship research, education and practice (baumol ; bull & willard ; bygrave & hofer ; chandler & lyon ; cooper ). distinguished entrepreneurship scholars shane and venkataraman () soften this critique and suggest entrepreneurship theory is underdeveloped. in addition to the establishment of a discipline, related professional associations, and dedicated career paths, scholars in the entrepreneurship literature suggest that systematic theory is necessary for the development and advancement of an academic field (bird, welsch, astrachan, & pistrui ). similarly, in the arts entrepreneurship literature, white suggests that there are few proposed theories specific to arts entrepreneurship (white ). for example, while white works towards theory development (white , ), essig () proposes a means-ends theory “in the absence of a body of theory about arts entrepreneurship specifically” (p.). given that the academic field of arts entrepreneurship is still emerging, it is not surprising that arts entrepreneurship theory is underdeveloped. as a result, arts entrepreneurship researchers have had to import other theories from outside of the arts literature to provide a rationale for their conceptual frameworks, models, hypotheses, and research conclusions (essig ; preece ; white ). additionally, in arts 48 entrepreneurship education, due to the lack of definitional consensus (chang & wyszomirski ), educators might have problems explaining what arts entrepreneurship is to students. although definitional consensus is difficult, beckman () suggests that the theoretical exercise of defining arts entrepreneurship is nevertheless a critical part of our field development because “…it communicates the explicit binary – is and isn’t, the study object exists or it does not, it is identifiable or it is not” (p.). while a theory of arts entrepreneurship could help answer the recurring question (i.e., what is arts entrepreneurship?), without a theory or theories based on repeated observations that are verifiable, what arts entrepreneurship “is” may be based on individual subjectivity, discipline-based bias, and untested assumptions. to address this gap in the arts entrepreneurship literature, i propose a theory of arts entrepreneurship evidenced by repeated observations that are verifiable via case study experiences. methodology to aid in the collection of supporting empirical data, the theorist uses grounded theory as a method for theory development. as internationally recognized grounded theorist anselm strauss () points out, “in theorizing, a fair amount of imagination is reflected and even unabashed speculation. not anything goes, because these operate within the constraints of some current knowledge; yet rigor seems reserved for verification – that is, for the creating, eliciting and discovering of evidence” (p. ). in grounded theory, researchers aim to move beyond description to a “unified theoretical explanation” for an observed phenomenon (corbin & strauss , p.). in discussing grounded theory, creswell () states, “a key idea is that theory development does not come off the shelf, but rather is generated or grounded in data from participants who have experienced the process (chapter , section , para ). continuing, creswell suggests that by discovering emerging patterns in the data, the researcher is able to “generate a general explanation (a theory) of a process, an action, or an interaction shaped by the views of a large number of participants” (chapter , section , para ). long recognized as an effective scientific method by researchers in the qualitative paradigm, the grounded theory method is a systematic process with defining features; such as a focus on a process or action that has distinct steps or phases, data collection by way of connecting implicit meanings, and data analysis leading to either a general theoretical model or a theory presented as a diagram, propositions, or a discussion (corbin & strauss ; creswell ). theoretical foundations as there is little consensus amongst scholars in both the arts and entrepreneurship literature on a definition of “entrepreneurship,” a selected definition may be useful for understanding and interpreting the proposed theory. throughout the majority of the entrepreneurship literature, scholars have tended to recognize the entrepreneur as an individual who fills 49 market gaps in an economy by engaging in a process of innovation and (for-profit) business creation in one or more economic industries and/or sectors (gartner ; kuratko ; schumpeter ). while the economic frame of entrepreneurship has helped to advance the entrepreneurship field, researchers who use this particular lens often fail to recognize entrepreneurship as both a social and collective activity that is enabled and constrained by social structures (i.e., the pattern of social relationships which regulates social interactions and guides socio-cultural norms in a society). as such, a structuration view is hereafter utilized because this particular frame of reference can help researchers recognize entrepreneurs as “reflexive agents engaging in purposeful action carried out in the context of social systems” (sarason, dean, & dillard , p.). in addition, according to sarason, dean and dillard (), a structuration view of entrepreneurship can help researchers gain a better understanding of how entrepreneurs both interpret and influence society. entrepreneurship scholars have long called for a re-attention to the context in which entrepreneurship occurs (welter ); because as gartner () notes, observers “…have a tendency to underestimate the influence of external factors and overestimate the influence of internal or personal factors when making judgments about other individuals” (p.). to better recognize the influence of both internal and external factors on arts entrepreneurs’ behavior, howard becker’s art world(s) metaphor () is hereafter utilized to provide context. note that as an alternative to pierre bourdieu’s metaphor of art field(s) (), the art world(s) metaphor has been selected to encourage the reader to think about how both art and entrepreneurship activity is created within a particular “social” (world) rather than a particular “spatial” (field) context. in support becker states, “…the metaphor of world – which does not seem to be at all true of the metaphor of field contains people, all sorts of people, who are in the middle of doing something that requires them to pay attention to each other, to take account consciously of the existence of others and to shape what they do in light of what others do” (, p.). in addition, becker’s art world thesis not only provides context but also rightly acknowledges the production of art (i.e., a psychological product) as a collective rather than singular activity carried out by a lone artist. this understanding helps us to recognize that artworks “are not the products of individual makers” (e.g. artists), but rather “joint products” created by groups of people within the art world who follow conventions (i.e. patterns, rules of order, standard ways of doing things) (becker , p.). thus, theorizing entrepreneurship in the context of art worlds may help the field recognize patterns (conventions) of entrepreneurship activity that have since lead to either innovation in art worlds, revolutionary changes in art worlds, or the creation of wholly new art worlds. building on becker’s () pioneering text and supported by case study observations, this theory helps to explain how arts entrepreneurs facilitate revolutionary changes in artworlds. rationale the central argument of this theory is that through coordinated organizational attacks on the social structure and sacred aesthetic beliefs of an artworld, arts entrepreneurs change 50 established conventions in the artworld, which results in revolutionary changes to both the artworld and the work of art in society. importantly, the work of art does not refer to an art object, but rather to what an art object does to or for others. for example, there is a difference between observing a painting (i.e., the art object); and being lead to a new understanding by the combined elements within the painting (e.g., colors, style, shapes, strokes, symbols) to think, see, smell, hear, taste and touch things in the world from a different perspective. additionally, there is a difference between a play (the art object) and attending a live theatrical production of a play (the experience). the latter refers to the work of art, or rather to the psychological (kreitler & kreitler ), biological (fancourt ) and socio-cultural changes (gonçalves & majhanovich ) often triggered by aesthetic experiences. empirical support for the concept of aesthetic experience can be found in direct observations written by john dewey (). arguably through the work of art, we are drawn away from our own perspective of human experience towards another, which results in a revelation (or new understanding) about the world that we live in. thus as martin heidegger references in his landmark essay the origin of a work of art, embedded in an artwork “truth is set to work” and “the revelation that occurs through an encounter with an artwork, not the art object itself, is the work of art” (bolt,  p.). thus, for those who seek revolutionary change in artworlds, the work of art may be the best value proposition because arguably, the work of art is what the artworld values the most. in theorizing entrepreneurship within the context of artworlds, it is important to recognize that while all members of an artworld utilize entrepreneurial thinking to guide diverse forms of entrepreneurial action(s) (or behavior), not all entrepreneurial action(s) result in revolutionary changes to artworlds. for example, effectuation and causation are recognized as the two primary logics which guide entrepreneurial action(s) and help to reduce uncertainty. as saras sarasvathy notes in her pioneering text on effectuation, “causal logics helps us choose; effectual logics help us construct” (sarasvathy , p.). arguably, the logic which guides the production of art can be effectual (goals emerging through recurrent rounds of experimentation), such as in work-shopping a play; or causal (predictive and strategic), such as in design thinking. additionally, effectual logic can be observed in the process of artistic creation. in support, jonathan gangi draws our attention to the synergies of artistic and entrepreneurial action () and the relationship between effectuation and artistic creation (). causal thinking can be observed in the process of firm creation as undertaken by artists. in support, essig () argues that “artists form firms (a predictive and strategic process) or otherwise undertake entrepreneurial action toward the end of creating art sustainably” (p.). empirical research suggests that in addition to artists, distinct members of the artworld also use both causal and effectual logic to guide various entrepreneurial actions. for example, arts managers use causal logic when they create strategic plans for arts organizations, often to address internal or external challenges that call for organizational and/or institutional entrepreneurship (battilana, leca, & boxenbaum ; grandori & gaillard ). arts policymakers use effectual logic when they recognize an opportunity (a 51 policy window), mobilize policy support (acquire social capital), draft the policy (innovation), test its effects on a smaller scale of the artworld (prototyping), and learn from policy failure (entrepreneurial learning) (heidelberg ). in short, based on direct observations in artworlds (becker ), it seems apparent that many members of the artworld utilize entrepreneurial logic on an everyday basis, and thus “think as entrepreneurs.” who then is the arts entrepreneur if all members of the artworld think as entrepreneurs? the answer to this question can be informed by a similar topic discussed by gartner (), who concluded that who the entrepreneur is is best identified by determining a distinct pattern of behavior. moreover, gartner () argued that what differentiates entrepreneurs from non-entrepreneurs is that entrepreneurs create organizations. at its most foundational level of analysis, an organization is a group of people coming together for a shared or common goal (staber, ). contextual support for this assertion can be found in becker’s artworld thesis, when he states, “the history of art deals with innovators and innovations that won organizational victories, succeeding in creating around themselves the apparatus of an artworld, mobilizing enough people to cooperate in regular ways that sustained and furthered their idea” (, p.). becker () refers to some of these innovations as “organizational attacks” that “disrupt routine patterns of cooperation [conventions], which with some stretching of thomas kuhn’s () usage, could be called a ‘revolution’ ” (pp.-). additionally, becker () refers to these organizational attacks as “an attack on social structure” (p.) and sacred “aesthetic beliefs” (p.), which through coordination aim to “take over sources of support, audiences and distribution facilities” (p.), resulting in either revolutionary changes to, or the creation of artworlds (i.e. networks of “people who have never cooperated before to produce art based on and using conventions that were previously unknown or not exploited in that way” [, p.]). in cases where this is true, there could be a pattern of coordination to these organizational attacks which may help distinguish this particular form of entrepreneurial action from other forms which occur in the artworld (e.g., artistic creation, self-employment, firm creation). case study support for this particular form (i.e., organizational attacks) can be observed within the art history, creative, and cultural industries literature. case study support for organizational attack becker provides evidence of organizational attacks on the social structure and sacred aesthetic beliefs of artworlds by pointing us to socio-cultural movements that have occurred in art history (, p.). susie hodge () provides a summary useful for theory development. according to hodge (), “realism was the first art movement to denounce traditions that had been established by official art academies” (p.). the realist movement in  was not organized by one singular artist, but rather a group of french painters who sought to attack the sacred aesthetic beliefs of official art academies which (at that time) valued and prioritized art subjects that included religion, history, mythology, and portraits appealing to the rich (hodge ). by recruiting like-minded painters and encouraging relevant painters in the 52 visual artworld such as gustave courbet, rosa bonheur, and jean baptiste-camille corot to paint in a certain way for a certain purpose, groups of french painters were able to successfully change the conventional way of painting, which led to the birth of the realist movement in . additional support can be gathered by studying the birth of the modern indian art market. according to mukti khaire (), prior to , the modern indian art market did not exist either in india nor abroad. this nonexistence is largely because, as khaire references, no criteria for evaluating indian art existed. although existing for centuries in india, the work of indian art wasn’t considered valuable in the western artworld until the ’s, when “both academics and art historians (intermediaries) began characterizing it as modernist with a particular original aesthetic that they asserted was just as valuable as the aesthetic of western modern artists, albeit different” (khaire , chapter , section , para ). arguably, this is evidence of a coordinated organizational attack on the sacred aesthetic beliefs of the western artworld. khaire () states that, “once this discourse was broadly disseminated and intersubjectively accepted, the art was perceived as complying with prevailing norms of appropriateness and value. because of this commentary, auction houses dealing with twentieth century indian art found consumers willing to invest in the works” (chapter , section , para ). support can also be found by studying the blue ocean strategy of guy laliberté (former street performer & founder of cirque du soleil), who along with a team of street performers, undertook causal and effectual actions to change conventions in the circus industry in the ’s (kim & mauborgne , pp.-). prior to cirque du soleil’s emergence, circuses around the world were still using live animals and lion tamers in acts, incorporating celebrity acrobats and famous clowns known for slapstick routines, exhibiting multiple acts simultaneously under the big top (i.e., the three-ring circus model), and focusing on children as the primary target market. however, over time, public attitudes shifted in favor of animal rights, and children began to acquire increasing options for live entertainment (e.g., video games). these changes in the market resulted in rising costs without raising revenues in the circus industry (kim & mauborgne ). rather than compete using established conventions, laliberté and his team of street performers broke the best practice rule (convention) in the circus industry by eliminating live animals and lion tamers, reducing the role of the circus clown, incorporating a more enchanting and sophisticated style of clowning and acrobat performance, creating independent shows with singular acts aligned to specific themes and storylines, and catering to adults (kim & mauborgne ). arguably, this coordinated organizational attack on both the social structure and the sacred aesthetic beliefs of the circus industry resulted in revolutionary changes to the work of the circus, which now offers audiences the fun and thrill of the traditional circus along with “the intellectual sophistication and artistic richness of the theater at the same time” (, p.). consider the birth of hip hop music and the interrelated hip hop socio-cultural movement, both of which did not exist in society before the late s. according to alridge 53 and stewart (), “over the past three decades, hip hop has developed as a cultural and artistic phenomenon affecting youth culture around the world” (p.). they assert that “for many youth, hip hop reflects the social, economic, political and cultural realities and conditions of their lives, speaking to them in a language and manner they understand” (, p.). as khaire () notes, at the beginning of hip hop’s emergence, “some listeners questioned its very categorization as music” (khaire , chapter , section , para ), let alone as a socio-cultural movement. however, through public discourse about hip hop generated by both emerging hip hop artists and music intermediaries, knowledge about the work of hip hop spread, participation in the hip hop movement increased, and evaluation criteria for hip hop music was socially constructed (khaire ). notably, the hip hop movement is an example of a coordinated organizational attack on the social structure and sacred aesthetic beliefs of the music world that resulted in the creation of a new artworld (i.e., the hip hop industry) (rabaka ). more recent support can be found by studying the emergence of hiplet in the contemporary dance world. in an effort to overcome conventional racial barriers to participation in ballet, homer bryant (former principal dancer of the dance theater of harlem) created hiplet in the s. although the art form is still emerging, hiplet has been recognized as a fusion between classical pointe technique, hip-hop, and a variety of other urban dance styles (chicago multicultural dance center n.d.). as art is socially constructed, it is not surprising that public discourse on hiplet began when a performance by the hiplet ballerinas went viral on bryant’s instagram page in . while some members of the contemporary dance world have since shown love and support for hiplet, others have been critical suggesting, “a lack of ballet technique, being neither hip-hop nor ballet, undercutting legit advances for black dancers, feeling immature and opportunistic” (howard ). in addressing the critics, bryant both defends and re-asserts the work of hiplet, when he states: “that’s why we have so many haters. people are like, who does this guy think he is? i have other teachers, white teachers, telling me i’m going to break their ankles and maybe i should go take a ballet class. i love the conversation, though. it’s going to bring more africanamerican kids into us” (marks ). this particular example is helpful for theory development because it not only references a coordinated organizational attack on the social structure and sacred aesthetic beliefs of an artworld, but also the resistance one may experience from members of an artworld when attempting to do so. coordinated attack patterns upon analyzing each of these case studies, it is apparent to the theorist that the process of organizational attack (as previously defined) in artworlds may not be a static linear process, but rather more like a pattern or repeated design that includes different colors with every iteration. in other words, organizational attacks in artworlds may be similar (i.e., repeated design), but are unlikely to begin or be carried out in the same way (i.e., different colors). for example, while the realism movement began with a group of painters feeling restricted by 54 romanticism, the surrealist movement began in paris with one author’s (andré breton) publication of the manifesto of surrealism (hodge ). while the birth of the indian art market began with a recognition of aesthetic value amongst western academics and art historians, the birth of the african american art market began when both african american visual and literary artists started challenging aesthetic standards (conventions) put forth by white artists, white academics and white art historians (addison jr. ). while cirque du soleil began with the canadian government asking a group of street performers to develop a new artistic concept (eng, ), the royal court theatre, known in the ’s for championing the works of undesirable playwrights, began with artistic director george devine aiming to discover “hard hitting, uncompromising writers”, in an effort to create a company that would challenge and stimulate british theatre” (billington ; “history of royal court theatre” n.d.). arguably, the pattern evident across all these case studies reveals a call to action, influenced by a desire to move away from one or more conventions in an artworld, followed by the creation and promotion of an alternative (i.e., a value proposition). additionally, each of these case study examples involves one or more members of an artworld convincing a group of people from within an existing artworld to participate in the alternative. empirical support for this assertion can be found in becker’s artworld thesis, when he states, “revolutionary changes succeed when their originators mobilize some or all of the members of the relevant art world to cooperate in the new activities their vision of the medium requires” (, p.). in cases where this is true, the process of organizational attack in artworlds would likely include social innovation (i.e., “efforts that are begun and maintained by a core group of committed people who share the work”) (mcknight & plummer , pp.-). according to the research of mcknight & plumber (), social innovation tends to begin by way of an encounter with one or more individuals presenting a call to action that has been “strengthened by shared insights, complementary abilities, mutual support and multiple bonds” (p.). moreover, mcknight & plumber note, “participation in social innovation efforts requires consensus building, which can be time consuming and frustrating” (p.). in addition, mcknight & plumber assert, “social innovation requires significant dedication from core members of a steering committee, and many efforts fail because the individuals are unwilling or unable to invest the time and energy needed for success” (p.). support for the failure of social innovation efforts in artworlds can be found in becker’s () artworld thesis, when he states, “artistic mavericks show what happens to innovators who fail to develop an adequate organizational support system” (p.); a reference to those members of the artworld who propose revolutionary changes to artworlds without a convincing call to action (i.e., value proposition). furthermore, each of these case studies points to the role of discourse (i.e., intentional written or spoken communication or debate) as a key strategy for sustainability of the call to action. khaire () supports this assertion when she states, “a single source of commentary that proposes and supports a new idea, definition, or set of evaluation criteria or standards of 55 quality will likely not be impactful unless that discourse is disseminated widely and reinforced in the general commentary. without intersubjective agreement over the value of the new idea, most consumers, unsure of the social validity of adopting it, will not change their beliefs and preferences” (chapter , sec , para ). through discourse centered on the social structure and sacred aesthetic beliefs of an artworld, established conventions of the artworld are challenged (becker ). in the artworld this discourse often occurs through “the linked practices” of arts criticism, art curatorship, arts patronage, and arts scholarship (mccarthy, ondaatje, brooks, & szántó , p.), or through such forms as “manifestos, critical essays, aesthetic and philosophical reformulations,” and revisionist histories (becker , p.). arguably, by generating and facilitating discourse related to the call to action, opportunities are created inside the artworld for social innovation, elaboration and defense of the call to action; thus making organizational attacks in artworlds easier to initiate and sustain. in addition, related discourse generated and facilitated outside the artworld can lead the public to question prior beliefs about conventions within the artworld (khaire ), which can result in a better understanding of the call to action, and public support for revolutionary change in the artworld. given the seemingly vital role of discourse in the pattern of organizational attack, the ability to generate and facilitate discourse is perhaps one defining skill of the arts entrepreneur; considering the necessity of discourse in facilitating revolutionary change(s) to the social structure and sacred aesthetic beliefs of artworlds. summary of the theory based on the aforementioned empirical research conclusions, the theorist is prepared to offer a foundational theory that may help the field recognize a distinct and observable dimension of entrepreneurship activity. to restate, the central argument of this arts entrepreneurship theory is that through coordinated organizational attacks on the social structure and sacred aesthetic beliefs of an artworld, arts entrepreneurs change established conventions in the artworld, which results in revolutionary changes to both the artworld and the work of art in society. motivated in part by a desire to move away from one or more established conventions in an artworld, arts entrepreneurs develop a call to action which functions as a value proposition. the purpose of this value proposition is to get enough members in the artworld to participate in revolutionary changes to both the social structure and sacred aesthetic beliefs of an artworld. participation in revolutionary change is not certain because revolutionary change may be perceived as inconvenient or disruptive to routine patterns of cooperation. as a strategy, arts entrepreneurs engage in social innovation in artworlds, utilizing their social capital to mobilize and encourage specific influential members of the artworld to participate in the attack. attacks are organized and coordinated by way of the linked practices of arts criticism, art curatorship, arts patronage, and arts scholarship; or may be presented in the tangible written discourse of manifestos, critical essays, aesthetic or philosophical reformulations, or revisionist histories. in the artworld, this discourse functions as a key strategy for organizational attack because it creates opportunities for both the introduction, 56 elaboration and defense of the value proposition. outside the artworld, this discourse can lead people to question prior beliefs about conventions within the artworld, which can result in external support for the value proposition. while not all organizational attacks in artworlds are successful, success is achieved when the attack either results in revolutionary changes to conventions that are accepted by the relevant majority or, when the attack results in the birth of a whole new artworld. importantly, in both cases of success, the work of art in society will change, because the conventions used to produce art will change. conclusion in theorizing art as experience, dewey () reminds us that, “theory is a matter of understanding…the trouble with existing theories is that they start from a ready-made compartmentalization or from a conception of art that spiritualizes it out of connection with the objects of concrete experience” (, p.). guided by dewey’s thoughts on theory development, this proposed entrepreneurship theory advances both the arts entrepreneurship field and becker’s theory of artworlds by recognizing a distinct type of entrepreneurship activity that occurs in artworlds. in doing so, the theorist further clarifies the difference between entrepreneurship activity, and arts entrepreneurship activity. the former focused on entrepreneurial action more broadly (e.g., new venture creation, self-employment, firm creation, intrapreneurship, innovation, etc.), the latter focused on a dimension of entrepreneurial action specific to the artworld (i.e., organizational attack). in addition, by supporting the theory with case study observations, the theorist has created opportunities for explanatory power, or the degree to which a theory affords the most rational and sensible explanation for a phenomenon of study. in discussing theory development strategies in the broader entrepreneurship field, kenworthy & mcmullen remind us that “theories with high explanatory power can make sense of a large amount of data from many studies” (, p.). in addition to explanatory power, the theorist has created opportunities for predictive power, or an assessment of practical predictive significance (kenworthy & mcmullen ). for example, embedded in this theory is the assertion that in the artworld, a call to action functions as a value proposition. this logic is supported by current thinking in customer value propositioning, which as neck et al. state, “ …should always be focused on the value generated for the customer” (neck, neck, & murray ) (amit ). given lessons learned from the research on customer value propositioning (neck et al., 2018), this theory predicts that organizational attacks in artworlds will be more successful if the attack is perceived to benefit the artworld significantly. importantly, this assertion can be tested through the case study method, and thus adds to the predictive power of the theory. in theorizing arts entrepreneurship “as” an organizational attack in artworlds, the theorist has also aided the field in reducing arguments about the constituent and contextual definitions of arts entrepreneurship. beckman concurs when he states, “we may find it more helpful to discuss art and entrepreneurship within a broader theory (or theories) of arts entrepreneurship” (beckman , p.). continuing, beckman states “using this theory 57 methodology can account for multiple observations of the phenomenon, thus providing distinct data points and hypotheses with which to develop not only a unified theory, but to help disprove theories that cannot support predictions” (, p.). in addition, by framing arts entrepreneurs as distinct members of the artworld who both initiate 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(). toward a theory of minority entrepreneurship in the non-profit arts sector. journal of arts management law and society, (), –. https://doi.org/./.. 60 microsoft word 152-article text-580-2-11-20210413.docx vol. 10, no. 1 spring 2021 editors’ introduction neville vakharia drexel university paul bonin-rodriguez university of texas at austin welcome to artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts .. this issue marks a milestone for artivate as we enter our tenth year of publication. looking back on the past decade of artivate, we can see how the journal has evolved to serve the growing field of arts entrepreneurship from its emergence as a nascent, exploratory concept to a maturing field of study. as a field matures, so does its pedagogy. in this issue, we begin to feature articles that provide unique insights into the educational aspects of arts entrepreneurship in addition to the empirical and theoretical works that typically appear here. in “entrepreneurial pathways in art,” scott benzenberg and kaisu tuominiemi conceptualize arts entrepreneurship as a distinct educational discipline, providing both pedagogical and practical implications. in “refining understandings of entrepreneurial artists,” megan robinson and jennifer novak-leonard identify a disconnect between artists’ applications of entrepreneurial behavior in their practice and evaluations of artists as productive members of a community, finding that entrepreneurial behavior spans multiple domains. in “building a ‘heavy metal world,’” dominic athanassiou and george musgrave explore how cultural entrepreneurs built a “heavy metal world” in the polish people’s republic during the s. using a historical analysis combined with primary data, they discover a broader definition of cultural entrepreneurship. finally, aaron dworkin’s latest book, the entrepreneurial artist: lessons from highly successful creatives, is reviewed by jessica voigt. the book comprises thirteen case studies of successful artists from shakespeare to linmanuel miranda. as we enter our tenth year, it is important to acknowledge all of those who helped us on our journey. artivate was the vision of linda essig, who along with gary beckman served as founding coeditor. our partnership with the university of arkansas press has elevated the journal to new heights of reach and impact under the leadership of mike bieker and david scott cunningham, and our current editorial board has help guide and review our work. we also thank our past editorial assistant, jessie hixson, and our current editorial assistant, molly rector, for their attention to detail and style. of course, artivate would not exist without all of the talented authors and peer reviewers who ensure that our work is of high quality and relevance to our field. as interest in artivate continues to grow, we are now accepting submissions on a rolling basis for inclusion in subsequent issues. we also continue to seek peer reviewers who can provide the expertise, insights, and knowledge that will strengthen our work and benefit our field. here’s to the next ten years! issue cover image: pixabay microsoft word borrup final 092617.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 6 , issue 2 http://artivate.org/ pp. 46-57 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2017, tom borrup just planning: what has kept the arts and urban planning apart? tom borrup university of minnesota abstract the creative and cultural sector, including artists, creative entrepreneurs, cultural practitioners, and most nonprofit arts and cultural organizations, remain on the fringes of the larger enterprise of urban planning and city building. only recently have limited forays demonstrated potentials that theorists and cultural planners called for 40 years ago. this article examines early ideas to bridge arts and culture with urban planning and explores why these two complementary practices have kept their distance. it surveys the history, theory, and practice of cultural planning and its relationship to urban planning. meanwhile, increasing complexity and diversity of populations of cities creates greater urgency to bring the disciplines closer. this article argues that a deeper appreciation of culture in cultural planning, and blending of the best of both practices, can bring about a hybrid of just planning – a culturally informed approach to urban planning that promises greater civic engagement and a move towards social and economic equity. the emergence and evolution of cultural planning practice over the past four decades in the u.s., and many parts of the world, has been steady but neither ascendant nor as impactful as scholars such as bianchini (1999), mercer (2006), mills (2003), and stevenson (2005) anticipated. meanwhile, urban planning, as practiced widely by towns and cities of all sizes, fails to acknowledge dimensions of human culture that impact patterns of behavior, livelihood, settlement, social practices, recreation, and other activities. keywords: cultural planning; urban planning; cultural policy; creative placemaking the creative and cultural sector, including artists, creative entrepreneurs, cultural practitioners, and most nonprofit arts and cultural organizations, remain on the fringes of the larger enterprise of urban planning and city building. only recently have limited forays demonstrated potentials that theorists and cultural planners called for 40 years ago. this article examines early ideas to bridge arts and culture with urban planning and explores why these two complementary practices have kept their distance. it surveys the history, theory, and practice of cultural planning and its relationship to urban planning. while a full integration of cultural planning with urban planning may not be around the corner, the increasing complexity and diversity of populations of cities creates greater urgency to bring the disciplines closer. this article argues that a deeper appreciation of culture in cultural planning, and blending of the best of both practices can bring about a hybrid of just planning – a culturally informed approach to urban planning that promises greater civic engagement and a move towards social and economic equity. this hybrid practice may be one of the most underutilized tools available to more effectively address challenges facing communities big and small across the globe, whether these challenges be climate change, inadequate housing, economic disparities, or violence against immigrants. the emergence and evolution of cultural planning practice over the past four decades in the u.s., and many parts of the world, has been steady but neither ascendant nor as impactful as early advocates such as bianchini (1999), mercer (2006), mills (2003), and stevenson (2005) anticipated. meanwhile, urban planning as practiced widely by towns and cities of all sizes fails to acknowledge dimensions of human culture that impact patterns of behavior, livelihood, settlement, social practices, recreation, and other activities. the assertion in this article is that if planners and policy-makers are unable or unwilling to account for the cultural make-up and dynamics of their communities, they cannot effectively resolve challenges across any of the domains of urban planning. likewise, if the arts sector continues to see cultural planning as borrup just planning _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 47 a “circle-the-wagons” strategy to leverage additional resources for their ongoing operations, they restrict the practice and narrow the ends; cultural divisions will continue to grow. the same will happen if urban planners continue to fixate on spatial and physical uses without giving deeper consideration to users. a 1979 treatise on how the city of los angeles should address the arts, authored by urban planner harvey perloff, may not constitute the origins of cultural planning, but it has been cited by various scholars as the “big bang.” during that same year, a group of notable american policy makers, city planners, scholars, arts administrators, and others, convened in san antonio to explore “a utopian marriage of culture – of design, art, and performance – and astute city planning” (covatta in aca, 1980, p. i). proceedings published as the arts and city planning (1980) by the american council for the arts (forerunner of americans for the arts), set a stage and a bar still elusive to both urban and cultural planners. while there is evidence of sporadic dating, the marriage called for in 1979 has yet to be consummated. a simultaneous gravitational pull and repellent force are largely responsible for keeping the two practices apart, with cultural planning playing a relatively marginal role. the disconnects between them stifle progress of both fields. the gravitational pull comes from a narrow default definition of culture promoted by formal arts institutions and agencies to keep cultural planning within their orbit. the established urban planning field, on the other hand, supplies the repellent–fixating on a scientific and physical orientation to communities. bernie jones (1993), a planning and community development professor who conducted the first formal research on cultural planning in the u.s., observed that cultural planning emerged at the intersections of urban planning and the arts. cultural planning, however, remains on one corner, usually with cup in hand asking for spare change. interest in arts and culture as a revitalizing agent for cities around the globe exploded in the 1980s (especially in europe), and took a place central to building new cities and urban districts (especially in asia and the middle east). similar interest grew exponentially in the u.s. with a focus on the creative class (florida, 2002) and the branding of creative placemaking (markusen & gadwa, 2010). much attention has since been paid to arts-led regeneration, cultural districts, creative cities, and the creative economy, among other topics. british scholar jamie peck (2005) criticizes the abandonment of comprehensive cultural planning in favor of what he calls urban fragments and the selective development of neighborhood-nodes of upscale housing, coffee shops, and cultural and entertainment amenities designed to attract creative class residents, while leaving out those less privileged. cultural planning: the promise cultural planning emerged in many parts of the world as part of efforts to engage local communities in cultural policy development. unlike many other aspects of cultural policy, cultural planning is primarily, if not entirely, place-based (montgomery, 1990). “unlike traditional arts policy, cultural planning is supposedly not simply concerned with aesthetic notions of culture (e.g. performing and visual arts),” writes canadian scholar jason kovacs (2011, p. 321). “rather, cultural planning is intended as a joined-up; crossdepartmental approach to community development” (p. 321). according to australian geographer deborah mills (2003), cultural planning should not be: an argument for justifying why arts and culture should receive public support. nor is it an argument for the arts as a tool for achieving government economic, environmental and social objectives. rather, it is a way of making visible what has until now remained invisible to planners, the cultural concepts which underpin, often implicitly, many public planning policies. if we can acknowledge these concepts and recognize them as living, breathing parts of individual and community life, then we can give new meaning and force to efforts to achieve sustainable economic, social and environmental development. (p. 9) borrup just planning _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 48 cultural planning promises a novel approach to urban policy and planning, or, as kovacs describes it, “an ethical corrective to physical planning” (2011, p. 322). put a different way, ghilardi (2001) writes, “cultural planning is not the ‘planning of culture’, but a cultural (anthropological) approach to urban planning and policy” (p. 125). in similar arguments related to another dimension of cultural planning, u.k. planning scholar franco bianchini (1999) writes, “cities will not become more ecologically sustainable if we do not address how people mix and connect, their motivations, and whether they ‘own’ where they live and change their lifestyles appropriately” (p. 195). ghilardi (2008) describes cultural planning as “a way of enabling policymakers to think strategically about the application of the culturally distinctive resources of localities to economic and urban development, together with the delivery of policies capable of responding to local needs, aspirations and perceptions of place” (p. 4). as early as 1993, jones called for greater involvement of urban planners in cultural planning. urban planners, he writes: bring to the table more thorough models of planning and tougher-minded methods. they can help build into plans more of the features that enhance the chances for plans being implemented. finally, planners could greatly facilitate the integration of cultural plans with comprehensive plans, thus blending the arts more fully into the community. (p. 97) while social policy in general, including most cultural policy, is typically a one-size-fits-all solution, u.k. planner and writer john montgomery (1990) argues that each place requires unique approaches and solutions. “because towns and cities are unique, they will have different problems, different potentials, and different opportunities. it is important to build from what exists rather than pluck ‘off-the-shelf’ models from other towns and cities” (p. 23). cultural and urban plans typically serve a single municipality, yet some communities have banded together to create regional plans. the promotion of regional thinking is perhaps one of the less-recognized benefits of cultural planning. scholar eleonora redaelli (2013) asserts, “cultural planning is much more than a policy framework for the arts because it links cultural resources to the localities’ wide range of social and economic needs” (p. 31). cultural planners find that cultural concerns, whether in the context of audiences for the arts or in the anthropological context, do not conform to municipal boundaries. cultural planning both requires and facilitates active engagement of leadership and stakeholders crossing jurisdictions, as well as what is essentially a regional market analysis of cultural assets, conditions, and needs. australian cultural planner and author colin mercer (2006), one of the early practitioners and pioneering thinkers, describes cultural planning as “the strategic and integral use of cultural resources in urban and community development” (p. 6). cultural planning has to be part of a larger strategy, he argues. “it has to make connections with physical and town planning, with economic and industrial development objectives, with social justice initiatives, with recreational planning, with housing and public works” (p. 6). to make an impact, cultural planning cannot come after the fact of other municipal planning, he argues. that both marginalizes culture (as in the ways of life of people), and disadvantages urban planning by leaving it detached from culture (as in the ways of life of people). a way-of-life approach to planning, as described by montgomery (1990), includes, “having a vision for the future (as well as respect for the past), setting goals, and building up a bank of initiatives to get us from where we are to where we want to be” (p.23). adopting such an approach forces urban planners to look at cities in a new way, he argues–“from the standpoint of users rather than uses, and with an awareness of quality. the result is to root planning in a cultural sense of place” (p. 23). borrup just planning _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 49 can urban planners shift to such a focus? rather than beginning with land use, to start with waysof-life of residents, workers, and visitors, and developing a cultural sense of place – to think first about users and then uses? has cultural planning provided what kovacs (2011) called a “joined-up; cross-departmental approach” (p. 321)? or will it continue to confine itself to a stand-alone practice serving communities in a limited way? cultural planning: the beginnings promoting a greater understanding of how the cultural, social, natural, and built environments affect the quality and prosperity of communities. – robert mcnulty, partners for livable places (1983, p. 18) both craig dreeszen (1998), a cultural planner and scholar in the u.s., and lia ghilardi (2001), a planner and scholar working in europe, trace roots of cultural planning to the 19th century city beautiful movement, the wpa of the 1930s, and the community arts movement of the 1940s. dreeszen points out the practice also shares antecedents and tools with urban planning, a practice and profession formalized around the turn of the 20th century (rohe, 2009). ghildardi (2001) also cites roots of cultural planning in the “tradition of radical planning and humanistic management of cities championed in the early 1960s, chiefly, by jane jacobs and the idea of the city as a living system” (p. 125). ghildardi points out that jacobs acknowledges scottish biologist and philosopher patrick geddes for advancing this line of thinking. geddes is often credited as originator of the practice now known as urban planning in the late 19th century. jacobs and her book, death and life of great american cities (1961), are probably the most-cited inspiration by contemporary urban planners. australian cultural planner and author colin mercer (2006), and canadian planner greg baeker (2010) similarly claim the essence of cultural planning appears in the work of geddes as well as that of mid-20th-century historian and sociologist lewis mumford–whose impact on urban planning is profound. canadian administrator, educator, and consultant donna cardinal found evidence of cultural planning in city planning documents from as early as the 1950s. she argued that cities including vancouver, calgary, edmonton, toronto, and kitchener explicitly addressed culture through citizen participation, diversity and pluralism, and used a broad definition of culture and the term “community cultural development as the integrating framework for linking arts, heritage and cultural industry to broader civic concerns” (cited in baeker, 2010, p. 30). these were not stand-alone cultural plans–the form that became dominant in the 1980s. those canadian city planners practiced what covatta (aca, 1980) called astute city planning. they saw culture as both a phenomenon and a vehicle. as dean of the school of planning at the university of california los angeles, perloff launched the formal practice of cultural planning (dreeszen, 1998; kunzmann, 2004). the 1979 perloff study arts in the economic life of the city established the framework of cultural planning as a way for communities to identify and apply their cultural resources to community improvement. perloff offered a blueprint for arts and culture in los angeles – a plan that was largely activated within a decade. his plan made suggestions in four broad areas for establishing a cultural element in the city and county general plan to enhance the arts in city development. to: (a) provide more information about arts activities; (b) make broader and more flexible use of public and private facilities for arts; (c) probe for ways the arts can be tied into public services so as to enlarge the scope of arts-related employment; and (d) make plans for the fuller use of the arts in urban development and redevelopment. this framework remains the dominant model and has since been replicated with some variation hundreds if not thousands of times in cities large and small – although less often integral to city comprehensive or general plans. while perloff prescribed a relatively broad role for the arts, his plan did not invoke a broad definition of culture as did some planners, particularly in australia and borrup just planning _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 50 canada (baeker, 2010; dowling, 1997; mercer, 2006). jones (1993), landry (2008), and ghilardi (2001) credit american robert mcnulty for advocating new thinking about cultural policy and planning beginning in the 1970s both in the u.s and internationally. founder of partners for livable places (now partners for livable communities), a washington, d.c. advocacy, research, and publishing group, mcnulty moved away from the traditional value proposition of most arts programs. according to ghilardi (2001), mcnulty, “placed the arts and culture in the broader context of community development, building on their economic role, and expanding that role to include other social and community concerns” (p. 127). building on the concept of livability, mcnulty championed amenities as critical and transformational urban assets beginning in the mid-1970s. this set the stage for both holistic thinking about urban regeneration and for the practice of cultural asset mapping (borrup, 2006; baeker, 2010). while the perloff plan may have represented the first formal or stand-alone cultural plan, mcnulty describes in a 1983 report that many cities involved in his organization since 1975 “identified some aspect of cultural planning as a focus for their local projects” (partners for livable places, 1983, p. 55). in the same report, mcnulty recounts a 1976 conference when he was employed at the national endowment for the arts (nea) and a subsequent conversation with perloff about the idea of examining cultural amenities in los angeles. a 1978 nea grant to a group led by perloff resulted in the 1979 los angeles plan. as a parallel or precursor to the formal practice of cultural planning, mcnulty promoted amenity development strategies. this includes taking stock of local assets including public spaces, design quality, cultural resources, natural and scenic resources, tourism and community image, distinctive neighborhoods, and marketing plans. he advocated leveraging these amenities in economic development strategies. in the u.k. pioneering cultural planner charles landry formed the consulting practice comedia in 1978 to bridge thinking about city life, culture, and creativity. according to baeker (2010), “many consider the cultural plan for glasgow in 1990 developed by comedia, to be the first integrated cultural plan in which cultural resources were used as a catalyst for urban regeneration” (p. 25). landry, a leading author and international consultant, helped put arts and culture to work in urban transformation projects across europe and australia beginning in the 1970s. his work and writing made major impacts on cultural planning and how cultural solutions and creative thinking can be applied across many areas of municipal policy and city development. much of the early and most comprehensive cultural planning was carried out in australian cities beginning in the 1980s. in a retrospective on the practice, australian cultural geographer robyn dowling (1997) observes, “the theory of cultural planning begins with a fluid and broad definition of culture” (p. 23). such an approach was advocated by mercer (2006), among others. in practice, however, most cultural planning focused narrowly, using a material and western european definition of culture. a movement towards community arts and community cultural development, away from elitist notions of the arts, was strong in australia from the 1970s, explaining the push towards a broader definition of culture. according to australian cultural geographer deborah stevenson (2005), all major cities in that country had cultural plans by the early 1990s. in new south wales all local governments were required to have them by 2004. mcnulty and landry were articulating approaches that some community activists and artists were already acting upon, yet there were few formal organizations in the u.s. adopting and advancing these practices. one notable exception is the arts council of winston-salem, north carolina established in 1958. director milton rhodes described long-range planning he undertook in 1971 when the organization decided, “we were not in the business of serving only the arts institutions in our community. we were in the business of serving the whole community on behalf of the arts” (rhodes in aca, 1980). decades later, this philosophy has begun to spread but is not the norm. borrup just planning _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 51 why urban planning and cultural planning have not been closer when they share so much common heritage and common goals seems a mystery. “in europe,” writes ghilardi, “where aesthetic definitions of culture tend to prevail and policies for the arts are rarely coordinated with other policies, cultural planning has had, so far, little application” (2001, p. 126). the tradition in european cultures of separating or elevating the arts from other aspects of life may be one culprit. cultural planning: the practice cultural planning is about harnessing the assets of a community; celebrating the unique resources, such as heritage properties, natural assets, and community spirit; revitalizing downtown cores that too often have deteriorated; honouring and respecting the unique contributions of our artists and artisans; creating diverse and safe neighborhoods; raising the bar for urban design; protecting our green spaces and becoming better stewards of our environment; and the many other elements that make up a community moving forward confidently in the 21st century. –greg baeker (2010, p. vi) for his cultural planning research, jones (1993) surveyed 52 u.s. communities that had completed cultural plans and analyzed 32 plan documents. similar to and building on the perloff plan, he found typical goals were: (a) enhancing community image and promoting economic development; (b) promoting cooperation among cultural organizations; (c) calling for development of cultural facilities; (d) identifying financial resource needs and improving organizational management; (e) enhancing arts marketing and promotion; (f) increasing quantity, quality, and diversity of arts programs; (g) advocating arts education; (h) supporting individual artists. these remain common elements in cultural plans with a focus on the formal, nonprofit cultural sector, its needs and aspirations. dreeszen (1994) conducted similar research at roughly the same time evaluating cultural plans from across the u.s. he prefaces cultural planning with the word community to name the practice community cultural planning. he found it “a structured, community-wide, public/private process that identifies community arts and cultural resources, needs, and opportunities, and plans actions and secures resources to address priority needs” (p.vi). a primary outcome for communities engaging in this process, dreeszen (1994) concluded, was increased funding for the arts, which stood in contrast with national trends at the time. seeing pots of gold at the end of the planning rainbows, the practice was further promoted in the u.s. by the nea as well as state and local arts agencies. a variety of monographs and practical handbooks were published in different countries by entities promoting the arts or providing tools to municipal governments since the 1980s to elucidate the practice and support cultural planning. in addition to variations of how plans define and embrace culture, cultural planning has been practiced across a spectrum of approaches. and while most plans are undertaken to inform municipal policy and resource allocation, some are undertaken by private nonprofit, or public/private consortia, especially in the u.s., not simply to inform policy but to organize and mobilize collaboration among community players. cultural planning in most cases, including australia, has been commissioned or overseen by arts or cultural agencies. this constitutes one of the challenges, according to kovacs (2011). “the placement of cultural planning in an arts-centered department,” he writes, “only reinforces the narrow understandings of what culture and cultural planning are all about” (p. 332). the struggle to land on a clear definition of culture remains one of the obstacles to clarifying the real purpose of cultural planning. when cultural planning in australia entered the mainstream of municipal governance, it brought an “emphasis on strategic intergovernmental, interagency, and interdepartmental connections with the borrup just planning _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 52 publication of the 1993 report integrated local area planning” (baeker, 2010, p. 27). described as a joined-up approach, it connected five policy domains: the economy, environment, social policy, infrastructure, and culture. as the practice has evolved, common purposes of cultural plans fall on a spectrum from: (a) focusing on sustained or increased funding for formal arts activities and organizations; (b) enhancing arts and cultural organizational capacities to advance their individual and collective missions; (c) expanding the range of people and cultural practices included in the identify of a community and/or resource and space allocations; (d) ascertaining and building on distinct cultural assets and community identity typically for tourism marketing or product branding; (e) employing collective cultural assets to address economic and/or neighborhood development or other social or educational challenges; (f) identifying complex communitywide challenges and strategies bringing cultural resources to bear to advance a community vision and/or address challenges; and (g) analyzing the unique cultural characteristics of both people and place – and the diversity within those characteristics – so as to inform an array of municipal policy choices from transit and housing to recreation and health. the disconnect – the gravitational pull many reasons have been postulated for the disconnect between urban planning and cultural planning (kunzmann, 2004; mercer, 2006; stevenson, 2005; landry, 2008). these scholars argue the promise of cultural planning has been sidetracked by the vested interests of arts institutions and their systems of support, while others argue cultural planning has been marginalized by an urban planning profession unable to see beyond quantitative thinking and the seeming imperative of land use allocations. according to mills (2003), “culture has remained marginalized because it has been viewed as something to add to the list of topics that an integrated planning process must address, rather than something which could inform the whole planning process itself” (p. 7). language, common metaphors, and dominant paradigms, she adds, “can hold us back from fully realizing the potential of culture as part of integrated local area planning” (p. 9). in the practice of cultural planning, there is a distinct gravitational pull towards maintenance of the cultural status quo and, at least in the u.s., to advance western european art forms and organizations. other (non-western) cultural practices are sometimes included especially when they conform to institutional delivery-system models built around industrial era organizational structures predicated on production, distribution, and mass consumption (borrup, 2011). organized arts communities have developed a sense of ownership of cultural planning that stevenson (2005) concludes has “privileged art over culture” (p. 40). describing such cultural plans, kunzmann (2004) writes, “tiresome culture-related shopping lists are not helpful” (p. 399). describing a cultural plan development in an australian community in 1999, mills (2003) writes, “the cultural policy is informed by and in turn informs the sustainability plan, participation policy, youth strategy, the urban design strategy, the town planning scheme review, the artworks in public spaces strategy, the green plan and the recreation plan” (p. 8). the choice by a city recreation department to build and maintain tennis courts, basketball courts, or soccer fields is a cultural choice, or should be. “frustratingly, for mercer and other proponents of the anthropological definition of culture”, observes kovacs (2011), “this tendency is often manifested when representatives from the arts community ‘spontaneously’ revert from the latter definition to the former” (p. 326). in the experience of this author, it is not only the default position of the arts community but typically of city officials, planning staff, and the local business community, among others. this surprisingly includes many who value and carry non-western cultural identities and traditions, thus leaving a cultural plan with little relevance outside a dominant eurocentric local arts community. borrup just planning _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 53 cultural planning, argues mercer (2006), “cannot be generated from the self-satisfied and enclosed position which holds that art is good for people and the community” (p. 6). writes kovacs (2011), “this discriminating and extremely powerful concept blinds us to the existence of other cultural systems” (p. 323). in other words, it denies the opportunity to apply a culturally tuned lens to other elements of urban planning and policy, and to benefit from ways of thinking outside the so-called norm. to counter the ‘it’s-good-for-you’ value proposition of the arts, an active research effort since the late 1990s unleashed multiple arguments for benefits of the arts with economic impacts commanding center stage. impact areas include youth development, health and wellness, public safety, environment, civic engagement, and others. these arguments have often been applied so as to maintain a value proposition favoring institutional arts to the exclusion of understanding the broader implications of culture. the sway over cultural planning and its outcomes held by local, mostly eurocentric arts communities serves to secure resources and elevate their capacities to produce and deliver arts experiences. this seems a worthy undertaking to many and it need not be an either/or choice. however, it discounts a wider range of cultural needs and potentials and denies other social systems and infrastructure the benefits of a deeper understanding of their inherent cultural biases and new pathways to solving complex problems. beyond its value in economic development, cultural planning has failed to raise the status of cultural concerns within municipal government (kovacs, 2001), and it fails to promote a fuller “integration of culture into local planning praxis” (p. 322). the ineffectiveness and marginalization of cultural planning, argues mills (2003), “will continue so long as there remains an arts-led push to cultural planning.” expanding the definition of culture to include human behavior, interaction, and ways of life, as advocated by ghilardi (2001, 2008), bianchini (1999), mercer (2006), and montgomery (1990), is core to creating more highly functioning communities. another factor in the disconnect between cultural and urban planners may be in the limits of experience of many cultural planners, suggests bianchini (1999). “a narrow training in arts administration is inadequate for cultural planners, who also need to know about political economy and urban sociology, about how cities work (as societies, economies, polities, and eco-systems, as well as cultural millieux) and of course about physical planning itself, otherwise they cannot influence it” (p. 200). evans (2001) sees that: land-use and culture are fundamental natural and human phenomena, but the combined notion and practice of culture and planning conjure up a tension between not only tradition, resistance and change; heritage and contemporary expression, but also the ideals of cultural rights, equity and amenity. (p. 1) the disconnect – the repellent force minds which for decades have ceased to ask why they do what they do have doomed themselves to mere systems maintenance…the result has been a generation of technicians rather than visionaries, each one taking a career rather than an idea seriously. –higgins (1994, p. 3) on the other side of the equation, the formal field and practice of urban planning has been unsure how to welcome or accommodate cultural planning or even to see its relevance outside occasional creative district or arts facility planning. city planning lacked the astute quality called for by covata (1980). bianchini (1999) puts the urban planning profession into context of the historical development of cities. “every period… seems to need its own forms of creativity. urban planners this century [20th] have been especially influenced by the creativity of engineers and scientists… responding to problems of overcrowding, mobility, and public health generated by the industrial revolution” (p. 195). moving into the borrup just planning _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 54 21st century, he continues, there is a growing awareness that “physical and scientific approaches can only be part of the solution” (p. 195). kunzmann (2004) offers a critique of urban planning. “creativity has become a topical theme, though still only with a very small audience” (p. 391). he calls for bridging the arts and urban planning in profound ways and makes a blunt assessment of urban planning education, suggesting, “their creative skills development is neglected, sacrificed on the altar of science” (p. 400). “many people, both in planning and in the arts, still have a hard time reconciling the left-brain activity of planning with the right-brain one of artistic expression,” writes jones (1993, p. 89). kunzmann further argues that planning has to incorporate culture and has to be more creative. his examination of the curricula of planning schools reveals little connection between culture, creativity, and spatial planning. “few sociologists have brought their concepts of culture into planning education, even when they were very cultivated and culture-minded individuals themselves” (p. 400). “in short what urban planners also need today,” writes bianchini (1999), “is the creativity of artists, more specifically of artists working in social contexts” (p. 195-196). he recommends the integration of six attributes into the education of planners, that it be: (a) holistic, flexible, lateral, networked; (b) innovative, original and experimental; (c) critical, enquiring, problematizing, challenging the status quo and questioning; (d) people-centered and humanistic; (e) cultured and critically aware of history, of the culture of the past; and (f) open-ended or non-instrumental. part of what city planners are rarely trained to appreciate are symbolic elements of place, and even the symbolism in their own actions as they work in communities. bianchini (1999) advocates urban planners, “have to learn something from the process of thinking used by people working in the field of cultural production – i.e. the production of meanings, images, narratives, and ideas” (p. 199). the meaning of place often fits more into the silo of landscape architecture but less often urban planning. mercer (2006) asserts, “planning is not a physical science but a human science” (p 5). as such, he writes, planners need to be, “anthropologists, economists, and geographers, not just draftsmen…they need to know how people live, work, play, and relate to their environment” (p. 5). some critics of urban planning lament the narrow physical science and land-use focus that guides the profession (landry, 2008; sandercock, 2003, kunzmann, 2004). mercer (2006) argues urban planning has provided a “professional specialization in developing a two-dimensional relationship to the urban environment without a feel for what is actually going on in those coloured rectangles and between those model buildings” (p. 5). even for leaders in the cultural sector, argues dowling (1997), the “physical manifestations of culture remain the focus, rather than webs of meaning” (p. 29). to the credit of planning practice in australia, mercer (in baeker, 2010) observes what he calls the cultural turn in urban planning. “this manifests through positioning and marketing of towns and cities, in itself, a response to the profound implications for how cities work and survive in the context of two major forces: globalisation and the new economy” (p. 15). the new economy is known in some circles as the knowledge or information economy and in others as the creative economy where technology, creativity, human capital, and capacity for innovation are the primary drivers. such ideas, popularized by richard florida (2002), and the global competition to attract talent have raised the level of awareness of cultural diversity and the development of vibrant places for some urban planners. significant differences in approaches to planning are evident where cultural planners focus on the human, social, organizational, and symbolic dimensions of cities. urban planners begin their work by mapping the physical or natural and built elements. mercer (2006) describes how in the process of planning, “we must excavate the layers of our city downwards into its earliest past…and thence we must read them upwards.” to do so he advocates cultural mapping, “tracing people’s memories and visions and values – before we start the planning” (p. 5). borrup just planning _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 55 can we conduct just planning? the concept of just planning constitutes a creative hybrid where cultural sensibilities and cultural analysis informs all elements of urban planning. what bianchini, ghilardi, kunzmann, mercer, and others call for is a fundamental shift in how both urban planners and cultural planners approach their work. language, common metaphors, and dominant paradigms have kept cultural planning and urban planning professions and practices apart (mills, 2003). culture has been conflated with elitist notions of art, while critical understanding of human cultures (ways of life) and diversity have been off the table for those designing and building both places and systems. the debate that is needed is whether cultural planning is really planning by and for arts communities, or whether it is a process to address ways of living in communities and the cultural dimensions of policy options across a spectrum of municipal concerns – or some hybrid. ghilardi argues: cultural planning – with its integrated approach to local development and by linking culture and other aspects of economic and social life – can be instrumental in creating opportunities for a variety of social and cultural constituencies….cultural planning can help urban governments to identity the distinctive cultural resources of a city or locality and to apply them in a strategic way to achieve key objectives in areas such as community development, place marketing or economic development. (p. 5) a core question for cultural planning remains in the definition of culture that has privileged some cultural practices and/or institutions over others and masked the real importance of culture in communities. issues related to cultural equity across all dimensions of concern to urban planners and policymakers cannot be fully addressed unless notions of culture and what it means are laid bare. ghilardi (2001) argues, “difference needs to be considered as the constant intersection of many features where none of them can claim importance over another” (p. 124.) lack of understanding of the various cultures and ways of life within a city result in policy choices and physical development patterns that privilege some while denying others equitable access to resources and to conduct ways of life that respect and accommodate their cultures. references american council for the arts. (1980). the arts and city planning. new york: aca publications. baeker, g. (2010). rediscovering the wealth of places: a municipal cultural planning handbook for canadian communities. st. thomas, ontario: municipal world, inc. bianchini, f. (1999). cultural planning and time planning: the relationship between culture and urban planning. chapter in social town planning, clara greed, ed., london: routledge, p. 195-202. borrup, t. (2006). the creative community builder’s handbook: how to transform communities using local assets, arts, and culture. st. paul, mn: fieldstone alliance. borrup, t. (2011). the emergence of a new cultural infrastructure: lessons from silicon valley. journal of urban culture research, 2, p. 16-29. dowling, r. (1997). planning for culture in urban australia. australian geographical studies, 35(1), p. 23-31. dreeszen, c. a., "reimagining community: community arts and cultural planning in borrup just planning _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 56 america" (1994). doctoral dissertations available from proquest. aai9510463. dreeszen, c. (1998). community cultural planning: a guidebook for community leaders. washington, d.c.: americans for the arts. evans, g. (2001). cultural planning: an urban renaissance? london: routledge. florida, r. (2002). the rise of the creative class. new york: basic books. ghilardi, l. (2001). cultural planning and cultural diversity: research position paper 4. differing diversities: cultural planning and cultural diversity, tony bennett, ed., p. 123 134. strasbourg: council of europe publishing ghilardi, l. (2008). cultural planning and the creative city. paper for the ciipku new year forum, peking university, january 5-7, 2008. jacobs, j. (1961). the death and life of great american cities. new york: random house. jones, b. (1993). current directions in cultural planning. landscape and urban planning, 26, p. 89-97. kovacs, j. f. (2011). cultural planning in ontario, canada: arts policy or more? international journal of cultural policy, 17(3), p. 321-340. kunzmann, k. r. (2004). culture, creativity and spatial planning. town planning review, 75(4), p. 383-404. landry, c. (2008). the creative city: a toolkit for urban innovators. oxon, u.k.: earthscan. markusen, a., gadwa, a. (2010). creative placemaking. a white paper for the mayors’ institute on city design, a leadership initiative of the national endowment for the arts in partnership with the united states conference of mayors and american architectural foundation. washington, d.c.: national endowment for the arts. mcnulty, r. h., jacobson, d. r., and penne, r. l. (1985). the economics of amenity: community futures and quality of life. washington, d.c.: partners for livable places. mercer, c. (2006). cultural planning for urban development and creative cities. self published manuscript. mills, d. (2003). cultural planning – policy task, not tool. artwork magazine, 55, may, 2003. montgomery, j. (1990). cities and the art of cultural planning. planning practice & research, 5(3), p. 17-24. partners for livable places. (1983). toward livable communities: a report on partners for livable places, 1975-1982. washington, d.c.: partners for livable places. peck, j. (2005). struggling with the creative class. international journal of urban and regional research , 29(4) p. 740–770. perloff, h. s. (1979). using the arts to improve life in the city. report published by the university of california, los angeles. reaelli, e. (2013). assessing a place in cultural planning: a framework for american local governments. cultural trends, 22(1), p. 30-44. rohe, w. m. (2009). from local to global: one hundred years of neighborhood planning. journal of the american planning association, 75(2), p. 209-230. smith, m. k. (2007). towards a cultural planning approach to regeneration. tourism, culture borrup just planning _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 57 and regeneration, p. 1-9. cambridge, ma: cab international. stevenson, d. (2004). “civic gold” rush: cultural planning and the politics of the third way. international journal of cultural policy, 10 (1), p. 119-131. stevenson, d. (2005). cultural planning in australia: texts and contexts. journal of arts management, law, and society, 35(1), p. 36-48. microsoft word 16 summer 112 layout final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the art volume 5, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 23-42 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2016, the authors “creative?”… “entrepreneur?” – understanding the creative industries entrepreneur tena patten letterkenny institute of technology abstract this article explores the lived experience of being an entrepreneur in the creative industries. entrepreneurial and creative organizations are frequently cited as necessary ingredients for thriving economies. while the individual/society nexus has been well documented by entrepreneurship scholars, the experiences of individuals within the creative industries remains under-theorized. this study seeks to contribute to an understanding of the life of the creative industries entrepreneur and is underpinned by a social constructionist philosophy. three creative industry entrepreneurs were interviewed twice, and the data were analyzed using the principles of interpretative phenomenological analysis. detailed idiographic accounts were created of each entrepreneur before cross-case analysis occurred. while the sample size for the study is small, the results indicate that creative industry entrepreneurs do not align themselves with traditional entrepreneurship discourses. the need to express their creativity through products, experiences, and services is balanced against the need to generate income and varying strategies are employed to do so. research findings have implications for the education and support of creative industry entrepreneurs, and for policymakers. introduction discourses surrounding creativity separate the creative person from the mainstream and present her as an interesting and slightly mysterious object of study (caves, 2000; dixon, 2010). entrepreneurship debates meanwhile emphasize the benefits to society of a lively and productive entrepreneurial eco-system that contributes to economic growth (henry and de bruin, 2011). countries seek to capitalize on entrepreneurial activity to drive employment and to promote innovation at the national level (flew and cunningham, 2010). this article aims to examine the experiences of the creative individual in the context of the broader “entrepreneurial society” (audretsch, 2007) and to uncover the particular challenges that creative individuals face in the marketization of their creativity. in particular, this research recognizes that the constructs of the “creative industries” and of “entrepreneurship” are themselves ardently debated, and definitional and theoretical consensus on both has not been reached. the “creative industries” is chosen deliberately, as a rich site of “creative intensity” (bakshi, freeman and higgs, 2012). entrepreneurship in the creative field is a phenomenon experienced by individuals, making sense of life experiences in different ways. like other social life, entrepreneurship is a “collaborative social achievement” (downing, 2005, p. 196). meaning is constructed at an individual level based on ongoing experience within the social scheme, and is constantly changing to incorporate new experiences: although operating in an ostensibly similar environment, each creative industry entrepreneur experiences their own social reality. there is no single reality; multiple realities exist. social constructionism regards social reality as “…not separate from us, but…social realities and ourselves are intimately interwoven as each shapes and is shaped by the other in everyday interactions” (cunliffe, 2008, p. 124). entrepreneurs construct meaning from experience; the current study attempts to understand and interpret this meaning. the ontological position of social constructionism acknowledges that understandings of reality are context-based; the world originates in the thoughts and actions of individuals and is patten “creative?”…”entrepreneur?” _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 24 “maintained as real by these” (berger and luckmann, 1966, p. 33). the situation is made more complex by “the temporal structure of everyday life” which “imposes itself” on every individual biography (p. 42). as the creative industry entrepreneur absorbs ever more experience, their own social reality and the meaning they take from their lived experience is modified: the phenomenon is not static. the article is structured as follows: first, i combine the notion of the “creative individual” and the “entrepreneur”, drawing on the works of csiksentmihalyi (1996, 1997, 2012) and sarasvathy (2008). consideration is given to definitional issues about creativity, creative processes, and the creative industries. the entrepreneurship theory base is consulted, in particular relating to entrepreneurial opportunity. following, i offer three accounts of creative entrepreneurship, embedding analysis throughout. i conclude with a discussion of how these accounts add to an understanding of the “creative industries entrepreneur” as a center-stage actor within the entrepreneurial landscape. creative entrepreneurs the creative entrepreneur is positioned theoretically at the nexus of creativity and entrepreneurship. entrepreneurship and creativity are closely linked (schumpeter, 1934; kirzner, 1978) and entrepreneurship can be considered to be creative in itself, as “entrepreneurial decisions are creative decisions” (vaghely and julien, 2010, p. 75). commonalities in experiences, behaviors, and approaches between creative individuals and entrepreneurs can be identified: both are transformative and are characterized by innovation and both benefit from practice and reflection (townley and beech, 2010); entrepreneurs can be regarded as the “connective tissue” between creativity and business (penaluna and penaluna, 2011, p. 58). the “supposed antithesis” of creativity and management (townley and beech, 2010) can be challenged as each displays evidence of process, of discipline, and of problem-solving. each benefits from practice and each uses specific systems to advance. consequently, while i reject the separation thesis of creativity and entrepreneurship, i accept that it provides a useful framework within which to examine current theoretical debates. creativity scholarly debate on the creative individual, that is, the person who works within creative settings and generates output considered by the domain to demonstrate creativity (caves, 2000; hackley and kover, 2007) has shifted from a traits approach centering on the “lone artist” (guildford, 1950; torrance, 1962) towards a grand narrative in which organizations are urged to commercialize creativity, and to treat it as yet another economic resource (caves, 2000) to be leveraged in supplying the insatiable market. creative people display contrasting qualities: they are considered to be prolific and at the center of a set of activities (townley and beech, 2010) but also marginal and capable of drawing inspiration from across social groups (burt, 2004). they are positioned as being “different” (hackley and kover, 2007) yet the drive to normalize creativity surely requires a sameness, which can offer organizations standards of measurement for recruitment practices and performance measurement. the “creative class” (florida, 2014) can either accept or reject the place allocated to it by outside forces. definitions of creativity converge around the concepts of “novelty” and “usefulness” (runco, 2014; amabile, 1996) and to be recognized in their domain, creative individuals must be patten “creative?”…”entrepreneur?” _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 25 able to produce output that can fulfil these criteria. the creative act whereby “that which is unknown, or known in another way, becomes translated into an image to be re-presented to itself” (townley and beech, 2010, p. 12) must be stripped of its mystery if it is to become operationalized within organizational settings. within creative studies, it is accepted that “innovation”, that is, creativity which can change a domain, can only happen after years of technical knowledge and immersion in a field. organizations serious about creativity must invest significantly and absorb the risk that such investment may not yield hoped for, but still expected, results. creative work encompasses the ethereal and the mundane, the autotelic, suspended state of the creative act (csikzentmihalyi, 1996) and the prosaic view of creative work in which “works of art can be made in an orderly, rational and manageable manner” (dixon, 2010, p. 48). process models of creativity process models of creativity (csikszentmihalyi, 1997; amabile, 2012) offer frameworks for considering how creativity functions within social systems. creativity occurs at the intersection of the domain, the field, and the person. domains (such as poetry, branches of science, architecture) are knowledge bases based around symbols, rules, and notation systems which allow things to be understood, “…an isolated little world in which a person can think and act with clarity and concentration” (csikszentmihalyi, 1997, p. 37). fields, made up of experts in a given domain whose job involves passing judgment on performance in that domain, allowing it to be accepted or not, and including teachers, critics, gate-keepers, and other domain experts, represent the “gate” (cooper, 2002) through which the creative work passes. the person, as the third element in the model, displays intrinsic and extrinsic motivations (amabile, 1996). the extent to which creative individuals respond to intrinsic motivators (satisfaction, fulfilment) doing things for which they expect “neither fame nor fortune” (csikszentmihalyi, 2004) as opposed to extrinsic motivations such as market demands, financial reward and domain recognition (fletcher, 2006) is a matter of choice and personal agency. positioning themselves along the continuum of behaviors from “a total focus on creative output to a complete commitment to economic performance” (tjemkes, 2013, p. 122) can result in liberation or oppression from the status quo. different levels of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation can be traced to different sectors within the creative industries (penaluna and penaluna, 2011, p. 65): fine artists have “primarily intrinsic desires to feed their creativity” while designers have to respond to problems identified by clients, and are less “what i want” and more “what they want”. research conducted by gluck (2002) indicates that “free” creative industries professional (those not restricted by external constraints) hold different conceptions of creativity to their fellow “constrained” counterparts. within the creative industries (dcms, 1998), tacit knowledge, gained through practice and reflection, operates to challenge individuals to “…develop their own creative repertoires.” (taylor, 2011, p42). constraints presented by industry structure, funding, level of porosity, or development of the field provide opportunities for creative individuals, as would-be entrepreneurs, to identify or make opportunities. the need for autonomy (penaluna and penaluna, 2011), the attitude to risk (taylor, 2011) and traits of curiosity, tenacity, and collaboration of creative people (rabideau, 2015), also commonly cited as entrepreneurial characteristics (ko and butler, 2007), provide a useful bridge to consider current debates in entrepreneurship. creative ideas must be tradable, either patten “creative?”…”entrepreneur?” _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 26 economically or symbolically, to function as capital (townley et al, 2009) and creators must by extension be willing to trade. reconceptualizing the domain and the field (csikszentmihalyi, 1997) to include the market, allows us to examine how creative goods are consumed. creative outputs can constitute “experience goods” or “aesthetic goods” and the buyer’s satisfaction is a subjective response. because the market is unknown prior to production of creative goods, production costs cannot be predicted and the future is inherently unknowable. (caves, 2000; townley et al, 2009). the audience for a creative work responds emotionally, making it difficult to successfully locate the “cultural product within the accepted norms of economic practice” (roodhouse 2008, p. 15). the market often rejects the creative product because the creative innovator may challenge vested interests within it (sternberg, kaufman, and prettz, 2002). the market may not recognize the value of the creation, particularly if it is radical or disruptive, posing difficulties for the creative individual. creative individuals are challenged to create products and services that are different enough, but not too different, to be accepted within the domain (ward, 2004). entrepreneurial opportunity the entrepreneurship theory base has established opportunity identification and enactment as a key aspect of entrepreneurial behavior (schumpeter, 1934; kirzner, 1973; shane and venkataraman, 2003; fletcher, 2006; short et al, 2009; carlsson et al, 2013), adding a new dimension to earlier studies of the traits and behaviors of entrepreneurs (mcclelland, 1961, geertz, 1973, gartner 1988) which took an individualistic focus and pointed to the specific entrepreneur as the key force in entrepreneurial action. current debates on the sources of opportunities highlight that the process of opportunity identification has a strong relationship with creativity and with prior knowledge of the entrepreneur (shane, 2000; gartner, 2007; short et al, 2009). the perspective of treating entrepreneurial opportunity as a process has been adopted here, following shane and venkataraman (2000). the process of identifying opportunities is more than an exploration of the “individual-opportunity nexus” (shane and venkataraman, 2000): it involves investigation of other relational factors between the entrepreneur and their various social, cultural, and economic situations (fletcher, 2006) such as opportunity sources, knowledge, the dimension of time, insight, action, and factors of particular relevance in the creative industries. entrepreneurs exploit opportunities related to their previous experience (shane 2000). they must have prior knowledge to be able to identify opportunities (shane and venkataraman, 2000 referenced in vaghely and julien, p. 75). individuals draw on prior knowledge within the opportunity domain, and develop skills and competencies to realize opportunities: “…prior knowledge of the opportunity domain influences the generation and number of one’s ideas (shane et al quoted in dimov, 2007, p. 562). individuals have different stocks of knowledge based on their life experiences and each person’s prior knowledge creates a “knowledge corridor” that allows them to recognize certain opportunities but not others (venkataraman, 1997 in shane 2000, p. 452). the knowledge corridor for individuals are personal, socially constructed phenomena and creative entrepreneurs display differences in knowledge depth and quantity not only with other entrepreneurs, but with each other. within the creative industries the construct of knowledge encompasses creativity and all of the skills and competencies that that entails. patten “creative?”…”entrepreneur?” _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 27 sources of opportunity. for entrepreneurs to act, opportunities must be available whether discovered or created (eckhardt and shane, 2003). the understanding of entrepreneurial opportunity brought to this article draws on the conceptualization of opportunity identification as a subjective phenomenon whereby individuals draw on their personal prior experience and enact subsequent events (yli-renko and edelman, 2010). entrepreneurs do not exist in a world where opportunities are equally obvious to all (kirzner, 1973). some people are “alert” to opportunities while others are not. the “alert” entrepreneur (kirzner, 1973) uses knowledge to discover opportunities and acts as an equilibrating force in the market. new opportunities are created by purposeful exploration by nascent entrepreneurs (edelman and yli-renko, 2010). gorling and rehn contest this position by exploring the nature of different opportunities and concluding that “total arbitrariness” characterizes some entrepreneurial discovery (2008, p. 101). while kirzner includes surprise as a characteristic of the entrepreneurial opportunity process, gorling and rehn go further and suggest that some opportunities far from being anticipated, “…a brilliant opportunity cunningly identified…” are instead, “…random attempts made good despite themselves as surprising successes” (gorling and rehn, 2008, p. 101). opportunity discovery is aligned with a realist position that opportunities exist “out there” waiting for the alert entrepreneur to uncover and act upon, and relies on an objective treatment of opportunities. the more subjective creation view holds that the entrepreneur’s “perceptions and socio-cognitive enactment processes” (edelman and yli-renko, 2010) are the source of opportunities, which are as a result actively constructed by the entrepreneur. the opportunity does not exist separate to the entrepreneur. discovered opportunities come about due to “exogenous shocks” in the industry or market (alvarez and barney, 2007): the entrepreneur only reacts to such shocks. such a “shock” creates a new set of circumstances (or information) that the entrepreneur can exploit before others do. “ordinary” and “extraordinary” discoveries can further be differentiated (ko and butler, 2007, p. 366) by their levels of creativity, although no basis for the differentiation is offered. created opportunities, on the other hand, are generated endogenously by individuals seeking to explore new product or service possibilities. the final iteration of the opportunity cannot be perceived from the beginning and emerges through the exploration stage (alvarez and barney, 2007), as “entrepreneurs and consumers may be able to recognize an opportunity to produce new products or services once it is created, but be unable to anticipate such an opportunity before it is created” (alvarez and barney, 2007, p. 17). because the process is emergent and iterative, the final outcome may in fact not be the opportunity that was originally thought of. it is not clear in this context what drives the entrepreneur in the process, if so much uncertainty as to future success exists. entrepreneurs may demonstrate creativity not only in their own creative output, but by their ability to identify resources needed to complete work (kirzner, 1973, sarasvathy, 2008). awareness of the limitations of one’s own knowledge prompts alert entrepreneurs to take action by using others’ skills and to thereby profit from the input of third parties. the concept of entrepreneurship “as a form of expertise” (sarasvathy, 2008) resonates strongly with the “effectual” creative industries entrepreneur, “who ends up fabricating [opportunities] from the mundane realities of her life and value system” (p. 10). creative industry entrepreneurs draw on their creative expertise within a domain and build entrepreneurial possibilities around this expertise. patten “creative?”…”entrepreneur?” _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 28 creative entrepreneur case studies methods the protagonist of this research, the creative industries entrepreneur, does not have a standard profile. she specializes within specific domains but also operates across domains inside and outside the creative industries; she may run a solitary enterprise from remote, rural hinterlands far away from the world, or lead a large organization in a frenetic urban center. the type of work she engages in can involve detailed, intimate crafting but also strategic and collaborative negotiations. she is firmly situated within a creative world but demonstrates incisive business acumen. it was important to capture the diversity of activities and attitudes that are at play within this complex arena at an individual level. equally important was the desire to draw meaningful conclusions about entrepreneurship across the creative industries making visible this sector. my criteria for approaching participants were that they had set up and run their own business and that they operated within one of the sub-sectors of the creative industries (dcms, 1998). the site of study provided a convenient context in which to set my study, as both the individuals themselves and the relevant policy bodies regards all of these businesses as creative and they represent a particular instance of “creative intensity” (bakshi, freeman and higgs, 2012). following mishler (2003, 2009), in-depth interviewing was selected as the most fitting data collection method to elicit lived experiences of individuals working as entrepreneurs in the creative industries. my focus was on constructing knowledge in communication with the creative industries entrepreneur and to be part of the process, not to stand on the outside as an unattached observer. all interviews took place at the place of work of the research participants to provide a familiar setting for a conversation to take place. each entrepreneur took part in two interviews, each lasting one hour. the first interview involved questions about the lived experience of being a creative individual and being an entrepreneur, and the second interview was an exploration of how constructs such as “the creative industries” were understood and embraced. interpretative phenomenological analysis (ipa) provides a method of compiling detailed analyses of individual experiences while also allowing a cross-case comparison at a later stage. it specifically recommends small sample sizes to allow the idiographic account to emerge. ipa principles informed the data collection and the data analysis stages: my emphasis is on aiming to understand the experiences of each of the participants as individuals before attempting to analyze broader cross-case themes. my approach to writing up this research emerges from the epistemological belief that the individual account should be heard; it consequently draws significantly on the creative entrepreneurs’ own words. three individual accounts of “creative entrepreneurial lives” are presented, offering three perspectives and demonstrating the diversity among creative industry entrepreneurs. interview subjects are quoted verbatim from their interviews. creative entrepreneurial lives 1 peter peter has run his business in content marketing for the last 15 years, and currently employs 25 people in the north-west of ireland. he creates digital publishing solutions for clients around the world and has experienced first-hand the impact that fast-changing technology has on creativity and product development. patten “creative?”…”entrepreneur?” _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 29 the experience of entrepreneurship. peter regards his life as a creative entrepreneur as a collage of all the experiences he has had in life, both professionally and personally, “these jigsaw pieces i saw, i picked up along the way….” he absorbed knowledge and acquired skills that interested him, while not actively planning to make a business from them. looking back, he can see how the pieces fit together to lead him to his current position. when speaking about early money-making ventures he pursued as a teenager, he claims that “as informal as it was, all of those little things affect your mindset, and shape…your development.” again, when discussing product development and how different enabling software was used, he repeats that “it’s funny how all those little things influence… entrepreneurialism i think definitely comes from your branches of knowledge and experience, so in my case it was all about those little bits…” the urge to be self-sufficient drove peter to make money in the us in a non-related business. however, he was still “looking for opportunities there as well” and the financial gains were significant, “we were doing other things…to generate revenue…” financial security allowed him to fulfil his ambition of being self-sufficient, “it isn’t for achievement that i do it and i think i know that in myself now.” the quest for self-sufficiency is a source of satisfaction for him, as “everything i have in my life i got myself”. peter differentiates between achievement and recognition, suggesting that the achievement is important, but the recognition of that achievement, less so, “i don’t want to succeed because people will say, ‘oh look at him, he’s done well’.” creative talent. peter claims that he is “not artistic in any way”, but identifies strongly with showing specific types of creative behaviors, “i would have always, since i was a kid, tried to figure out how things work and how people make money off things.” his broader conception of creativity encompasses, but is not restricted to, artistic creativity: “i think there’s a lot of people who think that the creative industry is just about people who can draw and do ‘arty’ stuff and i don’t really think that; i think it’s about mindset”, and “…when i think creative person, i think problem solver….” when speaking of “entrepreneurial instincts” he distinguishes between “farmer” entrepreneurs and “media” entrepreneurs and places himself in the former category, uninterested in media hype about his business but “always bootstrapping” and “ducking and diving.” thinking about things differently, “spawning creativity”, provides new insights and opportunities. creative entrepreneurial lives 2 lisa lisa has been a graphic designer for 25 years. winning a high-profile award at the end of her degree enabled her to work in the united states as an intern with a world-class design organization. she subsequently returned to europe and worked in the netherlands and germany, before moving back to ireland to run her own business. she currently services clients, both national and international, from an office at her home in rural ireland. the experience of entrepreneurship. lisa has an almost visceral reaction to the notion of opportunity, “…i see opportunities right there in front of me”. opportunities are simply there, and the fact that others don’t see them is because they “mightn’t be looking for the same thing.” lisa believes that most people are looking for opportunities and “constantly scanning a particular horizon” but different people have different “filters” and “notice certain things.” one person might notice one thing and another a different thing, and some people then “don’t act…they patten “creative?”…”entrepreneur?” _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 30 don’t want to.” opportunities are emphatically “out there” and discovering or creating opportunities are “inextricably bound.” lisa is insistent that she is not an entrepreneur, and neither are most other designers, “i wouldn’t call myself an entrepreneur: i’m simply working for myself.” she is emphatic that she is “self-employed” and sees a clear difference between the two descriptors: entrepreneurs have more of a separation between themselves and their output than designers. designers do not take much risk, and are, on the whole, not innovative, they are “basically coming up with the same solutions, one might be better than the other, but there’s nothing innovative about what one person is doing…they do good or less good work…but i wouldn’t equate that to innovation at all.” differentiating between self-employment and being an entrepreneur is a matter of strategy. “an entrepreneur is someone who from the outset has a plan.” the designer is always doing the work whereas the entrepreneur has a different relationship with the end product: “there isn’t that direct relationship” between the producer and the product. design is “very safe.” although lisa made it clear that she did not have a clear career plan, she had an instinct that she would be self-employed, “i had an inclination that that’s how i would work.” the freedom of doing things her own way was appealing, and it was “a natural progression…it’s much more organic.” however, although she chose a life of self-employment, “there is choice and there isn’t choice because once you start there’s no choice after that, you’re committed to it, like obviously you could let the thing go, you could drop it but i think once you decide to do something, you actually have very little choice after that.” lisa strongly rejects categorizing concepts believing that something is lost “once you start formalizing things….” she is irritated with the word “creativity”, she emphatically refuses to be called an “entrepreneur,” and she warns against “packaging” the creative industries. she believes that some things are not quantifiable: “it’s not the nature of the people working in the creative industries to be kind of, not pigeon-holed, but categorized, and it just, it doesn’t work.” the “return” on creative endeavor is not always apparent and by looking for such things people have an expectation, which if not met, may create dissatisfaction. things can be labelled and named without being truly understood, leading to superficial and wasteful activities which don’t benefit the people involved: “personally i don’t find it very helpful” although for people not “as well versed” in the sector it probably is helpful. on the other hand, things have to be formalized to be organized, but on the whole “it can’t be the only thing, there has to be scope for spontaneous thinking and spontaneous results.” creative talent. lisa is emphatic that creativity is not “owned” by a particular sector, organization, or type of person, and “some of the most creative people i know don’t work in the creative industries.” she insists that creativity is about problem-solving and seeing beyond “the surface of things” suggesting that she believes that it is a feature of all human endeavor. within organizations widely acknowledged as themselves creative, creativity can take different forms. in one large american firm where she worked, and which she described as “exceptionally creative”, the atmosphere was “corporate…not corporate, but very business-like” suggesting that “corporate” and “creative” are antithetical. not only the work produced by the firm, but “the way they went about everything, absolutely everything” was creative. this did not mean that it was a “playful form of creativity” but there was a seriousness that allowed creativity to emerge, it was “very hierarchical…it’s just that the structure was very clear and the element of patten “creative?”…”entrepreneur?” _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 31 work you were given was, too.” on the other hand, other creative organizations can be dominated by personality and are “too full of people who have egos” even though they were “brilliant designers.” lisa’s lived experience of creativity is a “feeling of…the satisfaction of knowing that you’re going about the job the right way…” and she is critical of the image of the agonized artist, “i’m very skeptical about these ‘creative impulses’.” for lisa, creativity is not “a solitary activity”, something that she separates herself from the world to pursue, and is in some way at the mercy of being struck by. rather, it is a reaction to a problem, “…a conversation…as much as anything.” “sitting down and things just emerging and moving around in my soul and in my brain, that’s not me.” this co-construction of a solution is more common than is generally acknowledged, in her view. external forces are at play even in the output of fine artists, even though they might not admit it: “it is extremely difficult to work in isolation.” doing creative work is, for her, not for herself, or at least not just for herself, it is being done “because two people want something, you and someone else”. working with good clients means that both sides are satisfied, “…they generally tie in together…and good work is appreciated”. at the same time, creative work “is extremely difficult and takes a huge amount of energy and motivation” and it can be difficult to sustain this energy, “you get fed up trying to fight your corner.” carrying out creative work provides a sense of fulfillment. the notion of “enjoyment” recurs again and again during our sessions and it is important for lisa to feel comfortable in the way she works. she turned down an opportunity to work with a prestigious firm because she didn’t feel comfortable there, opting instead to work in a place where “it was just the whole atmosphere of that i liked. i liked the personalities, i liked my boss, i just felt very at home.” however, lisa does believe that there is a scale of creativity, describing herself as “moderately creative” and not “exceptionally creative.” expanding on this point, she explains, “…i find it hard to come up with ideas and i think a lot of my ideas are very good, but i would never consider myself a wonderful creative genius….” lisa says that working creatively for her is “certainly not for self-expression.” rather, “the biggest motivator is the desire to do good work.” “measuring up to [her own] standards” is how she experiences success, a point she emphasizes: “…if i didn’t feel like i was successful at things i think it would be pretty unsatisfactory.” although she won prestigious awards and worked in top design agencies in the us and in europe, lisa doesn’t believe she is “that good.” this points to a disconnect between her internal experience and her external identity, which she attributes to being “…just personality…” the external validation she received right through her career was mirrored by a “lack of confidence.” creative entrepreneurial lives 3 helen helen has worked as a designer/maker of bespoke jewelry since she graduated from college in the early 1990s. her studio is in a small town in the northwest of ireland although she travels frequently. helen has been active in the region for the last 20 years in building infrastructure around the craft sector and is very familiar with how it operates. the experience of entrepreneurship. helen is strident in her views on how creative industry professionals run their businesses. she is angered by the low value that people, customers, and designer/makers themselves place on creative products. “i see over the years an awful lot of people viewed crafts as just hobbyists or just like ‘ah, sure they’ll take this or they’ll patten “creative?”…”entrepreneur?” _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 32 take that for it’, but i don’t approach my business like that because i trained in this so i feel, ‘no, i’m charging for my -there has to be a time cost, well there has to be a time cost as well as a design cost’.” it is clear that there is a spectrum of both creative talent and financial prowess, “…people i was in college with, they were, they weren’t the most creative, but they were good businesspeople, you know, they could sell it, they can sell it well…some would sacrifice…the unique aspect of creativity for commercialism.” issues of confidence plague creative individuals attempting to monetize their output, however, “…i find that with creatives, they’re very afraid to take chances…they’re willing to keep it in a box somewhere, not willing to push it, they lack in confidence.” agencies tasked with supporting entrepreneurs and the creative industries provide mixed benefits to helen. while applauding the help given by individuals within certain bodies she is critical of the “agenda” of such bodies at an organizational level. “there was a lady in there…and she was so supportive when i started. i mean if i needed help, you know those agencies are very good; i’ve often sent people to them afterwards.” this positive experience of dealing on a personal level with agency staff is counterbalanced by a deep suspicion of agency motive and performance, the resources that they absorb, “they employ staff, so a lot of money goes into a wage for people… and a lot of creatives would say it’s better used on the ground”; the motivation that they demonstrate when they disburse funding, “if it’s for the creative sector what they do is, because they’re like…civil servants, administrators, they don’t really understand creativity and business together. they understand business of course, but, maybe i’m being very critical but i think they, they lack an understanding of how to approach it.” this attitude amounts almost to exploitation in helen’s mind, for example when agency staff, whose job it is to support the sector, instead put pressure on creators and get them “to do the work on a voluntary basis. they’re bringing you over to meetings at 2 o’clock in the day and you’re leaving a business of your own to do their work, to help assist with their work, and i’ve a problem with that.” she goes further when discussing the fate of one member of a creative network whom she felt was actually ostracized from the group by the agency “because he didn’t sort of you know, look the way they wanted it to look so it’s like ‘to hell with supporting a business’”. to helen, this is “disgraceful behavior”: invested crafts people in regional areas are discriminated against in favor of other groups in what amounts to a two-tier support system. creative talent. for helen, expressing herself through her creativity is necessary for her to live her life physically and emotionally, “it’s just part of your life and for me now at this stage of my life i couldn’t imagine not being creative.” going even further, she speaks of how at one stage, her health began to deteriorate and she realized that, as this happened during a period when she was not creating, suppressing her creativity was leading to physical ill-health. her language emphasizes this: “…i nearly have withdrawal if i’m away from the workshop for a week.” tragedy befell her family soon after she graduated from college and creativity provided the means for her to get through this dark period, “i became a business and i was grieving badly, but through the grief the work became a great source of comfort to me. i just threw myself into work.” expressing herself creatively is more than a job: “i couldn’t ever imagine retiring, that just wouldn’t come into my…” although she recognizes that this is dependent on still having the ability to physically work “…i’m happy with what i do, as long as i have the power in my hands, actually, and my sight.” patten “creative?”…”entrepreneur?” _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 33 being fulfilled through creativity does not, however, automatically provide a satisfactory means to live; helen is challenged to generate income from her creativity and recognizes that market structures in the creative industries may not favor the creator. “working for the shops and the galleries…you have to really earn your money for those people, and you’ve to nearly sometimes beg for your money and i thought ‘i’m not going to go down that route, i want to do this and get paid for whenever i do it’.” when launching a new collection “each show is hugely important. it’s like an artist creating a new album, you want to have [a reaction such as] ‘oh my god, this is a fabulous new piece’.” she is acutely aware of the demands of the market, acknowledging that there are different routes but, for her, being involved in the physical crafting of objects is “…an integral part of who i am and what i do.” while it might be easier to position herself as a designer whose creations are made by a third party, her decision to instead be a designer/maker satisfies her urge to create. helen creates with specific people in mind, “when i’m designing pieces i’d think of two types of customer” and does not see that creating with constraints in mind such as how potential customers will like the product restricts her creativity. discussion understanding the “diverse authenticities” (gubrium and holstein, 1998) of individuals within the creative industries was the basis for adopting a social constructionist view of entrepreneurship (fletcher, 2006) when exploring the experiences of individual creative industry entrepreneurs, and examining the ways in which their narratives and actions relate to entrepreneurship and creative industry debates. even among the three entrepreneurs who contributed to this debate, the diversity of creative experience and enactment is evident. entrepreneurs are considered to be a desirable economic presence and, generally, a good thing for society. initiatives to encourage entrepreneurship often emphasize the benefits that entrepreneurs offer to economies in terms of job creation and decreasing dependency on foreign investors. political manipulation of the entrepreneurship debate results in the setting of targets and agendas that encourage achievable results. by concentrating on macro-environmental outcomes such as these, entrepreneur support initiatives neglect to consider particular issues that face those embarking on or pursuing opportunities in the creative industries. creative industry entrepreneurs have a different view. they see their output (products, services or experiences) as an expression of something that is woven into the fabric of the person and may reject both the “empty signifier” of entrepreneurship (kenny and scriver, 2012) and the attempt by policymakers to claim credit for their achievements. while peter accepts that he is an entrepreneur, it is a very specific type of entrepreneur, and one that operates under the radar of media and officialdom. contemporary economic ideologies result in attributing the creative industries with particular characteristics from the outside, not always recognized by creative individuals themselves, forming tensions between the individuals operating within the creative sectors and those support structures nominally established to aid their evolution. for peter, the accepted image of the creative industries does not embrace his view on creativity as mindset rather than output. helen, meanwhile, recognizes the supports given to some businesses but laments the favoritism which appears to mark the support system. patten “creative?”…”entrepreneur?” _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 34 the diversity of the experiences of creative industry entrepreneurs, however, challenges a one-size-fits-all understanding. entrepreneurs in the creative industries can be found in rural hinterlands or in large urban centers, their businesses can be sole traders or micro-enterprises, they can produce customized, one-off products or services, or create entertainment spectacles for the mass market. they may survive precariously economically, or generate significant commercial and private wealth. the “creative industries” is not a homogenous entity: creative practice is organized in different ways and varying methods of producing and perceiving value are evident (rabideau, 2015). struggles within the sector among and between “organizational sets” (gulledge and townley, 2010) add to the already tension-laden relationships with bodies outside the sector. power struggles between members of organizational sets in monetizing creative output pitch creative entrepreneurs against each other in their attempts to survive, as in helen’s experiences in trying to get paid by the big galleries. the power relations that exist within the “organization sets” of the creative industries play a significant role in the enactment of opportunity. idealization of the entrepreneur by powerful external stakeholders contrasts with the intimate experience of the people concerned. responses vary from anger at the “system”, as in helen’s case, to a resigned acceptance of the status quo in power relations between the individual and the support structure, lisa’s view. as a reaction, the creative industries entrepreneur turns inward and applies effectual logic (sarasvathy, 2008) to use existing resources in the form of their own creativity to achieve success. they reject orthodox labels of entrepreneurship and identify primarily with the occupation they do (designer/maker, digital publisher, graphic designer) and only secondly, and reluctantly, with being an entrepreneur. creative industry entrepreneurs position creativity as central to their life experience and, as a consequence, to their entrepreneurial experience. pursuing entrepreneurial activity, far from being a response to an external encouragement provided by government, is more likely to represent a mark of selfdetermination and self-expression. discourses elevating the importance and the identity of “the entrepreneur” are seen as irrelevant at best and the identity work (beech et al, 2012) of creative industry entrepreneurs leans towards the creative. creative industry entrepreneurs mediate the relationship between being creative and being an entrepreneur: in their narrative, the creative is often elevated above the business emphasis, but in their behaviors they demonstrate enactment of entrepreneurial actions (planning, strategy, etc.). the relationship between creative and commercial imperatives is clearly drawn and navigated consciously. market logics are understood and incorporated into solutions and, in fact, are seen to be part of the creative process; boundaries imposed by the market, instead of restricting creativity, instead intensify it. peter, lisa and helen all recognize the constraints of time, market demands, and competitive moves and incorporate these into their enactment of creative output. creative industry entrepreneurs are of the world and are consequently impacted by sociocultural factors and by the social and temporal contexts within which they operate. personal or family circumstances, for example the death of close family members, impose limits on dreams, forcing actions that may have been unanticipated but which are worked around. far from being an ideal career choice, possessing and capitalizing on a creative ability may be the most obvious means of facilitating life choices. opportunity is not something that creative industry entrepreneurs identify only at a certain stage, when they “become” entrepreneurs. their patten “creative?”…”entrepreneur?” _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (2) 35 enactment of opportunity is a hallmark of their life as they make and take opportunities as they appear, from childhood through adolescence to adulthood, creating their own fortunes along the way. conclusion in this article i argue that creative industry entrepreneurs (cies) display an effectual logic not only as they embark on commercial initiatives, but also in their lives prior to taking this step. despite the prevailing rhetoric of government and policy makers, cies “do their own thing” and may ignore or even avoid the programs set up to support them, feeling instead that, as creative individuals, they are not understood by government agencies. they feel privileged by being creative and find ways to work in parallel with the official system if it is not seen to be working for them. they struggle with unknowns in creating their craft and in releasing the result to the world. their opportunity is not responding to what is “out there” but concretizing what is “in here” in their creative hearts and minds. the creative industries are as significant to some economies as the financial services sector (fuller, warner and norman, 2011) and are growing twice as fast as the economy as a whole (henry and de bruin, 2011). this positions them as rich sites of study at a macro level. the creative industries are characterized by innovation and, often, unorthodox collaborations in which creative practice may be subversive or critical of the financial status quo. given the particular dynamics of the creative industries, however, it may not be useful to apply organizational models appropriate to other sectors 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(1988). creativity and entrepreneurship: how do they relate? the journal of creative behavior, 22(3), 178-183. microsoft word brandenburg w16 final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 5, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 25-33 ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2016, the authors toward an adapted business modeling method to improve entrepreneurial skills among art students stephan brandenburg, tim roosen, mettina veenstra saxion university of applied sciences abstract this paper describes an initial qualitative exploration of an adapted business modeling method for entrepreneurship educational purposes in the art & technology program at saxion university of applied sciences. this adapted method builds on the qualities of existing methods and adds specific elements to improve essential entrepreneurial skills. using qualitative expert interviews and student panel discussions the six most essential entrepreneurial skills for art & technology students are determined. subsequently, a selection of business modeling methods is evaluated on the extent to which they contribute to mastering these skills. introduction the netherlands has set 2020 as their target year to become the most creative economy in europe. a leading innovative economy requires an ecosystem of creative talent with a seamless transition between the professional field of business and its source, the education system. especially in art and design related education, entrepreneurship is key to this transition, since creative professionals often operate independently or in small and agile companies (rutten, amerika, arets, eggenkamp and rietbergen, 2015). this requires courses to facilitate the development of entrepreneurial skills among their students, from recognizing opportunities and possibilities to marketing and validation. this paper focuses on the development of entrepreneurial skills in the creative technologies domain, specifically in the art & technology program of the creative media & game technologies course at the saxion university. creative technologies is a new domain in the dutch education system, in which several existing courses are merged and adapted to create a more seamless transition to a leading creative economy. the art & technology program in the course creative media & game technologies is centered on art, technology and human sciences. in the program, artistic qualities are applied to design innovate solutions for complex challenges in society. an entrepreneurial attitude and entrepreneurial skills are both viewed as core competences of the program. graduates of art & technology are expected to start their own innovative companies or to start working as creative freelancers (heeroma, copier, olde hampsink, and de serière, 2014). business modeling tools in the art & technology program several business modeling tools are currently used in the art & technology program to facilitate the development of entrepreneurial skills: business model generation (osterwalder and pigneur, 2010), the lean startup (ries, 2011) and creating robust business models (haaker, 2012). these tools are embedded in project-based learning modules using active learning techniques to optimize the learning effects (bonwell and eison, 1991). brandenburg, roosen, and veenstra adapted business modeling to improve entrepreneurial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 26 business model generation by alexander osterwalder and yves pigneur is a popular tool in both the professional field and entrepreneurship education (rutten et al., 2015). the key element in this method is the business model canvas: a shared language for describing, visualizing, assessing and changing business models. in addition, the tool provides examples of recurring types of business models, called patterns, and design techniques for business modeling: customer insights, ideation, visual thinking, prototyping, storytelling and scenarios (osterwalder and pigneur, 2010). figure 1. the business model canvas (osterwalder and pigneur, 2010, p. 44). the lean startup by eric ries is a tool to shorten product development cycles by applying an iterative design loop called “build-measure-learn.” building a minimum viable product for real world experimentation avoids the need for large investments and expensive failures. responses from early users can be measured using actionable metrics that accurately reflect the key drivers of the business. validated learning informs the entrepreneur when to pivot or persevere, to take the next iteration into a new direction or continue down the chosen path (ries, 2011). figure 2. the build-measure-learn loop (ries, 2011, p. 75). in addition to the existing tools already mentioned, a simplified tool was developed in the research project “the future now.” saxion university of applied sciences was one of the key partners in the project, which explored how media companies can anticipate fast changing (cross)media technologies and social trends in order to secure their own business impact in the future (van vliet and keuning, 2012). the resulting tool, creating robust business models, allows companies to create robust business models: business models that are viable in the long run. it uses the “stof” business model language, which describes a business model using the four domains of service, technology, organization, and finance (bouwman, de vos, and haaker, brandenburg, roosen, and veenstra adapted business modeling to improve entrepreneurial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 27 2008). the key elements of creating robust business models are stress-testing and roadmapping. stress-testing systematically analyzes the quality of a business model through indicators from future scenarios or success factors. the resulting heat signature is a visual overview of the strength or weakness of each business model element. road-mapping provides a visual overview of the intermediate steps and critical choices needed to implement a desired business model (haaker, 2012). figure 3. example of a stress test heat signature (haaker, 2012, p. 43). brandenburg, roosen, and veenstra adapted business modeling to improve entrepreneurial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 28 figure 4. example of a roadmap (haaker, 2012, p. 71). the skills context several studies around the world (daniel and daniel, 2014; nathan, 2011; wood and duffy, 2008) have explored which entrepreneurial characteristics and skills are needed to excel in the creative economy and should therefore be developed in art and design related education. in a recently conducted study in the netherlands, for example, data was collected through education professionals from several dutch educational institutions. a list containing seventeen suggested entrepreneurial characteristics and skills was presented to the participants, after which they were asked to assess the importance of each item on a scale of one to five (five being an essential characteristic or skill). an overview of the results can be viewed in figure 5 from rutten et al. (2015, p. 68). figure 5. importance of entrepreneurial characteristics and skills in art and design related education. it is important to note that the ranking of the items presented in figure 5 is based on the views of education professionals who are not all directly involved in actual teaching and who are connected to various art and design related courses with different views on the role of entrepreneurship in art and design related education. in addition, the participating education professionals were asked to assess a preselected list containing seventeen items, leaving no room for possible alternative characteristics and skills not presented on the list. qualitative exploration objective the goal of this research is to perform an initial qualitative exploration of to what extent the business modeling tools that are currently used in the art & technology program facilitate brandenburg, roosen, and veenstra adapted business modeling to improve entrepreneurial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 29 the development of essential entrepreneurial skills for art & technology students. since the ranking of the characteristics and skills presented in figure 5 shows a cross-section of different views in dutch art and design related education, a new set of specific essential entrepreneurial skills for the art & technology program will be defined. the next section describes the methods used to determine this new set of skills. subsequently the three business modeling tools described in the previous sections are evaluated based on their possible contribution to the development of these skills. methods to determine a specific set of essential entrepreneurial skills for art & technology students, qualitative interviews were conducted in march, 2015 with four education professionals connected to the course creative media & game technologies. all of the participants are experienced in working with a wide range of business modeling tools commonly used in the professional field. their involvement in creative entrepreneurship education ranges from lecturing on business modeling to coaching students in starting their own businesses. the participants were asked to describe their experiences with entrepreneurial students and share their views on business modeling tools. in addition, the participants were asked to define typical characteristics of art & technology students, based on their teaching experiences with these students. all qualitative interviews were transcribed using audio recordings. matching topics were labeled and categorized. only topics that were unanimously mentioned by all the participants were marked as an essential entrepreneurial skill for art & technology students. a focus group session with art & technology students was organized in april, 2015 to confirm the set of essential skills identified by the instructors. participants were required to be recently graduated or in the final stage of the program to be able to evaluate the relevance of each skill based on their own experience. in addition, participants with an above average interest or involvement in entrepreneurship were recruited. a call to participate using social media groups connected to the program resulted in eight participants, ranging from students specializing in entrepreneurship to recent graduates running their own businesses. during the session, each essential skill was presented and explained to the group, after which the skill was plenary discussed. first the participants were asked if they recognized the necessity of the specific skill and if they agreed with the definition. subsequently the participants were asked to give examples from personal experience regarding the use or lack of the specific skill. the qualitative focus group session lasted one hour and was transcribed using an audio recording. skills that were unanimously recognized as essential were marked as confirmed. results six specific entrepreneurial skills for art & technology students were unanimously mentioned in the interviews and confirmed in the focus group session: developing personal identity, determining professional value, diverging and converging, communicating visually, exchanging experiences, and validating ideas. following are definitions for each, based on the combined interpretations of the interviewed education professionals. developing personal identity. it is important for students to have an understanding of their personal identity and a clear vision of their area of expertise. by making projects personal, students are more motivated and better able to deal with setbacks. in addition, insight into brandenburg, roosen, and veenstra adapted business modeling to improve entrepreneurial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 30 personal qualities and weaknesses helps students to define direction in the fast changing professional creative field. the following statement from one of participating education professionals illustrates the importance of this skill: “when students know themselves well, they can develop a better vision with respect to their business” (personal communication, march 23, 2015). determining professional value. it is important for students to have knowledge of the professional creative field. due to a lack of experience or a predominant internal drive to design, some students lack proper insight into their market value and position. this causes difficulties when setting up their business model and developing future scenarios for their business. the following statement from one of participating education professionals illustrates the importance of this skill: “students do not so much have a wrong picture of running a business, but they simply have little insight in these matters” (personal communication, march 23, 2015). diverging and converging. it is important for students to diverge and converge at the appropriate time. some students seem afraid of making decisions during projects, causing them to diverge indefinitely and explore alternative options without making decisions. other students tend to be too passionate about their project, causing them to explore no alternative options at all. the following statement from one of participating education professionals illustrates the importance of this skill: “rather than diverge and then converge, some students just keep on diverging and fail to converge when needed” (personal communication, march 9, 2015). communicating visually. it is important for students to have a clear and up-to-date overview of their concept and the underlying business model. a visual overview creates a common language and simplifies communication between the student and teachers, peers, endusers or other stakeholders in the project. the following statement from one of participating education professionals illustrates the importance of this skill: “the market demands a more visual approach to information instead of a written business model” (personal communication, march 9, 2015). exchanging experiences. it is important for students to cooperate in groups with other entrepreneurial students and share their ideas. although each student has different personal aspirations, they all share the common goal of running a successful business. by exchanging ideas and experiences, either positive or negative, with like-minded peers, students gain valuable insights. the following statement from one of participating education professionals illustrates the importance of this skill: “competence is developed by talking to other successful entrepreneurs” (personal communication, march 24, 2015). validating ideas. it is important for students to validate their ideas as soon as possible and continue validating each iterative step throughout the entire design process. students need to “get out of the building” (blank and dorf, 2012) to introduce their concepts to future end-users and gain valuable insights, even when this results in exposing themselves to negative feedback from these users. the following statement from one of participating education professionals illustrates the importance of this skill: “students experience a barrier when it comes to testing their first ideas, because they want to make the first test a success. however, especially the mistakes provide valuable insights” (personal communication, march 24, 2015). analysis the set of skills defined above can be linked to key elements of the art & technology program (heeroma et al., 2014). all skills can be applied in project-based learning modules using active learning techniques. development of the skill validating ideas stimulates a userbrandenburg, roosen, and veenstra adapted business modeling to improve entrepreneurial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 31 centered approach and an iterative process. finally, development of the skills communicating visually and exchanging experiences enables students to work in multi-disciplinary teams. the business modeling tools business model generation, the lean startup and creating robust business models were evaluated based on their possible contribution to the development of the resulting set of skills. sections related to one or more skills were marked in the official documentation of the business modeling tools. subsequently the marked sections were assessed on their potential contribution to mastering the skill through application and reflection. an overview of the evaluation can be viewed in table one, followed by a more detailed description for each skill. business model generation the lean startup creating robust business models developing personal identity determining professional value diverging and converging forcing specific direction exploring multiple directions communicating visually clear communication clear communication exchanging experiences validating ideas controlled environment real world controlled environment table 1. evaluation of the possible contributions of the business modeling tools to the development of entrepreneurial skills. based on the key elements described in the introduction, the business modeling tools can contribute to the development of three of the resulting skills: diverging and converging, communicating visually and validating ideas. • the lean startup facilitates enforcement of a specific direction by building a minimum viable product as soon as possible and assessing when to pivot or persevere based on validated learning. on the other hand, creating robust business models facilitates exploring multiple directions by developing multiple future scenarios. • business model generation facilitates clear communication by visualizing an overview of the entire business model. in addition, creating robust business models facilitates clear communication by visualizing overviews of the business model stress test and roadmap. • business model generation facilitates testing in a controlled environment through various design techniques for business modeling. in addition, creating robust business models facilitates testing in a controlled environment through stress testing and roadmapping. on the other hand, lean startup facilitates testing in the real world by launching a minimum viable product to end-users and making iterative improvements based on validated learning. a possible contribution of the business modeling tools to the skills developing personal identity, determining professional value and exchanging experiences is less evident. brandenburg, roosen, and veenstra adapted business modeling to improve entrepreneurial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 32 • although the business modeling tools mention that a clear vision is a precondition to successful entrepreneurship, the development of such a vision or the connection to the personal identity of the entrepreneur is unclear. • although the business modeling tools provide various techniques to acquire knowledge for a specific entrepreneurial project, it is unclear how this specific knowledge can be translated to a more general understanding of the market value and position of the entrepreneur in the professional field. • although the business modeling tools stimulate discussion with team members and endusers, there is no clear mention of exchanging experiences with other entrepreneurs and sharing ideas. process skills and personal skills the skills that can be facilitated by the business modeling tools (diverging and converging, communicating visually, and validating ideas) seem to be connected to the process of running a specific entrepreneurial project. the other skills (developing personal identity, determining professional value, and exchanging experiences) seem to be more connected to the personal development of the entrepreneur. therefore the specific set of essential skills for art & technology students can be categorized into process skills and personal skills. additional tools for entrepreneurship are needed to develop the personal skills. the importance of personal skills is underlined in the predominant view in dutch art and design related education, which states that entrepreneurship is above all a matter of motivation, behavior and personal characteristics (rutten et al., 2015). in dutch art and design related education there are two opposing views regarding the role of entrepreneurial skills: entrepreneurial skills being disconnected from the creative professional opposed to entrepreneurial skills being an essential part of the creative professional. when entrepreneurial skills are viewed as being disconnected from the creative professional, existing business modeling tools can be used to develop these skills. however, when entrepreneurship is viewed as an essential part of the creative professional, as is the case for the art & technology program, the core of the creative profession changes and additional tools for entrepreneurship are needed (rutten et al., 2015). conclusion the development of six specific entrepreneurial skills for art & technology students, resulting from an initial qualitative exploration, can only be partly facilitated by the three business modeling tools that are currently used in the art & technology program at saxion university of applied sciences. the skills that can be facilitated (diverging and converging, communicating visually and validating ideas) are categorized as process skills and the other skills (developing personal identity, determining professional value and exchanging experiences) as personal skills. the resulting business modeling tool for the art & technology program should combine key elements from the described business modeling tools with additional tools to develop the personal skills. these new learning tools should also be embedded in project-based learning modules. in the current art & technology program, students are coached periodically on their professional progress and personal development. further research is needed regarding the embedding of such coaching or other learning tools in entrepreneurial projects. in addition, brandenburg, roosen, and veenstra adapted business modeling to improve entrepreneurial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 33 more interviews and focus group sessions with education professionals and students are needed to validate the preliminary results of this study. references blank, s.g., & dorf, b. (2012). the startup owner's manual: the step-by-step guide for building a great company. pescadero, ca: k&s ranch. bonwell, c.c., & eison, j.a. (1991). active learning: creating excitement in the classroom (ashe–eric higher education rep. no. 1). washington, dc: the george washington university, school of education and human development. bouwman, h., de vos, h., & haaker, t. (2008). mobile service innovation and business models. berlinheidelberg: springer-verlag. daniel, r., & daniel, l. (2014). breaking down barriers: the implementation of work integrated learning strategies to transition creative and performing artists to industry. in work integrated learning: building capacity – proceedings of the 2014 acen national conference (pp. 12-15). tweed heads, au: australian collaborative education network (acen) limited. retrieved from http://acen.edu.au/2014conference/wpcontent/uploads/2014/10/2014-acen-conference-full-proceedings.pdfhaaker, t. (2012). creating robust business models: practical tools to harness your business. enschede ne: novay. heeroma, d., copier, m., olde hampsink, b. & de serière, j. (2014). domain creative technologies. haarlem ne: krikke special books. nathan, s. (2011). skills for the creative industries (1st ed.). london: confederation of british industry's. retrieved from http://www.cbi.org.uk/media/1055419/2011.09-cbi-creativeskills-brief.pdf osterwalder, a., & pigneur, y. (2010). business model generation. hoboken, nj: john wiley & sons, ries, e. (2011). the lean startup. new york ny: crown publishing. rutten, p., amerika, w., arets, d., eggenkamp, a.m., & rietbergen, m. (2015). talent voor de creatieve economie. utrecht: rijnja repro b.v.. van vliet, h., & keuning, g. (2012). the future now: robuuste business modellen voor media&ict bedrijven (1st ed.). utrecht, the netherlands: hogeschool utrecht. retrieved from http://mediafuturenow.nl/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/projectplanthefuturenow.pdf. wood, b., & duffy, m. (2008). developing design graduates as entrepreneurs. in proceedings of e&pde 2008, the 10th international conference on engineering and product design education (pp. 121-125). barcelona, spain: universitat politecnica de catalunya. retrieved from https://www.designsociety.org/publication/28264/ds_46_proceedings_of_e_pde_2008_th e_10th_international_conference_on_engineering_and_product_design_education_barcel ona_spain_04-05_09_2008 microsoft word 182 final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 7, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 23-47 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2018, the authors arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing shoshanah b. d. goldberg-miller and yan xiao the ohio state university abstract this article analyzes three cultural entities in beijing, china: national centre for the performing arts, 798 arts district, and today art museum using two lenses: kingdon’s multiple streams framework (ms) and concepts of arts entrepreneurship, in order to examine these entities’ development and current condition. the performing arts center has become a source of national pride, the arts district now is one of the world’s largest, and the museum paved the way for a new kind of “private” institution in china. concepts including policy streams, policy windows, and policy entrepreneurs ground the analysis. in order to enrich the perspective, we explore theories in the growing field of arts entrepreneurship and their applicability to the changing economic environment of china. we point to the realities of policy formation as well as the innovative economic growth fostered through arts entrepreneurship in china, grounding the analysis in a positivist perspective due to the opacity of the process in that country. while multiple streams framework is a powerful tool with which to understand and interpret policy formation, change, and adaptation, it is the arts entrepreneurship principles that provide important ways to look at creative commerce, both from the perepective of the individual and the organization. we find that, while each arts entity was formed under very different circumstances, they all now incorporate facets of arts entrepreneurship including brand building, market development, and audience growth. frameworks and theories must be flexible and resilient in order to be adapted to more diverse contexts. by reframing cultural policy and arts entrepreneurship theory to incorporate culturally relevant data, they each can provide valuable tools for scholars, policymakers, and municipal leaders. this allows the understanding of key theoretical components to expand, reflecting political and social realities while ensuring the relevance and viability of these analytical tools in multi-cultural contexts. keywords: multiple streams framework; arts entrepreneurship; cultural districts; performing arts centers; beijing this article explores three anchor entities in beijing using a policy framework, multiple streams, together with the lens of the emergent field of arts entrepreneurship to understand forces in the process of the creation and subsequent development of the national centre for the performing arts, the today art museum, and the 798 arts district. this blended research process gives us an understanding of who and what was involved in the formation of these three entities. we ask: can western policy theories such as the multiple streams framework and theories within the arts entrepreneurship context be used as tools to investigate other global cultural cases? we examine the growing field of arts entrepreneurship, with a discussion of the creative economy and business development landscape in china today. we then introduce multiple streams framework, going on to give the history of each cultural anchor and subsequently analyzing them according to these two theoretical frames. the paper concludes by discussing the blended perspective in investigating the three cases, finally pointing to the need for theoretical adaptability in cross-cultural contexts. goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 24 the creative economy in beijing a cultural and artistic boom followed chinese economic reform, which began in 1978 (elzen, 2008). after joining the world trade organization in 2001 (keane, 2007), china began focusing on the creative industries to accelerate internationalization. the arts, a key component of this sector, grew rapidly, creating an explosion of contemporary art, the art market, and arts entities. beijing, the political and cultural center of china, has dual goals: economic success and a desire for global recognition, both of which are factors in the political landscape (currier, 2008). arts entities in beijing not only encompass economic goals, but also reflect political and policy considerations. we find that, while the chinese economy, arts policies, and arts entities are experiencing globalization, they retain unique cultural characteristics. arts entrepreneurship proves to be a valuable instrument for examining what was created and how these cultural anchors have evolved, especially given that the opacity of the chinese political system in which there are no elections and where policy processes are not transparent, placing limitations on the utility of multiple streams framework. each of the three entities exemplifies facets of this burgeoning field: the national centre and the today art museum both are examples of the managerial component of arts entrepreneurship, while the 798 arts district as an entity epitomizes economic development using arts and culture, also illustrating the role that individual arts entrepreneurs can play in fueling the success of a creative cluster. this study can be of value to scholars, policymakers, and arts managers, especially when exploring an urban setting in which the focus is a creative entity (goldberg-miller and fregetto, 2016). these cases provide an opportunity to examine the circumstances surrounding the creation of cultural entities, as well as to understand their reality through the arts entrepreneurship lens of fostering creative interventions. our analysis finds that the concept of creative commerce is different in china than in the us, as is the policy lexicon. we also point out that the circumstances in china are ideal for the recognition of the emergent field of arts entrepreneurship. policy analysis is a framework for understanding how these three entities were formed in the context of political and social realities, and the arts entrepreneurship context illustrates how these three cultural anchors are manifest. together, they provide a more comprehensive look at how concepts can be translated into varying cultural paradigms. for the purposes of this study, we found two caveats: first, that policy in china is made in a “black box,” meaning that one is not able to understand the processes and must instead look only at the outcomes; and second, that the concept of “entrepreneurship” is different there, meaning that arts entrepreneurship as we know it would need to be reframed in order to be applicable in china. the arts entrepreneurship field and the multiple streams policy framework the growing field of arts entrepreneurship arts entrepreneurship is both a developing and a growing discipline. the term “arts entrepreneurship” has entered the conversation within the arts administration, cultural management, and entrepreneurship fields, especially since the early 2000s (caves, 2000; mulcahy, 2003; rentschler, 2003), and often may be referred to as “cultural entrepreneurship” (mcnicholas, 2004). as with any emerging field, debate has ensued as to a firmly defined and widely accepted overall parameter to this concept, and as the discipline grows there will be more consensus. regarding the establishment of arts entrepreneurship within the literature, the term “arts entrepreneur” has been under debate. this term is recognized by some as business-related and the goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 25 outcome of the same kinds of principles for success that exist in the standard entrepreneurship lexicon (beckman, 2007; wyszomirski & goldberg-miller, 2015). others posit that this is a new kind of discipline that has dimensions beyond business management, ones that echo a more socially relevant and public value paradigm (essig, 2015). understandably, the various fields that incorporate arts entrepreneurship, including arts administration and policy, nonprofit management, and the business world may delineate the term differently according to the framework of their disciplines. one defining factor within the arts entrepreneurship context is the role of the arts in adding value. this is a concept that includes both monetary benefit and the broader totality of benefits that cultural and intellectual production bring to the table as value (frey, 2005). beckman and essig (2012) developed an initial interpretation of arts entrepreneurship, saying that it could be defined as “individual artist self-management and self-actualization.” the beckman and essig (2012) definition was augmented by research conducted by chang and wyszomirski (2015), which looked at the most frequent uses of terms in the fields of arts administration and policy, nonprofit management, and business. in the aggregate, they found that the three most frequently used meanings of arts entrepreneurship are: 1) developing new ventures; 2) locating new financial capital; and 3) developing new markets. subsequent to this investigation, these authors developed the following definition: “arts entrepreneurship is a management process through which cultural workers seek to support their creativity and autonomy, advance their capacity for adaptability, and create artistic as well as economic and social value” (chang & wyszomirski, 2015). essig (2015), however, highlights arts entrepreneurship as a creative process instead of a management process, as suggested by chang and wyszomirski (2015), positing that the managerial process is only the mediation that helps the conversion move from means to ends. according to this author, an aspect of using ingenuity in fostering success despite scarce resources, or what could be thought of as creative inspiration, is a hallmark of the arts entrepreneur. essig (2015) explores theories of entrepreneurship and firms, forming a means-ends framework illustrative of entrepreneurial activities in us arts and cultural sector. the author describes arts entrepreneurship as a creative process that converts the means, such as social and financial capital and applicable knowledge, to the ends -which include not only profit and products, but lasting impact on society -through mediating structures. a key takeaway from essig’s analysis is that the outputs of arts entrepreneurship move beyond the aspect of commerce, providing enhanced value creation and contributing to the growth of cultural capital through fostering sustainable products and services with an inherently aesthetic quality. in order to further understand and bound the field of arts entrepreneurship, hausman and heinze (2016) did an systematic analysis of 50 articles, finding that the definition of the topic area ranged from the managerial aspect of the area that places the focus on the firm, to the central figure of the individual creative producer, as well as recognizing the outputs of arts entrepreneurship that result in experiential opportunities or the production of creative capital as a legacy. another aspect of the focus within arts entrepreneurship is the self-employment landscape, which can be viewed as part of the study of traditional entrepreneurship (woronkowicz & noonan, 2017). often located in urban areas, individual artists may take advantage of resources including robust market opportunities, collaborative milieus, and an environment that fosters innovation and experimentation, each of which contribute to the development of the arts entrepreneur. goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 26 one of the hallmarks of the creative sector and intellectual endeavors is a focus on experimentation, innovation, and a love of unique solutions, rather than staying with the familiar and established way of doing things both in artistic endeavors and industry (ahuja & lampert, 2001). this differentiation must be taken into consideration when understanding the role that the creative sector plays in the entrepreneurial context, rather than forcing the field to echo the norms and structures of traditional entrepreneurship (oakley, 2009). theoretical frame of arts entrepreneurship the fundamental principles of arts entrepreneurship have been characterized as being on an evolving continuum (beckman & essig, 2012), ranging from theories about individuals to those that apply to a firm or entity, whether large or small. each of these conceptual streams needs to be modified in order to build a set of theories that apply specifically to arts entrepreneurship. as this field develops, theories emerge, are tested and argued, and subsequently become part of the literature. theories that contribute to the development of arts entrepreneurship include those of “classic” entrepreneurship, innovation and creativity, social enterprise, and management. researchers in this new discipline have borrowed from other fields, carefully examining the efficacy of each set of theoretical constructs in order to determine the inherent principles that provide the best fit for an emergent field. entrepreneurship deals primarily with the formation of businesses, which is not necessarily the case in arts entrepreneurship, when an individual may come up with a new concept or idea or may be working as an artist rather than forming a specific stand-alone entity (essig, 2015). an additional aspect that differentiates “traditional” entrepreneurship from arts entrepreneurship in the literature has to do with the contrasting bottom line. in the arts entrepreneurship case, scholars posit that a motivating factor may be something beyond the financial remuneration associated with successful enterprises, which would include personal satisfaction, aesthetic fulfillment, or a contribution to society that exceeds the purely economic (caves, 2000; essig, 2015; preece, 2011). proponents are developing new bespoke theories that include elements such as resilience, bricolage, and opportunity spotting – all specifically relating to the context of the arts. bricolage, or finding ways to realize goals without necessary tools – or doing more with less -is another concept that resonates in the often resource-challenged environment of the creative (baker & nelson, 2005; preese, 2013). opportunity spotting in the context of this emergent field may have the hallmarks of the creative sector as combined with that of the entrepreneur, including aspects such as innovation, imagination, and the disruption of the status quo (essig, 2015). as creative individuals seek to develop new ways to move their careers, small businesses, or organizations forward it is this ability to recognize the chance for change that is being positioned as an important differentiator (chen & wyszomirski, 2015). since two primary streams can be found within this theoretical framework, that of the organization and that of the individual, further research as to the core distinguishing elements of the arts entrepreneurship lens on the micro-and macro-levels can make a contribution to the literature. these principles are the building blocks to forming new theories, which will need to be operationalized and tested empirically in order to determine their efficacy. we believe that this examination of three arts entities, viewed through the lens of arts entrepreneurship with consideration of the individual and the firm, can bring another viewpoint to the ongoing process of field building. goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 27 entrepreneurial opportunity and arts entrepreneurship in china here, we build on this literature and reflect upon the meanings of arts entrepreneur and arts entrepreneurship in the context of our research on china. the concept of an “entrepreneur” was developed by jean-baptiste say around 1800, when he defined entrepreneurs as individuals who realized profits through change (bonin-rodriguez, 2012). one can also understand those who utilize adaptation to foster new profit streams by employing the word “innovator,” recognizing that today’s entrepreneurs may inherently -deliberately or inadvertently -disrupt the status quo (christensen, 1997). this kind of innovation, which is both disruptive and entrepreneurial, often results from what can be observed as asymmetric information and opportunities (bonin-rodriguez, 2012; eckhardt & shane, 2003; shane & venkataraman, 2001). asymmetric access to information can be the result of social networks that have strong connections to power as well as favorable market positioning, together with institutional and/or government relationships that offer unique opportunities (lin et al, 2013; walker & sherwood, 2003). thus, we can understand entrepreneurship as a successful endeavor when it not only results in financial gain, but also where there is a disruption of the status quo resulting from asymmetrical access to governmental, social, and/or production resources. however, within the arts entrepreneurship context, additional factors such as benefit to society, public good, and increased pride of place may be of value in measuring positive outcomes. under marxist ideology, capitalism was forbidden in china in the era of chairman mao. fostered by a centralized economic plan, agriculture was carried out by collectives in villages, while industry was state-owned and relegated to urban areas. by 1956, the private sector was eradicated in china (liao & sohmen, 2001). the concept of entrepreneurship during that time was not a popular one until chairman deng took over in 1978, after which time he began to encourage the growth of private enterprise, thereby stimulating the economy. during that period, some individual wealth was created. since china joined the world trade organization in 2001, it has made substantive efforts to become a part of the world economy, following market rules and establishing institutional economic policy. this process, beginning with deng, has meant that the concepts of entrepreneur and entrepreneurship have found their way into the economic development lexicon in modern china with the encouragement of the state, which promoted the early-adopter entrepreneurs (fan, 2006). a government slogan, loosely translated as “let some people get rich first” was touted, with the idea that subsequently others would follow in generating individual wealth. however, the classic definition of entrepreneurship fostered by hills (1994) points to a process that, “causes changes in the economic system to innovations brought about by individuals who generate or respond to economic opportunities that create value for both these individuals and society.” this is in contrast to the chinese economic system, in which entrepreneurs in that country face barriers to institutional innovation (milana & wang, 2013). when deng first opened the doors to global commerce, chinese society had a positive experience of the ubiquitous term, “made in china.” there was national pride in being the producer of a multitude of goods for the world marketplace. however, when the words “made in china” began to be printed below the words, “designed in usa” on labels, the realization of this negative perception of the country’s production brand hit home. china was labeled as “the world’s factory” for decades, famous for its cheap labor force, but the way this productivity was viewed has gradually begun to change. the economy is experiencing a transition from “made” to goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 28 “innovated” (wei et al, 2017; keane, 2006). as chinese society began to rethink the term “made in china,” the awareness of the importance of creativity began to emerge, fostering the advent of a new brand position, now called “created in china” (keane, 2007). among the panoply of creative goods and services in china are the “creative industries,” a term that began to be popularized in the mid to late 1990s, specifically at a national level by the uk government’s department of culture media and sport. this entity defined the field as, “those activities which have their origin in individual creativity, skill, and talent and which have a potential for wealth and job creation through the generation and exploitation of intellectual property” (british council, 2010, p. 16). the chinese communist party currently takes great effort to promote the creative and cultural industries (hartley & montgomery, 2009). the government instituted a form of tax-deduction and other policy interventions, while still professing to follow the tenets of marxism within the leadership and management of the “socialist cultural construction” (chinese communist party, 2011). enthusiasm about this sector led to the identification of the creative industries as a policy priority, as evidenced in the 12th five-year plan of 2011 (he, 2014). china’s five-year plans are social and economic development plans for the whole country, produced every five years by the communist party of china. the party sets targets, maps strategies, and establishes overall guidelines for shortand long-term goals. subsequent to this, regional and local governments compile their own detailed plans in accordance with the tenets of the five-year plan (hu, 2015). cultural development plays an important role in the 12th five-year plan. the 12th plan (national development and reform commission, 2011) states that the cultural sector will gradually become among the pillar industries of the national economy by 2015. the ministry of culture issued several related plans to encourage the growth of the cultural economy and creative markets, especially in the fields of film and television, publishing, entertainment, digital content, and animation. the government signaled that it would focus attention on cultural investment, cultural policies, and the cultural market environment (qiao, 2012). the central government favors the phrase “cultural sector” in its documentation, while local governments tend to use “creative economy” (national development and reform commission, 2011). within this sector in china there are currently three main categories: art, design, and media (keane, 2013). the art facet of the field deals with economic value that can be created through the arts; design includes technology design such as software and speaks to innovation in industry, creative clusters, and the creative class; and media is an area that encompasses the means of communication and attendant platforms. china’s promotion of the creative economy as a source of revenue and social purpose has brought its own tensions, specifically between the position of the government regarding retaining control of commercialization and the growth of what could be understood as arts entrepreneurship in china (keane, 2013, p.4) understanding the multiple streams framework kingdon (1984) presents the multiple streams framework (ms), wherein he delineated organizational behavior within what is known as the “garbage can model” (sabatier, 2007). ms deals with policymaking processes, helping to understand the complex factors that lead to recognition of policy issues, as well as how the scarce attention of policymakers may be focused on one alternative rather than another (kingdon, 1984). three streams flow through the policymaking process: problem, policy, and politics. these streams are relatively independent of goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 29 each other, but when a “policy window” is open, “policy entrepreneurs” help to join these streams, resulting in policy change. problem stream refers to ways certain problems capture governmental officials’ attention. three mechanisms affect this: indicators, focusing events, and feedback. indicators and their interpretation help to assess the magnitude of a problem; focusing events such as crises and disasters elicit public attention and push the problem into focus on the government agenda; and feedback from previous programs offers evaluation of similar programs and policies. conditions are defined as problems only when the polis believes that something ought to be done (kingdon, 1984). the policy stream is a known as a “policy primeval soup,” or messy environment wherein numerous proposals float around policy networks (kingdon, 1984, p. 116; planing, 2017; elson & hall, 2016). these policy networks include elected officials, career bureaucrats, academics, and government workers. by definition, these disparate actors become aligned within a focused policy framework (zahariadis, 2007). both individuals and groups may be influenced by actors called policy entrepreneurs; these are policy actors, often outside the main landscape, seeking to influence decision makers to adopt their policies in an attempt to influence both policy communities and the polis. meeting the criteria of technical feasibility and value acceptability could enhance the chance of proposals’ survival (kingdon, 1984). the political stream encompasses the national mood, and is influenced by exogenous shocks, such as election results and interest group campaigns, or internal factors including shifts in administration and ideological alignments aggregated behind issues (kingdon, 1984). when the vast majority of the polis aligns along such lines, politicians and agendas can be influenced. organized political forces affect and can sway policy outcomes. a final component of political streams is administration, mainly including the turnover of key personnel and issues about jurisdiction. kingdon’s political stream, which is based on the western system of interest group influence, partisanship, and electoral outcomes, stands in contrast to that of china. in the chinese one-party political context, these contents of political streams are only partly applicable. an important concept in ms is the policy window. this is an opportunity that occurs in a timesensitive manner, wherein there is only a brief chance in which to make change and to introduce a strategy for action (kingdon, 1984, p. 174). policy windows open through a problem or an event in the political stream. when the window opens, policy entrepreneurs seize the opportunity to persuade politicians or policymakers to take up their solutions. this is the time that the three streams – problem, policy, and political -join, bringing a dramatically increased probability of an item rising on a decision agenda. chinese scholars have used ms to analyze environment policy, repatriation policy, and housing policy (bai, 2010; liu, 2015; huang and xu, 2012; bi, 2007). some use part of kingdon’s political stream concept, including national mood and change of administration (liu, 2015; huang and xu, 2012), while others use adaptive contents such as the attention of the central government (bi, 2007) or nationwide political direction from the central government (bai, 2010). while we use ms to analyze cultural policy in the chinese context, it has been applied in various policy domains (chow, 2014). ms has been used to explain us foreign aid allocation (travis, zahariadis, 2002), emissions trading in germany (brunner, 2008), municipal emergency management (henstra, 2010), eu policymaking (zahariadis, 2008; ackrill & kay, 2011) and privatization in goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 30 britain and germany (zahariadis and allen, 1995). however, this study is the first to utilize ms to look at the cultural sector in china. case studies national centre for the performing arts: a nation’s dream opened in december 2007, the national centre for the performing arts of china is located in the center of beijing, beside tiananmen square, and cost about $400 million usd. the decision to establish a national theatre dates back to the late 1950s, and from the very beginning until its grand opening was both a top-down and back-and-forth process (figure 1). figure 1. national centre for the performing arts timeline 1958 •premier zhou enlai proposed establishment of a national theater, and suggested the location of the theater 19591961 •the three years of great chinese famine •the theater proposal was postponed 19661976 •cultural revolution 1970s •ministry of culture raised the proposal again, but got no results 1990 •ministry of culture raised the proposal one more time, and established ad hoc office 1997 •project was approved by the central committee of the communist party of china 1998 •andreu succeeded in the bidding 2000.4 •construction begins 2000.7 •construction shut down due to a heated debate on the building design 2001.2 •feasibility report discussed by the cpc politburo 2001.7 •beijing succeeded in olympic bid 2001.1 2 •start construction again 2007.9 •construction completed and the theatre opened 2008 •beijing olympic games goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 31 following the success of the 2008 olympics bid, the policy window was open, and construction began and was completed before the beijing olympic games. the three streams came together, allowing us to visualize the policy process of establishing a national theatre and subsequently to use key ms concepts to analyze the debate after 2000. the three streams: problem, policy and politics. prior to the opening of ncpa in 2007, beijing had some theatres and concert halls, such as great hall of the people--where high-level performances took place--but they were not of a stature to be known as the “cultural center of china,” and the facilities were not sufficient to present world-class performances that showcased chinese culture, enhanced soft power, and improved performing arts domestically. the policy stream, which we define as the proposal to establish a national theatre, appeared several times before 2000 (indicated in figure 2 as a dotted line), but did not influence the policy agenda until the successful olympic bid in 2001. the politics stream, defined as a policymaker or politician’s attention towards an issue, existed for a long time but it was not as relevant as other political issues, such as “class struggle.” in figure 2, the political stream is shown by a dashed line, indicating the less important position of the proposal on the policy agenda. a solid line illustrates the central government’s active decision on this project. figure 2. processing towards ncpa and its three streams the successful 2008 olympic bid provided the policy window, which would last only through the games, so the final decision was made to seize the opportunity to join the three streams. focusing on the design debate: do policy entrepreneurs work? in july 1999, french architect paul andreu’s design was selected (zhong, 2000) from among 70 international design submissions. surrounded by a man-made lake, his imposing, gargantuan domed glass structure with its reflective exterior was meant to be a defining structure -an architectural magnet in the heart of the enormous city of beijing. in 2000, soon after it began, construction was suspended amid opposition from chinese scientists and engineers. politics policy problem 2001 2008 1958 1961 1976 cultural revolutiongreat famine goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 32 when a policy window opens, hesitation may prove to be unwise, as the window will close. wan li, the former head of the ministry of national urban construction, said, “we want to grasp the chance of the olympics to establish the national theater, which is a long-term wish” (shan, 2004). paul andreu’s design was reinstated. in this case, the academics served as policy entrepreneurs and used their own resources to influence policy communities, giving information and suggestions to policymakers and influencing the government to suspend the construction. however, when the policy window opened with externally imposed deadlines, these suggestions and influences were not critical factors for final decisions and policies in light of the opportunities for china to shine in the global spotlight. budget constraints: the management problem of ncpa. historically, the national centre for the performing arts (ncpa) promoted an image of chinese culture to its citizens. this role is consistent with our broader understanding of arts management, especially as seen in the literature, where the field is interchangeably referred to as “cultural management” (brkić, 2009; dewey, 2004). this is particularly the case when art is used to build social cohesion (evrard and colbert, 2000). given the establishment of the national centre with a tourism focus, there is a policy opening for a more innovative range of performing art offerings as the ncpa competes more globally to attract tourism (teece, 2010; evrard and colbert, 2000). multiple streams sees the budget as a special component of the problem stream. often, the budgeting process inhibits action, preventing proposals from reaching policy agendas because the idea would put a strain on previous financial commitments (kingdon, 1984). when the proposal to build a national theatre emerged, the economy was not robust enough for implementation. in some ways, the budget problem is subjective. the question is not “can we afford the cost” but rather, “is the project worth the cost?” regarding the ncpa and other expensive arts flagship venues in china, the cost-benefit discussion is raised before and after the construction since, as a developing country, other issues such as income disparity are always on the policy agenda. in this case, a window was needed to spur the establishment of a national theatre and the olympic bidding was just that window. the today art museum: china’s first “private” museum an increased interest in contemporary chinese art coincided with the chinese government’s 1978 economic reform, but contemporary artists, such as ai weiwei, are considered unofficial artists outside of the chinese artists association. these are individuals who attack the regime’s status quo and push the boundaries of propriety with their art, which has been called, “heterogeneous, chaotic, anarchic and often provocative” (elzen, 2008, p. 5). the chinese government often appears threatened by these individual artists, many of whom have a worldwide following (salmenkari, 2004). therefore, state-owned art museums could not freely showcase contemporary art without risking losing political power and financial support. the lack of official places to exhibit contemporary art created a gap between demand and supply. in kingdon’s theory, there is a difference between a condition and a problem. the latter is something with high social or political value that merits consideration and that could lead to policy change (kingdon, 1984); but if the value is low, then it is only a condition. the government’s ambiguous attitudes towards contemporary art were based on the assumption that contemporary art was meaningless for socialist culture because it, “distorted chinese international image,” was “instigated by the western ideology,” and “aimed to subvert socialism” (lü, 2014, p. 93). because goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 33 the government viewed the mismatch as a condition, contemporary artists had to find an outlet, which was the so-called “private art museum,” a nonprofit and non-governmental entity. conservative politics, fractures between urban and rural society’s access to contemporary art, and ideological frameworks all were challenges to contemporary art’s development (lü, 2014). nevertheless, the art market prospered as a result of economic openness, and chinese artists gained international fame in the early 2000s (elzen, 2008; keane, 2013). private art museums, born as a solution, tried to find their identity and function as a part of the creative economy. without official support from the government that saw a condition, not a problem, the only patrons of these museums were private companies, which meant no guaranteed funding. policy stream: policy entrepreneur and today art museum. today art museum opened in 2002 as the project of zhang baoquan, the owner of a real estate company called the antaeus group, with a complex of more than 2,000 luxury apartments adjacent to the museum. beijing’s municipal civil affairs bureau had no criterion for this kind of entity (wang, 2009). after some investigation, the bureau issued the museum a license, wherein it is named as a “private art museum” separate from the antaeus group (ma, 2010). although no commercial purpose is mentioned in organizational materials, the museum’s function in the promotion of the neighborhood can be seen as a factor in its development. most of the private art museums in china are backed by real estate companies (lü, 2014), which are financially sound enough to sponsor an arts organization. having an art museum near their developments could promote the reputation both of the neighborhood and the company. as of 2015, approximately 140 private art museums exist in china (anon., 2015), each facing financial challenges due to lack of government funding, as well as the need to secure artists, calling into question their future sustainability (xu, 2016). political stream: private entities on the public radar. for a long time, the chinese government held the view that an important aspect of art is its role as a servant of political regimes and social movements, rather than as a tool for individual self-expression (salmenkari, 2004). this role for the arts resulted in a lack of official support for contemporary art and private art museums. as of early 2016, there was no state-level regulation released by the chinese ministry of culture, nor official statistics specifically focusing on private museums. the vice-director of the arts departement of the ministry of culture estimates that private art museums currently make up nearly one-third of all art museums in china (china culture daily, 2013). waiting for the window. government consideration of the private art museum has begun to be evidenced, but a true opening for change through a policy window is still on its way. the ministry of culture acknowledged private art museums as part of the cultural landscape in a 2014 report (lü, 2014). without policy consideration and the financial benefit of government support, these museums explore a cultural ecology that takes advantage of the growth of the chinese market economy. in multiple streams, a pre-policy situation such as that of private art museums in china is a kind of policy primeval soup (kingdon, 1984), or a solution waiting for a policy window. policy or economics? is the today art museum, china’s first private contemporary art museum, an example of “nonprofit boosterism?” one of the key considerations for the survival of an organization, especially one that is a dependent upon governmental and public support, is its ability to maintain a resource stream (froelich, 1999; pfeffer & salancik, 1978). the management of dependencies becomes a crucial competency when balancing a drive for innovation and continued support; this strategic responsibility falls upon the booster for the organization (froelich, 1999; kushner & poole, 1996). one nonprofit management strategy is to secure trust through goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 34 relationship building and sometimes being purposefully vague on the immediate outputs (west, 1987). this strategy allows for nonprofit entities to cater both to the public and governmental interests, while allowing wiggle room to push the boundaries regarding arts offerings. the lack of policy considerations in the case of today art museum and chinese contemporary art is due to the fact that the window for policy change is not yet open. policy entrepreneurs need a pet solution or a set of pet solutions to advocate within epistemic policy communities. in interviews with the directors of private art museums, in speeches during the private art museums forum, and in news and academic articles about the issue the most frequently-mentioned problem facing these museums is the lack of the kind of tax-exempt policy found in the western system (gong, 2013; gu & wang, 2012; hu et al, 2017; zhang & gao, 2012). as ideas float about in the “policy primeval soup,” the suggestion of tax-exempt policy does not meet the survival criteria – technical feasibility and value feasibility – both of which help ideas to be considered as serious, viable proposals. the argument against technical feasibility says that tax-exemption is not a policy limited to the arts; rather, it is a huge systematic project that needs cooperation and coordination from many different central governmental departments including the state council, ministry of culture, ministry of finance, and national administration of taxation. in addition, the charity system in china is not the same as in the west, as it relates to what is known as the “government-involvingcorporate-sector,” which would make tax reform more complicated (li et al, 2015; tan & tang, 2014). an additional concept overlay from ms is that of value feasibility (kingdon, 1984). this points to the way that strategies and options for policy change must be aligned with goals and agenda items that are high priorities for the value landscape of policy specialists. in china, supporting contemporary art is not a policy concern, but a value one. in the political stream, one question that might be asked is whether these 140 private art museums represent an organized political force. at the first private art museums development forum, the participants formed the private art museum association. however, the association has not had a visible role subsequently. 798 arts district: public-private cooperation beijing’s northeast dashanzi district was famous for its 718 joint factory, established in the 1960’s with east germany’s help. after 10 years of operation, 718 divided into six factories, including 798. semiconductors eventually replaced electron tubes, resulting in vacant factory facilities. in 2000, these factories were incorporated into the seven-star huadian science and technology group (seven star group), which sought to populate the derelict, massive structures with tenants (yin et al., 2015). american publisher robert bernell moved into 798 in 2002. subsequently, buildings were rented to other artists and 798 began as an informal art zone. the former electronic component factory’s bauhaus-influenced interiors were massive, and skylights provided natural light, fostering ideal conditions for art exhibits. on the edge of demolition. after seven star group’s establishment, the city supported plans for 718 district as a technology hub (currier, 2008), refusing to rent to artists, anyone related to arts and culture, or foreigners , preferring the economic advantages a technology hub would bring. the group argued that there was no role for the creative community in this decision-making process, since they were not the owners of these properties (yin et al., 2015). in 2003, artists in 798 gained public attention by launching the “reconstructing 798 movement,” an arts festival goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 35 calling for the conservation of the complex. the standoff between the different visions for this area provide the focusing event for this case, illustrating how problems capture the attention of policymakers and the public and pave the way for subsequent advocacy. artists used exhibitions and arts festivals to reinforce 798’s identity as an art zone and to gain a place on the policy agenda as well as a more powerful position when negotiating with seven star. policy entrepreneurs and agendas. in 2003, li xiangqun, a professor from tsinghua university who had his own studio in 798, submitted a proposal to the national people’s congress that had the twin goals of creating an arts district while recognizing the importance of heritage buildings in city planning (zheng, 2008, p. 48). professor li acted as a policy entrepreneur, trying to place 798 onto the policymakers’ agenda. using robust relationships both with government officials and private sector actors to leverage the possibility of success on the project (kingdon, 1984), li called for a halt to the destruction of this area, claiming that the district has architectural relevance as a historic site (yin et al., 2015). professor li’s and the artists’ actions illustrate the process of influencing policy communities and the polis by leveraging worldwide acceptance of the creative city concept and value (kingdon, 1984). two kinds of targets of agenda influence appear in this case. first, the activism and arts festival received a great deal of attention aimed at educating the public about 798 as an art hub, which in turn prepared art advocates for policy action. second, professor li educated the policy community through his personal relationships with officials. without his advocacy, a proposal to protect the 798 art zone likely would have failed, due to little understanding or support. since the early 2000s, china’s interest in the creative industries has escalated as it focuses on upgrading worldwide demand from inexpensive goods to higher-cost products and services (o’connor and gu, 2006; keane, 2013). this opportunity is a “policy window” for the creative industries, wherein creative clusters are viewed as valuable for the development of the economy. in 2005, the government identified 798 as a modern architectural heritage site, and in 2006 officially designated the area as “the 798 art zone,” listing it as one of the first “cultural creative industries clusters.” together with the seven star group, the state established a “798 arts district construction and management office.” in 2011, the government created the “beijing administrative committee of 798 arts district,” thus insuring the pre-eminence of the government as a key actor in this public-private enterprise (zielke and waibel, 2014). the 798 arts district now receives millions of visitors annually. both the city government and the seven star group agree that the site serves as a stellar example of cultural policy and economic development (currier, 2008). illustrative examples of 798 arts district arts entrepreneurs are artist hang rui and gallery owner yang yang. huang rui is a well-known artist who was among the first to introduce contemporary art into chinese society at the end of 1970s. in 2002, he went to the 798 area for the first time with fellow artist ai weiwei. several artists were working there, lured by the bauhaus-style factory building and low rent, but 798 was far from an arts district as it faced demolition and replacement by a high-tech cluster. huang recognized the value of this opportunity to foster an art district, believing in its future. together with other artists, he drafted petitions and launched arts festivals in order to secure social attention and thereby change the fate of 798. huang had the “alertness” of an arts entrepreneur (essig, 2015), seizing the opportunity to transform the 798 factory into an arts district though leveraging art world connections, the media, and social goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 36 capital. although rui left the district in 2007, he still claims that of all of his art projects, the 798 is his best work (huang, 2008; wu, 2010). yang yang, the owner of gallery yang, studied computer science and after graduating in 2003, this would-be programmer worked for a contemporary art gallery in bangkok. after three years as an administrator, she developed a keen interest in art and built a network among artists. subsequent to moving back to beijing in 2006, yang pursued a degree from the central academy of fine arts. she started gallery yang in 2010, moving it to the 798 arts district two years later. yang, born in the 1980s, promoted primarily the younger generation of chinese artists. her husband also operated an art gallery, providing her with professional advice and assistance in networking. as woronkowicz and noonan (2017) posit, being married can be among the positive predictors in the choice to be an entrepreneur. for arts entrepreneurs such as yang, labor market experience increases the propensity of being self-employed (woronkowicz and noonan, 2017), which gives them the startup knowledge resources and confidence to succeed (contemporary art magazine, 2011). discussion: arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation the three cases presented here provide a way to understand the conditions and evolution of each cultural entity through policy analysis, and to examine how they exemplify the tenets of the field of arts entrepreneurship as it stands today. while the lens of multiple streams is useful in looking at the creation of these cultural anchors, we employ arts entrepreneurship to look at the current snapshot in beijing. figures 3, 4, and 5 following illustrate the blending of these two perspectives, examining the actors, conditions, and outcomes related to each entity profiled. figure 3. ncpa actors, conditions, and outcomes national centre for the performing arts actors conditions outcomes •scholars opposed to the design •internationally renown architect •group bidding for olympics •government after winning bid •management of ncpa •lack of national performing arts center •winning olympic bid •time constraint •desire for presence on global stage •recognized behemoth performing arts center •arts management example •magnet for national and international tourism •fostering development of arts consumption goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 37 figure 4. today art museum actors, conditions, and outcomes figure 5. 798 arts district actors, conditions, and outcomes arts entrepreneurship in china china today is eager to utilize tools for creative city-building, and among these is the growing field of arts entrepreneurship. the 798 arts district fosters economic development through arts entrepreneurship, as well as incentivizing the individual arts entrepreneur. chinese government interest exemplifies a characteristic of field building, specifically in the developing arts today art museum actors conditions outcomes •zhang baoquan, businessman •executive director gao peng •chinese artists •international art market •rise of economic incentivization in china •desire by real estate company to develop the neighborhood •growing art market for contemporary chinese art •fostering of new kind of museum paradigm •arts management example leader as brand builder •increased interest in public experience of contemporary chinese art 798 arts district actors conditions outcomes • american publisher robert bernell • beijing’s artists and arts advocates • global creative community • acquiescence by the state • chinese artists and arts entrepreneurs • abandoned factory area • rise of interest in creative economy • social media landscape • openness in chinese entrepreneurship • flourishing arts district • opportunities for individual arts entrepreneurs • strong brand for district • field building due to state interest in sector goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 38 entrepreneurship field. evidenced primarily in the 798 arts district, this is an instance of government interest in developing a creative place -especially one with individual arts entrepreneurs -in order to foster its agenda of promoting the creative economy, as outlined in the 12th five-year plan (he, 2014). the national centre for the performing arts illustrates the mangerial aspect of arts entrepreneurship, and is more aligned with the context of arts management within the creative sector, giving us an understanding of the way that china values creative outputs in a public context. we view the national theatre as opening the door to excellence in arts management, as it has become a symbol of china’s dedication to the arts and its cultural power. while it is important not to conflate arts management with the arts entrepreneurship mindset, ncpa is an example of the component of this field that looks at management as an aspect of entrepreneurship in the arts. the today art museum exemplifies the way the door has been opened for the world to see a nonprofit leader who has brought interest and attention to the explosive growth of the global market for contemporary chinese artwork. the today art museum points to the role that a visible, global arts administrator with a highly entrepreneurial mindset can play in championing a burgeoning fine arts scene. however, it is the 798 arts district that has paved the way for a locallybased kind of arts entrepreneurship often found in creative clusters, urban centers, and arts districts. the 798 serves specifically as an example of the conflation of arts and economic development and the manifestation of individually-focused arts entrepreneurship theory (table 1). five aspects of arts entrepreneurship ncpa 798 arts district today art museum arts entrepreneur government acting in an innovative way li xiangqun; individual artists and business owners zhang baoquan opportunity lack of a national cultural center emergence of creative sector in china lack of contemporary art museum in china managerial structure creation and management of a national theatre creation and management of an art district creation and management of a museum purpose artistic and social artistic, social and economic artistic and social content and programming performing arts arts, creative businesses, and artists gathering contemporary art table 1: five aspects of arts entrepreneurship applied to beijing’s three cultural anchors arts management writ large: the behemoth ncpa. since its inception, the national centre for the performing arts has grown to become one of the best-managed arts organizations in china (chen, 2017), making it an example of effective management structure within the arts goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 39 entrepreneurship lexicon. from its opening date in 2008 until 2015, the ncpa held nearly 6,700 events, with an overall attendance of more than 600,000 people (cai, 2015). this kind of robust attendance, the result of deliberate marketing efforts, belies the stereotype of inefficiency at the helm of state-owned arts and cultural institutions in china. another facet of innovation in arts management is the way that the ncpa takes advantage of new media, offering a mobile application for classical music that has been downloaded nearly 700,000 times (chen, 2015, jan. 22). one of the hallmarks of the ncpa’s dedication to vitality, innovation, and concern for the long-term sustainability of demand is its arts education program. this is a signal that the organization’s leadership cares about the development of future audiences, which is emblematic of the arts management aspect of arts entrepreneurship. management’s concern about keeping the cost of tickets affordable while maintaining high artistic quality also points to a dedication to public good, or the concept of social value creation in arts entrepreneurship theory (essig, 2015). the administration of the ncpa even lowered the price of admission twice. when it opened in 2009, the average price was 480 rmb, the admission price was lowered to 316 rmb in 2013, and it dropped to 271 rmb in 2014 (chen, 2015). global entrepreneur in the arts: today art museum director peng. gao peng, the executive director of today art museum, took over the museum when he was just 31 years old. capped with the moniker, “the youngest director of a museum in the world” (hao & zhang, 2015), he had an excellent educational background in art, a media-worthy appearance and personality, and rich arts management experience, which together gained him significant media attention. consequently, an arts management star was born. peng fits the profile of an arts entrepreneur in the management category -his innovations inlclude programs such as holding exhibitions with content that connects to entertainment stars, combining artistic design and fashion, building partnerships with foreign embassies, and introducing performing arts to the museum to attract a general audience. peng’s open-minded work to expand the boundaries of art in order to increase audience attendance, build the museum’s brand, and draw local and global attention both to the museum and to chinese contemporary art make today art museum china’s most visited modern art museum. the 798 arts district: challenges of economic success. although beijing’s 798 arts district began spontaneously as the dream and vision of an arts community outside of the governmental gaze, it has experienced many of the same problems that have been found in other arts districts throughout the world. subsequent to its success, there has been a process of the “pricing out” of the creative sector, a challenge common in revitalizing and/or gentrifying areas (goldberg-miller, 2017). the 798 has a number of more established cultural entities, such as pace beijing, the ullens center for contemporary art, and the asia art center, as well as art studios and stores that sell creative and cultural products. recently, a plethora of cafés, restaurants, bars, hotels and even fashion retail outlets are emerging in the district. by 2015, the data showed that there were four million chinese and one million international visitors to the arts district’s nearly 250 arts organizations, shops, and businesses that year. in a recent interview, wang yanling, chair of the board of directors of the arts district’s governing entity, 798 creative industry investment ltd., admitted that some galleries were leaving, noting, “that is a result of the development of the market and of time” (zhang and wang, 2016). goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 40 the multiple streams framework in beijing the processes of adoption – or non-adoption -of policy in china differ significantly from western policy processes. we look at the core concepts of ms in terms of the three arts entities, adapting the framework into a tool for the analysis of arts policy in china, as summarized in table 2. 798 arts district ncpa today art museum problem stream • possible demolition of the arts area • artists had already been in the district • vacancy of a national cultural center • contemporary artists wanted institutional places to exhibit • lack of public support for private art museums policy entrepreneur • li xiangqun • artists and academics • government • performing arts center proponents • zhang baoquan, businessman with art background, founder of today art museum policy stream • official certification designating 798 as an arts district • proposals for building a national theatre • little funding • no regulation political stream • industrial upgrades • shift of political focus to creation of a flagship cultural institution • ideology • politically, no preference towards contemporary art policy window • emergence of creative sector as a target cluster • the olympic games • china would be on the world stage • international interest in chinese contemporary art table 2. multiple streams in the chinese context: three cultural entities in beijing policy entrepreneur. one of the purposes of ms is to evaluate the roles of policy actors, as well as policy entrepreneurs, within the context of the development of policy (kingdon, 1984). in china, the fragmented authoritarianism framework mitigates the rules of the policymaking process. policy entrepreneurs in this context can be defined as those outside of the core of the authoritarian-like government structure. this includes the media, ngos, and minimally powerful government workers (mertha, 2009). in our three entities, the policy entrepreneurs we discuss include li xiangqun in the 798 case, the proponents of the performing arts center in the ncpa case, and zhang baoquan in the today art museum case. most of these actors operate outside of the government, especially in the instances of the today art museum and the 798 arts district. policy stream. in ms, the policy stream refers to policy proposals under consideration. in the chinese cases explored here, the trajectories are not transparent and it often is hard to clarify who goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 41 is in the policy community. given these challenges, we focus on analyzing policy outcomes in the chinese creative city context. political stream. because china does not have election results, changes of administration, or changes of partisan distributions, in this investigation we explore the bargaining processes between different interest groups. the ideology of the chinese political system and the directions of the central government are essential factors in the political stream. due to the internet, policy actors throughout the world now have much more interaction than ever. overseas forces can play a role in china’s political stream, as the 798 arts district case illustrates. policy window. policy windows, by definition, are open only briefly, and are a chance for change to occur. the case of ncpa has a clear window, but the other two do not. the current local, national, and global attention to china’s emerging creative industry may prove to be the “window” for china’s development opportunity for china as it attempts to gain economic power. policy change. the multiple streams framework is a theory about policy change, but in our cases we extend this theory to policy creation. prior to the 798 arts district, there was no creative cluster in beijing; the ncpa is the first and most prominent national cultural center in china; and today art museum is also the first officially approved private art museum in china. the chinese government is facing a rapidly changing world and is creating new policies to deal with the growth of the creative sector and other burgeoning issues. conclusion we use the lens of arts entrepreneurship to examine each of these entities as they have evolved and are positioned currently in the context of creative commerce as understood in china, specifically exploring the organizational aspect as well as looking at the individuals involved. additionally, stakeholder groups, budget constraints, and policy windows are key multiple streams concepts we examine in the context of the cases. policy concepts here are utilized to unpack the creation of these three cultural entities in beijing, and arts entrepreneurship helps to explain the manifestation and the economic reality of emergent arts entrepreneurship constructs as applied to the chinese context. while our policy analysis focuses on open policy windows, the arts entrepreneurship lens provides us with the chance to look at how a variety of actors are opening the doors to economic opportunity and creative freedom. theories and constructs offer frameworks for researchers, but they are not stiff; rather, they are changeable and applicable within diverse research contexts. these cases have three different perspectives. the construction of ncpa is a top-down process conducted by the government, showing strong political value. the 798 arts district has a semi-governmental management style, as it incorporates the government, is a state-owned company and is influenced by artists; its development process is more motivated by economic value. the today art museum, similar to other chinese private art museums, is founded and supported by the burgeoning private sector. while some private art museums have positive effects on creative commodities in the private sector, these museums are fighting for artistic value in the chinese contemporary art scene. our investigation points to ways that arts entrepreneurship is alive and flourishing in beijing. the examples discussed here echo those found worldwide in the context of the arts entrepreneurship field, especially with regards to benchmarking excellence in innovative and strategic arts management practices, bricolage, and opportunity spotting. however, it is the occupants of the 798 arts district, rather than the district itself, that exemplify the kind of goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 42 individual artist or business owner that fit the arts entrepreneurship definition posited by essig (2015). the entities explored here exemplify three types of arts entities (governmental, semigovernmental, and private) and values (political, economic, and artistic). they have different funding systems, organizational structures, and development trajectories. however, no matter what led them to their current positions, they now are facing a similar future. if we say that china is like a dragon flying into an open world at the fastest possible speed, culture plays an important role for this dragon, along with economic development, technological growth, and social advancement. all three of the cultural anchors profiled here are facing the world with its global economic practices and multi-modal audience. whether looking at the ncpa, 798 art district, or today art museum, each strives to diversify its income, develop educational programs to cultivate more art enthusiasts, and attract more residents and tourists -goals similar to those of their western cultural counterparts. additionally, the entities work to improve chinese society’s cultural opportunities and experiences. these efforts are made through the arts, and the organizations described here have varying degrees of intention regarding their purposes and missions. as an arts district, 798 provides a focal point for residents and tourists and is an example of creative cluster. ncpa’s diversified performances and educational programs mean that, while it enjoys significant government support, its role may not be viewed as a tool for propaganda. the today art museum, created and sustained by market-force actors, serves as an anchor institution in its neighborhood and has emerged as the leader of a new kind of art museum in china. each of these seeks to influence the policymaking process in order to gain more freedom (deregulation) and support (tax-exemption policy) from the government. innovation, strategic thinking, and adaptation to changing circumstances -all of which are endemic to the definition and scope of arts entrepreneurship -are found in these three entities, albeit to varying degrees and with diverse manifestations. multiple streams offers a powerful tool with which to understand the nuances of the three cases; however, one can only go so far using this framework. as a developing field, arts entrepreneurship has the flexibility and plasticity to be a relevant lens under disparate conditions. as evidenced here, these include dissimilar economic, social and political landscapes, affording the study of the applicability of an emerging discipline to a variety of circumstances. the ability of arts entrepreneurship to be understood across cultures can make the precepts of the field essential tools in the development of strategic planning for success in the arts worldwide, in both the for-profit and nonprofit contexts. although the three entities under study were formed under very different circumstances, we find that they have grown to become similar in many ways, thus exemplifying a process known as institutional isomorphism (dimaggio and powell, 1983). this is evidenced in their common global perspectives, attention to branding and the demand side of offerings, and the diversification of their revenue strategies. each has shifted its priorities to take advantage of new opportunities to deepen and expand the market, provide an understanding of the contemporary chinese art world, and educate tourists and residents. while the three organizations profiled have different origins, financial structures, and market orientations, all are responding to the wealth of opportunity afforded by the global attention china now enjoys. goldberg-miller and xiao arts entrepreneurship and cultural policy innovation in beijing _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 43 references ackrill, r., & kay, a. 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(2014). comparative urban governance of developing creative spaces in china. habitat international, 41(12), 99-107. microsoft word munnelly final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 8, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 67-68 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2019, karen munnelly book review the 21cm introduction to music by mark rabideau reviewed by karen munnelly, ph.d., university of texas at austin abstract created for students and instructors alike, mark rabideau’s the 21cm introduction to music entrepreneurship provides a cohesive curriculum for a semester-long course in arts entrepreneurship. in 21cm introduction to music entrepreneurship, mark rabideau navigates both instructor and student through various facets of entrepreneurship. what sets this book apart from many other texts on arts entrepreneurship is that rabideau is not trying to convince anyone that music entrepreneurship is necessary due to a dwindling job market, but instead focuses on the excitement of endless possibilities available to musicians. 21cm introduction to music entrepreneurship is about thriving and limitless opportunities as opposed to the need to be entrepreneurial. 21cm introduction to music entrepreneurship is more than a textbook. it is an entire course. rabideau has designed this digital textbook to be a hybrid/flipped classroom, which is taught both by the authors and the instructor. the interface of the digital textbook is set up very similar to an online course in canvas or blackboard but allows for greater interaction with the content. it includes a course syllabus, weekly chapters with embedded audio and videos, powerpoints, course assignments, discussion prompts, activities, case studies, lesson plans and a toolkit of how-to videos with instructions. the syllabus, which can be edited by the instructor contains course objectives, a course calendar, and grading criteria. discussion prompts are embedded in the chapter and students can click on the prompt and respond right there in the textbook. students receive seven months of access to the text and instructors receive 12 months access. while the purchase doesn’t provide indefinite access to the digital textbook, much of the content including chapters, powerpoints and lesson plans can be downloaded and saved. rabideau opens with an emphasis on creativity, something that most would agree is an essential trait of being a musician. as rabideau points out, it is also an essential trait of being an entrepreneur. his definition of entrepreneurship has nothing to do with financial gain, but instead focuses on problem-solving with “one’s skills, knowledge, passions, and resources.” this is illustrated beautifully throughout the book with examples of unique music entrepreneurs including interviews and articles by melissa snoza of fifth house ensemble, stanford thompson, founder and executive director for the el sistema–inspired program play on, philly! and peter seymour of project trio among others. rabideau provides essentially everything needed to teach a music entrepreneurship class. the lesson plans are thoughtful and detailed containing student outcomes, homework assignments, supply lists, teacher notes, links to videos, activities, and discussion prompts. the digital toolkit contains over 30 how-to videos with printable instructions and samples. students are walked through a range of topics including goal setting, budgeting, evaluation, press releases, websites, and fundraising. while the focus of this book is on music entrepreneurship, one could easily use it in a course with a variety of arts disciplines after adding examples of entrepreneurship in arts disciplines outside of music. munnelly book review: the 21cm introduction to music entrepreneurship ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 68 throughout the text, there are sections by guest authors including james doser, director of the institute for music leadership at the eastman school of music, mark clague, director of entrepreneurship and career services at the university of michigan’s school of music, theatre and dance, jeff nytch, director of the entrepreneurship center for music at the university of colorado–boulder and david cutler, author of the savvy musician: building a career, earning a living, and making a difference. the textbook and curriculum prepare the students to produce an entrepreneurial event as the culminating project. during weeks 1-6, the content and activities prepare students to create and implement a social entrepreneurial event. students are asked to volunteer in the community and reflect upon the experience. students learn about opportunity recognition and problem-solving by conducting a mini case study on an organization that addresses a problem in a creative an impactful way. an informational interview assignment provides students with the opportunity to explore creativity by interviewing a musician/artist in their life. students learn about collaboration and prototyping through the marshmallow challenge where teams compete to create the tallest tower out of spaghetti, marshmallow, masking tape, and twine. through cultural asset mapping, students gain an understanding of what services, populations, and regions are underserved and discover potential organizations to partner with. the class works together to brainstorm the class project/event. students are asked to consider the audience they hope to impact, how they plan to impact the audience, and what the desired outcomes are. students merge ideas and vote for their favorite pieces, which leads to combining multiple student proposals into one cohesive project that meets a needs gap or opportunity in the community. the class elects an executive director, information guru and committee heads for the storytelling committee (marketing), ideas to action committee (logistics) and funding priceless ideas committee. throughout the remainder of the semester, students work together in-class to produce and implement the project. the online textbook includes examples of final projects from depauw university and ohio state university. 21cm introduction to music entrepreneurship provides a cohesive curriculum for a semester-long course. the guided lesson plans make it possible for an instructor without a wealth of experience in entrepreneurship to teach a meaningful and relevant course. rabideau’s inspirational and motivational style of writing is engaging and will resonate with many arts students. he has a way of encouraging excitement about a new way of thinking for many students. the digital textbook is an excellent resource for institutions looking to add a meaningful arts entrepreneurship course to their curriculum. for those, who don’t fall into the instructor or student category, rabideau does have a similar hardcopy book titled, creating the revolutionary artist: entrepreneurship for the 21st-century musician, isbn 978-1538109922. references the 21cm introduction to music entrepreneurship, by mark rabideau. 21st-century musician initiative and rowman & littlefield publishers, 2017, isbn 978-1-5381-0671-6 (e-book), $60.00. microsoft word friedrichs final.dotx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the art volume 7, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 27-40 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2018, the author suggestions for incorporating entrepreneurship education in the classical performance studio andrew michael friedrichs abstract as music institutions strive to embody the nature of entrepreneurship in greater capacities, both a lack of understanding and a lack of pedagogical knowledge serve as detriments to this end. the purpose of this exploratory study is to equip classical brass performance professors, whose goal it is to incorporate entrepreneurship in their studios, with practical suggestions on how to do so. information from a survey of brass players was combined with literature regarding entrepreneurship education teaching practices, as well as practices from content areas generated from the survey in order to devise a set of suggestions for brass professors. the survey found that most brass players thought entrepreneurship should be taught in the private studio and that hard work, perseverance, and learning from failure were viewed as the most valuable content areas for a career in music. the suggestions are broken down into four themes: attitude; experiential learning; moving outside the studio; and character development. subthemes are acting as a mentor, assisting in students' pursuit of individual goals, diverging from a didactic teaching approach, learning by doing, learning through failure, reflection, interacting with the community, social engagement, interaction with entrepreneurs, and grit. keywords: music entrepreneurship pedagogy; brass studio; brass pedagogy a relatively nascent field, entrepreneurship education has grown exponentially since its inception and is quickly becoming a popular subject in music schools (katz, 2003; beckman, 2007). many music schools have addressed the need for entrepreneurship by adding courses devoted to music entrepreneurship or music business to the music curriculum (beckman, 2005). however, because studio professors occupy such a prominent role in the education of the music students, a discord may emerge between the professors’ espoused values and the values addressed in entrepreneurship courses. beckman (2005) argues that entrepreneurship in music institutions is most effective when it is not just presented in the form of courses but integrated more deeply into the curriculum and, by integrating entrepreneurship education effectively into the studio, the music institution may more successfully and holistically impart entrepreneurship to students. as effective as entrepreneurship courses may be at instilling entrepreneurship skills and mindset, the private studio teacher may possess a more effective pedagogical platform, holding a position that bears strong potential for influence and application when interrelating with the music student (cox, 1994). before the student initially enrolls in a college, the private studio professor acts as one of the strongest factors influencing the decision of where high school or college music students attend music school (bergee, 2001). the private studio professor typically spends at least one hour a week teaching the student one-on-one and generally retains this role for the duration of the student’s tenure at the college institution, which allows the studio professor to have one of the greatest influences in terms of duration of time with the student (nasm, 2002). the studio professor also functions as a mentor and can adjust the subject matter to the specific needs of the student. despite this, the use of entrepreneurship education in the instrumental studio is not a pedagogical area that is frequently addressed. therefore, there may be professors who agree with the rationale of incorporating entrepreneurship into the studio but have little guidance as to friedrichs suggestions for incorporating entrepreneurship education _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 28 pedagogical techniques that are most relevant or suitable for the studio. there may be certain areas of entrepreneurship that are better addressed in a music business classroom than in lessons or studio class (beckman, 2005). conversely, there may be elements of entrepreneurship that are quite compatible with the common responsibilities of the professor in the studio environment. the private brass instrumental studio presents certain pedagogical advantages to the professor, such as direct influence, individual customization, application of learned materials, along with others. although entrepreneurship education practices are being adopted by many music schools and conservatories, there exists little research relating to the integration of entrepreneurship education practices into the instrumental studio. statement of purpose and research questions the purpose of this study is to explore entrepreneurship education practices that may be used effectively by classical brass performance professors, hopefully propelling further research in this nascent field of study. specifically, this examines the following research questions: 1. should entrepreneurship skills be taught in the classical brass performance studio? 2. what entrepreneurship content areas are most valuable for brass performance students developing careers in music? 3. what are the perceived responsibilities of the classical brass professor? review of literature entrepreneurship education literature indicates that entrepreneurship possesses pecuniary value for both society and the individual. specifically, several researchers credit entrepreneurship with the capacity to catalyze job creation (mcmullan & long, 1987; tengeh, 2015). by analyzing data from the u.s. census bureau, haltiwanger, jarmin, and miranda (2013) find that it is the newness of businesses as opposed the size of businesses that is an indicator of positive job growth. thus, entrepreneurship, which is present at the inception of a business, can account for job growth. entrepreneurship education has also been shown to lead to higher employment and selfemployment levels among university graduates (premand et. al., 2015). blanchflower and oswald (1998) indicate that self-employed individuals report both higher levels of job satisfaction and life satisfaction than those who are employees. researchers also note the various non-pecuniary benefits that entrepreneurship education offers to the individual, such as independence, autonomy, and creativity (gibb, 2010; luke, vereynne, & kearins, 2007). these benefits may be particularly valuable to musicians, who, as chesky and devroop (2003) observe, experience twice the level of unemployment as that of other professions. benefits to music schools that offer an entrepreneurial music education may include increased funding streams, improvement of recruitment and retention, and adherence to nasm guidelines, as beckman (2005) points out. various researchers divide entrepreneurship education into requisite areas such as creativity, opportunity recognition, leadership, initiative, autonomy, risk taking, and the ability to tolerate uncertainty (gibb, 1993; boyle, 2007). lumpkin and dess (1996) identify five main content areas of entrepreneurship that are based on the new entry process. these are: autonomy; innovation; willingness to take risks; proactiveness; and competitive aggression. in a survey of 100 chief executives, hood and young (1993) observe the highest valued entrepreneurship content areas to be business knowledge, commercial knowledge, and venture creation. gartner (1988) casts a more holistic perspective, arguing that entrepreneurship education should focus less on the friedrichs suggestions for incorporating entrepreneurship education _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 29 individual component areas and more on what entrepreneurship is, namely the creation of an organization. sirelkhatim and gangi (2015) divide extant entrepreneurship education into programs that teach “about,” “for,” and “through” entrepreneurship. in “about entrepreneurship” programs, students typically learn the theories of entrepreneurship in a passive manner, commonly through lectures, guest speakers, and case studies. both “for” and “through entrepreneurship” programs include experiential learning approaches, but “through entrepreneurship” is focused on teaching entrepreneurship by recreating the learning environment that characterizes the entrepreneurial process. many researchers expressly support this type of “learning-by-doing” approach to entrepreneurship (gibb, 1993; garavan & o’cinneide, 1994; cope & watts, 2000; honig, 2004; gibb, 2007; essig, 2013). additionally, several anecdotal studies depict favorable outcomes of this mode of entrepreneurship education in institutional courses (vincett & farlow, 2008; mason & arshed, 2013). researchers suggest that entrepreneurship in music and the arts is learned in a similar manner, with several possible areas of emphasis and a few points of differentiation. beckman (2005) argues for the integration of entrepreneurship past the bounds of the business school and into all areas of the music school. kuuskoski (2010) emphasizes the importance of the mentorship role that the professor occupies and suggests that professors capitalize on this in order to effectively encourage entrepreneurial growth in their students. essig (2013) constructs a framework based on various researchers’ mindset theories, presenting an arts entrepreneurship pedagogy that also emphasizes the importance of mentorship and additionally addresses the need for collaborative team projects among heterogeneous disciplines and experiential learning through incubated venture creation. via naturalistic inquiry of four interviews from arts entrepreneurs in higher education, pollard and wilson (2014) argue that arts entrepreneurship should be taught in a different manner than entrepreneurship exclusive to the business realm. they propose five elements of an entrepreneurial mindset unique to the arts: 1) a capacity to think creatively, strategically, analytically, and reflectively; 2) confidence in one’s abilities; 3) ability to collaborate; 4) well-developed communication skills; and 5) an understanding of the current artistic context. although entrepreneurship in the arts may be taught differently from entrepreneurship in the business realm, welsh, onishi, dehoog, and syed (2014) stress that the venture creation element of entrepreneurship, despite not being readily embraced by arts students, is an integral element of entrepreneurship education and should not be ignored. method a survey questionnaire was created and deployed using survey monkey. the survey addressed the research questions directly as they apply to the classical brass studio. question one asked: should entrepreneurship skills be taught in the classical brass studio? research question two was then presented as follows: from the following categories (behavioral attributes, business know-how, cognitive skills, interpersonal skills, and context), which items do you feel are most valuable for brass students who aspire to successful careers in the music industry? (items are ordered alphabetically.) in order to generate choices for this question, entrepreneurship content areas were compiled from relevant literature (gibb, 1993; gibb, 1996; gibb 2007; hood and young, 1993; ronstadt, 1985; lumpkin and dess, 1996; sirelkhatim and gangi, 2015; and ibrahim and goodwin, 1986). all areas relating to entrepreneurship behaviors, skills or attributes friedrichs suggestions for incorporating entrepreneurship education _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 30 were assembled, comprising a list of 103 terms or short phrases. direct duplicates were eliminated and the remaining qualitative data were then coded based on qualitative contextual codes (bigdan and biklen, 1998). to facilitate the coding process, items were sorted into six contextual categories: cognitive skills; behavioral attributes; philosophy; interpersonal skills; and business know-how. using this process, the list was reduced to 36 items (see appendix b). each item was listed on a separate row with four option bubbles seen to the right of the question based on a likert scale format: no value; low value; moderate value; and high value. the respondent was then asked the following question: do you play a brass instrument? if the answer yes was selected, the respondent was asked (yes or no) whether or not they teach. if yes was selected, the respondent was asked to choose from the following options: college/ collegiate/ graduate studio; high school; middle school; elementary school; privately; or classroom. if the respondent selected college, they were asked the following question: what do you feel are your primary responsibilities as a studio teacher? these questions were used to generate qualitative data necessary to examine research question number three. after construction of the survey questionnaire was completed, links to the questionnaire were posted on relevant brass facebook groups. terms involved in the search query were: trombone, tuba, trumpet, horn, french horn, and brass. facebook groups were chosen as the desired means of dissemination due to their potential demographic diversity as well as efficiency in terms of speed and cost. in addition to the facebook pages, the link was also shared on the researcher’s own facebook timeline. along with the link, different messages were posted in an attempt to customize the post based on the perceived qualities and intentions of the facebook page. results were recorded and likert scale values from each corresponding content area group were added together to form a cumulative total for that content area. the content areas were then ordered from highest to lowest based on mean. from this section, the content areas with the most cumulative points were chosen in order to generate suggestions. the factors of age group and gender were then tested against the data from research question one, should entrepreneurship skills be taught in the classical brass studio?. these factors were tested for evidence of a statistically significant influence on the content area data with alpha level = .05 and the null hypothesis of no relationship between the demographic factors and whether or not the respondent thinks that entrepreneurship skills should be taught in the classical brass performance studio. due to the categorical nature of the demographic factors, a chi-square test was used as 𝑥"# = % (𝑂( − 𝐸()# 𝐸( where 𝐸( represents the expected values for age and gender and 𝑂( represents the observed values. in addition to data from the content areas, suggestions were also based on the qualitative data gathered from the question: what do you feel are your primary responsibilities as a studio teacher? all qualitative data was compiled and subsequently categorized based on contextual codes (boyatzis, 1998). categorization began with elimination of duplicates and functional synonyms. a contextual coding process and functional coding reduced the number of terms based on common context and common function. once relevant content areas and responsibilities were identified, suggestions for implementation were generated. i drew from literature relating to these content areas as well as literature relating to entrepreneurship education in order to compile teaching suggestions. friedrichs suggestions for incorporating entrepreneurship education _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 31 suggestions were formulated by combining responsibilities generated from the questionnaire with effective entrepreneurship and content area pedagogy with the intention of remaining exploratory in nature. as part of the analysis, i identified extant entrepreneurial practices by classical brass professors in order to encourage professors who are already engaging in practices in line with entrepreneurship education literature. results the survey was open for 12 days; a total of 138 responses were received. of these, 104 respondents answered the question: how important are entrepreneurship skills for individuals aspiring to successful music careers? sixty-eight indicated that entrepreneurship skills are highly important, 32 indicated that entrepreneurship skills are moderately important, 3 indicated that entrepreneurship skills are slightly important, and 1 indicated that entrepreneurship skills are not important. the vast majority of respondents agreed that entrepreneurship should be taught in the private studio. of the 104, 94 (90%) indicated that entrepreneurship should be taught in the private studio and 10 (or 10%) indicated that entrepreneurship should not be taught in the private studio. content area rankings all 104 respondents selected a value for each of the 37 content areas. of the cognitive skill selections, learning from failure received the highest mean score. of the behavior attributes, hardworking received the highest score. of the interpersonal skills, networking received the highest score. marketing received the highest mean score from business know-how, and knowledge of suitable career paths received the highest score from philosophy. of all the individual content areas, the highest scoring was hardworking, with perseverance, learning from failure, initiative, and adaptability constituting the five individual content areas with the highest mean ranking by respondents. the mean for responsibility was the same as the mean for adaptability (table 1). one hundred-three respondents answered the question, do you play a brass instrument?, with 98 indicating that they play a brass instrument and only 5 indicating that they did not play a brass instrument. 97 respondents proceeded to answer the question: do you teach brass instrument performance? 66 respondents indicated that they do teach brass instrument performance while 31 indicated that they do not. 68 respondents answered the question: where do you teach? private teaching was the most popular option with 47, or 69% of respondents, indicating that they taught privately. college/collegiate/graduate studio was the next most popular option with 13, or 19% of respondents who had already indicated that they played a brass instrument indicating that they taught on the collegiate level. friedrichs suggestions for incorporating entrepreneurship education _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 32 all content areas average hardworking 3.913462 perseverance 3.875000 learning from failure 3.836538 initiative 3.798077 adaptability 3.778846 responsibility 3.778846 opportunity recognition 3.730769 problem solving 3.730769 common sense 3.721154 ambition 3.721154 networking 3.721154 creativity/innovation 3.711538 resourcefulness 3.701923 envisioning possibilities 3.692308 self-awareness 3.567308 knowledge of suitable career paths 3.500000 marketing 3.490385 self-confidence 3.490384 intuition 3.471154 leadership 3.461538 planning 3.455462 ethical decision-making 3.432692 negotiating 3.365385 tolerance for uncertainty 3.326923 divergent thinking 3.317308 public speaking 3.307692 business strategy 3.278846 autonomy 3.259615 team building 3.259605 new venture creation 3.230769 risk-taking 3.182692 economic understanding 3.153846 convergent thinking 3.096154 competitiveness 3.019231 accounting 2.971154 respect for the environment 2.932692 table 1. content area rankings and averages friedrichs suggestions for incorporating entrepreneurship education _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 33 coding of brass professor responsibilities all 13 respondents who indicated that they taught on the collegiate level also replied to question 15: what do you feel are your primary responsibilities as a collegiate studio teacher?. upon qualitative analysis of the open-ended responses to question 15, seven distinct codes emerged: model/mentor; musical performance; professionalism; helping students become their own teachers; pursuit of goals; career guidance; and, music history/music theory (table 2). table 2. perceived responsibilities of classical brass professors discussion interestingly, for the question how important are entrepreneurship skills for individuals aspiring to successful music careers? 96% of all respondents selected either highly important or moderately important. only 6 of those respondents (5.7% of all respondents) indicated that entrepreneurship was important but that it should not be taught in the private studio. this information seemed surprising initially, as expectations were for fewer respondents to indicate that entrepreneurship skills should be taught in the private studio. it is plausible that individuals who were conceptually supportive of entrepreneurship were particularly inclined to take part in a survey with entrepreneurship in the title. after reviewing entrepreneurship literature, it seemed somewhat surprising that the five highest ranking content areas from the survey were hardworking, perseverance, learning from failure, initiative, and adaptability. i had thought that the highest-ranking content areas would correspond with the most frequently appearing content areas in entrepreneurship literature, among them being creativity, innovation, risk taking, autonomy, and opportunity recognition. surprisingly, none of these content areas appeared in the top five highest ranking content areas overall. this may be attributable to the wording of the prompt: which items do you feel are most valuable for brass students who aspire to successful careers in the music industry? the emphasis on career success may have caused different content areas to rise to the top, but if entrepreneurship is not directed towards helping students develop successful careers, then its use may be only 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 mentor/model musical performance professionalism helping students become their own teachers pursuit of goals career guidance music history/music theory perceived responsibilites of classical brass professors number of instances category appears n=13 friedrichs suggestions for incorporating entrepreneurship education _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 34 theoretical in nature. it may be argued that not all career success is entrepreneurial career success, as some career successes may have less relation to the act of new venture creation. however, a focus on the term entrepreneurship in the wording of the prompt may have directed respondents’ focus away from the aim of entrepreneurship and onto their own notion of entrepreneurship, which likely differs substantially among individuals. ultimately, the survey results generated content areas that place a slightly different emphasis on entrepreneurship than what is seen in literature, but not incongruent with the spirit of entrepreneurship. conversely, the content areas that surfaced from the survey are viewed to be well-suited towards the generating of effective, salient suggestions for how brass players may incorporate entrepreneurship education methods in their teaching. suggestions suggestions, derived from a combination of the results of the study and relevant extant literature, are broken down into four general areas: attitude; experiential learning; moving outside of the studio; and character development. it should be noted that as the survey had only a limited sample, the suggestions that follow are not meant to be grounds for any implications about music entrepreneurship in a larger context. attitude if a classical brass professor wishes to address the topic of entrepreneurship education in their studio, a reasonable starting point may be the consideration of their attitude or mindset. professors may adopt an attitude in line with values upheld by entrepreneurship education literature in two specific ways: through an understanding of the mentor/mentee relationship and by moving away from a didactic approach to teaching. attitude: understanding the mentorship role. the studio music professor adopts a mentorship role with their students largely due to the personal relationship and position of leadership that they hold (beckman, 2010). in this mentorship role, the teacher mentor bears a high degree of influence on the student. bergee and thornton (2008) find that the two biggest factors affecting a student’s decision to major in music education are love of music and positive teacher role model. an effective mentor understands that their influence on the student moves far beyond words and teaching doctrine and into their values, motives, philosophies, and even mannerisms. therefore, if studio teachers desire to be effective conduits of an entrepreneurial mindset, it may be prudent for them to consider the nature of the support they give to students who wish to pursue entrepreneurial ideas and take advantage of industry opportunities. attitude: moving away from a didactic approach. researchers criticize the traditional classroom teaching approach to entrepreneurship education on the grounds that a didactic teaching style is not representative of the manner by which individuals learn how to become entrepreneurs in the industry (garavan & o’cinneide, 1994). rather, entrepreneurs learn from whatever source they can and there are plenty of sources to which a teacher can direct students. the private studio offers professors the freedom to apply entrepreneurship principles directly to the students’ musical endeavors while providing a unique opportunity to customize the curricular content according to the individual student. instead of envisioning their role as a supplier of information, the studio teacher may consider themselves facilitators of learning experiences and environments (gibb, 1993). of course, friedrichs suggestions for incorporating entrepreneurship education _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 35 the teacher may provide answers for the student when needed, but it is through uncontrolled environments characterized by uncertainty that students learn how to become entrepreneurs on a “need-to-know” basis (vincett & farlow, 2008; gibb, 1993; gibb, 2010). experiential learning experiential learning is a frequent theme addressed in recent entrepreneurship education literature largely because it is the primary way through which entrepreneurs have been observed to learn (mcmullan & long, 1987; gibb, 1993; garavan & o’cinneide, 1994; beckman, 2005; vincett & farlow, 2008; fayolle & gailly, 2008; essig, 2013; mason & arshed, 2013; welsh, onishi, dehoog & syed, 2014; sirelkhatim & gangi, 2015). two ways that brass studio professors may cultivate an experiential learning environment are by encouraging their students to “learn by doing” and allowing for times of reflection after critical learning incidents. experiential learning: “learning by doing.” when individuals become small business owners, their environment is characterized by a high level of uncertainty and they are forced to learn while on the job, the skills, traits, behaviors, and information that they need in order to accomplish their objectives. it is in an entrepreneurial environment where entrepreneurship is learned most effectively (gibb, 1993). similarly, studio professors may wish to consider that, if the students’ learning process is to be effective, a large portion of it must occur outside of the professors’ realm of perceived control. this takes a degree of humility on the part of the professors. gibb (2007) articulated this balance by stating that the “entrepreneurial teacher will be one who masters the art of knowing how much ownership and control of learning to give to students” (p. 8). the job of the teacher, therefore, might not be to serve as a one who supplies all necessary information, but as one who places the student in entrepreneurial environments. one example of this is to take the student out of a recital or on-campus performance, ubiquitous in music schools, and encourage the student instead to organize and perform in a scenario from which revenue would be generated. the student would work on what they need to know in order to successfully execute the task, which would likely include not only performing the music skillfully, but also promoting and marketing the event effectively, securing and funding the venue, developing partners for the event, and accounting for the resources earned and spent. experiential learning: reflection following failure. failure is often inextricable from the entrepreneurial learning process. fayolle and gailly write, “…the learning process of new entrepreneurs is therefore based on experimentation where trial and error can succeed one another at a fast pace” (p. 583). reflection is a useful tool for dealing with student failure during the entrepreneurial process and is one that may be easily incorporated by the studio professor. cope and watts (2000) suggest two ways an entrepreneurial mentor can help students reflect on what they refer to as critical incidents, or experiences that have a significant effect on the student regardless of positive or negative perception. the first is by simply being there for the student. the teacher can help the student step back from the situation and observe it in a more objective manner, discussing why the situation occurred or what the most effective solution would be. the second way the teacher may help the student reflect on a critical incident is by helping the student develop a strategy to avoid inhibitive critical incidents in the future. in this manner, the studio teacher can help the “entrepreneur to learn ‘how to learn’ from these memorable events” (cope & watts, 2000, p. 5). friedrichs suggestions for incorporating entrepreneurship education _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 36 moving outside of the studio part of the function of entrepreneurship education in the context of the private music studio can be to prepare music students for a successful career so that they may have fulfilling opportunities to continue to utilize their musical skills once they leave school. in order to replicate these types of opportunities, the student will need to move outside the confines of the music studio. the professor may facilitate doing so in any of three possible ways: by encouraging students to interact with the community; by encouraging students to engage with their social environments; and by arranging interactions with real entrepreneurs. moving outside of the studio: community interaction. mason and arshed (2013) emphasize the need for entrepreneurship education to go outside the walls of the classroom and into the community. mcmullan and long (1987) suggest that students should have hands-on experience working with community ventures. beckman (2005) places a strong emphasis on audience development. the studio professor can facilitate community interaction in multiple ways. one starting point might be for the professor to encourage the student who has already thought of a new venture idea to begin thinking about potential customers or stakeholders within the community. the studio professor might push the student to make contact with a potential financial partner in order for the student to experience pitching their idea (gibb, 2007). vincett and farlow (2008) support this notion, insisting that students in entrepreneurship programs validate their ideas through market research and direct contact with potential investors. doing so enables the students to obtain a notion of the organizations and entities within the community that would be inclined to support their musical product. moving outside of the studio: interdisciplinary collaboration. different forms of social interaction may enhance the venture creation process, bringing skillsets from different individuals together in a complementary fashion. bell and bell (2016) observe that the most successful group from a new venture business creation competition was one that featured an eclectic mix of students from several different disciplines. pollard and wilson (2014) and essig (2013) both emphasize the entrepreneurial value for arts students of collaborating with students from other disciplines. what does this mean for the classical brass professor who wants to implement entrepreneurship education? the professor might encourage students not only to pursue their entrepreneurial ideas in groups or teams but to compose teams of individuals from outside the realm of their studio, even from outside their music school. many intriguing possibilities exist for music student-led entrepreneurial ventures when they are working in tandem with engineers, filmmakers, dance majors, environmental science majors, or even business majors, to name a few. wilson and mantie (2017) describe an example of this type of collaboration in which music students and community development program students of the same university work together to set up community music events. wilson and mantie observe that university students’ involvements in the community not only foster greater entrepreneurship skills, but also achieve various positive outcomes within the community. moving outside of the studio: interaction with entrepreneurs. in a proposed model for entrepreneurship education, boyle (2007) includes opportunities for students to meet with entrepreneurs, giving the students a chance to interact, ask questions, and spend time together. kelman (2015) emphasizes the importance of providing exposure for students to real friedrichs suggestions for incorporating entrepreneurship education _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 37 entrepreneurs. seikkula-leino et. al. (2015) also stress the value of student interactions with entrepreneurs in the field. this is a useful avenue of entrepreneurship education for studio professors to facilitate. although bringing in outside entrepreneurs to work with students in the context of lessons may prove difficult, inviting entrepreneurs from the field of music to present to a studio class or orchestrating opportunities for students to interact with music entrepreneurs outside of classes may be a more viable option. character development: grit grit, as defined by duckworth (2016), refers to a combination of passion and perseverance. this definition differs only slightly with the top two results from the survey, which were hardworking and perseverance. the term passion was not explicitly featured on the survey; however, because the term grit encompasses both hardworking and perseverance, and because passion is not unsuitable for musicians, advice from the world of grit research interface easily into the realm of the classical brass professor. duckworth (2016) writes that recent research on teaching suggest that many of the same principles of good parenting apply to good teaching. she notes that children will emulate their parents to a greater extent if they perceive their parents as both supportive and demanding. if children perceive their parents, who are supporting and demanding, to exhibit grit, it may be assumed that those children will subsequently emulate that grit. studio professors might consider establishing such a balance between a supportive and demanding studio atmosphere. the studio teacher may seek to demand a strict adherence to such rules as punctuality for lessons and adequate rehearsal preparation for performances while simultaneously expressing encouragement for the student in matters such as auditions, recitals, and entrepreneurial ventures. limitations and suggestions for further research if further exploration is to be done regarding entrepreneurship education for brass professors, it is important to acknowledge a few of the ways this study may have been limited so that future studies may improve upon the knowledge gained herein. the first limitation regards the sample of respondents for the survey questionnaire. as the survey was disseminated solely using facebook and primarily using facebook brass pages, this excluded people who do not use facebook, do not use facebook frequently, are not members of such facebook pages, or do not check such facebook pages frequently. it is unclear whether or not this possible effect skewed the sample of respondents in any way. a future study that chooses to use facebook as a means to disseminate a survey may also consider involving supplemental distribution methods. the second limitation is regarding the possible effect the title of the survey had on individuals who voluntarily took the survey. were individuals who had more positive impressions of the notion of entrepreneurship more inclined to partake in a survey that was explicitly about entrepreneurship than individuals who were not as partial to entrepreneurship? random rather than voluntary selection may strengthen the generalizability of the survey results. a third limitation of this study is regarding the underlying argument that brass professors should teach what brass players consider to be most valuable for their careers. this is based on the assumption that brass players know what is valuable for their careers. in one sense, some may argue that brass professors should cater their teaching to the preferences of brass players because brass players comprise the students and, therefore, the customers. but what happens if what brass friedrichs suggestions for incorporating entrepreneurship education _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 38 players perceive to be valuable is ultimately not what is best for brass players? this area of research should be supplemented by future studies with different methodologies, perhaps ones where common themes are observed among successful brass entrepreneurs that are thereafter discussed on a pedagogical level or in which multiple phenomenological case studies are done to identify possible determinants of successful entrepreneurship pedagogies in the world of brass. conclusion many brass professors might find that they are already incorporating entrepreneurship education practices in their studios. some brass professors may be surprised to find that they have been teaching entrepreneurship for many years and have not referred to it by the word “entrepreneurship.” additionally, professors may find that they have been using elements of effective entrepreneurship education to teach brass fundamentals, solo literature, or orchestral audition preparation. for example, brass professors might use a “learning by doing” approach to teach orchestral audition preparation, wherein the student is encouraged to implement means of improving the excerpts firsthand in the practice room and practice simulating the audition scenario though the means of mock auditions. maybe the student is encouraged to record their own excerpts and listen back so that they can have the firsthand experience of critiquing their own excerpts in the same manner that a committee would. finally, the student is encouraged to go and take an actual audition, with the teacher understanding that this is where orchestral audition learning is ultimately directed. a “learning by doing” education culminates in firsthand student experience and refuses to stagnate at the conceptual level. teachers who understand this type of approach understand that they must eventually let go of the tightly held attachment to a didactic teaching model and allow the student the freedom to fully experience the appropriate environment in which the desired form of learning takes place. references beckman, g. 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(2017). inspiring soulful communities through music: connecting arts entrepreneurship education and community development via creative placemaking. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 6(2), 32-45. microsoft word pbr review layout.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 5, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 35-36 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2016, the author book review creating cultural capital: cultural entrepreneurship in theory, pedagogy and practice edited by olaf kuhlke, annick schramme, rene kooyman reviewed by paul bonin-rodriguez, university of texas at austin this ambitious volume eloquently frames cultural entrepreneurship as a “critical paradigm” for artistic creators, scholars, students, and policymakers to ethically engage the communities where they work. among the book’s important contributions are its conceptual framework and its exemplary models of cultural entrepreneurship efforts on the ground. however, at nearly 400 pages with contributions from 50 scholars worldwide, creating cultural capital’s most significant offering is undoubtedly its precedence as a benchmark for the study of praxis globally. the book’s diverse cultural perspectives pay particular attention to place, distinct economic circumstances, and the interdisciplinary and hybrid approaches shaping artistic and cultural practices worldwide. in their introductory remarks, editors olaf kuhlke, annick schramme, and rene kooyman define cultural entrepreneurship first and foremost as a theoretical framework to explain the ways that creative producers and consumers draw from and inform cultural contexts. they affirm the book’s goal of rooting cultural entrepreneurship in arts pedagogy and scholarship by outlining its diverse methodologies, emergent theorizations, and broad applications in pursuit of some form of stable practice, if not fully realizable sustainability. the editors are especially concerned with focusing on the first word in the term “creative economy,” and situating the creative worker so that artistry is neither subjugated nor overhyped in marketbased approaches. arts indicator models are used variously to appraise, tout, or bolster cultural vitality, often across vastly different circumstances and at the expense of particular local contexts and challenges. in response to this, the volume’s authors are all careful to articulate the terms of economic circumstance in their arguments. through these semantic shifts, as well as the careful attention to place and context, the editors align cultural entrepreneurship with “social entrepreneurship,” which found purchase in the academy more than a decade ago, with some accounts dating it back even further. at the same time, they invite cultural entrepreneurship to play a mediating role across policy concerns, arts management, and professional development training programs, as well as community engagement and arts entrepreneurship models currently responding to the same host of issues in academia. organized in five sections, with an editors’ introduction and an extraduction by united nations policy advisor edna dos santos-duisenberg, the book offers a simple framework for reading cultural entrepreneurship. respective sections touch on “a global perspective,” “different theoretical approaches,” “pedagogy,” “cases,” and “the practice,” with each part offering transnational examples. the approach implied by this methodological framework belies the presence of several other core streams of thought and analysis operating across categories. navigating through the chapters one can locate a focus on the ideological challenges and opportunities made possible through entrepreneurship. in the theory section, manuel montoya’s “poetics as a dynamic concept” compellingly depicts how creativity and imagination emerge among creative workers who reconcile entrepreneurship values and potentials with ambitions for artistic creation. in “developing a business model,” which appears under “pedagogy,” valerie ballereau, christine sinape, olivier toutin and edgar juno-delgado use identity theories to argue that cultural entrepreneurship is a necessarily hybrid approach requiring practitioners to bonin-rodriguez book review: creating cultural capital ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 36 maintain a dialectical engagement. in their “cases” chapter titled “experiences with a practiceoriented minor at the artez institute of the arts,” dany rookus and tamara jacobs analyze a netherlands educational program where artists use their projected study of artists’ lives to construct their own entrepreneurial identities. in the “practice” section, isaac bongani mahlangu’s “project development training as a tool for empowerment in crafts” demonstrates how women workers in south africa emerge into the economy through their carefully calibrated entrepreneurial efforts. other chapters detail the ongoing negotiation between arts managers and artistic practitioners who embody managerial approaches in practice. in a theory chapter about creative entrepreneurs operating in micro-economies titled “adapting the promethean fire of business for arts and cultural entrepreneurship,” margaret jane wyszomirski and shoshanah goldbergmiller highlight the core business practices that align cultural organizations and those who continue to work with small, less formalized, collaborative methods. in “the entrepreneurial ant,” kooyman and ruben jacobs call for a new entrepreneur-informed approach to managerial education. in “pedagogy” irene popoli’s “from art manager to social entrepreneur” examines how european university initiatives have wrought a generation of skilled professionals who function effectively as arts makers and managers. likewise, bruno verbergt and leyla debruyne’s “companions, not general managers,” challenge common organizational and creative practice distinctions. the role and valence of microeconomies touched on by wyszomirski and goldbergmiller offer another stream of concern. jerry c y liu’s “global perspective” article “reorient” demonstrates how entrepreneurial efforts in asian economies are often worked out across different forms of value—social, cultural, and economic. aparna katre’s “entrepreneurship education for social innovation,” which appears in “theories,” frames entrepreneurship as a means to address societal inequities and model social justice. considerable attention is also given to historicizing entrepreneurship in its various guises. dennis cheek’s “global perspective” chapter, “legitimization strategies across various guises of entrepreneurship,” performs what has become the expected critical operation of framing entrepreneurship for cultural practice. drawing from a diverse body of literature, cheek delivers a core “legitimizing logic” at work in all approaches. similarly, marcin poprawski’s “cultural entrepreneurship teaching & learning models in central europe” historicizes the role of entrepreneurship since the fall communism. in a similar manner, walter van andel and schramme’s theory article “exploring entrepreneurial actions of creative entrepreneurs and its consequences for entrepreneurship education” offers new logics for longtime practices and longheld assumptions. undoubtedly, creating cultural capital offers a handy teaching tool for arts, entrepreneurship, and public policy educators and practitioners working at all levels and locations. its chapters are dense and compellingly argued. the research is rigorous, with each author exceeding the necessary burden of evidence. as demonstrated by my own reading into the work, the logic model framing the sections invites readers to self-determine the path of critical inquiry. through case studies drawn across places as diverse as lithuania, brazil, the uk, the netherlands, croatia, south africa, and asia, this anthology offers a dynamic picture of the zeal and rigor with which entrepreneurship scholars are building a dynamic cultural marketplaces and homes worldwide. microsoft word 1.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts vol. 8, no. 2, summer 2019 measuring art markets the colorado art market in  jeffrey taylor, mayela cardenas, and stephanie edwards western colorado university abstract: the art market represents a sector of economic activity that is highly entrepreneurial and comprised of many small businesses and individuals. since the bulk of production and sales takes place through these micro-enterprises, there are numerous problems present for the researcher seeking to measure it. unlike the nonprofit sector of the visual arts, the for-profit art market mostly has no public reporting requirements. the art market’s activity remains largely opaque as it is difficult to gather an accurate field representation or total measurements from such a large number of small enterprises. this paper represents the first stage in the development of new tools for the measuring of the art market by making use of us government data derived from tax and labor statistics, and by measuring the colorado art market for the year 2017. the data in this paper is used to illustrate the connection between arts and entrepreneurship and how this sector serves to support the wider colorado economy. it also establishes the methodology for measuring the entire us art market for the year 2018. the national endowment for the arts (nea) research: art works grant will fund the report and release it in early 2020. doi: https://doi.org/10.34053/artivate.8.2.1 art markets are difficult to measure, not least because their primary actors have no requirements for public disclosure. art markets function by prioritizing privileged information, and that inevitably produces obscurity in the gathering of reliable economic data. nonetheless, this sector merits being studied, not only because a significant quantity of economic activity takes place there, but it is also where virtually all working artists and art market entrepreneurs earn their living. at the core of the market are its primary vendors: art galleries and artists who sell their artwork directly (santagata ). artists and galleries both tend to be sole-proprietorship entities run by self-employed individuals, and unlike nonprofits, they have no duty to report their sales and earnings publicly. globally,  percent of the dealer sector has between - 6 employees (mcandrew, ). the majority of art dealers in the united states have between one and four employees, making the field of selling contemporary art one dominated by entrepreneurial micro-enterprises (ibisworld, ). this report reflects the national and global trend of self-employed individuals comprising much of the art market. even if small firms and individuals produce the majority of economic activity in the arts sector, the economic activity study for denver recognized it as a core component of colorado’s economy. in , the study found that value added in colorado by arts and culture impact was ranked rd out of the sectors compared in the analysis (cbca ). “comparison industries are selected industry categories using the north american industry classification system (naics) drawn from bea's  state level data for employment (fulltime and part-time workers), compensation and value added by industry” (cbca ). the value-added area of arts and culture was surpassed only by construction and retail (cbca ). a follow-up survey also found that denver, the largest city in colorado, experienced the “highest economic impact from cultural tourists ever and the largest number of cultural participants from out of state” in the year  (cbca ). denver alone experienced over  million of economic impact from the existence of arts and cultural offerings in tourism in  (cbca ). furthermore, the arts represent a significant part of the united states economy as a whole. “the u.s. bureau of economic analysis reports that arts and cultural production accounts for ,,, and . percent of the u.s. economy, contributing ,, jobs” (nasaa ). these impressive indicators of the importance of the arts sector, however, usually reflect a mixture of performing and visual arts and they include forprofit and nonprofit entities. the nonprofit sector of the arts can be studied far more easily because us (c) entities are compelled to report their income publicly. furthermore, they usually publicly disseminate detailed information about their activity, not least of all because it inspires confidence from their donors. americans for the arts have produced a widely disseminated study on the arts & economic prosperity which measures the economic impact of the nonprofit arts economy. the report, however, measures only nonprofits, which in the visual arts sector, would be museums and nonprofit arts centers (americans for the arts ). museums may act as consumers or collectors in the art market but rarely act as vendors, except on the rare occasion of deaccessioning. nonprofit art centers often operate galleries that make sales, but the income is rarely a significant part of the institution’s overall revenue strategy, and such entities represent a relatively small portion of the art market’s activity. the investment bank ubs and the art basel art fair have released a report for the last two years on the global art market, but it is based on voluntary surveys by approximately  dealers globally (mcandrew ). that report, however, would not provide a study of the regional art markets in every state in the us. one can find reports on the global auction market produced by websites like artprice.com, which serve as databases of sales. auction houses do usually publicize their sales results, and therefore their activity can be tracked. auctions, however, represent only one sector of the vast art market. the disparate commerce of art galleries, 7 antiques shops, and artists conducting their own sales, remains essentially unmeasured. therefore, this paper endeavors to study a discrete geographic and political entity, the state of colorado, for the year of . defining an art market although often used interchangeably, for this paper, we make a distinction between the terms art business and art market. the art business represents all of the professional activities of people involved in art, as well as the institutions where they work. the art business, however, contains two distinct forms of economic consumption: experiential consumption and ownership consumption. the experiential consumption sector includes those institutions who sell the customer an art experience with the institution’s artworks. this sector would primarily include museums but would also include a newer entity such as meow wolf, which sells an art experience. the purpose of this paper is not to measure the experiential consumption sector of the art business. rather, this paper will measure the ownership consumption sector of the art business: where artworks have a transactional exchange of ownership. we refer to this sector as the art market. a more challenging question then follows as to what the parameters of the art market are. certainly, at the center of the art market are artists who provide the primary source of its supply. in return for this supply, the market provides artists with a source of revenue (mcandrew, ). a broad definition would be the commercial exchanges of ownership in artworks, but artworks themselves can be further subdivided into the disciplines often referred to as fine art (painting, graphics, drawing, sculpture); applied art (jewelry, furniture, ceramics, textiles), that is, objects that are both beautiful and simultaneously serve a function; and commercial art (commercial photography, graphic design), that is, artworks which have a distinct purpose of encouraging the sale of other products, for example, print and advertisements. for the purposes of this paper, we have elected to include merchants and producers of all of these. we chose to include these occupations and industries for the following reasons: () these producers elect to refer to themselves as artists or designers, () and their centers for higher-education training are also designated art schools or departments of art at colleges and universities. therefore, the report accounts for exchanges in ownership in artworks, which can include both art and design objects and digitally existing artworks. this report includes both sectors of the art market distinguished as the primary art market and secondary art market. the first term refers to art objects sold for the first time (primary art market) which can be a synonym for the contemporary art market. the secondary art market refers to the sale of objects for the second (or third, or fourth, or fifth). in this market, quite often the producer is not known and could quite possibly be deceased. this paper includes both primary and secondary sectors, including the vast secondary market in applied arts and design products known as the antiques market, which includes the resale commerce in furniture, ceramics, and other used goods. the justification for inclusion of 8 these sectors is because the leading auction houses in the art market, christie’s and sotheby’s, have departments selling all of these media and object types. this paper accounts for art market revenue earned through both two agent models of commerce (producer-consumer, i.e., artist-collector) and three agent models (producer-merchant-consumer, i.e., artistdealer-collector). methodology: sources of the data the art market, being largely composed of for-profit micro enterprises, often soleproprietorship or simply self-employed individuals, poses many challenges to being studied systematically. these many small-scale actors of the art market have no public disclosure obligations like the nonprofit sector nor much interest in doing so. the art market thrives on opacity, and so, if surveyed about their economic activity, an art dealer might be unwilling to provide accurate data. therefore, a research project such as this only became possible when the western states arts federation (westaf) created the data service cvsuite. the data of cvsuite makes use of labor statistics, tax data, and other economic data organized by occupation and industry, which allow us to define those actors and entities that make up the art market. the full source of data can be read in appendix : data sources. methodology: occupations in the art market for the study, we selected the following occupations within colorado as the actors of the art market. they are included with their standard occupational classification system (soc) code. in each case, we provide the justification for the inclusion of this occupation category. in addition to the occupation codes, we have added the jobs reported by the naics industry codes  and  which are for used merchandise stores (antiques) and art dealers, respectively. - curators: often associated with the experiential sector, still curators usually function as the driver for a museum’s acquisition policy, and therefore, play a key role in the art market. curators are often also employed by commercial galleries and therefore play a direct role in the market. - art directors: although usually found in the commercial art business, art directors and their teams still produce an aesthetic product which is purchased by their client. - craft artists: they produce applied art and design objects for sale. - fine artists, including painters, sculptors, and illustrators: these producers conform to our most traditional concepts of artists. - multimedia artists and animators: the artists sell a digital art product of their creation. - artists and related workers, all other: a general category with which many less traditional artists elect identify themselves. 9 - fashion designers: they produce a fashion textile product that is purchased by a client. - graphic designers: they produce artworks for advertising and publication purposes. - interior designers: they function as the art agents for the furniture (both new and antique) business and therefore play a merchant-like intermediary role. - designers, all other: this designation serves as a general category for designers who produce a variety of aesthetic assemblages that are purchased by clients. - photographers: they produce photographs, either printed or digital, for clients who purchase those images. we elected to include only still photographers, but not to include makers of video and other motion-picture products. - cabinetmakers and bench carpenters: they produce the applied art of furniture. - furniture finishers: they function as the conservators of the antique furniture market, as well as often its merchants. - jewelers and precious stone and metal workers: they produce applied art and jewelry. - etchers and engravers: they make serial -dimensional artworks. - molders, shapers, and casters (except metal and plastic): these producers make metal and ceramic objects for aesthetic purposes.  (naics code) used merchandise stores: these are the merchants of the antiques sector.  (naics code) art dealers: these are the merchants of the retail art sector. methodology: industries in the art market the intention in selecting industries was to choose those which produce or trade in art objects, design objects, or artistic products. the following industries, as noted by their north american industry classification system (naics) code, were selected as meeting the criteria of entities involved in the art market. in each case, the industry was chosen if it met the standard of creating and trading in aesthetically produced art and design products. furthermore, if there exists a secondary market in the resale of older products from this industry, then that served as justification for its inclusion. in addition, many artists act as their own merchants; therefore, we included the industry code for independent artists, writers, and performers. to remove literary and performing artists, we adjusted based on the occupational data for fine artists. in addition, adjustments were made to the first six industry codes, comparing them against occupational categories, in order to eliminate mass-market industrial production, which would not be the target of this report. : pottery, ceramics, and plumbing fixture manufacturing1: 1 these industries were subjected to modifiers which used the variable of employment type to arrive at an estimation of the portion of a certain industry’s results that were derived from artistic craft production and not a result of mass-market industrial production. modifications were made using occupation data from what 10 : other pressed and blown glass and glassware manufacturing¹ : ornamental and architectural metal work manufacturing¹ : jewelry and silverware manufacturing¹ : jewelry stores¹ : used merchandise stores¹ : art dealers : graphic design services: : photography studios, portrait : commercial photography : reupholstery and furniture repair : photofinishing laboratories (except one-hour) : independent artists writers and performers2 the occupations in the colorado art market the artistic production and retailing occupations achieved . percent growth in colorado from  to , from , to ,. over one year, , art production and art retailing jobs were added. this rate of growth significantly exceeds nonfarm payroll job growth on the national level for , which was . percent (bureau of labor statistics ). this number also significantly exceeds the growth of the art market at large in the united states between  and , for example, the anticipated growth of . percent nationally in revenue in the sector of art dealers in  (ibisworld ). in this survey, the occupation with the most laborers was that of photographers with , jobs, followed by graphic designers with , jobs in colorado in . self-defined artists, which would include the soc codes -, -, -, and - (craft artists; fine artists, including painters, sculptors, and illustrators; multimedia artists and animators; and artists and related workers, all others) totaled , jobs. at a ratio of more than -, the artist types examined held careers in applied and commercial variants of the art market, as opposed to the fine art were employment types likely to be found in that industry. three different variables of employment categorization were used to create the analysis. quarterly census of employment and wages (qcew) workers could be described as those employees on full-time salaried or hourly contracts. self-employed (se) workers generally work alone or as the proprietor of their firm. extended proprietor (ep) category workers are counted as proprietors but classify the income as peripheral to their primary employment. by excluding qcew workers, who are far more characteristic of mass-market industrial firms, the se and ep worker numbers then provide a proportional estimation of those workers engaged in craft or artistic production. those ratios are then applied across earnings and sales results, as well as used to modify employment results. 2 this category of industry was compared to occupation codes: 27-1012 craft artists; 27-1013 fine artists, including painters, sculptors, and illustrators; 27-1014 multimedia artists and animators; 27-1019 artists and related workers, all other. the numbers of artists in these occupations provide numbers of exclusively visual artists. the industry code 711510 independent artists, writers, and performers, which also provides employment numbers, was then modified in proportion to the number of visual artists, in order to exclude performing artists and writers, who are not within the scope of this paper. that proportion was also employed to modify earnings and sales results. 11 market. furthermore, the numbers of people employed in art dealing actually declined by . percent, while fine artists increased by . percent. this trend would indicate that more artists are taking an entrepreneurial approach to their activity by selling directly themselves rather than relying on intermediary dealers. the industry earnings of the colorado art market the industries of the art market can be measured in terms of both earnings and sales. earnings are calculated by aggregating the compensation paid for the labor of all workers in a given 12 industry. this includes wages, salaries, supplements, and proprietor earnings. the colorado art market achieved ,, in earnings in the art market industries in . the industry sales of the colorado art market industry sales data is arrived at by multiplying the price at which goods or services are sold by the number of units sold. this estimate is adjusted for discounts and deductions for returned merchandise. the colorado art market achieved ,,, in sales in , and this represented a . percent rate of growth over  sales of ,,,. this rate of growth significantly exceeded the national gdp growth rate for , which was . percent (bureau of economic analysis ). among the noticeable trends is that used merchandise dealers, vintage and antiques dealers and auctioneers of those items, have approximately equivalent sales as that of art dealers. there can be a great variety of product types with art and collectibles, with nearly  different design types producing much of that market on a global level (mcandrew ). other applied arts also easily account for comparable sales statistics, such as jewelry, which accounts for nearly  million when combining manufacturing and retail. similarly, photography, when accounting for printing, commercial production, and studio work, produces over  million in sales, and graphic design is nearly that much. a strong indicator of entrepreneurial trends can be seen in that while art dealers sales grew at . percent, the sales of independent artists grew tice that rate, . percent. more artists, therefore, are serving as their own merchant and selling directly to their collectors. 13 individual sectors: fine art, applied art, commercial art industry sales data was also subdivided into three distinct sectors to allow for further modeling based on different conceptions of what the art market is. to many observers, the art market might be essentially only the market in fine art, which might include those producing non-functional artworks, photography, and the secondary markets of art and antiques. this sector produced ,, in sales. the applied art market would include functional artistic and craft products: jewelry, furniture, glass, metals, and ceramics, as well as interior designers and industrial designers. the applied art sector produced ,, in sales. the commercial design market produces artworks with a clear function to aid in the marketing, publication, and sales of another product. these activities include commercial photography, graphic design, and other design services. the commercial art sector produced ,, in sales. people employed in the fine art and applied arts sectors (primarily craft) sell unique objects or services by themselves or with a limited set of assistants or subcontracted fabricators; thus, nearly all artists employed by the sale of their artwork are conducting entrepreneurial ventures as well. the actors within the commercial design field also produce a set of unique objects with a specific set of criteria which a client established prior to the creation of the good. a unifying factor between these disciplines is that the goods and services produced in the art market are often unique, crafted with a set of highly specialized skills, and utilize creativity to implement solutions to a specific set of variables. this set of criteria is dissimilar from the secondary market portion of the fine art market in that it involves a pre-existing object, however, it was produced with the same criteria when it was initially created and is simply experiencing a subsequent resale. furthermore, secondary 14 markets in art and antiques require core entrepreneurial skills in terms of investment and speculation in cultural trends and tastes. connecting arts and entrepreneurship in the colorado art market in recent years, denver has emerged from its provincial reputation to being acknowledged as one of the most desirable cities to reside in the united states (thorsby ). denver became that desirable place to live at the same time as a city-wide cultural plan — the first in denver since the ’s — imagine  was implemented. imagine  believes that “denver's economic vitality is accelerated by arts, culture and creativity.” (denver arts & venues ). the economic value of art has become so widely acknowledged and leveraged in the state of colorado that the public art department, colorado creative industries, was repositioned to be a division within the office of economic development and international trade. it is this widespread acknowledgment of arts as an essential part of an economy that spurs further dynamic economic development. creativity lies at the heart of the competitive advantage that the arts and culture bring when considering their economic impact. creativity would be that which connects both the producers, vendors, and all entrepreneurs in the art market, and across sectors.  percent of business leaders in a recent survey responded that creativity is “of high importance when hiring” (karabell ). mica scalin reflected that in workshops she asked people “in nonarts related fields (think engineering, manufacturing, energy, finance)…‘do you need creativity to succeed at your job?’ and nearly everyone raises their hands and when asked if you consider yourself to be creative only a couple of people continue to raise their hands” 15 (scalin ). one method to elevate creativity levels may simply be to be around more art. people are even more creative, innovative, and productive when they are around artwork (karabell ). citylab, which studies and produces data about the connection of arts and entrepreneurship asserted that “we find that the larger the creative employment of a region, the higher the levels of entrepreneurship and regional growth” (florida ). art and design are both strongly linked to entrepreneurship levels within a region and are a driver of economic development (florida ). this study of the art market in colorado is essentially a sector specific analysis of entrepreneurial trends. this paper analyzes a sector whose intrinsic values, goods, and services align directly with the values and habits of any creative entrepreneur in that both are focused on the “creative process, one driven not by personal gain but by an idea that must be realized within, and with the help of, society” (novia). this paper on the art market in colorado records a snapshot in time, which illustrates a wider argument that the art market, and the myriad entrepreneurial ventures that drive it, impact the economic and emotional vitality of the state of colorado positively. this report and similar sets of data consistently find that the art market is highly entrepreneurial and comprised of many small actors. the entrepreneurial mindset and the artistic mindset are both the creative mindset. artists have historically been some of the most entrepreneurial actors within the wider economy. they consistently take all the steps entrepreneurs make in 16 constructing a business venture. they conceive of their artistic output as products and try to match them to the tastes of their consumers. they auto-invest in the materials and capacity to make that output and consider innovative technology as a means to better produce that output. furthermore, because of the challenges of the art market, artists frequently develop new commercial ventures to reach their consumers better. they frequently serve as their own merchant and pay close attention to the emerging opportunities and directions within their market. artists have consistently served as some of the most entrepreneurial actors within the economy as whole. conclusions of the report on the colorado art market the research project began with the basic research question of what is the art market? the methodology adopted for this paper determined that, in its fullest sense, the art market is the ownership exchange economy in art and design products. this allowed us to lay out the parameters of what were the producers and merchants of that economy and use the tools of the cvsuite platform to measure those sectors in terms of jobs, earnings, and sales in specified industries within the confines of the state of colorado for the years  and . five conclusions became apparent from the results: . the colorado art market grew in terms of sales in  at a rate of . percent, which itself exceeds the national gdp growth rate for  of . percent. . that rate of growth also exceeds growth rates for estimates of the us art market and the global art market, which would serve as indication of colorado’s increasing importance as an art center. . the occupations of the colorado art market grew at . percent, which was also well above the national rate of job growth of . percent. . independent artists grew in numbers employed while those employed as art dealers declined. furthermore, sales for independent artists grew at twice the rate of art dealers. both trends point to more artists pursuing their own sales through entrepreneurial sales platforms. . far more artists make their careers in the fields of applied and commercial art production than do in fine art. photographers and graphic artists outnumber fine artists at a ratio of -. 17 . the applied arts industries nearly equal that of the fine arts, with jewelry a  million business in terms of sales. the commercial art market also essentially equals that of fine art, with graphic design accounting for approximately  million in sales. . with the commercial sector of the market growing at more than twice the rate of the other sectors, it would indicate a strong orientation towards entrepreneurial enterprises, as these industries are characterized by close attention to investment in capacity, technological solutions, and pioneering new avenues to untapped markets. all of the above conclusions point to the importance of the art market for providing the platform for artists and artist entrepreneurs to earn their living and contribute to the growth of the colorado economy. the scale of economic activity within the art market also serves as 18 a testament to its importance to the wider economy of the state. by examining the art market as a whole this paper has attempted to show that a narrow understanding of only fine art products would account for only a limited sector of total output. by taking a wider understanding of the art market as the commercial exchange in art and design products, this paper has attempted to demonstrate that the commercial art and applied art sectors each occupy significant proportional areas of economic activity in their own right. the totality of these three sectors then accurately represent the entrepreneurial contributions of all visual art producers and merchants within the state of colorado. appendix: data sources economic modeling specialists international (emsi); national assembly of state arts agencies; national center for charitable statistics; western states arts federation (westaf) data service cvsuite. industry data (through emsi) ● quarterly census of employment & wages (qcew) which serves as the backbone of industry data ● county & zip business patterns (cbp) which helps to unsuppressed qcew data ● quarterly workforce indicators (qwi) this adds demographics ● non-employer statistics (nes) which adds self-employed ● local area personal income (lapi) which also helps to cover more self-employed ● current employment statistics (ces) which provides monthly estimates and keeps data up-to-date ● industry sales occupation data (through emsi) ● national industry-occupation employment matrix (nioem) which gives national level staffing patterns ● occupation employment statistics (oes) which gives regional data and job counts ● american community survey (acs) which provides worker demographics on selfemployment ● o*net which gives insight on worker knowledge, skills, and abilities ● employment by occupation projections which give projections and openings numbers. bibliography (). imagine . imagine . denver, co. (). economic activity study of metro denver culture. economic activity study of metro denver culture. denver, co: colorado business committee for the arts. americans for the arts, arts and economic prosperity , . https://www.americansforthearts.org/by 19 program/reports-and-data/research-studiespublications/arts-economic-prosperity- bureau of economic analysis, u.s. department of commerce, “gross domestic product, th quarter and annual  (second estimate), february , . https://www.bea.gov/news//grossdomestic-product-th-quarter-and-annual-second-estimate bureau of labor statistics, “employment growth moderates in , continuing a lengthy expansionary period.” may . https://www.bls.gov/opub/mlr//article/employ ment-growth-moderates-in-.htm denver arts & venues. (). imagine . retrieved from http://www.artsandvenuesdenver.com/imagine/about-imagine- florida, r. (, august ). the connection between creativity and entrepreneurship. citylab. hulst, titia. a history of the western art market. california: university of california press, (. ibisworld. (, january). art dealers in the us. ibisworld iexpert industry summary . retrieved from ibisworld database. karabell, s. (, may ). art is good for business. strategy business. retrieved from https://www.strategy-business.com/article/art-isgood-for-business?gko=aea mcandrew, claire. fine art and high finance. new york: bloomberg press, . . mcandrew, claire. the art market . art basel and ubs, . . mcandrew, claire. the art market . art basel and usb, . n. a. s. a. a. (). creative economy state profiles. retrieved from https://nasaaarts.org/nasaa_research/creative-economy-stateprofiles/ novia uas, turku uas, lapland uas, saimaa uas, satakunta uas, and tampere uas. entrepreneurship in the arts. retrieved from https://www.artandentrepreneurship.com/ santagata, walter. property and exhibition rights. kluwer academic publishers, . -. scalin, m. (, february ). retrieved from https://blog.americansforthearts.org////co nnecting-art-and-business-in-practice thorsby, d. (, may ). the  most desirable places to live in the u.s. in . u.s.news. doi: https://realestate.usnews.com/realestate/slideshows/the--most-desirable-places-tolive-in-the-us 20 103-article text-327-3-11-20200511 vol. 9, no. 1 spring 2020 crowdfunding canadian theatre an exploratory analysis of kickstarter data with us comparison mohammad keyhani university of calgary safaneh mohaghegh neyshabouri university of calgary abbas hosseini amereii skipthedishes.com abstract: this study presents an exploratory and descriptive analysis of canadian theatre projects on the kickstarter platform, using both quantitative and qualitative data. we argue that crowdfunding is particularly relevant to arts entrepreneurship due to its emphasis on engaging an “audience” from the outset. our quantitative analysis finds that many theatre projects in canada are successfully raising funds on kickstarter, with the success rate being similar to that of theatre projects in the us, but on a relatively smaller scale in terms of the amount of money raised. only the provinces of ontario, quebec, british columbia, and alberta have more than three theatre projects on kickstarter within the timeframe of our data, and in total each province is able to raise about ten to forty-thousand dollars per year for theatre projects through this platform. in our qualitative analysis we find that theatre crowdfunding in canada is geared toward small-scale and subsistence-level funding, which could be construed as somewhat in line with the traditional hesitation to fully embrace profit-making in arts entrepreneurship, but may also be due to the local nature and limited ticketing capacity of theatre projects and what they perceive to be feasibly achievable goals on kickstarter. keywords: crowdfunding, theatre, creative media, performing arts, entrepreneurship, financing. artivate 9.1 100 introduction: the rise of crowdfunding the rise of the internet and information technology has resulted in novel forms of business models around which entire new categories of businesses have formed (afuah & tucci 2001). clear examples of this phenomenon that have started to change our way of life in a matter of a few short years include collaborative consumption (i.e. the sharing economy) models such as uber, relayrides, dogvacay and airbnb, online marketplaces such as ebay, alibaba, craigslist and kijiji, as well as crowdfunding platforms such as kickstarter, indiegogo, gofundme, pledgemusic and artistshare. crowdfunding can be considered a form of entrepreneurship technology, in the sense that it provides technological support that enables and empowers people to profit from providing value-adding products and services. the modern technologies of entrepreneurship substantially expand the scope of people who can become entrepreneurs thereby contributing to the democratization of entrepreneurship (bannerman 2013). more specifically, crowdfunding compresses the value chain, allowing individuals, teams or organizations to take their offerings directly to market, when otherwise they would have to incur considerably higher costs in making payments (typically without sharing in risk and uncertainty) to players and intermediaries in other segments of the value chain before getting a product out to market. in this sense, crowdfunding reduces the separation between a creator’s role as an artist and their role as an entrepreneur, by removing the barriers in the path from making art, to engaging an audience and making money from art. however, the value of crowdfunding is not limited to the supply side. on the demand side, crowdfunding provides consumers with access to innovations and artistic productions otherwise unavailable in the market, lower prices due to removed intermediaries, and new ways to co-create value with suppliers and support non-profit causes and civic common goods projects they care about, among other benefits (gerber & hui 2013). nevertheless, crowdfunding as a novel mode of business is still in somewhat of an experimental stage, and involves significant risks for both funders and fund recipients (l. m. hughes 2013; wells 2013). legal frameworks that regulate crowdfunding are still in their infancy but are evolving around the globe (coke 2017). canada in particular has been lagging behind leading countries in crowdfunding regulation by about half a decade to a decade (ncfa 2016). crowdfunding and arts entrepreneurship arts entrepreneurship as a field of study and education has investigated the relationship between arts and entrepreneurship, with a key question of concern being how entrepreneurship can result in financial support for artmaking. what constitutes entrepreneurship in this line of thinking has been conceptualized broadly. for example, essig (2015, 6) suggests that arts entrepreneurship “exists on a continuum from individual artists adopting entrepreneurial habits of mind in their practice at one end to new venture creation in the creative industries at the other.” gartner (2015, 5) has suggested that a key question for arts entrepreneurship should be “how do artists organize themselves, both in terms of how they generate art, and, in how artivate 9.1 101 what is produced, as art, is valued and exchanged?” more recently, callander (2019) has suggested to expand the scope of arts entrepreneurship to conceptualize artmaking itself as an entrepreneurial endeavor, especially in relation to theories of effectuation and emancipation. scherdin & zander’s (2011, 3) definition of arts entrepreneurship encompasses this scope: “the discovery and pursuit of new art ideas, using a multitude of artistic expressions and organizational forms as vehicles by which to express and convey these ideas to the public.” the rise of crowdfunding has resulted in reduced barriers to entrepreneurship and provided new financing opportunities especially in areas like creative and performing arts, crafts and entertainment where traditional funding interest is low due to a dearth of high-growth scalable venture opportunities, but popular consumption interest is high enough for crowds to be able to make a difference. but a business financing mechanism for the arts is not the only function of crowdfunding. for many arts entrepreneurs who may not even form, let alone incorporate a company, the process of crowdfunding may comprise a substantial portion of the business aspect of their creative projects. in addition, many creators seek only subsistence funding through crowdfunding platforms, or use these platforms as a method of soliciting “donations” rather than for-profit business transactions1. while arts crowdfunding can be conceptualized as a method of providing financial support for artmaking, it can also be viewed as an organizational tool for the process of artmaking itself, and crucially, a tool for the process of engaging with the audience of artwork. in fact, the word “crowd” in crowdfunding is largely a business buzzword counterpart to the word “audience” in the arts literature. for this reason, crowdfunding is not only “as relevant” to arts entrepreneurship as other tools of entrepreneurship, but perhaps one of the most relevant technologies in the context of arts entrepreneurship. given the above, it is no surprise that two of the first ever crowdfunding platforms to operate on a noticeable scale were artistshare and sellaband, both focusing on music crowdfunding (martinez-canas, ruiz-palomino, & del pozo-rubio 2012). the current most popular crowdfunding platforms indiegogo and kickstarter both have large numbers of creative arts projects, with the seeds of the former being motivated by the desire to fund a film or theatre production (wikipedia 2017), and the latter being motivated by the desire to help fund musicians and music bands (best & neiss 2014). by some estimates, kickstarter is now directing more funding to artists in the us than the country’s national endowment for the arts (macphee 2012). using nambisan’s (2017) framework regarding the impact of digital technologies on entrepreneurship, the impact of crowdfunding on arts entrepreneurship can be investigated in terms of how it opens boundaries in the processes, outcomes, and agency of arts entrepreneurship. in particular, the function of crowdfunding in audience engagement from the outset relates to the important functions of case-making and stakeholder engagement previously discussed in the arts entrepreneurship literature (bonin-rodriguez 2012, 2015; 1 while kickstarter is considered a “reward-based” rather than “donation-based” crowdfunding platform. eligible rewards can include “thank you notes” and similar items of little or no monetary value, effectively acting as donation options. artivate 9.1 102 callander 2019). in other words, the technology of crowdfunding allows artists to undertake case-making and stakeholder engagement on a previously unprecedented scale. many of the most active categories of crowdfunding are related to different forms of artistic media; film, music, and publishing have the first, second, and third highest number of projects on kickstarter, respectively. creative artists that traditionally rely more heavily on government funding are finding it increasingly difficult to finance their projects through traditional means as competition has increased, and government budgets have been cut. therefore, many in these industries are looking to crowdfunding as an alternative source of financing, although it is widely recognized that the amount of money that is possible to raise through crowdfunding for such projects is generally low and thus best suited to small scale indie productions (nordicity 2012). crowdfunding is especially beneficial for start-up or emerging creative artists and producers because of its potential to generate recognition and confer much needed legitimacy for these entities. furthermore, crowdfunding is an excellent fit for projects that have a niche audience, because such projects are much less likely to be able to attract investors looking for large profits through large markets (nordicity 2012). crowdfunding theatre: significance and existing literature theatre has been argued to have a range of positive effects on society for decades (etherton & prentki 2006). in the early 1920’s, british theatre director harley granville barker promoted the idea of “exemplary theatre” that had an educational role and contributed to the health of liberal society, thus having the nature of a public good that needs to be supported financially by government (gjaerum 2013). perhaps due to this primacy of an ethical and developmental role often prioritized over entertainment by theatre producers, financing has always been a challenge for theatre (cohen 1990; d. a. hughes 2007). it is generally recognized by most governments that arts financing involves market failure and thus needs government support (peacock 2000). an example of market failure is the spillover effects of theatre on a community which provides benefits to non-users of the theatre without compensating the theatre for those benefits (hansen 1997). hence, as etherton and prentki (2006) point out, writing proposals to seek funding from governments, ngos and other donors is almost second nature to arts workers. but this reliance on large donations renders theatre productions vulnerable to appropriation and undue influence by donor agendas (balfour 2009). the significance of theatre crowdfunding is that it has the potential to be the solution that liberates theatre from these individual donor agendas, while at the same time providing a mechanism for non-users to contribute to theatre projects (hansen 1997). despite this significance, existing literature on theatre crowdfunding is sparse. we attempt to summarize insights from existing literature below. in a way, crowdfunding theatre projects is similar to a tradition that can be traced to the dawn of theatre. drama originates in ancient greece, where dionysus, the god of vine and wine, fertility and theatre, was celebrated over the course of a few days in the festival of dionysus. the theatre performances of the festival were funded by the choragi who were wealthy greek artivate 9.1 103 citizens (the editors of encyclopædia britannica 1998). since the performances in the festival competed for first, second, or third place, the riches and charitability of a choragus gave his assigned playwright an advantage over the others. when a play won the first place, the choragus that supported its production was officially awarded the prize. it was perhaps this sense of acknowledgement by the community that encouraged the choragus to put the utmost effort in supporting the theatre they produced. of course, crowdfunding theatre has become much easier today thanks to platforms such as kickstarter. however, cultural industries such as film, music, and video games are doing much better at raising funds via these platforms than do theatre projects. in explaining this phenomenon, we can draw on the distinction made by colbert (2012) between the arts sector and cultural industries on the grounds that the nature of the products they produce is different. while the products of cultural industries can be reproduced (film, music, video), the products of arts organizations are not meant or designed for reproduction. for instance, theatre productions are bound by their location. they must be performed on a stage and unlike a music record, or the copy of a film, cannot travel to different location without hassle. as a result, there is a fundamental connection between the performing arts and their local communities (rogers 2012). gerber and hui (2013) suggest that while material rewards play an important role in the motivations of crowdfunders in technology, music and film, in theatre we do not see a similar pattern. as a matter of fact, material rewards may negatively affect the crowdfunding campaigns of theatre projects. philanthropic sponsorship of arts projects is viewed more favourably than commercial sponsorship, and theatre companies may fear tarnishing their reputation by seeking corporate support (dalakas 2009). in their study of 875 theatre projects in the us that have met their funding goal on kickstarter in 2011, boeuf, darveau, and legoux (2014, 43) concluded that performing arts funders are “guided by a prosocial exchange.” per their study, symbolic rewards such as public acknowledgment for their contribution is important in the success of a theatre funding campaign. their study also found that the greater the number of theatre projects an entrepreneur submits for crowdfunding, the lower the amount of money they can raise. crowdfunding in theatre follows the pattern of reciprocal exchange and soliciting the same crowd for subsequent projects has the potential to induce fatigue. hence, boeuf, et al. suggest that entrepreneurs in the field should focus on image motivation. like the choragi of the ancient greece, modern day crowdfunders of performing arts are motivated “by a desire to belong to a community of creative individuals,” (boeuf et al. 2014, 45). since a theatre entrepreneur’s participation in their peer’s campaigns boosts the sense of community and support, it also increases the chances for the success of her future crowdfunding campaigns. beyond these insights however, there is little that we know about theatre crowdfunding due to a lack of existing research. aim and scope this paper focuses on theatre crowdfunding as one of the as-yet under-studied categories of creative arts crowdfunding. we limit our scope to theatre crowdfunding on the kickstarter artivate 9.1 104 platform and in the country of canada, although our data allows some comparative analyses with theatre crowdfunding projects in the united states, where the bulk of kickstarter projects (~78% of all projects and ~80% of theatre projects) are located. the aim of our study is to provide some initial understanding of the theatre crowdfunding landscape, especially in canada, in order to illustrate the usefulness of geographically localized analysis of large crowdfunding datasets. we hope to provide readers with an understanding of the scale of activity, backers and money involved, the geographical and temporal patterns, the type of projects, people, motivations, and aspirations involved, etc. all of this is useful to, and provides context for, future researchers aiming to study theatre crowdfunding. in what follows, we first provide some background on creative media crowdfunding in canada, as well as a review of the limited literature that exists on theatre crowdfunding. we then describe the quantitative and qualitative data and the underlying data collection effort, before continuing to present and discuss exploratory results and analyses on theatre crowdfunding in canada-based kickstarter projects including some comparison with theatre crowdfunding in us-based kickstarter projects. crowdfunding activity has been lagging in canada compared to the us but has grown consistently in the past few years. the national crowdfunding association of canada (ncfa) reports that the volume of crowdfunding transactions in canada reached $133 million in 2015 (ncfa 2016), while a variety of regulatory efforts by provincial securities commissions and other stakeholders since 2012 has gradually opened the institutional pathways for crowdfunding in canada. data and methods we chose a combination of quantitative and qualitative data analysis methods to explore theatre crowdfunding. quantitative analysis allows us to explore the aggregate patterns, while qualitative analysis allows us to observe interesting outliners and compare the unique details that arise in different theatre crowdfunding projects. quantitative data we used a combination of software tools to scrape data directly from the kickstarter website and search application programming interface (api), as well as to store, clean, and analyze the data. the stack of software tools used include mysql, java, postman, firebug, excel, and stata. we were able to collect data on all completed theatre projects in the us and canada launched on dates ranging from april 28, 2009 (the day that the kickstarter platform itself was launched on the internet) to november 22, 2016. what we mean by “completed” is that the projects were not still live at the time of scanning and not suspended by kickstarter for violating the site’s rules (which are very rare cases). only one theatre project in canada has ever been suspended and when we checked its page we found it to be a prank not at all related to theatre. note that although kickstarter technically opened to canadians only after september 2013, as early as 2010 we observe theatre projects launched on kickstarter that self-reported their location as artivate 9.1 105 canada. canadians were able to launch projects on kickstarter before 2013 by finding workarounds such as enlisting a third-party partner that had the necessary eligibility requirements such as us social security number, id, bank account, and address (nordicity 2012). after dropping suspended cases, the state of each project at the end of completion can have a status of either canceled, failed, or successful. unlike boeuf et al. (2014), we were able to collect data on unsuccessful (canceled or failed) projects. according to kickstarter’s “all-or-nothing” rule system (cumming, leboeuf, & schwienbacher 2014), the money pledged does not reach the project creator(s) unless the status of the project is successful at completion. success is defined as having received a total pledged amount larger than the goal amount set for the project before the deadline (which the campaign creator can set at 60 days or less after launch). unlike equity-based or donation-based crowdfunding platforms (belleflamme, lambert, & schwienbacher 2013), kickstarter is a reward-based platform meaning that backers expect to receive a reward in return for their funding. in theatre projects, the reward is most often tickets to attend a theatre production. however, project creators can be creative with the way they design rewards, and many of them blur the line between reward and donation. for example, for small amounts, rewards often include such things as “thank you” notes. table 1: number of kickstarter theatre projects by year. 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 total canada 0 2 12 4 16 58 51 29 172 us 51 564 1,398 1,692 1,200 1,252 1,037 614 7,808 in total, we found 172 completed theatre projects that had indicated their location to be from canada and 7,808 theatre projects from the us. for each project we collected data on the project title and url, self-reported country, province or state, city or town, sub-category, status at completion, number of backers, amount of money targeted (goal) and pledged in (in usd, converted from cad to usd equivalent for canadian projects for comparability), and launch date. the number of projects launched in each year from 2009 to 2016 in our data is reported in table 1. note that 2016 numbers are lower because we did not have data on the full year. in sum, we collected quantitative data on 7,980 kickstarter projects. for comparison of canadian provinces, we used additional population data from the canadian socioeconomic database from statistics canada (cansim). we calculated the proportion of the population of each province relative to the total population of canada. since these proportions were almost completely stable from 2009-2016, we use only the 2016 proportions. qualitative data we selected a number of theatre projects for additional data collection from qualitative sources, including the project’s kickstarter page and media coverage of the project. our selection criterion was to include all canadian theatre projects that have raised the highest amount of money in their subcategory in their province. this produced a list of 27 canadian theatre artivate 9.1 106 projects in total, which are detailed in table 2. in addition, we created synopses or summary descriptions of twenty-five of these projects (all of the english language and one of the french campaigns) and made an attempt to track their status and media coverage after their kickstarter campaigns. these summaries are provided in the appendix, and are meant to illustrate the variety, nature, and scale of canadian theatre projects that have succeeded in crowdfunding on kickstarter. table 2: significant successful canadian theatre projects selected for qualitative review. title, blurb, significance and url project characteristics title: perchance's fifth season: it's a party and you're invited! blurb: we have reached a pivotal stage of our growth, and we are asking you to help us continue to produce and present truly excellent theatre significance: only successful project in newfoundland and labrador. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/418144630/perchancesfifth-season-its-a-party-and-youre-invi location: cupids, nl subcategory: general backers: 76 cad raised: $10,281 launch date: 13-08-2014 title: spaces blurb: a night of integrational movement theatre exploring space/proximity, privacy/openness in human relationships. significance: best in the experimental sub-category in ontario. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/1214425795/spaces1 location: toronto, on subcategory: experimental backers: 13 cad raised: $610 launch date: 10-06-2016 title: the watershed staging workshop blurb: a staging workshop for porte parole's new documentary theatre piece the watershed about freshwater politics in canada. significance: best in quebec. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/1965066139/thewatershed-staging-workshop location: montreal, qc subcategory: general backers: 181 cad raised: $21,712 launch date: 08-05-2014 title: give guelph a permanent home for comedy and improv blurb: our community has made it clear that we need a home for live comedy, improv training, joy and empowerment. let's make happy happen! significance: best in ontario. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/680747663/giveguelph-a-permanent-home-for-comedy-and-improv location: guelph, on subcategory: general backers: 204 cad raised: $24,355 launch date: 27-05-2016 title: the orbweaver, from mexico to the vancouver fringe festival blurb: the world premiere of the orbweaver, a mexican fairytale, at the 2016 vancouver fringe festival. significance: best in the festivals sub-category in british columbia. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/2123279654/theorbweaver-from-mexico-to-the-vancouver-fringe location: vancouver, bc subcategory: festivals backers: 15 cad raised: $2,000 launch date: 22-07-2016 title: temporala help get this sci-fi magic show on the road! blurb: this show is written, built, and ready to hit the vegas strip. but now we’re stuck in canada with no way to get there without your help significance: best in alberta. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/1311336075/temporalahelp-get-this-sci-fi-magic-show-on-the-r location: calgary, ab subcategory: general backers: 37 cad raised: $7,350 launch date: 10-09-2015 artivate 9.1 107 title, blurb, significance and url project characteristics title: you're a good man charlie brown blurb: the generosity shown by our supporters has truly touched us. we thank everyone for believing in summer theatre. warm regards, pip & dan significance: best in the musical sub-category in ontario. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/976986587/youre-agood-man-charlie-brown-fundraiser location: bancroft, on subcategory: musical backers: 47 cad raised: $4,395 launch date: 30-01-2015 title: giant co. honesty rents by the hour montreal fringe blurb: certainly not here for the conversation. significance: best in the festivals sub-category in quebec. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/1137416474/giantco-honesty-rents-by-the-hour-montreal-fringe location: montreal, qc subcategory: festivals backers: 26 cad raised: $1,265 launch date: 26-02-2016 title: straydog theatre company into the west theatre fest blurb: straydog theatre company is making a trip out west to participate in the into the west theatre festival on bowen island. significance: best in the general sub-category in british columbia. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/626742877/straydogtheatre-company-into-the-west-theatre-fes location: bowen island, bc subcategory: general backers: 56 cad raised: $6,695 launch date: 14-04-2011 title: les concubines blurb: spectacle-performance par des femmes sur la femme et ses visages show-performance by women about the woman and her faces significance: best in the musical sub-category in quebec. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/lesconcubines/lesconcubines location: montreal, qc subcategory: musical backers: 14 cad raised: $1,000 launch date: 01-04-2015 title: three things: stories about life blurb: an inspirational one-man play about crisis, community, and the search for wholeness. significance: only successful project in the plays sub-category in manitoba. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/whatilearned/threethings-stories-about-life location: winnipeg, mb subcategory: plays backers: 34 cad raised: $2,500 launch date: 03-11-2015 title: we don't need another hero blurb: part performance, part communal catharsis an experiential spectacle inspired by occupy, magnifying joy through dance, voice, theatre. significance: only successful project in the immersive subcategory in ontario. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/820995817/wedont-need-another-hero location: toronto, on subcategory: immersive backers: 54 cad raised: $12,129 launch date: 08-03-2015 title: merlin, les origines d'une légende blurb: spectacle de légende fantastique dans un amphithéâtre naturel en forêt à st-mathieu-du-parc significance: only successful project in the immersive subcategory in quebec. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/983474354/merlinles-origines-dune-legende location: st.-mathieu-du-parc, qc subcategory: immersive backers: 147 cad raised: $5,721 launch date: 14-05-2016 title: roomies atlantic canada tour 2016-17 blurb: help us strengthen and inspire disability arts in atlantic canada significance: only successful project in new brunswick. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/1869186779/hubcitytheatre-roomies-atlantic-canada-tour-2016 location: moncton, nb subcategory: plays backers: 32 cad raised: $2,512 launch date: 02-03-2016 artivate 9.1 108 title, blurb, significance and url project characteristics title: welcome back to harlem: a hellfighter's story blurb: a harlem hellfighter struggles to re-integrate into his community after heroically fighting for his country in ww1. significance: best in the plays sub-category in british columbia. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/hellfighter/welcomeback-to-harlem-a-hellfighters-story location: vancouver, bc subcategory: plays backers: 57 cad raised: $7,220 launch date: 30-05-2014 title: harvest blurb: the harvest festival is a two-day performance festival taking place in september 2015, involving local and international artists significance: best in the experimental sub-category in british columbia. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/1771498201/harvest location: vancouver, bc subcategory: experimental backers: 43 cad raised: $5,044 launch date: 18-06-2015 title: save the stardust drive-in theatre blurb: we need your help to save part of north american history! check out our news video at: http://bcove.me/3i2zd1ov significance: best in canada and only successful project in the general sub-category in manitoba. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/888695472/savethe-stardust-drive-in-theatre location: morden, mb subcategory: general backers: 419 cad raised: $31,975 launch date: 03-06-2015 title: uncalled for presents: playday mayday in toronto! blurb: uncalled for is finally bringing their latest work of intelligently reckless stream-of-consciousness sketch comedy to toronto. significance: best in the plays sub-category in ontario. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/460026610/uncalled-forpresents-playday-mayday-in-toronto location: toronto, on subcategory: plays backers: 114 cad raised: $10,338 launch date: 30-08-2016 title: seabird is going to new york! blurb: help theatre babelle's seabird is in a happy place make the flight from west coast to east for its ny premiere! significance: only successful project in the immersive subcategory in british columbia url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/1649585741/seabird-isgoing-to-new-york location: vancouver, bc subcategory: immersive backers: 29 cad raised: $2,166 launch date: 22-06-2015 title: a moment of silence blurb: english premiere of award-winning play a moment of silence significance: best in the festivals sub-category in ontario. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/nowadaystheatre/amoment-of-silence location: toronto, on subcategory: festivals backers: 35 cad raised: $4,000 launch date: 08-07-2016 title: ontario street theatre in port hope. blurb: we're an affordable theatre and rental space that can be molded into anything by anyone. significance: only successful project in the spaces sub-category in ontario. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/1359145496/ontariostreet-theatre-in-port-hope location: port hope, on subcategory: spaces backers: 97 cad raised: 48,620 launch date: 14-11-2014 title: psychoc une comédie libertine de bernard granger blurb: un psychiatre reçoit une patiente souffrant d'amnésie, de mythomanie et de nymphomanie. s'en suit une cascade d'événements drolatiques. significance: best in the plays sub-category in quebec. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/817107082/psychoc-unecomedie-libertine-de-bernard-granger location: montreal, qc subcategory: plays backers: 35 cad raised: $1,668 launch date: 12-01-2016 artivate 9.1 109 title, blurb, significance and url project characteristics title: family in church a new play by pascale roger-mckeever blurb: a tragic-comedy exploring the reactions of a family when faced with the death of one of their daughter’s best friend. significance: best in nova scotia. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/48259355/familyin-church-a-new-play-by-pascale-roger-mckee location: halifax, ns subcategory: general backers: 91 cad raised: $5,260 launch date: 18-03-2011 title: dog sees god calgary production blurb: a poignant & hilarious tale of charlie brown & friends navigating high school. a fresh take on the off broadway hit by yyc artists. significance: only successful project in the plays sub-category in alberta. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/1538343980/dogsees-god-calgary-production location: calgary, ab subcategory: plays backers: 17 cad raised: $1,625 launch date: 03-04-2015 title: a taste of broadway blurb: a delectable musical revue that offers the history of broadway served up in story, dance, images and song. significance: best in the musical sub-category in alberta. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/perfectlyimperfects/ataste-of-broadway location: calgary, ab subcategory: musical backers: 42 cad raised: $4,500 launch date: 15-04-2016 title: two monkeys productions presents "edges" blurb: two monkeys productions a new professional theatre company in vancouver. opening their first production "edges" on april 3rd, 2015 significance: only successful project in the musical subcategory in british columbia. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/828798542/twomonkeys-productions-presents-edges location: vancouver, bc subcategory: musical backers: 33 cad raised: $2,005 launch date: 06-03-2015 title: like this post (the post at 750) blurb: introducing the post at 750! join us in the creation of vancouver's most exciting new cultural space in the heart of downtown. significance: only successful project in the spaces sub-category in british columbia. url: https://www.kickstarter.com/projects/1938540856/likethis-post-the-post-at-750 location: vancouver, bc subcategory: spaces backers: 128 cad: $16,501 launch date: 19-03-2015 a note on the categorization of theatre campaigns in kickstarter it needs to be noted that categorization of campaigns on the kickstarter platform is no exact science. kickstarter allows users to self-select the category and subcategory of their campaigns., and many of the options to choose from are not mutually exclusive. for example one creator may choose to categorize a musical production under the “musical” subcategory or theatre, while another user may categorize a similar production outside of the theatre category and instead in the “dance” category (which would not show up in our data). another still may choose the theatre category but not specify any subcategory, in which case we would count them in the “general” subcategory. furthermore, the categorization system on kickstarter evolves, with new categories and subcategories being created by the platform over time. unfortunately, data on the timing and nature of past changes in categorization was not available to us. in either case the vast majority of projects in the theatre category have not specified a subcategory and are thus categorized as general (46% of canadian theatre campaigns and 75% of us theatre campaigns. the categorization system used in this paper is what kickstarter had in place at the time of data artivate 9.1 110 collection in 2016 and involved the subcategories of experimental, festivals, immersive, musical, plays, and spaces. most campaigns categorized as “festival” sought financial support for taking a theatre production to a cultural festival such as a local fringe festival. campaigns under the “spaces” subcategory typically sought financial support to build or renovate a local space for theatre production. exploratory quantitative analysis among the fifteen categories of projects on kickstarter, theatre ranks as 10th in terms of the number of projects launched representing 3.09% of all kickstarter projects, and 8th in terms of the mean us dollars pledged ($4,039) according to our data. in canada however, theatre ranks as the 13th category in terms of number of projects, and only 1.45% of all canada-based kickstarter projects are in the theatre category. in terms of money pledged, theatre is the 12th ranked category in canada. canada accounts for 3.84% of all kickstarter projects and 1.8% of all theatre projects on kickstarter according to our data. in what follows, we divide our analysis into country-level and province-level statistics. in the country-level analysis we include comparisons with us data but focus on the canadian data in province-level analyses. country-level analysis with us comparison table 3 depicts some key statistics for us and canadian theatre projects on kickstarter. since many of the variables studied here have skewed distributions (histograms displayed later on in this paper), we report medians as well as means in this table. overall, we found that as of november 22, 2016 successfully completed kickstarter theatre projects in the us have collectively raised more than $30 million, while canadian projects have reached a collective sum of more than $300,000. when calculating amounts raised, we do not count money that was pledged but not received because the campaign did not meet its target goal. the average success rate, mean and median goals and money raised, as well as mean and median number of backers are all lower in canada than the us, although this is to be expected as canada has a much smaller population, much fewer projects, and was not officially allowed on kickstarter for about half of our data’s time frame. given this, it is interesting to observe that the success rate of canadian theatre projects is as close as it is to the us success rate. according to these numbers, the average backer of successful canadian theatre projects provides those projects with $71 usd of rewardsbased funding, while the average backer of successful us theatre projects provides $135 usd of reward-based funding. it is interesting to observe that successful projects on average seem to be much more conservative in their goal-setting than unsuccessful projects. while due to kickstarter’s rules, all successful projects reach at least 100% of their target goal, looking at the percent of goal reached for unsuccessful projects can give us an idea of what thresholds are needed for success. we observe that 80% of unsuccessful theatre projects in canada reach less than 15% of their artivate 9.1 111 target (20% of target for the usa), confirming earlier studies that once a relatively low threshold is reached, the chances of success are high (boeuf et al. 2014). table 3: key statistics for us and canadian theatre projects on kickstarter. canada us number of projects failed (percentage) 16 (9.3%) 408 (5.23%) number of projects canceled (percentage) 57 (33.14%) 2,650 (33.94%) number of projects successful (percentage) 99 (57.56%) 4,750 (60.84%) mean project goal in usd (all projects) $18,497 $27,744 median project goal in usd (all projects) $2,457 $3,500 mean project goal in usd (successful projects) $3,027 $5,465 median project goal in usd (successful projects) $1,554 $3,000 mean usd raised (successful projects) $3,415 $6,340 median usd raised (successful projects) $1,819 $3,125 sum of usd raised (successful projects) $338,051 $30,116,587 mean number of backers (successful projects) 48 75 median number of backers (successful projects) 29 47 mean percent of goal reached (unsuccessful projects) 7% 11% median percent of goal reached (unsuccessful projects) 1% 3% 80th percentile of percent of goal reached (unsuccessful projects) 15% 20% 90th percentile of percent of goal reached (unsuccessful projects) 23% 34% mean percent of goal reached (successful projects) 125% 147% median percent of goal reached (successful projects) 108% 109% figure 2: mean us dollars pledged for successful canadian theatre projects figure 2: mean us dollars pledged for successful us theatre projects artivate 9.1 112 next we increase the granularity of our country-level analysis to sub-categories. figures 1 and 2 depict average amount of money raised by successful projects in each sub-category for canada and the us. figures 3 and 4 decpict average number of backers by sub-category and figures 5 and 6 break down the status and success rate statistics by sub-category. the patterns here are mostly consistent with category-level data, although some interesting irregularities are observed. for example, canadian theater projects in the musical sub-category seem to be performing especially poorly compared to their us counterparts when we look at the amount figure 6: mean number of backers for successful canadian theatre projects. figure 6: mean number of backers for successful us theatre projects figure 4: outcome of canadian theatre projects by sub-category. figure 4: outcome of us theatre projects by sub-category artivate 9.1 113 of money raised and number of backers, although the musical subcategory in canada has a higher rate of success than in the us. meanwhile, the festivals subcategory exhibits an especially high success rate in canada compared to the us (73.3%) while the immersive theatre category exhibits an especially high cancellation rate (25%) and low success rate (37.5%), although these numbers could be prone to small numbers bias. figures 7 and 8 present boxplots for the ratio of goal reached by country, for unsuccessful (failed or cancelled) and successful projects respectively. outliers are excluded from these graphs because they would distort them substantially, especially for us-based projects where a few rare cases have been hugely successful. the white line at the center of the boxes represents the median, while the bottom and top figure 8: boxplot of ratio of goal reached for unsuccessful theatre projects. figure 8: boxplot of ratio of goal reached for successful theatre projects. figure 9: histogram of launch date for theatre projects in canada and usa. artivate 9.1 114 edge of the box represent the 25th and 75th percentile respectively. these graphs confirm that almost all unsuccessful projects reach less than 20-40% of their goal. figure 8 further shows that most successful projects surpass their goals by very little to moderate amounts. figure 9 presents histograms of launch dates, which reveal an interesting seasonality, better observed for the us because of the higher number of projects. project launches seem to peak in the summer months and slow down in the winter months. also, the graphs clearly show that canadian theatre activity on kickstarter was rare before kickstarter was officially launched in canada in september 2013. the general time trend does not seem to be encouraging for kickstarter, with a noticeable decline seeming to occur in the later months. figure 11: histogram of us dollars pledged for successful theatre projects in canada and usa. figure 10: histogram of number of backers for successful theatre projects in canada and usa. artivate 9.1 115 histograms of money raised and number of backers for successful projects (figures 10 and 11) reveal heavily skewed power law distributions as one would expect (crawford, aguinis, lichtenstein, davidsson, & mckelvey 2015). power law phenomena are abundant in nature and social settings, but the term “power law” in business performance specifically refers to the statistical distribution of performance statistics where very few cases achieve great performance, while the majority achieve relatively low performance. the histograms are cropped to avoid the distortion effect of a small number of outliers. province-level analysis figures 12 and 13 present descriptive statistics by province on the number of canadian theatre projects and number of successful canadian theatre projects. table 4 puts the numbers in these figures into perspective by comparing their relative proportions to the relative proportion of canadian population that resides in each province. in order to avoid the influence of small numbers bias, it may be helpful to narrow our focus on the four provinces that have more than twenty-five projects (all other provinces have only three or fewer). these are ontario, quebec, british columbia and alberta, in order of their proportion of canada’s population. of these, only quebec has a proportion of canadian theatre projects on kickstarter and proportion of successful canadian theatre projects on kickstarter that are lower than its proportion of canada’s population. this may be due to the language difference with kickstarter being perceived as a predominantly english-language website, although the site does offer a french language interface and project creators can write descriptions in french as well. beyond the language issue, two other competing hypotheses that could explain this finding are that either quebec has an overall less active theatre scene relative to its population, or quebec has a relatively more munificent funding environment for its theatre projects, thus reducing the need for crowdfunding as a substitute funding mechanism. figure 13: number of canadian theatre projects by province. figure 13: number of successful canadian theatre projects by province. artivate 9.1 116 table 4: comparison of relative proportion of kickstarter theatre projects (all and successful) with relative proportion of population by province. province proportion of canadian population proportion of canadian theatre projects proportion of successful canadian theatre projects ontario 0.385 0.430 0.444 quebec 0.229 0.174 0.162 british columbia 0.131 0.174 0.222 alberta 0.117 0.157 0.111 manitoba 0.036 0.017 0.020 saskatchewan 0.032 0.000 0.000 nova scotia 0.026 0.012 0.020 new brunswick 0.021 0.017 0.010 newfoundland and labrador 0.015 0.012 0.010 prince edward island 0.004 0.000 0.000 yukon 0.001 0.006 0.000 northwest territories 0.001 0.000 0.000 nunavut 0.001 0.000 0.000 figures 14 and 15 present descriptive statistics by province on the amount of money raised and number of backers for successful canadian theatre projects. interestingly, most of the provinces with the fewest number of successful projects (with the exception of new brunswick) have the highest average amount of money raised. this means that the few projects that succeeded in those provinces (manitoba, newfoundland and labrador, and nova scotia) succeeded at a very high level relative to the average of other provinces. the same pattern is observed when we look at the number of backers metric. this result may indicate a loss of novelty effect such that the first few kickstarter campaigns in any locale enjoy a certain appeal boost due to their novelty, but as more of the local population become familiar with kickstarter campaigns and more projects seek their attention and money, the appeal factor is dampened. figure 15: mean us dollars pledged for successful canadian theatre projects by province. figure 15: mean number of backers for successful canadian theatre projects by province. artivate 9.1 117 given the relatively small-scale and subsistence-level funding that occurs through theatre crowdfunding campaigns, a relevant comparator group for which statistics broken down by province are available may be non-profit performing arts companies. statistics canada provides statistics on the number of performances and attendances, as well as revenue amounts for these companies. table 5 lists these statistics by province for the year 2016. since statistics canada collects this data on a biannual basis and did not have 2015 numbers, while our data for 2016 is incomplete, we compare some of the data points in table 5 with provincial aggregates in our data for 2015 which is the closest year for which we have full kickstarter data. according to our data, in 2015, ontario theatre campaigns raised $38,269, british columbia campaigns raised $31,670, quebec campaigns raised $13,094, and alberta campaigns raised $12,706 in total funding through kickstarter. these numbers are equivalent to 23% of revenue from grants, subsidies, donations, sponsorships, or fundraising events in 2016 for nonprofit performing arts companies in the province of ontario, 64% for british columbia, 12% for quebec, and 24% for alberta. however, if we expand the comparator group to include for-profit performing arts companies and count revenues from all sources, the total amounts raised on kickstarter are miniscule compared to the billion-dollar scale aggregate annual revenues of the performing arts industry. table 5: performance, attendance, and revenue statistics for non-profit performing arts companies in canada by province, for 2016. statistics canada table 21-10-0185-01 and table 21-10-0186-01. n/a: not available from statistics canada. geography total # of performances total attendance avg. attendance per performance revenue from sales ($ cad) revenue from grants, subsidies, donations, sponsorships & fundraising ($ cad) revenue from licensing ($ cad) canada 39,013 12,174,596 312 375,818.60 412,416.90 1,234.30 ontario 10,883 3,638,004 334 149,848.10 167,849.60 475.6 quebec 10,185 3,711,278 364 92,677.10 105,606.00 591.2 alberta 4,985 1,361,194 273 48,993.30 52,696.10 4.9 british columbia 7,208 1,794,783 249 48,237.20 49,211.10 n/a manitoba 1,419 689,145 486 15,684.30 14,493.30 n/a nova scotia 1,672 455,576 272 n/a 7,245.00 n/a sask. 1,178 303,803 258 8,507.00 6,725.40 n/a newfoundland & labr. 795 125,016 157 2,432.50 4,096.70 n/a new brunswick 490 80,262 164 n/a 3,284.80 n/a prince edward island n/a n/a n/a n/a 479.5 0 yukon n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a 0 nunavut 0 0 n/a n/a n/a n/a northwest territories n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a artivate 9.1 118 limitations and caveats of quantitative analysis our notion of “successful” projects and metrics for success in this paper and any other crowdfunding study need to be taken with a grain of salt. measuring success in crowdfunding is fraught with complications. a crowdfunding project is often just one component of an entrepreneurial effort, and success on a crowdfunding platform with metrics such as amount raised and number of backers does not guarantee that the broader effort is ultimately a successful one. in fact, some of the record-setting successes of kickstarter, such as the coolest cooler are known to have run into financial difficulty after their crowdfunding campaign was over, with many backers still waiting to receive their promised rewards after multiple delays (singleton 2016). furthermore, the achievement of reaching your crowdfunding goal on kickstarter is valuable, and results in receiving the funds pledged, but it is no guarantee that these funds are enough to cover the project’s actual needs. for example, the documentary film within every woman directed by tiffany hsiung successfully surpassed its $50,000 goal on kickstarter and raised $56,525 but still needed an additional $200,000 to finance production (nordicity 2012). however, the success of the crowdfunding campaign provides valuable idea validation and proof-of-concept that enables the project creator to raise additional funding from other sources. another important issue to consider about kickstarter is that it sometimes abides by different rules for different countries. the only such rule we found that was potentially relevant to this study was that according to the kickstarter website. the maximum reward value for usbased projects is $10,000 usd but for canadian projects it is $13,000 cad. with the exchange rates at the time of writing, however, these two values are equivalent. in any case, theatre projects rarely ever set any single reward value at such high levels. the qualitative analysis below confirms some of the data limitations and caveats discussed here, and reveals additional ones. exploratory qualitative analysis table 2 presents the list of canadian theatre projects on kickstarter that we selected for qualitative review. most of them are summarized in more detail in the appendix. the most amount of money raised by a canadian theatre project in our data is $31,975 cad which was raised by the project titled save the stardust drive-in theatre located in morden, manitoba, but the typical project among those we reviewed raised somewhere in the $2,000-$5,000 range. while befitting the sub-category of spaces, the stardust theatre project does not specify a subcategory for itself and is thus listed in the general sub-category. this is in fact a widespread practice where projects don’t necessarily correctly self-label their sub-categories or could be categorized in multiple sub-categories. another example is harvest, which refers to itself explicitly as a “festival” in the descriptions, does not self-categorize under the festival subcategory, while moment of silence explicitly describes itself as a play while self-categorizing under festivals. projects are not necessarily originally from their self-described location in canada. they may be originating from another location but raising funds for a canadian performance. for artivate 9.1 119 example, moment of silence is a play originating in iran. furthermore, some projects are multilocational in nature, thus labeling them with a single location is less meaningful. for example, roomies is a project aiming for an atlantic canada tour and involves artists from three different provinces in that region. many projects set a target goal that only partially covers the costs of their broader initiative. for example, the stardust drive-in theatre needed more than $90,000 to switch to a digital projector technology to survive and targeted only one third of that amount to raise on kickstarter. as another example, in the ontario street theatre in port hope project, the manager of storefront theatre conducted multiple fundraising events outside of kickstarter during his campaign and posted information about them as updates on kickstarter. some projects are created by well-established theatrical institutions of their community for the purposes of growth rather than survival. for example, the only successful project in newfoundland and labrador was created by the perchance theatre, a well-known summer theatre in the province as a growth initiative on the occasion of their 5th anniversary. other projects are created by smaller players and sometimes out of desperation for survival. blackfly summer theatre, the entity behind the you’re a good man charlie brown project aimed to raise part of the money they needed to purchase the rights for the charlie brown production on kickstarter. the initiative was out of desperation due to declining audience numbers. although they have been in business for ten years, and despite the success of their crowdfunding campaign, the blackfly summer theatre is currently seeking help due to financial trouble. other specific cases help to highlight the range of motivations driving these theatre projects. dennis maione, the creator of the three things: stories about life project targeted $2,500 to produce a play for the fringe festival and give at least one performance. although the project raised the money it targeted, it did not make it into the fringe festival but found other venues and performed the play multiple times. meagan o’shea, one of canada’s renowned artistic directors and the creator of the we don’t need another hero project in toronto was very blunt on her campaign page about the reasons she turned to crowdfunding: “here's the thing, we got some grants, enough to decide to make the project go, commit to everything, and then we didn't get some grants.” the type of rewards offered by the reviewed theatre projects confirm that philanthropy and donation-type rewards play an important role, but many productions do pre-sell tickets as rewards. acknowledgement of funders is also viewed as important. for example, elodie dorsel, the creator of the spaces workshop project promised to send “personalized love letters” from the team for pledges of $30 or higher. in general, the overall scale and nature of projects indicate mostly requests for subsistence-level funding on kickstarter, which could be construed as somewhat in line with the traditional hesitation to fully embrace profit-making in arts entrepreneurship, but may also be due to the local nature and limited ticketing capacity of theatre projects, and what they perceive to be feasibly achievable goals on kickstarter. we found that while some of the canadian theatre projects we identified as significant had not received media attention, most had. they were often positively reviewed or talked about in local media and newspapers, and sometimes even received national media coverage. for example, the creators of roomies and save the stardust drive-in theatre were interviewed by artivate 9.1 120 the cbc. some crowdfunders like carisa hendrix, an award-winning magician, stunt woman, performer and creator of the temporala project which raised the most amount of money among albertan theatre projects, have posted complete videos of their production publicly and freely accessible on the internet, but most of the projects we reviewed were not available for digital viewing. conclusion and implications to our knowledge, the present paper represents one of the first ever studies of theatre crowdfunding in canada. it follows a recently burgeoning literature on crowdfunding (short, ketchen, mckenny, allison, & ireland 2017), which includes only one other study of theatre crowdfunding by boeuf et al. (2014) that focused on successful us kickstarter projects. in addition, our study is an early contributor to a broader literature on the impact of digital technology on arts entrepreneurship. nevertheless, our analysis has been exploratory in nature, limited to the kickstarter platform, limited to a narrow scope of variables, and most from our perspective as researchers who were “outsiders” to the theatre industry. much work remains to be done in order to better understand the phenomenon of crowdfunding in the theatre context, both in canada and other countries. to do so, platforms other than kickstarter need to be analyzed, with larger variable sets, and hopefully with the engagement of scholars and practitioners, who have greater insider knowledge of the theatre industry and its particularities. furthermore, much work remains to be done to better understand how crowdfunding platforms and other digital technologies change the nature of artmaking, audience engagement, and arts entrepreneurship more generally. among the significant projects we reviewed qualitatively, we noticed the involvement of some of canada’s best theatrical, creative, and artistic talent, and we noticed that the typical amount of money raised by these projects is at a relatively small scale. although their crowdfunding campaigns are often only supporting part of their budgetary needs, these campaigns are nevertheless spurring theatrical activity and keeping otherwise financially challenged projects and theatres alive. we hope that, in the future, new financial innovations will both improve existing types of crowdfunding, create new models, and maybe even create innovative alternatives to crowdfunding that can better support the theatre community as well as the broader performing arts and creative media industries. finally, we hope that efforts to design and develop courses and educational material on arts management and arts entrepreneurship can begin to include material specific to crowdfunding in order to open up horizons in the minds of future creative artists in terms of not just alternative financing options, but more broadly, the digital support tools of arts entrepreneurship. artivate 9.1 121 appendix: synopsis of  successful canadian theatre crowdfunding campaigns on kickstarter in this appendix we provide summary descriptions of 25 successful canadian theatre crowdfunding campaigns on the kickstarter platform. these descriptions are meant to illustrate the variety, nature and scale of the kinds of theatre projects that have been able to succeed in crowdfunding. in addition to describing the projects themselves, we have made an effort to track the projects and provide additional information on their status or media coverage after their crowdfunding campaign. perchance theatre perchance theatre is an outdoor performance space. it produces and presents classical theatre each summer in cupids, newfoundland and labrador. it was inspired by shakespeare’s famous globe theatre in london, england. the theatre is led by the director danielle ivrine and it features some of the province’s best stage actors. they’re working to establish the conception bay as a cultural and tourism destination. on their fifth year, they realized they’ve reached a pivotal stage of growth. they headed towards crowdfunding so that they can continue to produce and present excellent theatre and provide opportunities for people to enjoy the stage. they aimed to raise ca$ 10,000 as a birthday gift on their 5th anniversary. they were offering show tickets for pledgers of ca$ 100 or more. they’ve reached their goal and they’ve issued tax receipts to the contributors. perchance is a well-known summer theatre in newfoundland and labrador. it was formerly known as new world theatre project when it was launched in 2010. they get good local exposure every summer when their performance season starts. the telegram wrote a couple of pieces about them. one of them was to talk about the project’s goals. another piece was published about danielle ivrine, the director of the theatre highlighting how a local lawyer turned out to establish a locally recognized theatre. spaces spaces is an experimental workshop/theatre performance in toronto that aims to explore space/proximity, privacy openness in human relationships. throughout the 1-hour show/workshop, twenty audience members will take part in an experiment. “i want them to experience first-hand what makes them uncomfortable, what doesn’t and have them wonder why that is the case.” explains elodie dorsel, the creator of the workshop. the workshop is a bilingual event in both french and english and accessible for deaf audience as well. this was a very small experimental project with minimal exposure. the fundraising target was ca$ 200 and the founder raised ca$ 610. she even displayed a breakdown of the project’s spending. she promised to send “personalized love letters” from the team for pledgers of ca$ 30 or higher. artivate 9.1 122 the watershed staging workshop porte parole is a documentary theatre company in montreal. it creates verbatim plays that explores human dynamics within contemporary political and social canadian conflicts. its project the watershed is a play about an artist, a family, and a country struggling to chart a sustainable course between two seemingly irreconcilable goals: steady economic growth and sound environmental stewardship. the play’s script is based on interview footage in quest to understand the federal government’s economics and environmental policies. the watershed is about the future of fresh water. their target was to raise ca$ 20,000 for a production workshop to test the dramatic quality of the play and explore staging possibilities. the project was backed with ca$ 21,712. the play was premiered in july 2015 and had a lot of exposure. it was premiered during the panamania arts and cultural festival in toronto. the montreal gazette wrote a piece about the play and said, "great journalism, and even better theatre." nowtoronto wrote good a review about the show and described as “must-see.” the play was appraised for its goal of raising awareness about the future of water. give guelph a permanent home for comedy and improv this project was launched by “the making box”, guelph’s hub for live comedy since 2013 to build a fully accessible comedy theatre and improv training center. they presented this an opportunity for professional prosperity and city-wide community elevation. they wanted to locate their theatre at the heart of downtown guelph. it would be a theatre for weekly comedy shows and improv classes. they had a target of ca$ 20,000 that would go towards constructing, insuring, soundproofing and buying furniture for the location. after they reached their goal by raising ca$ 24,355, the project ran into a problem with the city’s regulations that stopped them from building over their chosen location. the guelph mercury wrote about this municipal board dispute in 2016. the project later established itself in a different location in the city of guelph, and some years later opened a second location in the kitchener-waterloo area. in 2016, they were nominated for both innovation guelph’s start-up of the year and the guelph chamber of commerce community spirit award. they’ve partnered with innovation guelph to provide business improv classes. they continue to host live comedy shows and improv classes in both of their locations. the orbweaver, from mexico to the vancouver fringe festival the orbweaver is a play written by emerging mexican playwright paula zelaya cervantes, and the goal of this campaign is to bring the show to the 2016 vancouver fringe festival for its world premiere. the orbweaver is an example of a new, innovative latin american theatrical style that combines story theatre and unusual narrative modes with conventional theatrical dialogue. it’s a one-of-a-kind, intercultural mixture between canadian and latin american theatrical narration styles. their target was to raise ca$ 2,000 that would get their cast to vancouver from artivate 9.1 123 mexico city. they also needed to fund the production costs like costumes, props…etc. they’ve raised exactly ca 2,000 dollars and they were offering tickets to pledgers of ca$ 80 or more. the play was premiered at the vancouver fringe in september 2016 and it was a great success. it won the georgia straight's critic's choice award along with the volunteers’ choice prize. they were interviewed by vancouver presents. collin thomas, a vancouver base awardwinning theatre critic wrote an article on them saying “the orbweaver is so good that having seen it makes me feel better about being alive. seriously. it’s fantastic.” temporala help get this sci-fi magic show on the road! temporala is a sci-fi magic show that includes fire, dance, circus and magic. it was created by carisa hendrix, an award-winning performance who makes interesting shows inspired by history and science fiction. they planned to perform a show in las vegas, and their investors pulled out one month before their show. they had to turn to crowdfunding. her target was to raise ca$ 6,000 in 21 days so fly her show to las vegas, and she succeeded by raising ca$ 7,350. she also offered tickets for backers who contributed ca$ 250 or more. along the way, she failed to deliver the rewards and her backers were angry. later, she apologized saying there was issue with the distribution company and that the items were shipped. the show in vegas was a success and she has posted a video of the show on her youtube channel. carisa is a well-known magician/stunt girl who have won several awards. she also holds a guinness world record for the longest fire torch in teeth. you’re a good man charlie brown blackfly summer theatre has been producing two live theatrical shows for the past ten years in the small town of bancroft, ontario. due to a steady decline in in their audience, they’ve decided to produce the popular musical you’re a good man charlie brown. after negotiations with the company holding the rights to the show, they were quoted ca$ 7,765. they’ve turned to crowdfunding along with their season sponsor to cover that fee. their target was to raise ca$ 4000 from a small town. they’ve offered seats to their shows for the backers. bancroft summer theatre has been in business for the past 10 years. they’ve been suffering from losses and business problems in the past couple of years and they’re seeking for help according to their facebook page. giant co. honesty rents by the hour montreal fringe honesty rents by the hour is a play by michael milech in quebec. the play was a finalist in infinitheatre's 2015 “write-on-q!” competition and received a warm reception at a staged reading as a part of the company’s pipeline series. their target was ca$ 750 to cover costumes, visual elements, and props. they were able to raise cad 1,265. they were offering tickets for backers who pledged ca$ 50 or more. the play had a story about them on entertainment city after its success in montreal fringe. also, matt jacobs, the director of giant productions, did an interview about the play. artivate 9.1 124 stray dog theatre company into the west theatre fest the straydog theatre company is making a trip out to the west coast of canada to participate in the into the west theatre festival happening on bowen island. the company is there to headline the inaugural season of the into the west theatre festival which helps support local theatre in the community including the tir-na-nog theatre school. the school has, for the past twenty-three years, been a space wherein young people can practice the art of theatre. over the past few years the school has been struggling with financial instability due to cuts in government and local funding. they wanted to produce shows during the summer so that people will be interested in the school and also help them pay of-season rent. their target was to raise ca$ 6,000 and they’ve successfully raised ca$ 6,695. the project did not get any media exposure. however, tir-na-nog theatre school is still operating as of 2017. les concubines les concubines is a show-performance created by women that talks about the woman’s face. the show includes five actresses to perform some of quebec’s most classic songs mixed with words on their anxiety, pleasure and anger. the campaign targets to raise ca$ 1,000 and it succeeds to reach that target. this, along with over sources of funding was intended to give a fair and just salary to creators and artists on the show. three things: stories about life this is a play by dennis maione, a cancer survivor who have published the book what i learned from cancer. the play is designed for fringe festival but suitable for any performance venue. the kickstarter campaign would help him produce the play and give at least one performance. the campaign was aimed to raise ca$ 2,500 and he reached that target. the film did not make it to the fringe festival. however, he didn’t give up and found a venue with the money he raised. he had five show runs and he have moved on to new projects. we don't need another hero hero is an interdisciplinary performance that looks at how people interact with the world as individuals, in couples, and in community. the show includes dance duets, solo dance-theatre with audience participation and a bilingual translation. the project had some grants but then they didn’t receive them after committing to everything. this made them turn to crowdfunding. they needed to raise ca$ 12,000 to put a good show. they were successful. the director of the show is a recognized across canada. her work has been presented across canada. she has received over 30 grants for her work. the montreal gazette said about her “off the wall, impossible to categorize, fun.” the toronto star said “whacky, whimsical and wonderful.” artivate 9.1 125 roomies atlantic canada tour - roomies is a collective work involving artists from nb, nl, and ns. the playwright and actor lives with a disability and is from newfoundland. they want to go on a tour that encompasses locations in the provinces of nb, ns, nl, and pei. roomies delivers its message in a sitcomstyle comedy along with more serious insightful scenes about disability, identity, respect, acceptance and the importance of others in our lives. as this is a non-profit project, they still need to pay for performance spaces, accommodations, technicians and transportations. the campaign aimed to raise ca$2,000 and they have been able to raise ca$ 2,512. the company offers tickets for backers who pledged ca$ 20 or more. their show was a great success due to its message about understanding disabilities. they had an interview with cbc regarding the show. they also had an interview with rogers tv. the play won the prize for outstanding dramatic script from the nova scotia federation of writers in the early 2000s, an achievement the writer of the play, david power holds dear. "what really makes it worthwhile is that people who come to the play and have a disability and have never seen their story told in a way on stage,” he said. welcome back to harlem: a hellfighter's story this is a musical play about a harlem hellfighter (an african american wwi soldier) struggles to re-integrate into his community after heroically fighting for his country. set against the backdrop of the dynamic harlem renaissance art scene. the show represents the rebirth of black identity in america. the cast of 20 actors had a target of ca$ 5,000 to bring this play to light. they were able to raise ca$ 7,500. they’ve considered themselves not as just a show, but as a movement to keep the history of african-americans alive. the play was premiered in june 2014 according to their facebook event. people liked the play and it has received great reviews. tito kamel, a writer who worked on the show, had an interview on the youtube show “om da grine tv” where he talked about the motives of creating the play. harvest the harvest festival was conceived by vancouver-based performer/producer georgia johnson as a way to bring together local and international performance artists while highlighting the natural beauty that mayne island's landscapes offers. it’s a two-day performance festival involving local and international artists. the fundraising goal for this project is ca$ 5,000, which will pay for the flights and ferry rides of collaborators making their way to mayne island from overseas. the project was a success, but we could not locate any media exposure for this project. save the stardust drive-in theatre the stardust drive-in theatre is a family owned and operated drive-in theatre located in southern manitoba. the theatre goes back to the early 1960’s and is well known in southern manitoba. the movie industry pashed out 35 mm films in exchange to digital technology. the theatre needs to upgrade to a digital projector. their quote was cad 93,500. they’ve managed artivate 9.1 126 a part of the money and they need ca$ 30,000 to completely fund the digital projector. they were able to raise ca$ 31,975. the campaign was a success and they’ve received a lot of media exposure. my toba website wrote an article on their success for raising the money. cbc had an interview with the theatre’s owners and wrote a news article about them. winnipeg free press had an interesting title that said “one of manitoba's last drive-in theatres makes a final stand”. most of the articles talked about how the community came together to support a local place with such a significant history. uncalled for presents: playday mayday in toronto! uncalled for internationally renowned sketch comedy troupe who wants to bring a full-length show to toronto. their goal as a company is to bridge the gap between sketch comedy and traditional theatre. they want to a two-week run show called “playday mayday”. they’re raising money so they can cover rental cost of the theatre for the two-week run, a proper marketing campaign to sell their tickers and compensate the actors and technicians. their target was to raise ca$ 10,000 and they succeeded and raised ca$ 10,338. the show was premiered on november 2016 according to their facebook event. they have really good reviews on the event page. the star wrote a good article about how the events unfold in the play. there was a review on the theater reader that said "uncalled for's playday mayday is funny as hell!" all reviews they have received were positive. seabird is going to new york! babelle theatre’s seabird is in a happy place, has been selected as a finalist for the samuel french 40th annual off-broadway playwriting competition in new york. seabird is a story of a young women who dies and comes back to life under the condition that she must die again when it stops raining. the play will run four days in vancouver before flying to new york. their target was to raise ca$ 2,000 and they succeeded in raising ca$ 2,166. all the funds will go to support the playwright james gordon, the director marie farsi and the actress emilie leclerc on their journey to new york. an article was written about the play’s story on vancity buzz. the show was later curated in a play reading series. a moment of silence this is a play that charts the recent history of iran. it’s about an iranian woman who falls asleep in war missing almost every modern political event. this play is an award-winning play by celebrated iranian playwright and director, mohammad yaghoubi. it won toronto fringe festival’s 2015 new play contest. it also won the playwrights’ society of iran’s best play prize. it has been translated into english, french, czech, turkish and kurdish and performed in washington and california, brussels, by théâtre de poche in 2014 and in prague in january 2016. the goal was to raise ca$ 4,000 and they succeeded and raised the exact amount. the play was premiered in toronto in august 2016. it had great reviews. the theatre times wrote “despite being deeply contextualized in iranian contemporary culture and politics, a good artivate 9.1 127 dramaturgy made a moment of silence relatable for canadian audience while highlighting its universal themes and aesthetics”. nowadays theatre also spoke great of the play. it quoted michaela prikopova saying “an unexpected contemporary play from a culture we do not meet every day, a moment of silence…charts the recent history of the country of which we hear plenty on the news but about which we do not know that much.” ontario street theatre in port hope. storefront theatre is an affordable 40 seat venue for the public. sean carthew, who runs the venue now wants to raise money to renovate the theatre. it will cost him around ca$ 8,000. one remarkable thing is that sean advertised other fundraising events through his campaign’s updates. he also had local businesses supporting him. he was able to raise all the funds in addition he was able to get more exposure on his offline fundraising efforts. he had media exposure from snapd who did an article on his kickstarter campaign. they were helping him with reaching more people. northumberland today did an interview with him about his campaign and plans for renovation. family in church, a new play by pascale roger-mckeever it is a play was made by the belfry/ça cloche dans ma caboche, a newly formed bilingual theatre company based in halifax, nova scotia. the company received a grant covering partial costs and is now working to raise the remainder. family in church is a brutally honest tragic-comedy play exploring family dynamics when faced with the death of one of their daughter’s best friend. equally self-centered, needy and desperate for attention, all four characters fight for recognition and love. the campaign’s target was to raise ca$ 5,000 and they successfully raised ca$ 5,260. the play was premiered in november 2011 with back-to-back openings in english and french. no media exposure was found for this show. dog sees god calgary production dog sees god: confessions of a teenage blockhead, is a play where the audience joins charlie brown and a gang in their cartoon world, navigating high school where they have become the classic angst-ridden teenagers of the modern world. this is a fresh take on the off-broadway hit, performed by artists from calgary. while satiric in nature, the play also paints a darker picture of the adolescent life, with themes of sexuality, bullying, suicide, and acceptance. this campaign’s goal was to raise ca$ 1,000 and they succeeded in raising ca$ 1,625. a taste of broadway a taste of broadway is a delectable musical revue that offers the history of broadway with nine decades of songs, served up in story, dance, images and song, performed by a team who call themselves the perfectly imperfect. perfectly imperfect is a team of nineteen seniors who like musicals and plays. the team wants to deliver a message that aging population is not necessarily artivate 9.1 128 a burden on the healthcare system, but they can contribute to the community as well. the campaign’s target was to raise ca$ 4,500 and they were successful. they’ve even provided a breakdown for their costs on their campaign page. the team had their show in june 2016 according to yyc seniors’ website. two monkeys productions presents edges in january 2015, sharon started two monkeys productions to give herself and others more opportunities to hone their crafts. they produce shows with small casts (between two and ten performers), giving each player a chance to shine and be noticed. they were working on their first show called edges. edges is a contemporary song-cycle about four burgeoning adults asking classic coming-of-age questions as they explore what happens when they’re teetering on the edges of their lives. their goal was to raise ca$ 1,000 and they’ve raised ca$ 2,005 which is double their target! according to their website, the show went on for two previews and nine runs. north shore news did a piece on them. they’ve talked about their company and how they came up with the idea and their first show edges. they had another piece about them on out tv. like this post (the post at ) the post at 750 is the home of the 110 arts cooperative, one of a handful of arts co-operatives that exist in all of canada and is comprised of four different art organizations: doxa documentary film festival, music on main, push international performing arts festival, and touchstone theatre. this represents a broad spectrum of artistic disciplines including theatre, music, and media arts. their goal is to create a space where artists can go and get inspired, work, plan and network. they’re raising money to fill the studios, community and activities spaces. their vision of the 110 arts cooperative is to create a home for the city’s broad artistic community. their target was to raise ca$ 15,000 and they’ve successfully raised ca$ 16,501. the institution has had great success and media coverage. straight.com did an article covering their grand opening. they said “having a place that’s sort of thoughtfully prepared that is thinking: what can this do for the arts for the next 30 years, in downtown vancouver—it’s a real thrill.” touchstone theatre website did an announcement that they’ve moved their operations to that space. references afuah, a., & tucci, c. l. 2001. internet business models and strategies : text and cases. boston: irwin/mcgraw-hill. balfour, m. 2009. 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"indiegogo" (march 18, 2017). retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=indie gogo&oldid=770256575. 130 microsoft word hanson final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 8, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 45-66 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2019, josef hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators: the case of music teachers in new york state josef hanson university of massachussetts boston abstract this survey study explored the entrepreneurial dispositions and behaviors of public school music teachers in new york state to better understand the incidence of arts venturing in highly bureaucratic school environments. on a broader level, the study brings to light the need for entrepreneurship pedagogy tailored for school-based arts educators, who constitute a large segment of the creative economy yet are virtually ignored in the teaching and learning of entrepreneurial skills. from a sampling frame of 1,351 teachers, 576 responded to an online questionnaire for a response rate of 42.6%. the questionnaire was modeled after previouslyvalidated scales and assessed respondents’ history, intentions, and perceptions related to entrepreneurship. results showed that a large proportion of the teachers surveyed were already creating new musical ventures at their schools or planning to do so in the near future. further, teachers who were familiar with the tenets of entrepreneurship, possessed business experience, or whose postsecondary education included entrepreneurship coursework, reported stronger entrepreneurial self-efficacy, better support from their schools for innovative projects, and a higher likelihood of launching new pedagogical endeavors in the near future. findings of this study underscore the broad appeal of an entrepreneurial worldview across a variety of arts subdisciplines, suggesting the adoption of a wider and more inclusive scope for the enterprise of arts entrepreneurship education. within the past two decades, the mindsets and behaviors collectively known as “entrepreneurship” have been democratized to meet the realities of a post-industrial, knowledgebased economy. entrepreneurial approaches to improving medicine (toner & tompkins, 2008), promoting urban renewal (hall & hubbard, 1996), combating social problems (bornstein & davis, 2010), and enhancing the creative industries (henry, 2007) demonstrate this transferability, which has been promoted increasingly by numerous higher education institutions. according to roberts, hoy, katz, and neck (2014), encouragement of entrepreneurship among disparate fields of academia is known as cross-campus entrepreneurship education, or “the process of infusing entrepreneurial skills, knowledge, and abilities to promote entrepreneurial behavior within the nonbusiness disciplines” (p. 6). an especially active arm of this phenomenon is arts entrepreneurship education (aee). its proponents argue that the constellation of skills acquired through aee enables artists to thrive amid the uncertainty of the modern arts landscape. beckman (2007) identified two “broad philosophical stances” to aee that help students address this uncertainty: the traditional approach of new venture creation, and a “transitioning” philosophy, which “envisions an as-yet undefined and broader view of entrepreneurship that teaches students new skill sets…in the context of the arts environment they will inhabit as professional artists” (p. 91). despite the proliferation of entrepreneurialism across many arts disciplines, attempts to precisely define “arts entrepreneurship” suggest a lack of consensus regarding its core elements, and why and how they should be taught (beckman, 2007; bonin-rodriguez, 2012; chang & wyszomirski, 2015; essig, 2015; gangi, 2017; white, 2015). gartner (2015) suggests aee scholars and practitioners might benefit from existential reflection on the following question: “how do artists organize themselves, both in terms of how they generate art, and in how what is produced, as art, is valued and exchanged?” (p. 5). as arts entrepreneurship continues to grow in significance within academia, the lack of consensus regarding its very nature begs a different hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 46 question: to whom should it be taught? welsh, onishi, dehoog, and syed (2014) suggest that aee providers “consider the wide range of artists and their various needs” (p. 21), yet acknowledge that most programming caters to artists who are “self-employed in their own businesses” (p. 28). in reviewing definitions of “arts entrepreneurship” in the scholarly literature, chang & wyszomirski (2015) discovered that scholars used the term to describe individual artists’ self-employment almost twice as often as the next most common meaning, opportunity recognition. beckman (2007) envisioned a context-based curriculum for aee that positions entrepreneurship as “an inclusive, empowering philosophy” encompassing diverse disciplines and outcomes (p. 98). however, thom (2016), acknowledging vague notions of what makes someone an arts entrepreneur, described the audience for aee as future “professional artists” who “make unique work for sale” (p. 5). thus, a lack of consensus regarding the intended recipients of aee intermingles a more broad-based, inclusive conception of the types of art students who may benefit from learning entrepreneurship skills with the more traditional view of aee students as professional performers and producers of artistic products. the largest population within many postsecondary arts education entities—schools of music, art departments, dance programs, and similar divisions within colleges and universities— is students studying to become prek-12 teachers of the arts. currently, aee initiatives are at best only indirectly serving this population, and, at worst, simply ignoring it. a survey of aee offerings in north carolina (welsh et al., 2014) revealed that, although respondents represented “a wide range of fields and interests,” none represented the field of arts education or arts teacher preparation (p. 30). reasons abound explaining the disconnect between aee and arts teacher preparation programs. teacher licensure programs notoriously carry some of the most extensive credit requirements in baccalaureate education, leaving little room for additional coursework. traditionalists often cannot reconcile the staid traditions of school teaching with a culture of innovation, or with their conception of entrepreneurship as a profit-centered phenomenon. in addition, it may be that many preparers of future arts teachers believe in aee’s utility, yet see it as only beneficial to fine artists and performers—a label they regrettably do not always apply to their students. this stereotype casts arts teachers not as visionary creatives, but as cogs in a bureaucratic system, one that offers job security so long as participants follow a prescribed approach. the dearth of entrepreneurship education programming geared for current and future prek12 arts teachers disregards a growing body of research affirming the effectiveness of entrepreneurial thinking as a tool for enhancing teaching and learning in schools. numerous studies indicate that contextual supports for entrepreneurship enable employee-based innovation to thrive in large organizations (lee, wong, foo, & leung, 2011; morris, kuratko, & covin, 2011; zimmerman, 2008). hess (2006) defines educational entrepreneurship as “a process of purposeful innovation directed toward improving educational productivity, efficiency, and quality” (p. 2). as visionary thinkers, entrepreneurial educators believe they can change the status quo and start new ventures through experimentation and ongoing learning (smith and peterson, 2006, p. 25). school reform efforts, although often well-intentioned and transformative in their own right, differ from educational entrepreneurship. per teske and williamson (2006), the chief differences between reform and entrepreneurship in schools concern scale and scope. entrepreneurial change tends to happen suddenly, at the grassroots level, while school reform occurs incrementally, in a bureaucratic, top-down fashion, and is often viewed as “counterproductive” by the teachers themselves (labaree, 2010, pp. 134-135). entrepreneurial approaches to public school teaching have been shown to enhance aspects of education such as teacher motivation, student engagement, and school innovativeness (berry, hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 47 byrd, & wieder, 2013; cavanaugh, 2013; macke, 2003; smith & peterson, 2006). frustrated with the widening divide between theory and practice in teacher education, lebrecque and ravitz (1973) made an early attempt to link teaching and entrepreneuring. in light of increasing poverty in america’s urban areas, they proposed the reconceptualization of teachers as “human development entrepreneurs” who take risks and keenly invest resources “in order to develop truly responsive programs” (p. 9). wagner (2012) interviewed innovative teachers and their students and identified five entrepreneurial practices that combat the risk-averse position of most traditional school organizations: (a) true collaboration, (b) multidisciplinary learning over specialization, (c) risk-taking and celebration of failure, (d) creating versus consuming knowledge (experiential learning), and (e) intrinsic versus extrinsic sources of motivation. similar findings emerged from schimmel’s (2013) qualitative exploration of educational entrepreneurs’ career experiences, which identified themes of risk-taking, innovation and creativity, proactivity, overcoming initial challenges, prior positive entrepreneurial experiences, and collaboration. additional examinations of school structure and leadership style demonstrated that entrepreneurial approaches featuring distributed leadership and enhanced teacher autonomy produced significant increases in teacher empowerment and student achievement (anderson, dobbs, jenkins, & short, 1997; brown & cornwall, 2000; caffey, 2013; costa, 2012; onukwugha, 2013). odell (1995) and flippen (1998) found that high-achieving and rapidly-improving schools in california demonstrated a significantly higher incidence of entrepreneurialism than an equal-sized random sample of averageand poorly-performing schools within the state. in sum, the above studies suggest that measures of success, including student achievement and teacher motivation, increase within entrepreneurial teaching and learning contexts. relatively few researchers have explored the incidence of entrepreneurialism among prek12 arts educators. within music education, the field of interest in the present study, a small body of research demonstrates both the potential of entrepreneurial practices and the need for baseline research (abramo, 2008; garnett, 2013; snow, 2012; smith, 2014). newton (2007) and brook (2011) explored how enterprising music teachers in rural areas resourcefully crafted atypical educational opportunities for students by adapting to “place-based” conditions. fitzpatrickharnish (2015) identified a similar phenomenon of “contextually-specific” teaching among music educators working in urban schools. clements’ (2010) collection of case studies profiled various ways that music educators throughout the united states launched and successfully sustained unconventional programs; subsequently, berman (2016) showcased the success of similar efforts. zawacki (2011) explored professional motivations of exemplary music educators, finding that those who embodied entrepreneurship and self-actualization succeeded by focusing on vision, the ability to work within chaos and take risks, and the need for balance and creativity. most notably, the teachers participating in zawacki’s study felt compelled to act upon “growth motivations…by creating new programs, leading clinics, [and] starting ensembles and music programs within the community” (p. 204). just as the mindsets and behaviors collectively known as “entrepreneurship” transcend the business world, so too do they manifest in every artistic subspecialty, not only those concerned with branding, selling, and self-employment. in light of chronic teacher demotivation (strauss, 2018), unflagging teacher attrition (sutcher, darling-hammond, & carver-thomas, 2016), and continued instability in american arts education (loewenberg, 2017), entrepreneurship offers a potential pathway to more effective, equitable, and personally satisfying models of teaching and learning the arts. yet, we do not know the extent to which arts educators already think and act entrepreneurially, or whether aee offerings reach this segment of the artistic community at all. several survey studies of aee (welsh et al., 2014; white, 2017) exemplify the strength of crosshanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 48 sectional research methods but were not created to collect data on entrepreneurial teaching approaches in public school arts classrooms. to the extent that the aee community better understands how entrepreneurship relates to school-based arts teaching, it will become more adept at supporting this oft-overlooked population of artists and ultimately broader in its reach. therefore, the purpose of this study was to explore the entrepreneurial behaviors, dispositions, and perceptions of public school arts educators to understand better the incidence and impact of arts venturing within the bureaucratic environment of the american public school. music educators working in new york state public schools served as the subject of analysis, and survey methodology offered the most effective means of collecting data from them. the following research questions framed this study: 1. to what extent do prek-12 music educators report familiarity, experience, or training in entrepreneurship? 2. are prek-12 music educators’ intentions to create new ventures at work related to their reported familiarity, experience, or training in entrepreneurship? 3. to what extent are prek-12 music educators’ reported familiarity, experience, or training in entrepreneurship related to their entrepreneurial self-efficacy? 4. to what extent are prek-12 music educators’ reported familiarity, experience, or training in entrepreneurship related to their perceptions of organizational support for new venture creation? method and data collection as part of a larger exploratory study of teachers’ work motivation and entrepreneurial orientation (hanson, 2017), i surveyed k-12 music educators in new york state to gauge their perceptions of and experiences with various aspects of entrepreneurship. survey methodology proved most effective for investigating my research questions for several reasons, including efficiency, wide coverage, and precision. using surveymonkey (www.surveymonkey.com), i developed and distributed an online questionnaire that collected the following data from respondents: demographics, history of developing new musical endeavors at school and/or intent to do so in the future, familiarity with the tenets of entrepreneurship, experience with business, past enrollment in arts entrepreneurship coursework, feelings of entrepreneurial self-efficacy (ese), and perceptions of organizational support for new venture creation. the questionnaire contained both adaptations of established scales and questions i designed specifically to address my research questions. i created demographic questions to collect two categories of data: personal characteristics (gender, years of teaching experience, educational attainment) and job characteristics (school setting, level, and specialization of teaching assignment). using simple yes/no questions, respondents reported their history of developing new musical endeavors at school within the past three years and intentions to do so within the next three years. those responding affirmatively were then asked to report the type(s) of musical endeavors they developed in the past or planned to launch in the future using a list of categories that emerged out of a systematic review of innovative k-12 music education programs. i designed three questions to measure respondents’ familiarity with the tenets of entrepreneurship, business experience, and history with arts entrepreneurship coursework. the first presented the statement “please indicate the extent to which you are familiar with concepts of entrepreneurship” and asked respondents to answer using a fivepoint continuum (1 = not familiar at all, 5 = very familiar). to gauge business experience, respondents provided a yes/no answer to the following question: “do you own, or have you ever owned or operated, a small business or business-like endeavor?” similarly, respondents supplied a yes/no answer regarding the presence of entrepreneurship instruction in their postsecondary hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 49 education: “did your undergraduate or graduate degrees include coursework in music/arts entrepreneurship?” additionally, i included several open response items throughout the questionnaire to encourage respondents to clarify their perceptions, comment on the survey project, or provide additional details about their teaching and entrepreneuring experiences. to measure respondents’ feelings of ese, i adapted the scale developed by mcgee, peterson, mueller, and sequeira (2009). in the scale’s first iteration, cronbach’s alpha estimates confirmed its reliability (α = .80-.91). the version i created asked respondents to rate their confidence in a series of six entrepreneurial teaching behaviors using a five-point continuum (1 = very low confidence, 5 = very high confidence). for example, respondents would rate their confidence in “estimating the time, resources, and personnel necessary to launch a new musical endeavor.” hornsby, kuratko, holt, and wales’s corporate entrepreneurship assessment instrument (2013) served as the basis for assessing respondents’ perceptions of organizational support for new venture creation. the original form of this scale produced acceptable reliability coefficients (α = .73-.87). my adaptation asked respondents to indicate the extent to which they agreed that a series of seven organizational climate statements applied to the work environment in their schools. they used a five-point continuum (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree) to evaluate statements like “my school leaders supported experimental teaching efforts throughout my school, knowing that some might not be successful.” to assess content validity, i assembled an expert panel consisting of (a) a music education professor with experience working in a music entrepreneurship program within a conservatory, (b) an instructor in a graduate school of education within a major research university who teaches an entrepreneurship course for current and future educators, and (c) a practicing entrepreneur in the field of information technology who teaches entrepreneurship courses in a graduate school of business. all three panel members confirmed the content validity of the survey variables and items, offering minor wording and formatting suggestions that i incorporated into the final version before deployment. subsequently, i asked a group of graduate students to review the questionnaire for clarity and functionality, and i also asked three public school music educators with varying levels of teaching experience to review it. in light of reviewers’ comments, i made minor adjustments to the wording and order of items. after receiving irb approval to proceed with the study, i delineated the sampling frame: k-12 public school music educators working within seven geographic zones designated by the new york state school music association (nyssma). these geographic zones were located in closest proximity to the host university, with many school music programs within each zone maintaining formal or informal connections to the host department. thus, i surmised that educators teaching within those zones would be more likely to participate in the study than educators working elsewhere in new york. using online personnel directories for all school districts within each zone, i compiled a database of 1,351 e-mail addresses, each linked to an actively-employed music teacher. i administered the survey over the course of four weeks, reminding potential participants about the study in weeks three and four. when commencing the questionnaire, participants were assured anonymity and asked to provide consent on the title page within the surveymonkey platform. once collected, i entered quantitative data into statistical package for the social sciences (spss) version 23 for analysis. after calculating response rates and confirming the absence of nonresponse bias (creswell, 2014), i performed both descriptive and inferential analyses. the results featured below are descriptive; for complete results of bivariate and multivariate analyses, see hanson (2017). although findings might be transferable to an array of other contexts, true hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 50 generalizability is limited by the sample of volunteer respondents who participated (alreck & settle, 2003), as they represent only a portion of all k-12 music educators in new york state. results from a sampling frame of 1,351 potential participants, 576 (42.6%1) completed the questionnaire, a broadly-representative sample of teachers from nine counties in central and western new york state. both female (57.9%) and male (42.1%) teachers responded who worked at elementary (35.6%), middle (25.9%), high school (21.2%), or mixed (17.3%) levels. respondents taught instrumental (55.2%), general (17.2%), vocal (9.2%), or mixed (18.4%) music classes within suburban (51.9%), rural (35.4%), or urban (12.7%) schools. on average, they possessed significant teaching experience (m = 19.4 years, sd = 8.7) and considerable longevity in their current positions (m = 14.6 years, sd = 8.1). a large majority (94.1%) had completed both a bachelor’s and a master’s degree. post-data collection, the reliability of the scales adapted for the questionnaire was confirmed, with cronbach’s alpha estimates exceeding the threshold of acceptability (α = .70-.89). research question one: to what extent do k-12 music educators report familiarity, experience, or training in entrepreneurship? questionnaire results indicated low levels of formal entrepreneurial knowledge and experience among the music teachers sampled. a minority of teachers (20.6%, n = 116) reported being “familiar” or “very familiar” with the key tenets of entrepreneurship. grouping the data by demographic variables revealed higher familiarity in male (32.2%) versus female (12.1%) respondents, and among those teaching music in high schools (30.5%) versus at other grade levels (18.5%). regarding business experience, 26.1% (n = 147) of teachers reported a connection with business in their education or upbringing. again, when grouped demographically, a higher incidence of business experience was reported by males (33.3%) versus females (20.7%), and among high school teachers (34.5%) versus teachers working at other levels (24.8%). few music teachers—4.3% of all respondents (n = 24)—received instruction in arts entrepreneurship in their postsecondary education. male teachers (7.6% of them) were far more likely to have taken an entrepreneurship course than female teachers (1.9%). demographic grouping by school setting (suburban, urban, or rural) and teaching specialization (instrumental, vocal, general, or mixed) did not produce notable differences in the prevalence of entrepreneurial knowledge or skills. a large percentage of teachers—83.2% (n = 479)—reported launching entrepreneurial musical endeavors at their schools within the previous three years. figure 1 displays the types and incidence of these endeavors. popular ventures included those involving collaboration with outside musicians and organizations, new approaches to teaching creativity (improvisation or composition), and development of innovative music curricula. “other” endeavors cited by respondents included creating music festivals, authoring instructional books for students, and establishing a music laboratory based on student interests. 1 participant non-response (missing data) affects some percentages listed herein. hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 51 20% 23% 23% 23% 27% 30% 32% 33% 37% 38% 44% 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45% 50% intergenerational learning alternative genres/instruments problem-based learning other technology initiatives interdisciplinary projects new ensemble models unconventional performances innovative curricula new approaches to creativity outside collaborations 83.0% 78.9% 95.8% 17.0% 21.1% 4.2% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% very familiar with tenets of entrepreneurship possessed business experience took a course in arts entrepreneurship did intend to launch a new endeavor did not intend to launch a new endeavor figure 1. new musical endeavors developed in the recent past, by percentage of respondents who reported each endeavor type. research question two: are k-12 music educators’ intentions to create new ventures at work related to their reported familiarity, experience, or training in entrepreneurship? the majority of responding music teachers (74.0%, n = 419) stated that they planned to develop and launch an entrepreneurial musical endeavor within the next three years. generally, teachers favored the same venture categories listed in figure 1, although “new ensemble models,” “interdisciplinary projects,” and “intergenerational learning” increased in popularity slightly. figure 2 shows the percentage of teachers reporting familiarity with entrepreneurship, experience with business, and enrollment in postsecondary entrepreneurship coursework when grouped based on whether they did or did not intend to launch new musical endeavors in the near future. when compared to the 74.0% baseline level of intent reported above, the likelihood of future musical venturing increased by approximately five to twenty-two percentage points when a respondent possessed familiarity, experience, or training in entrepreneurship. figure 2. percentage of respondents with entrepreneurial knowledge and skills who did/did not intend to launch a new musical endeavor in the near future. hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 52 16.9% 18.4% 17.8% 10.5% 7.7% 3.4% 32.8% 29.2% 28.8% 30.1% 25.3% 16.7% 34.1% 33.9% 34.8% 40.3% 38.5% 39.1% 16.2% 18.5% 18.6% 19.1% 28.5% 40.7% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% generate buy-in estimate resources recombine existing means persistence opportunity recognition take chances/experiment low neutral high very high respondents who reported being “very familiar” with the tenets of entrepreneurship were almost five times more likely to plan for future musical entrepreneuring (83.0%) versus continuing on a traditional instructional path (17.0%). seventy-eight point nine percent of teachers with business experience intended to launch a new musical endeavor in the near future; only 21.1% with business experience did not. put another way, experience with business was associated with nearly four times more ideation concerning new musical and pedagogical approaches. the vast majority of teachers who had taken a collegiate course in arts entrepreneurship—95.8%—were planning for future musical endeavors; only 4.2% were not. among just those respondents who expressed intent to launch a new musical venture, 5.5% had taken a collegiate course in arts entrepreneurship and 94.5% had not. among those who did not express entrepreneurial intentions, 0.7% had taken a collegiate course in arts entrepreneurship and 99.3% had not. thus, while teachers’ venture planning was not necessarily dependent on training via arts entrepreneurship coursework, not taking an arts entrepreneurship course almost guaranteed that they would not engage in musical venturing. research question 3: to what extent are k-12 music educators’ reported familiarity, experience, or training in entrepreneurship related to their entrepreneurial selfefficacy? figure 3 displays respondents’ reported ese levels as gauged via six likert-type items. for descriptive statistical analysis, i combined the “very low” and “low” ese responses since relatively few respondents reported very low confidence in the prompts provided. teachers felt most confident in their abilities to take chances and experiment with instruction, and to recognize opportunities to develop new teaching methods or ensembles. they reported less confidence in their abilities to estimate time, resources, and personnel necessary for new endeavors, and in building consensus among colleagues in support of their vision for a new teaching venture. figure 3. entrepreneurial self-efficacy (ese) of respondents, by item. hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 53 for further analysis, i averaged the percentages of respondents reporting high or low confidence in each ese dimension to generate a summary percentage of teacher ese. i did this carefully, keeping in mind that each ese component stands alone and is not intended as part of a composite score. figure 4 charts the percentages of teachers with entrepreneurial familiarity, experience, or training who reported high/very high or low/very low mean ese scores. teachers who were very familiar with tenets of entrepreneurship were nearly ten times more likely to feel confident in their capabilities to launch a new musical venture at their school (76.4%) versus feeling incapable of doing so (7.7%). similarly, teachers possessing background experience in business reported high combined ese (70.6%) approximately seven times for every one time they reported low ese (9.9%). arts entrepreneurship coursework was also a potent predictor of ese. sixty-nine point five percent of teachers who had taken an undergraduate or graduate course in arts or music entrepreneurship reported high levels of combined ese, while only 9.7% of them reported low ese. figure 4. percentage of respondents with entrepreneurial knowledge and skills who reported high/very high or low/very low mean ese. when assessing the influence of entrepreneurial familiarity on the six ese dimensions individually, two dimensions warrant closer examination. first, within the subset of teachers who felt very familiar with entrepreneurship, 79.2% reported high or very high confidence in their abilities to innovate by combining traditional teaching methods and existing resources in unconventional ways; just 9.5% of teachers within the high familiarity subset reported low or very low confidence in this dimension. by comparison, 40.9% of teachers reporting no familiarity with entrepreneurship felt as confident in this area, and 26.8% had little to no confidence in their abilities to practice this type of resourceful innovation. second, 75.4% of teachers expressing high familiarity with entrepreneurship felt confident or very confident that they could stay persistent when new teaching ventures seemed to fail initially, and 7.6% within that subset did not. in the no-familiarity group, 49.3% reported similar confidence in staying persistent, and 10.5% felt little to no confidence in their persistence. similar disparities emerged when analyzing ese in light of business experience. that is, when examining ese scores based on whether or not teachers possessed business experience, the most significant disparities occurred in the same dimensions as above: combining traditional teaching methods and existing resources in unconventional ways (69.2% confident with business 76.4% 70.6% 69.5% 7.7% 9.9% 9.7% 0.0% 10.0% 20.0% 30.0% 40.0% 50.0% 60.0% 70.0% 80.0% 90.0% very familiar with tenets of entrepreneurship possessed business experience took a course in arts entrepreneurship high/very high mean ese low/very low mean ese hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 54 41.4% 33.5% 32.8% 21.3% 17.6% 19.8% 11.2% 30.7% 30.0% 31.2% 32.7% 26.7% 23.3% 18.0% 18.4% 25.3% 24.8% 29.0% 32.0% 30.9% 42.3% 9.5% 11.2% 11.2% 17.0% 23.7% 26.0% 28.5% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% resource support bend rules/make mistakes experimentation risk-taking creativity workload support instructional freedom disagree neutral agree strongly agree experience; 48.3% confident without) and ability to stay persistent (71.5% confident with business experience, 55.6% confident without). however, across all dimensions, the magnitude of business experience’s effect on ese was slightly less than that of entrepreneurial familiarity. in a few dimensions, more teachers with business experience reported low ese than teachers without, although by only a few percentage points. the presence of arts or music entrepreneurship coursework in teachers’ postsecondary education generated an increase in the proportion of them reporting strong ese. teachers receiving formal instruction in entrepreneurship were most confident in taking chances and experimenting in their teaching—91.7% reported high or very high confidence in this dimension, and 0.0% reported low or very low confidence. however, fewer teachers who received entrepreneurship instruction reported confidence regarding their ability to estimate resources (62.5% high very/high confidence, 12.5% low/very low) or generate buy-in (58.3% high/very high confidence, 16.7% low/very low). while the segment of teachers in the no-coursework group reporting low ese was similar to that of teachers with coursework (10% on average for both), the gap between the high ese groups when sorted by coursework history was considerable. approximately 8-10% more of the with-coursework group rated their feelings of ese higher. research question 4: to what extent are k-12 music educators’ reported familiarity, experience, or training in entrepreneurship related to their perceptions of organizational support for new venture creation? figure 5 displays respondents’ perceptions of organizational support for new venture creation. i measured these perceptions in seven dimensions using likert-type scales. since relatively few respondents strongly disagreed with the organizational support statements, i combined “strongly disagree” and “disagree” responses for analysis. the item describing teacher workload was reverse scored; results for that item were adjusted to conform to the scale used for the other six items, where “strongly agree” inferred greater organizational support for entrepreneurship. broadly speaking, teachers felt that colleagues and supervisors in their schools granted them adequate autonomy and creative license to use atypical instructional methods. however, their school organizations granted less leeway for experimentation and making mistakes, and did not appear generous in providing resources to support unconventional teaching ideas. figure 5. perceived organizational support for new venture creation, by item. hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 55 55.1% 48.3% 53.6% 23.5% 26.2% 20.2% 0.0% 10.0% 20.0% 30.0% 40.0% 50.0% 60.0% very familiar with tenets of entrepreneurship possessed business experience took a course in arts entrepreneurship high/very high mean organizational support low/very low mean organizational support as with ese, i averaged the percentages of respondents strongly agreeing or strongly disagreeing with each organizational support statement to generate summary percentages. again, i did this to broaden analysis, remembering that each dimension of organizational support stands alone and is not intended as part of a composite score. figure 6 charts the percentages of teachers with entrepreneurial familiarity, experience, or training who perceived very high (strongly agree) or very low (strongly disagree) mean levels of organizational support for new venture creation. those teachers who were very familiar with entrepreneurship were slightly more than twice as likely to view their schools as supportive of musical venturing (55.1%) as opposed to unsupportive (23.5%). when tabulated based on business experience, teachers with a background in business were more likely to feel supported as innovators (48.3%) versus not supported (26.2%). arts entrepreneurship coursework also associated with perceived organizational support. the proportion of teachers who had completed coursework and felt strongly that their school supported entrepreneurial activity (53.6%) was more than twice as large as the proportion that perceived low support (20.2%). figure 6. percentage of respondents with entrepreneurial knowledge and skills who reported high/very high or low/very low mean organizational support levels. several noteworthy aspects of individual organizational support dimension ratings emerged in the final analysis. while a vast majority of respondents who were very familiar with entrepreneurship (79.2%) perceived strong organizational support for their instructional freedom, a similar proportion of those with no entrepreneurial familiarity (73.8%) felt the same level of freedom. risk-taking and experimentation also gleaned similar uniformity regardless of entrepreneurial familiarity. however, nearly half of the very familiar group (49.1%) reported strong organizational support of bending the rules and making mistakes in developing new teaching ideas, but in the no-familiarity group, only roughly one-third (34.9%) felt the same way. even more pronounced was the disparity between the percentage of the very familiar group that agreed their workload was not a barrier to innovation (50.7%) and the percentage of the nofamiliarity subgroup that also agreed (20.4%). however, on the opposite end of that scale, a similar percentage of both groups—approximately half—felt that their innovative efforts were impeded by a burdensome workload. respondents’ business experience or lack thereof did not exert a particularly strong influence on their perceptions of organizational support for new venture creation. for most of the organizational support dimensions, the scoring differences between teachers with and without business experience were negligible. a slightly higher percentage of teachers with no business experience felt strong support for instructional freedom (71.1%) than teachers with business experience (69.4%). still, more teachers possessing a background in business reported better hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 56 availability of resources for entrepreneurial endeavors (39.1% versus 24.8% of the non-business group) and a workload that facilitated innovative projects (35.9% versus 22.8% of the non-business group). the presence or absence of arts entrepreneurship coursework in respondents’ educational histories produced varied results in many of the organizational support dimensions. similar proportions of respondents with and without coursework perceived strong support of instructional freedom (approximately 70%) and pedagogical creativity (approximately 60%). regarding risktaking, the proportion of the no-coursework group sensing low or very low levels of organizational risk tolerance was nearly twice as large (21.5%) as that of the with-coursework subgroup (12.5%). coursework history was also linked to stronger perceptions of organizational support for bending the rules or making mistakes when developing an innovation (50.0% with coursework, 36.5% without), and for stronger perceived support of instructional experimentation (58.4% with coursework, 35.7% without). nearly twice as many members of the no-coursework subgroup (33.3%) felt little support for rule-bending and mistake-making as compared to the withcoursework group (16.6%). differences of the highest magnitude emerged in the dimension of resource availability. half of the with-coursework group (50.0%) felt strongly that resources were available within their schools to support unconventional teaching endeavors; the proportion of the no-coursework group that felt the same way was nearly half as small (27.5%). in fact, 42.0% of the no-coursework group reported minimal resource support compared to just 12.5% of the withcoursework group. the final organizational support category, teacher workload, deviated from the trend outlined above. that is, when reporting the extent to which their workload impeded the development of new teaching ideas, 50.0% of respondents who completed arts entrepreneurship coursework felt strongly that their workload was a major barrier, while a smaller portion of the nocoursework subgroup (42.8%) felt the same way. however, a similar proportion of both groups (about 25%) felt that their workload was not thwarting their entrepreneurial efforts. discussion addressing the need for baseline data on the entrepreneurial behaviors, dispositions, and contexts of public school arts educators, this study surveyed music educators in new york state and measured their demographics, background in entrepreneurship, efforts to launch new musical endeavors, feelings of entrepreneurial self-efficacy, and perceptions of support for new venture creation within their schools. of 1,351 teachers, 576 (42.6%) responded, a cross-sectional sample evenly distributed by gender and teaching level, with a disproportionate number of instrumental music specialists (55.2%) and educators working in suburban schools (51.9%) participating. results revealed high levels of entrepreneurial behavior and intention to launch new teaching ventures among responding teachers, despite relatively low levels of familiarity and formal experience with entrepreneurship. only a small minority of respondents had experienced arts entrepreneurship education in their postsecondary degree programs. however, teachers who did possess familiarity, experience, or formal training in entrepreneurship were more likely to launch new initiatives, felt more confident in their abilities to do so, and perceived their work environments as more supportive of their entrepreneurial efforts. teachers with little to no exposure to entrepreneurship fared considerably worse in these domains. below, i discuss these findings in light of prior research, with the intent of framing an argument for expanding arts entrepreneurship education to include future prek-12 arts teachers and similar constituencies that existing programming fails to reach in a significant way. the first research question explored teachers’ familiarity, experience with business, and postsecondary training in arts entrepreneurship. a contradiction emerged in which most hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 57 respondents reported robust levels of entrepreneuring in their music teaching positions, yet few possessed formal understanding—the kind of expertise that hands-on business experience or entrepreneurship coursework provides. this is not necessarily surprising considering that, according to ronstadt (1985), the era of “the educated entrepreneur” commenced only a generation ago. less than five percent of respondents had taken a course in arts entrepreneurship in college or graduate school, a finding likely more indicative of the current positioning of such programming outside mainstream music curricula, and with the self-employment needs of future performers almost exclusively in mind (cutler, 2010; spellman, 2013), than of other explanations specific to this sample of music educators. slaughter and springer’s (2015) study of a national sample of music graduate students revealed that only 12% were certain that they were offered entrepreneurship coursework as undergraduates; the remaining respondents were not offered such courses or were unsure about the availability of them. when broken down demographically, male teachers and those working at the high school level demonstrated much higher levels of familiarity and experience with entrepreneurship. although gender disparities in entrepreneurship are long established in the literature (marlow, 2014; warnecke, 2013), one can only speculate why high school teachers within the current sample were more acquainted with its tenets. the popularity of new musical endeavors involving outside collaborators reflects the interpersonal foundations of innovation within bureaucratic organizations like school systems. as such, gifford pinchot iii’s concept of intrapreneuring (1985)—using entrepreneurial approaches to create innovation within an organization or bureaucracy—better characterizes the efforts of these enterprising teachers. connections between respondents’ background in entrepreneurship and their intent to create new school-based musical endeavors in the future formed the basis of the second research question. although most teachers surveyed stated their intent to launch a new endeavor in the near future, the impact of meaningful experiences with entrepreneurship was evident in the vastly higher incidence of entrepreneurial intention among respondents who reported significant familiarity, experience, or training in it versus those who did not. most notable was the effect of postsecondary arts entrepreneurship coursework: 95.8% of the respondents who had taken coursework intended to create new musical endeavors at school in the near future. at the same time, 99.3% of teachers who did not intend to create new endeavors had not taken coursework. these results corroborate prior findings suggesting that new venture creation skills can be readily acquired by a diversity of students (haase & lautenschläger, 2011; sundbo, 2011) and that effective entrepreneurship education should directly relate to increased entrepreneurial intention (mueller, 2011; rauch & hulsink, 2015). it should be noted that some responding teachers possessing familiarity, experience, or formal education in entrepreneurship did not intend to practice entrepreneurial innovation at school in the future. speculative explanations might include impending job changes or retirement, previously-established endeavors taking precedence, randomness, or that some respondents did not want to innovate at work despite having the knowledge and experience to do so. the third research question probed the connections between teachers’ background experiences with entrepreneurship and their entrepreneurial self-efficacy (ese) or the extent to which they felt comfortable engaging in various aspects of the entrepreneurial process. generally, the more an ese dimension could be autonomously regulated, the more confident respondents felt in their abilities to achieve it. dimensions involving resource acquisition and consensusbuilding—those reliant upon the will of others—seemed more tenuous to respondents. perhaps unsurprisingly, teachers who possessed familiarity, experience, or training in entrepreneurship felt vastly more efficacious in thinking and acting entrepreneurially than those with no background or hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 58 familiarity. newman, obschonka, schwarz, cohen, and nielsen (in press) conducted a systematic review of 128 studies of ese, and found that it positively influences “entrepreneurial motivation, intention, behavior, and performance” (p. 2) and is best facilitated through individual-level antecedents including work experience, education, and the presence of role models and mentors. in the current study, if a teacher reported being very familiar with entrepreneurship or experienced in running a small business, they tended to feel most confident in the ese dimensions of creative recombination and persistence—both long established as foundational to successful new venture creation (frese, 2009; schumpeter, 1934). formal training via arts entrepreneurship coursework was the most potent creator of high/low disparities in certain ese dimensions. this was particularly true with risk-taking and experimentation, where none of the teachers who had completed coursework reported low or very low confidence in their abilities to take chances and experiment with new approaches to their work. the potency of coursework completion as an indicator of ese faded in other dimensions, particularly estimating resources and generating buyin, suggesting that arts entrepreneurship educators might focus on these areas when designing future curricula and instructional activities. the fourth and final research question examined associations among teachers’ background experiences with entrepreneurship and dimensions of perceived organizational support for new venture creation. generally, respondents felt that their schools supported their autonomy and creativity, yet provided few resources for innovative teaching and little leeway for experimenting and making mistakes. numerous researchers have established the deleterious effect of this chronic aversion to innovation in american schools (berry, byrd, & wieder, 2013; le fevre, 2014), summarized by hess (2006) as follows: “systematic investment in new, promising entrepreneurial efforts is simply not part of the culture of american schooling” (p. 14). teachers who were the most familiar, experienced, and educated in the tenets of entrepreneurship perceived their schools to be the most supportive of their efforts to innovate. this finding begs questions of perception versus reality: are these schools bold and innovative, or is it the entrepreneurial mindset of the teachers working there—a bias developed from their background and training—that is responsible for the perception of support? perhaps entrepreneurially-minded teachers seek out positions in schools that are more open to their unorthodox methods; or, it could be that these schools are rather conventional and support for new venture creation is in the eye of the beholder. in certain dimensions of perceived support, including instructional freedom and risk tolerance, results were similar regardless of whether or not respondents reported familiarity or experience with entrepreneurship. coursework completion performed better, but still produced mixed perceptions of these dimensions of support. this finding likely reflects the complexities of entrepreneurial context. within the realm of social entrepreneurship, newth and woods (2014) observed that the “resistive effects of norms, customs, and institutional routines” within and among organizations “…both enable and constrain innovation processes to meet the financial, social, cultural, and political expectations of stakeholders” (p. 193). two dimensions of perceived organizational support of new venture creation warrant further discussion: workload and resource support. close to half of the respondents agreed on some level that their burdensome workload presented a barrier to innovation and that their school was not particularly supportive in alleviating the burden. while respondents who reported being familiar with tenets of entrepreneurship or who possessed small business experience tended to feel more supported regarding their workload, those who had completed coursework did not. quite possibly, this finding reflects a latent factor common to the with-coursework segment of the sample that was not assessed in the survey, such as their willingness to take on additional responsibilities beyond those required of them. lack of resources tends to be one of the most common factors hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 59 undermining teachers’ motivation and job satisfaction in american schools (herman & reinke, 2015; shernoff, mehta, atkins, torf, & spencer, 2011). while familiarity with entrepreneurship and a background in business associated with mild increases in perceived resource availability, coursework completion exerted a strong effect. the percentage of teachers with formal training in arts entrepreneurship who perceived adequate to strong resource availability was twice that of untrained teachers. the strategic national arts alumni project’s (snaap) 2015 survey of over 30,000 undergraduate and graduate arts alumni (skaggs, frenette, gaskill, & miller, 2017), though generating somewhat limited data on the incidence and impact of entrepreneurship training among arts educators, warrants a closer look in light of the current findings. across all arts disciplines, 71% of arts alumni agreed that entrepreneurial skills were “somewhat” or “very” important to their livelihood, yet just 26% indicated that their postsecondary education helped them develop such skills. a more profound gap existed in the present study in which respondents reported a high rate of entrepreneuring yet little formal training or experience with it. the snaap study revealed that among all arts majors participating, music majors reported the lowest levels of coursework-based preparation in multiple aspects of the entrepreneurial process, such as ideation, risk-taking, and creative problem-solving. however, “arts education” majors (a category not defined by the authors that likely includes music education) felt much more confident that their coursework did emphasize these aspects of entrepreneuring. in fact, across all arts majors, arts education ranked near or at the top regarding the percentage of alumni who felt that their postsecondary education exposed them to an array of career options and a broad network of mentors, and did so by successfully integrating career development programming throughout the curriculum. this finding might be attributable to the fact that arts education programs are often situated within comprehensive liberal arts environments (47% of respondents attended a traditional four-year college, and 53% attended a special focus school such as a music conservatory or fashion design school). the snaap survey findings echo the results of the current study by suggesting that music education students pursuing a career in school teaching see the need for entrepreneurial skills, know that there are options within and beyond the conventional teaching career path that entrepreneuring might help unlock, and yet rarely learn crucial entrepreneurship skills via their postsecondary coursework. results of this study suggest several implications for practice, the most prominent being a widened scope for aee programming. though they contend with opportunities, contexts, and processes unique to their circumstances (bridgstock, 2013), music educators and other schoolbased artists are just as receptive to entrepreneurial approaches as self-employed artists—in fact, according to beckman (2005), music educators might benefit more from entrepreneurial curricula than instrumentalists when one considers the challenges of teacher attrition. expanding aee to school-based artists can be accomplished by “suffusing” it (essig, 2009) throughout the curriculum in ways that are specific to the context of teaching the arts in schools, yet do not add to the already burdensome course load of most teacher preparation programs. once better established within music education disciplinary circles, entrepreneurship programming should be designed to more effectively interface with female educators and those pursuing primary-level teaching positions. further, programming should be largely experiential and focus particularly on venturing collaboratively, estimating time and resources, and achieving workload balance while pursuing entrepreneurial endeavors. in the future, additional survey studies could be undertaken to determine the nature of entrepreneurial arts teaching in disciplines other than music, in parochial and nonsectarian private schools, within community music schools, and across a more representative, national population hanson entrepreneurship among public school arts educators _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 60 of teachers. future studies can build a base of knowledge by addressing research questions like “what does entrepreneurial arts teaching look like in public schools?,” or “does the process of arts venture creation in schools align with established frameworks from other avenues of aee?” the former question could be addressed via targeted, descriptive research in the qualitative vein. through observation, interviewing, and analysis of purposively-sampled, entrepreneurial arts educators, a deeper understanding of school-based arts venturing will emerge. toward the latter question, a reexamination of the aesthetic value exchange (bryan & harris, 2015) central to conventional conceptions of arts entrepreneurship would likely uncover an intermingling of aesthetic elements, educational value, innovation, and student/teacher passion and fulfillment unique to school-based entrepreneuring—an alternative value exchange framework devoid of profit writ large. in addition, a unique opportunity exists for historical researchers to document the processes of new venture creation undertaken by entrepreneurially-minded influencers in music education’s past, such as lowell mason, shinichi suzuki, and julia ettie crane. conclusion arts entrepreneurship involves a radical reimagining of the customary structures and processes associated with human creativity and is usually enacted by individual artists disassociated from bureaucratic organizations. the results of this study show that entrepreneurship can be a salient aspect of professional practice for arts educators working in bureaucratic public school systems. to be sure, there are several limitations to the findings presented herein. the sample was limited to educators teaching music within new york state and contained a disproportionate number of suburban and instrumental music educators. latent 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(umi no. 3291609). microsoft word thom w16 fixed 1.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 5, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 3-24 ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2016, the author crucial skills for the entrepreneurial success of fine artists marco thom, london south bank university abstract this article aims to define crucial skills for the entrepreneurial success of working fine artists as these skills have not yet been clearly identified for this professional group. the identification could be beneficial for artists’ entrepreneurship education at higher education institutions (heis) in order to prepare them for their careers as effectively as possible. in order to achieve this aim, the paper is first focused on the entrepreneurship literature to identify the skills that are, in general, important for the entrepreneurial success and failure of entrepreneurs. in a second step, a survey was distributed to lecturers in fine art at heis in the uk and germany, all of whom were simultaneously working artists, to determine the crucial skills for fine artists based on their professional experience. both survey and literature findings show evidence that in particular seven skills, the “five plus two” skills, are crucial for the entrepreneurial success of professional fine artists. keywords: entrepreneurial skills, entrepreneurial success, fine artist introduction research aim the article aims to define crucial skills for the entrepreneurial success of working fine artists as these skills have not yet been clearly identified for this professional group. the identification could be beneficial for artists’ entrepreneurship education at higher education institutions (heis) in order to prepare them for their careers as effectively as possible. in order to achieve this aim, the paper is first focused on the entrepreneurship literature to identify the skills that are, in general, important for the entrepreneurial success and failure of entrepreneurs. in a second step, a survey was distributed to lecturers in fine art at heis in the uk and germany, all of whom are simultaneously working artists, to determine the crucial skills for fine artists based on their professional experience. research background labor market statistics in the uk and germany evidence that up to 90% of fine artists, including painters, sculptors, and photographers, are self-employed and mostly organized as one-person-businesses (statistisches bundesamt, 2010; artists interaction and representation, 2011; arts council england, 2011; bundesverband bildender künstlerinnen und künstler, 2011; centre for economics and business research, 2013). artistic talent therefore seems not to be enough on its own to guarantee a professional career in the arts. due to the fact that there are hardly any full-time and permanent employment opportunities for fine artists in the arts and only opportunities to pursue work on a freelance and selfemployed basis, working fine artists need to develop entrepreneurial skills and operate like entrepreneurs (menger, 1999; swedberg, 2006; cobb et al., 2011) to successfully meet multifacetted economic and opportunity-driven challenges. the crucial entrepreneurial skills for artists required to make a living in the arts have not yet been clearly identified. considering this, it is time to identify the skills that are crucial for artists’ economic success and professional survival. this identification could be useful for preparing them for their professional and entrepreneurial career as effectively as possible at heis, since i have earlier shown that fine artists develop hardly any entrepreneurial skills during their studies (thom, 2015a). thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 4 __ for a better understanding of the following findings some remarks on this study are necessary: the study focuses on economic issues of being a working fine artist and arts entrepreneur. the study is therefore led by economic thinking and interpretations of data and findings. due this economic perspective, the study provides economic interpretations rather than social or artistic ones. research design and methodology the process of identifying crucial skills is conducted by two means: first by a comprehensive review of the entrepreneurship literature in order to examine whether working artists can be considered as entrepreneurs on the one hand and to identify the crucial skills for entrepreneurial success in general and in homologous professional fields to the arts on the other hand because of scanty evidence in the arts field itself. second, a survey of lecturers in fine art, all of whom are simultaneously working artists, was conducted in order to use their professional experience to determine crucial entrepreneurial skills for fine artists. fine art lecturers’ opinions are valuable as they usually work as professional artists and trainers or teachers of prospective fine artists at heis. in this dual function they can provide valuable insights into their professional understanding and knowledge, particularly in relation to the required skills to successfully meet the market requirements. the survey was conducted in january and february, 2015. in order to gain a deeper understanding from the lecturers’ perspectives on the skills required to successfully meet market challenges, an exploratory and inductive research approach was undertaken. this approach is needed because findings in arts entrepreneurship education are still rare. the study’s findings will thus contribute to the academic literature. the online survey encompassed twelve open-ended and closed questions related to both the key market requirements for artistic and economic success in the arts and the educational situation of fine art students at heis in the uk and germany. however, just a small selection of questions and answers out of the twelve questions are relevant for presentation in the context of this study. overall, 747 fine art lecturers were identified at 103 uk heis and 384 lecturers at 26 german institutions for the survey. however, due to sabbaticals, outdated contact details, absences, and resignations, the relevant sample size of potential and invited participants decreased to 652 lecturers in the uk (nlec.uk=652) and 331 lecturers at heis in germany (nlec.ger=331). in total, 208 lecturers answered the questions: 142 uk lecturers from 65 different heis and 66 lecturers at 24 different german heis. there are various response rates due to the fact that not all of the participating lecturers fully completed the survey despite three email reminders. the response rates for the relevant questions vary from a minimum of 21.3% (nlec.ukmin=139) to a maximum of 21.8% (nlec.ukmax=142) in the uk survey and from 19.6% (nlec.germin=65) to 19.9% (nlec.germax=66) in the german lecturer survey, respectively. literature review why are innovative professional artists arts entrepreneurs? in order to classify working fine artists as arts entrepreneurs, a clear distinction should be made between the terms “entrepreneur” and “small business owner.” according to schumpeter (1965), entrepreneurs are individuals exploiting market opportunities through technical and/or organizational innovation. bolton and thompson (2000) define an entrepreneur as a person habitually creating and innovating in order to build something of recognized value around perceived opportunities. hisrich (1990) defines an entrepreneur as someone demonstrating initiative, creative thinking, risk taking, and being able to exploit thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 5 __ opportunities. and according to jacobson (2003), the entrepreneur can be defined as an individual either having a pre-existing business idea and actively seeking appropriate chances (“opportunities”) to realize them on the market with an existent demand or recognizing new chances on the market by intuition and creativity and changing them into a business idea to realize them on the market by means of business activities. in this context, the entrepreneur organizes, invests and coordinates resources, and brings them to a productive process by which new market requirements and demands are generated and satisfied. the entrepreneur undertakes risk in the creation of new market demand. all these definitions have in common that risk taking, opportunity recognition, and creativity are considered as essential elements of being an entrepreneur (drucker, 1970; phillips, 2010). these elements can also be applicable to working artists (menger, 1999; alexopoulos et. al., 2004; eikhof & haunschild, 2006; jackson & tomlinson, 2009; mcgregor and gibson, 2009; cobb et al., 2011). while the definition of a "professional artist" is contested, an artist who makes unique work for sale can be considered a "professional artist" for the purposes of this study. professional artists pursuing to earn a living in the arts by having innovative art concepts or making unique art can be considered arts entrepreneurs. they assume the risk of an uncertain demand and market need for their art work (menger, 1999; darmer, 2008; pang, 2009; phillips, 2010). it is therefore up to them to find or create the ideal audience in order to create market attraction. this situation is quite similar to all entrepreneurs with innovative business concepts and market ideas. this approach to defining arts entrepreneurs explicitly excludes artists who make art not for the market and/or who supply pure “me-too” art concepts to the market, for example, faked and copied work of others without any new and innovative elements that would require the creation of new market demand. in contrast to entrepreneurs, small business owners are people whose businesses are seldom engaged in innovative practices and visions. their business idea is already existent on the market (“me-too” products or services), not unique or innovative, and does not require the creation of new market demand. considering this, the literature review further focuses on identifying crucial skills for the entrepreneurial success of working fine artists. the review is based on a two-pronged approach: first, the identification of the crucial skills for entrepreneurial success (“direct” approach) and second, the identification of key reasons for entrepreneurial and small business failure (“indirect” approach). while the indirect approach is focused particularly on both the core reasons for entrepreneurial and small business failure, the direct approach concentrates exclusively on the identification of entrepreneurial success. in the literature, “failure” is defined as a bankruptcy with losses to entrepreneur, small business owner and creditors (perry, 2001; thornhill & amit, 2003). identifying the core reasons for failure can help to indirectly identify the crucial skills needed to prevent it; if the lack of specific skills will be identified in studies as a reason for failure, these skills can then be considered as important for entrepreneurial survival and success. in contrast, the direct approach represents the more common way of reviewing the literature that is related to studies and theories that try to directly identify crucial skills for entrepreneurial success. it is worth noting that the extant entrepreneurship literature has hardly been focused on (fine) artists up to now. as a consequence, hardly any findings that may help to identify the crucial entrepreneurial skills for fine artists exist. therefore, the critical review of literature in the field of entrepreneurship in other (non-cultural) industries and with focus on other professional and/or research groups provides valuable input for this study. thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 6 __ reasons for failure of entrepreneurs and small business owners in non-arts and non-cultural industries the majority of literature findings evidence the following: • mistakes by the entrepreneur and small business owner are main reasons for business failure. entrepreneurs’ mistakes are primarily based on the lack of skills and competences. shortcomings in skills can be considered as key reason for business failure (dowling; 2003; zimmerer and scarborough, 2005; metzeger, 2006; kutzhanova et al., 2009; mason, 2009; department for business innovation and skills, 2013; freiling and laudien, 2013; sikomwe et al., 2014); • the mistakes of entrepreneurs and small business owners are alike. the review of causes of small business failures shows no significant differences between these two groups. but what mistakes do failed entrepreneurs usually make and what skills do entrepreneurs and small business owners lack? duchesneau and gartner (1990) analyzed the differences between thirteen successful and thirteen failed distribution businesses in the market of fresh juices in the u.s. in the late 1980s. they found that failed entrepreneurs and business owners had a lower level of business management skills, in particular in finance, sales, and planning. lussier (1996) supports this finding. he surveyed one hundred failed entrepreneurs and small business owners across different industries and shows that the lack of finance skills in particular was the key reason for their failure. lussier and pfeifer (2000) tested fifteen success-versus-failure variables. they show that successful entrepreneurs had greater management experience, developed more detailed planning, made greater use of professional advice, included more partnerships, and had better timing in selling products than failed entrepreneurs. the importance of planning skills for entrepreneurial success is also supported by perry (2001). he shows that successful businesses made more formal and detailed planning than failed businesses. thornhill and amit (2003) analyse data from 339 canadian business bankruptcies and find that the failure of younger businesses is closely linked with deficiencies in business management skills in general and financial skills in particular. these findings are supported by van scheers and radipere (2007) who survey entreprepreneurial failures in south africa. they show that failed entrepreneurs lacked finance, marketing, and sales skills. egeln et al. (2010) also cite the lack of finance skills in their business failure report for the german ministry of economics and technology. they show that more than one third of all german business failures between the years 2000 and 2008 were due to shortcomings in entrepreneurs’ finance skills. cardon et al. (2011) analyze 389 accounts of business and entrepreneurial failures, collected by u.s. newspaper reports from 1999 to 2001. they find that the majority of entrepreneurial failures were caused by mistakes of the entrepreneurs and business owners. these mistakes are primarily based on lack of skills and competencies. they specifically identified lacks in planning, finance, strategic thinking, opportunity recognition, and leadership skills as main reasons for the entrepreneurial failure. the negative impacts on entrepreneurial success brought about by a lack of strategic thinking, finance, and opportunity recognition skills are also stressed by nobel (2011). with the help of longitudinal case studies and interviews, freiling and laudien (2013) additionally show that failed entrepreneurs have shortcomings in business management skills, market knowledge and networking skills. thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 7 __ in summary, most studies in non-arts and non-cultural sectors and industries identify in particular the lack of business management skills in general and the disciplines of finance/cash management, sales, marketing, planning, opportunity recognition and realization, strategic thinking, and networking in particular as main reasons for failure (see table 1, following). reasons for entrepreneurial success churchill and lewis (1983) mention the entrepreneur’s capabilities to basically master all entrepreneurial requirements as a key success factor. however, the successful entrepreneur must have in their opinion in particular special abilities and skills in opportunity recognition, networking, idea, marketing, and finance. the question,“what does one ‘need to know’ in order to become a successful entrepreneur?” was also investigated by hood and young (1993, p. 115) in the early 1990s. they asked this question of one hundred leading entrepreneurs and chief executive officers in u.s. american fastest growing entrepreneurial organizations. as a result, they identify finance/cash management, accounting, leadership, marketing, and sales skills of the highest relevance besides professional engineering skills. the entrepreneurship model by stokes and wilson (2010) emphasizes a mixture of various skills, behaviors and attributes an entrepreneur should have in order to succeed. in their opinion the successful entrepreneur must have special abilities and skills in the areas of opportunity identification, creativity, resource leveraging, networking, marketing, and finance. by analyzing the careers of stanford alumni, lazear (2004, 2005) finds that individuals who have varied work and educational experiences and therefore a balanced set of various skills become more likely entrepreneurs and make better business progress than those who focus on one area of work or subject at heis. as a consequence, entrepreneurs must be, in his opinion, “jack-of-all-trades” (lazear, 2004, p. 1). stuetzer et al. (2012) analyze longitudinal data on innovative business ventures. in their finding, a balanced set of business management and strategic thinking skills, including planning skills, is an important determinant of entrepreneurial success. smith and perks (2006) analyze the entrepreneurial activity and levels of developed skills of black micro-entrepreneurs, mainly operating in the manufacturing and service sectors in south africa. they identify strategic planning, organizing, leading and controlling skills alongside professional and employability skills as most important for their business success. gibb (1998) highlights entrepreneurial skills in the fields of strategic thinking, selling, negotiating, and creative problem solving as crucial for business success of self-employed individuals. baines and kennedy (2010) analyze the professional environment of freelance journalists to formulate recommendations for their education at heis. according to their findings, journalists should urgently develop an entrepreneurial attitude and behavior (entrepreneurial mindset) in order to find and create new ways to engage with audiences. freelancing journalists have to compete with everybody for producing and selling stories and news in the age of the internet and digital media; they are not the exclusive producer of news any more. the skills of creativity or ideation, marketing, self-promotion, and selling stories have, in baines and kennedy’s opinion, become additionally important as a result of enormous structural changes in the communication and news industry in the last decades. author year research focus findings thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 8 __ duchesneau & gartner 1990 comparative examination of characteristics and behaviors of entrepreneurs lack of idea, planning, finance, and sales skills less use of professional advice lussier & corman 1995 quantitative analysis of 15 literature variables in order to reveal the differences between successful and failed entrepreneurial businesses; sample of 216 businesses failed businesses made significantly much less use professional advisors lussier 1996 examination of 100 failed businesses; 10 most common reasons are identified lack of finance skills (undercapitalisation and high fixed costs, tax problems, slow accounts receivable) lack of sales/promotion skills (engaging with customers) lussier & pfeifer 2000 quantitative analysis of 15 success versus failure variables; comparative analysis of u.s. and croatian entrepreneurs lack of management skills lack of planning skills failed businesses made much less use of professional advice lack of networking skills (included partnerships) lack of opportunity skills (bad timings in product launching and staff recruiting) perry 2001 quantitatitve examination of 'planning activities' on u.s. entrepreneurial and small business failures; sampling frame was the dataset of dun&bradstreet with more than 10 million listed companies failed businesses developed less formal planning formal planning has no affect on success for businesses with less than 5 employees thornhill & amit 2003 analysis of 339 canadian entrepreneurial and business bankruptcies lack of finance skills in particular and business management skills in general among early-stage businesses lack of strategic thinking and opportunity recognition/identification skills among later-stage businesses (inflexibility to adapt to environmental change) van scheers & radipere 2007 analysis of 100 entrepreneurial failures in south africa lack of finance skills (>80% of failures) lack of marketing/sales skills egeln et al. 2010 analysis of failures of innovative businesses in germany between 2000 and 2008 lack of sales skills (engaging with customers) lack of finance skills (high fixed costs; funding problems) lack of planning/controlling skills lack of strategic thinking skills (adoption to environmental change; product development) lack of opportunity recognition/identification skills (market timing; recruiting staff) lack of leadership skills (problems with staff, partners) cardon et al. 2011 analysis of 389 business failures in the u.s. between 1999 and 2001 lack of planning skills lack of finance/cash management skills (high costs) lack of strategic thinking skills (adoption to environmental change; product development) lack of opportunity recognition/identification skills (market timing; recruiting staff) lack of leadership skills (problems with staff, partners) nobel 2011 analysis of business failures in the u.s. lack of strategic thinking skills lack of finance/cash management skills (high costs) lack of planning skills lack of opportunity recognition/identification skills (market timing; recruiting staff) department for business innovation & skills 2013 small business survey 2012 uk lack of strategic thinking skills (adoption to environmental change) lack of finance/cash management skills (high costs; tax; funding problems) lack of opportunity recognition/identification skills (market timing; recruiting staff) freiling & laudien 2013 case study analysis of 3 failed entrepreneurial businesses lack of strategic thinking skills lack of business management skills lack of market knowledge lack of collaborative skills (problems with investors) sikomwe et al. 2014 analysis of 25 failed entrepreneurial businesses in zimbabwe lack of strategic thinking skills lack of business management skills; particularly finance skills lack of market knowledge table 1. findings from literature review on key reasons for business failure since this professional group faces similar challenges in creating market demand and audiences to self-employed or freelancing professional artists, baines and kennedy’s recommendations are directly transferable to this study’s subject group of fine artists. thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 9 __ cobb et al. (2011) illustrates the particular needs of artists in building a professional artistic career in an interdisciplinary general guide. they emphasize an entrepreneurial mindset, defined as open-minded thinking, attitude, and behavior as well as strategic planning as the most important aspects for working artists to consider. through strategic planning, the artist is required to define his or her mission and vision -their reason for being an artist. the mission helps to set goals and objectives and answers the question of the artistic approach, which is the core of the art-related business concept. besides strategic planning, cobb et al. also stress finance topics as crucial for an artist’s career. the importance of both topics is also supported by jusoh et al. (2011) and pollard and wilson (2013). some of these findings, such as developing entrepreneurial mindset are also supported by welsh et al. (2014), who surveyed 119 artists from various art disciplines at an self-employment in the arts conference in 2014. their findings show that skills to build network contacts are important for their success. landwehr (2005) provides an organizational context. he analyzes the different types of skills needed for innovative business formation by dividing the start-up process into four sub-phases and considering their phase-specific requirements and problems. landwehr (2005) stresses in particular ideation, opportunity recognition, and strategic thinking or planning skills as crucial in the early stages of business formation, while business management skills are more required in the later stages to run the business. developed networking skills, alongside skills of opportunity recognition, creativity, problem solving, leadership, communication, and innovation are considered by liňán (2008) as crucial for successful entrepreneurship. more recent studies considering the importance of networking skills in particular and the clustering of entrepreneurial skills in general are provided by de wolf & schoorlemmer (2007), rudmann (2008), vesala and pyysiäinen (2008), and kahan (2012). these scientists investigated farmers and analyzed the agriculture industry in europe. the incentive for their entrepreneurial studies is based on the global oversupply of agricultural products urging farmers to operate in a rapidly changing environment with a strong price competition. due to the fact that the entrepreneurial challenges and business risks of this professional group are quite similar to the basic challenges of professional working artists, the findings are of relevant for this study. according to kahan (2012), farmer entrepreneurs farm for the market as arts entrepreneurs make artwork for the market. farmer entrepreneurs see their farms as a business, as a means of earning profits. they are passionate about their farm business and are willing to take calculated risks to make their farms profitable and their businesses grow. as “price takers,” farmer entrepreneurs need to developed outstanding abilities to make the most of their resources: they can look for better ways to organize their farms; they can try new food crops and cultivars, better animals, and alternative technologies to increase productivity and diversify production. as a result, they need to become absolutely market-oriented and have to learn to take calculated risks to open or create new markets for their products in order to increase their profits to earn a living in farming. in contrast, non-entrepreneurial farmers focus on maintaining their traditional way of life, characterized by farming mainly for home consumption. their production decisions are based on what they need rather than on what is possible. for farmers to become entrepreneurs they need to be innovative and forwardlooking. they need to manage their businesses as long-term ventures with a view to making them sustainable. they need to be able to identify opportunities and seize them. in this context, farmer entrepreneurs are similar to arts entrepreneurs; both professional groups face quite similar challenges and business risks in dynamic markets with a considerable oversupply of products. about twenty entrepreneurship and agriculture experts as well as thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 10 almost 150 farmers in six different countries were asked skills farmers need in order to succeed in business (wolf & schoorlemmer, 2007; rudmann, 2008; vesala & pyysiäinen, 2008). as a result, five categories of skill sets with various underlying skills were mentioned by the experts and farmers, as illustrated in table 2, following. categories 3, 4, and 5 in table 2 are considered as real entrepreneurial skills by several experts in agriculture because these skills are considered as more complex and relevant to developing and maintaining a profit-making business (de wolf & schoorlemmer, 2007; rudmann, 2008; vesala & pyysiäinen, 2008). these three sets of entrepreneurial skills are therefore also understood as “higher level skills,” while industry specific professional skills and management skills (categories 1 and 2) are considered as “lower level skills” and basic requirements mainly to ensure the daily running of the business (rudmann, 2008, p. 88). according to this hierarchical concept of entrepreneurial skills, the researchers consider the recognition and realization of business opportunities as the most important entrepreneurial skill. this statement is supported by detienne and chandler (2004) who see opportunity identification as a crucial content area in entrepreneurship education. opportunity skills are the prerequisite for any entrepreneurial success and profitable business (gaglio & katz, 2001; ardichvili et al., 2003). these skills are followed on the one hand by strategic skills that enable a target-oriented exploitation, optimization and planning of required and/or outsourced resources and on the other hand by networking skills that are needed to ensure access to valuable resources in order to realize the recognized opportunities. as a result, rudmann presents in her final report of the research project a “pyramid of skills” as illustrated in figure 1, following. faltin (2001, 2007, 2008) considers the entrepreneur basically as a “composer.” he critically questions the need for being multi-skilled and developed in all business fields. in his approach, the entrepreneur has the primary aim to develop and redefine the business concept systematically until a sustained unique selling proposition is created. then, the entrepreneur is required to control and coordinate the different external components needed for daily business challenges, for example, marketing, finance, logistics, tax, etc. like a composer. the fundamental precondition for being a composer in faltin’s opinion is a developed entrepreneurial mindset that encompasses an entrepreneurial attitude, thinking, understanding, and behavior as well as some specific skills. due to the above described tasks, faltin’s approach of defining the crucial entrepreneurial skills includes, at least the following four core skills: idea development, leadership, networking, and strategic thinking. in summary, the review of academic literature on crucial skills for entrepreneurial success has not provided a “golden road’ to a clear definition. the reason for this may be the lack of a unified definition of entrepreneurial skills in the extant literature as well as the complexity of reasons for business or entrepreneurial success and failure. however, the findings of the literature review are grounded on some similar skills for entrepreneurial success, outlined in table 3. thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 11 category of skill set underlying skills 1. professional skills plant or animal production skills technical skills 2. management skills financial management and administration skills human resource management skills customer management skills general planning skills 3. opportunity identification skills recognizing business opportunities market and customer orientation awareness of threats innovation skills risk management skills 4. strategic skills skills to receive and make use of feedback reflection skills monitoring and evaluation skills conceptual skills strategic planning skills strategic decision making skills goal setting skills 5. co-operation/ networking skills skills related to co-operating with other farmers and companies networking skills team working skills leadership skills table 2. skills for farmer entrepreneurs figure 1. pyramid of skills, source: rudmann (2008, p. 88) thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 12 . author year research focus findings churchill & lewis 1983 survey of small business owners small business owners need capability to master all requirements hood & young 1993 survey of 100 leading entrepreneurs and ceo's of the fastest growing u.s. organizations mixture of various skills, behaviors, and attributes most important skills: finance, marketing/sales, planning lazear 2004, 2005 development of the "jack-of-alltrades" theory; work histories and university transcriptions of stanford mbas entrepreneurs with balanced set of skills perform significantly better in different challenges than "oneskill specialists" stokes & wilson 2010 development of the "model of entrepreneurship" mixture of various skills, behaviors, and attributes most important skills are: opportunity recognition, networking, marketing/sales, finance gibb 1998 approach to propose various key areas of entrepreneurial skills, capacities and attributes for management development most important skills are: strategic thinking, leadership, networking, sales, business management process, learning, and it skills landwehr 2005 analysis of different types of know-how needed for an innovative business venturing most important skills are: idea, opportunity recognition, strategic thinking, marketing/sales, finance smith & perks 2006 analysis of the entrepreneurial activity and levels of developed skills of black micro entrepreneurs in south africa most important skills are: professional skills management skills: planning, leading, controlling, organizing business operation skills: finance, marketing/sales faltin 2001, 2007, 2008 self-case study: founder of "teekampagne", in the meantime one of the worldwide leading online tea distribution companies; explicit use of external skills depending on requirements as integral part of the business model most important skills are: entrepreneurial mindset; idea/creativitity, strategic thinking (planning), leadership, and networking other skills will be outsourced to specialized skill components (experts) depending on requirements liňán 2008 testing intention to become an entrepreneur with a sample of 249 university students; development of specific skills increase students' intention. most important skills are: opportunity recognition, creativity and innovation, networking, leadership, problem solving, and communication oberschachtsiek 2008 investigation how founder's experience and professional background affect the duration of periods of self-employment and to what extent the duration is affected by balanced set of skills -balanced skill set is not sufficient to prolong the duration of self-employment/entrepreneurial success most important skills are: profound sales and business management skills to prolong the duration of self-employment de wolf & schoorlemmer; rudmann; vesala & pyysiainen 2007, 2008 investigation and survey of 150 farmers and 20 agriculture experts in six eu countries between 2005 and 2008 in the context of the eu funded project "developing entrepreneurial skills for farmers" most important skills are: "higher level skills" of opportunity recognition, strategic thinking, networking supporting skills are: "lower level skills" of business management skills and professional skills baines & kennedy 2010 analysis of professional environment of freelancing journalists most important skills are: entrepreneurial mindset; idea, opportunity recognition, marketing/promotion cobb et al. 2011 analysis of important tasks artists need to successfully fulfil for professional success ("the artist's roadmap") most important skills are: entrepreneurial mindset, strategic planning, finance, legal, promoting, sales, and funding welsh et al. 2014 survey of 119 artists from various art disciplines at an entrepreneurship in the arts conference in 2014 most important skills are: entrepreneurial mindset and networking table 3. findings on key reasons for entrepreneurial success from the literature thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 13 the literature review has shown that the development of an entrepreneurial mindset, defined as an entrepreneurial attitude, understanding or thinking, and behavior is important for self-employed professionals in competitive markets with an oversupply to become entrepreneurially successful. additionally, in order to successfully operate like an entrepreneur, the following seven skills have emerged in the literature as crucial for the success of entrepreneurial businesses, independent of industry, size, culture, and organizational structure, as illustrated in table 4. crucial entrepreneurial skills description idea/creativity ability to think creatively or innovatively that leads to new insights, novel approaches and (business) concepts, fresh perspectives, whole new ways of understanding and conceiving things strategic thinking (planning) ability to set goals and develop (long-range) plans in a variety of areas, to anticipate the unexpected, to analyse the business environment, and to cooperate with people. opportunity recognition and realisation ability to recognise, assess and realise business opportunities. networking ability to develop and use contacts for (business) purposes beyond the reason for the initial contact. networking skills comprise in particular the abilities to 1) target activities strategically, 2) sytematically plan networking, 3) engage others effectively, 4) showcase the own expertise, 5) assess opportunities, and 6) deliver value to others. leadership ability to develop a "art/business vision" of where one wants to be and to inspire people (external experts) to help achieving this vision. leadership skills are particularly important for one-man and small businesses as they often need external help. finance ability to plan, fund, direct, monitor, organise, and control the monetary resources of the arts entrepreneur (business) marketing (sales) ability to reach the market (its potential customers, including decision-makers) and to achieve a high degree of visibility and awareness table 4. crucial skills of the entrepreneurial success the first five skills named in the table 4 can be considered, according to de wolf & schoorlemmer (2007, p.19), as “real entrepreneurial skills”. they have explicitly and primarily to do with the creation of a successful business or self-employment career, while the last two skills in finance and sales enable the successful running of the business or thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 14 entrepreneurial career. this classification leads to a new explanatory model, which will be called in this study the working model of the “crucial ‘five plus two’ entrepreneurial skills.” the research interest, therefore, is to discover how these seven skills from the literature will be assessed by market-experienced practitioners in the arts. will the working model “five plus two” be validated by the survey findings or will other skills be highlighted as crucial for fine artists’ entrepreneurial success? the survey of 208 lecturers in fine art at uk and german heis, all of whom are professional working artists, provides an answer to this question. survey results and discussion lecturers’ survey the 208 lecturers were asked whether they consider entrepreneurial skills in general as crucial to successfully meet the market requirements to make a living in the arts. their answers are illustrated in table 5. the majority of lecturers gave a clear answer: entrepreneurial skills are crucial to make an economic living. this answer is interesting as it represents a significant contradiction to the taught curriculum in fine art at heis in the uk and germany (thom, 2015a). in order to classify the importance of skills to the economic success of practicing fine artists, the lecturers were further asked to rank the relevance of several different skills. the findings of both sample groups in the uk and germany (n=204) are illustrated in tables 6 and 7. the ranking of skills with regard to their importance to become successful resulted from the number of mentions in the assessment categories “very important” and “crucial and of highest importance,” where the number of mentions in the latter category predominates. thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 15 skills not important little importance medium importance very important crucial and of highest importance evaluation is not possible ranking idea / creativity 0 1 7 13 116 2 1 networking 0 0 7 30 102 0 2 opportunity identification 1 3 13 22 100 0 3 selling / marketing 1 1 19 28 89 1 4 art specific technical skills 0 3 15 37 84 0 5 strategic thinking (planning) skills 1 1 20 35 82 0 6 communication / presentation 1 1 12 46 79 0 7 art industry / market know how 0 3 10 48 78 0 8 finance skills 1 4 25 51 58 0 9 leadership skills 4 6 29 54 46 0 10 problem solving 1 2 54 61 20 1 11 project and time management 1 2 60 55 21 0 12 decision making 1 1 63 57 17 0 13 team working/ collaboration 0 3 64 59 12 1 14 social media / it skills 0 3 65 62 9 0 15 business planning / venturing skills 3 33 68 23 11 1 16 table 6. assessment of skills to make an economic living as a practicing fine artist in the uk (frequency of mentions by category; n=139) thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 16 skills not important little importance medium importance very important crucial and of highest importance evaluation is not possible ranking idea / creativity 1 0 4 5 52 3 1 networking 1 0 5 14 44 1 2 art specific technical skills 2 3 9 14 36 1 3 selling / marketing 0 4 12 12 36 1 4 opportunity skills 0 3 18 8 35 1 5 art industry / market know how 0 3 15 11 34 2 6 communication / presentation 0 1 13 18 31 2 7 strategic thinking (planning) skills 1 2 13 17 30 2 8 finance skills 0 4 20 11 29 1 9 leadership skills 1 3 15 22 22 2 10 decision making 0 1 28 24 7 5 11 problem solving 1 1 33 23 5 2 12 project and time management 1 1 32 22 5 4 13 team working/ collaboration 1 4 36 19 3 2 14 social media / it skills 3 6 34 17 3 2 15 business planning / venturing skills 5 15 35 4 2 4 16 table 7. assessment of skills to make an economic living as a practicing fine artist in germany (frequency of mentions by category; n=65) the 204 participating lecturers identified the top 10 skills for the economic success of practicing fine artists as creativity, networking, art-specific, selling/marketing, and opportunity skills followed by planning (strategic thinking), market knowhow, communication/presentation, finance, and leadership skills. the rankings in both countries are quite similar with the exception of a slightly higher assessment of art-specific skills in germany; opportunity recognition skills are more highly ranked as crucial by the lecturers in the uk. thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 17 in order to identify crucial entrepreneurial skills from lecturers’ skill assessments it is necessary to distinguish the three different categories of skills that are usually taught in the regular fine art curricula at uk and german heis: a) professional, subject-specific skills; b) transferable (employability) skills; and c) entrepreneurial skills. the skill categories and single skills listed in figure 2 below, are not discrete. entrepreneurial skills are part of an entrepreneurial mindset and encompass both discrete single skills and sets of skills. for example, leadership skills are grounded in several different skills such as communication, problem solving, decision-making, team working, negotiation skills (all of which are employability/transferable skills), and strategic thinking and networking skills (entrepreneurial skills). figure 2. entrepreneurial skills as higher order skills. source: thom (2015b) considering the findings of the lecturers’ survey (see tables 5 and 6) it becomes apparent that two professional skills and one transferable skill are among the top 10 skills, namely artspecific technical skills, art market/industry knowledge, and communication/presentation skills. the other seven skills among the top 10 are entrepreneurial skills, as classified in the aforementioned working model of the crucial “five plus two” in figure 2 above. while the professional, subject-specific skills and transferable (employability) skills are taught in the regular fine art curricula at heis in the uk and germany and therefore are considered basic requirements for fine artists, the defined crucial “five plus two” entrepreneurial skills can be viewed as skills of a higher order for professional working fine artists to succeed economically in arts business. conclusions, limitations and further research conclusions thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 18 considering that the crucial skills for fine artists’ economic success in the arts have not yet been clearly identified in the literature, recent studies on the reasons for business failure and entrepreneurial success in other professions with market challenges similar to fine arts have been used for this study. they provide valuable findings from which the crucial skills for fine artists’ entrepreneurial success are derived. these studies evidence that the development of an entrepreneurial mindset (including entrepreneurial thinking, behavior, and attitude) in general and the “five plus 2” skills in particular are important for professionals in an intense and competitive market environment. in order to validate the relevance of these identified skills, 208 lecturers in fine art at uk and german heis, who are experienced and practicing artists, were surveyed. they were asked to assess the relevance of sixteen different skills for making an economic living in the arts. their answers validate the relevance of the working model of “five plus two” skills for arts entrepreneurs. limitations this study is primarily focused on the economic issues of being an artist entrepreneur. the critical artistic dimension of success is not taken into further consideration. a comprehensive review of the literature reveals a variety of models to explain the different factors (including skills) affecting entrepreneurial economic success. yet, there is still no consensus and evidence of which skills are really crucial for fine artists to make a living in the arts. hence, there does not exist clear evidence that the identified “five plus two” entrepreneurial skills are predominant success factors for professional working artists and freelancers or self-employed entrepreneurs in other competitive markets. entrepreneurial success has several reasons and is a quite complex phenomenon, although skills may have a significant impact on the later success of any entrepreneurs further research as the literature shows, there is no consensus on a unified listing of crucial entrepreneurial skills. this makes it difficult and challenging to implement an effective (arts) entrepreneurship education at heis. in order to adjust the regular curricula and educational institutions’ learning environments towards more of a market orientation and entrepreneurship further research in the fields of entrepreneurial skills and other reasons of entrepreneurial success is necessary. the working model of the crucial “five plus two” skills should therefore be subject to further research. first, its validation for arts entrepreneurs needs to be confirmed. then, it is of interest to experience whether it is also relevant for other professions with similar challenges as the arts. furthermore, the survey findings could additionally contribute to knowledge by stimulating the discussion towards a more contemporary and broader understanding of the term “entrepreneurship” in non-business subjects, away from business planning and venturing (ranked in last positions in my survey) and more toward creativity, networking, and opportunity recognition and realization, entrepreneurial thinking, and entrepreneurial behavior. cultural entrepreneurship in general, and the requirements of a professional and entrepreneurial career of fine artists in particular, are still under-examined fields in the literature. therefore, further research is recommended in order to establish a deeper and broader understanding in this field. longitudinal studies would be indispensable. a comprehensive analysis of cause and effect relationships in entrepreneurial education at heis could provide deeper insights into the educational processes and institutional structures to reveal opportunities for sustainable adjustments in the future. an integration of arts thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 19 entrepreneurship into the regular fine art curriculum is a complex challenge for any hei as many different aspects need to be considered. important questions are still unanswered, for example, “which skills are really important to teach?,” “how should they be taught and to what extent?” additionally, it is of interest to know to what extent student performance is dependent on teachers’ own entrepreneurial training. these and many other questions need to be answered to gain a deeper understanding of the relevant issues for effectively embedding entrepreneurship education in the regular curriculum across all subjects and as an essential part of heis’ strategies and objectives. references alexopoulos, a., coulthard, m. & terziovsksi, m. 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(2005). essentials of entrepreneurship and small business management. 4th ed. new jersey: prentice hall. thom crucial skills ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 5 (1) 24 microsoft word e1.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts vol. 8, no. 2, summer 2019 editors’ introduction to the summer  issue paul bonin-rodriguez university of texas at austin neville vakharia drexel university welcome to the summer issue of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts. this issue marks an exciting step forward for our journal’s growth, reach, and impact. we are extremely pleased to announce that we have moved. beginning with this issue, university of arkansas press assumes the role of publisher, supporting our journal’s technical infrastructure and managing our production workflow under the guidance and expertise of david scott cunningham. they have also given us a new look. artivate’s co-editors and its editorial board will continue to serve as the editorial voice of the journal while the university of arkansas press will provide an online open journal web presence, copyediting/typesetting, enhanced communications, and more. we also welcome some additions and changes of title in our support structure. with this issue, university of arkansas faculty member adrienne callander joins the editorial board. adrienne is assistant professor of art and entrepreneurship cross-appointed to the j. william fulbright college of arts and sciences and the sam m. walton college of business. our founding editor, linda essig, will remain on the editorial board and serve as our editor/publisher emeritus, continuing to provide her valuable insights and wisdom. finally, jesse hixson, who has long served as the copyeditor for artivate, now assumes the role of editorial assistant. in this issue, we feature four articles each addressing relevant theoretical and practical aspects of arts entrepreneurship. in “art and the blockchain: a primer, history, and taxonomy of blockchain use cases in the arts,” amy whitaker demonstrates how blockchain, a technology often associated with cryptocurrency, is emerging to become a viable tool for artists and arts entrepreneurs. jason white’s article, “a theory of arts entrepreneurship as organizational 2 attack in artworlds,” uses grounded theory to explore how arts entrepreneurship results from organizational attacks on social structures and aesthetic beliefs. in “artmaking as entrepreneurship: effectuation and emancipation in artwork formation,” adrienne callander examines how a key tenet of entrepreneurship – effectuation – combines with emancipatory practices in the creation of socially engaged artwork. jeffrey taylor, mayela cardenas, and stephanie edwards draw on tax and labor data to propose a method for measuring commercial arts markets and micro-enterprises not subject to public reporting requirements. applying their methods to the colorado art market, their findings demonstrate the impact of arts entrepreneurship on a local economy. finally, mark mitchell reviews the book “artists re:thinking the blockchain,” a series of essays exploring how this new technology proposes to affect artists and arts entrepreneurs. we wish to thank the arizona state university for shepherding our journal since its inception. we also wish to thank our editorial board, who remained available to us throughout the summer as we worked simultaneously on this issue and artivate’s move. special issue: winter  call for papers: detroit’s cultural renaissance: research on the impact of culture in urban revitalization the next issue of artivate will be a special issue highlighting the role of arts entrepreneurship in detroit. artists, cultural organizations and creative entrepreneurs have been critical to detroit’s recovery from bankruptcy. the highly publicized rescue of the detroit institute of art as part of the “grand bargain” is but one example of entrepreneurial work that has built up the city’s creative infrastructure in support of a vital city. featured essays will be focused on, but not limited to workforce development, repurposed buildings, innovations to the city’s arts education programs, and creative placemaking. guest editors of this special issue are susan badger booth, professor of arts management at eastern michigan university and mark clague, associate professor of musicology and arts entrepreneurship & leadership at the school of music, theatre & dance at the university of michigan. submissions are currently being accepted through december , . see our full call for papers listed below in this issue. issue cover image: dancers by jonathan borofsky. photo by wally gobetz, cc by-nc-nd ., https://www.flickr.com/photos/wallyg/. microsoft word 4.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts vol. 8, no. 2, summer 2019 artmaking as entrepreneurship effectuation and emancipation in artwork formation adrienne callander university of arkansas abstract: in this article, i assess how the improvisational and collective models of organizing known as effectuation (sarasvathy 2001) and emancipation (rindova, barry and ketchen 2009) apply to the making of socially engaged artwork. this case study focuses on the entrepreneurial nature of art-making exemplified by food (1971), a collaborative work initiated by gordon matta-clark and carol goodden and made possible by a host of co-creators throughout its three-year run. this article explores the motives and means that generated this work and argues that under certain conditions, an artwork functions in distinctly entrepreneurial ways. i also argue that the case of food demonstrates how entrepreneurship can be central to artwork formation. specifically, the processes involved in structuring a socially engaged artwork rely on the effectual principles of affordable loss, strategic alliance, exploitation of contingencies, and control of an unpredictable future, as well as the emancipatory principles of seeking autonomy, authoring, and making declarations. this article also introduces the term “artwork formation” to tether effectuation and emancipation to the continuous formation of socially engaged artwork. by recognizing the entrepreneurial process as an aspect of socially engaged art-making, i seek to invite discussion on the connection between artistic production and entrepreneurship and to support the validity of entrepreneurship in creative pedagogy and practice. doi: https://doi.org/10.34053/artivate.8.2.4 introduction in this article, i assess how the improvisational and collective models of organizing known as effectuation (sarasvathy ) and emancipation (rindova, barry, and ketchen ) apply to the making of socially engaged artwork. specifically, the processes involved in structuring a socially engaged artwork rely on a number of effectual and emancipatory principles. these include affordable loss, strategic alliance, exploitation of contingencies, and control of an unpredictable future, as well as seeking autonomy, authoring, and making declarations. this 62 case study focuses on the entrepreneurial nature of art-making exemplified by the collaborative and participatory artwork, food (), to demonstrate how entrepreneurship can be central to artwork formation. here, the term “artwork formation” tethers effectuation and emancipation to the continuous formation of socially engaged artwork. food belongs to the category of socially engaged art, though no one had yet coined the term in . the work was an extension of participatory and experiential art movements of the s and a precursor to what joseph beuys refers to as “social sculpture,” a type of art informing “how we mould and shape the world in which we live” (beuys , ). in the s, social sculpture’s shaping of interactions between people and their environment morphed into relational aesthetics, defined by bourriaud () as “art taking as its theoretical horizon the realm of human interactions and its social context” (bourriaud , ). what we know today as “socially engaged art” is a successor to these efforts. socially engaged art, also referred to as “social practice” or “social cooperation art” (finkelpearl ), is an art form that generates human engagement, challenges institutions, and embraces change. when tracing the lineage of social practice, relational art, and social sculpture, one inevitably encounters food. food traces its own evolution to event scores, happenings, and chance operations of the preceding decade and, before that, to the performative rebellion of the dadaists who protested the murderous absurdity of wwi with what food’s co-founder, gordon matta-clark, referred to in schumpeterian terms as “a devotion to the imaginative disruption of convention” (moure , ). the example of food demonstrates how effectual and emancipatory features such as privileging creation over discovery, collaboration over competition, and improvisation over planning apply to the formation of socially engaged artwork. accordingly, this article seeks to not only broaden the discussion of how art and entrepreneurship interact but also to lessen the burden on the field of arts entrepreneurship to defend the presence of entrepreneurship in art pedagogy and practice. (gangi ); (nytch ); (lord ); (white ); (essig ; ); (roberts ); (thom ). in arts entrepreneurship literature, entrepreneurship frequently appears as a tool to promote art. as i argue here, the lens of utility does not frame the intersection of art and entrepreneurship in its entirety. this article argues for acceptance of entrepreneurship research within—rather than merely alongside— artmaking. here i want to assert that acceptance of entrepreneurship as an art process depends on the degree to which entrepreneurship extends art, not via commercialization of its products, but by establishment of its own credibility as a medium—a credibility that may entail identification of entrepreneurial processes hiding in plain sight within the making of canonical artworks, and that may depend on destabilization of existing frameworks in both art and entrepreneurship in order to allow for integrative forms. comparisons of art and entrepreneurship beg their respective definitions. neither is monolithic. both entail distinct subdomains, with their own sometimes contradictory or divergent theories, methods, processes, and outcomes. is art defined as an object, concept, process, exchange, or institutional critique? is entrepreneurship understood as organization 63 formation, economic disruption, market discovery, or opportunity creation? does arts entrepreneurship derive from entrepreneurship or from art? is their intersection a distinct phenomenon? regard for the co-constitutionality of art and entrepreneurship supports a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between the two. this article presents a historiographical case study of the organizational aspects, both effectual and emancipatory, of food. it begins by briefly considering indicators of organizing—intentionality, resources, boundaries, and exchange (katz and gartner )— in interfaith charity shop (), the store (), bliz-aard ball sale () and dorchester projects (-present), and then introduces key elements of effectuation and emancipation. it proceeds with a detailed exploration of food and its conceptual, physical, social, cultural, and fiscal features and their effectual and emancipatory characteristics. critiquing the conflation of business and entrepreneurship, i challenge the separation of art and entrepreneurship—of artist and entrepreneur—and propose that, in the integration of art and entrepreneurship, the small-medium enterprise might serve as a vehicle for impact usually attributed to innovation-driven enterprise (aulet & murray ). as i argue, arts entrepreneurship literature neglects entrepreneurship as an art form or a factor in the formation of an artwork. this article questions that omission and calls for further research into the parallels between effectual and emancipatory processes and the formation and performance of socially engaged art. organizing, effectuation, and emancipation embedded in selfridges, the london-based department store, and funded by artangel, the vanguard charitable arts organization, miranda july’s interfaith charity shop ran as a store, an art installation, and a curatorial project for six weeks in . operated and staffed by four separate faith-based charity shops selected by july, interfaith charity shop reflected what july called the “inherently participatory conventions of commerce” (“interfaith charity shop at selfridge’s,” ). hannah ellis-peterson () wrote for the guardian, “the shop is as much a curated art piece as a functioning retail venue. . . .” the shop constituted a social practice platform for muslim, buddhist, jewish, and christian collaboration, and for participants to engage in ecumenical, commercial, and creative exchange. the art was activated by commercial transactions that were themselves micro vehicles for diversity and harmony within the established frameworks of socially engaged art—characterized by “dependence on social intercourse as a factor of its existence” (helguera , )—and charity retail. one can readily identify signs of organizational emergence—intentionality, resources, boundary, exchange—and the potential for sustained performance (katz & gartner, ), but interfaith charity shop adhered to fine art conventions; the shop was a show that ran for six weeks. one might be tempted to term interfaith charity shop “entrepreneurial art”, but the category does not exist despite a lineage spanning more than half a century of entrepreneurial processes operating within artworks. claes oldenburg’s the store () retailed crude, 64 painted plaster versions of everyday items in “the realm of five-and-dime commerce” (keats, ). david hammons’s bliz-aard ball sale () mimicked city sidewalk vending with a layout of snowball inventory arranged on a blanket and available for purchase. theaster gates’s chicago-based dorchester projects (–present) merges urban planning, real estate development, and socially engaged artwork; to fund building renovations for stony island arts bank (–present), one of many dorchester subprojects, gates sold marble tiles from its urinals as , bonds. that these projects operate according to a conceptual rationale that is not tethered to financial return makes them no less entrepreneurial. referring to venture formation, or organization emergence, as “organizing,” gartner writes: organizing, as a phenomenon, can occur in various formats and situations that are not necessarily businesses, or for-profit, or, for that matter, anything other than a phenomenon that is assembled in a way that is: intentional, requires resources, bounded in scope, and entails exchanges between others (gartner ). organizing posits that organization formation, or emergence, is detectable in the setting of a goal and initiation of its realization; the seeking and gathering of resources; observable differentiation between the emergent body and its environment; and transactions. these four properties combined suggest entrepreneurial action (katz & gartner ). interfaith charity shop and the store marshal resources, rent space, and conduct commercial transactions to conflate commercialization of art and commercialization as art. interfaith charity shop, a form of socially engaged art, facilitates communion through sales. the store, in the pop art vernacular of consumer culture, sells sculptures off the shelf to narrow the margin between fine art object and ubiquitous commercial product. stony island art bank’s tile-bond increases in value for its holder for the very reason that it is understood to be an artwork; resource and art are the same. bliz-aard ball sale presents more subtle and subversive handling of intention, resources, boundaries, and exchange. hammons sold snowballs on the sidewalk. he hawked fragile white forms; he operated outside of the gallery system. speculation persists: is bliz-aard ball sale commentary on the status of the black artist, a critique of the art market, a jest? hammons, “best known to the art world for his refusal to participate in its rites and rules” (filipovic , ), provides little guidance but his simultaneous engagement with and rejection of the art market is well documented (filipovic ). analysis often grounds blizaard ball sale in the art practice of institutional critique, but its entrepreneurial properties are irrefutable. bliz-aard ball sale pushes the qualifications for organizing to their limit: the product is ephemeral, the resource is dependent on the weather, the marketplace is temporary and illegal, and the exchange is largely conceptual. conventionally, tax status might articulate a boundary (katz & gartner , ), but bliz-aard ball sale is a black market action; it is unregulated. in a nod to marginalization, bliz-aard ball sale points to boundaries by strategically minimizing them. filipovic writes, “. . . hammons knows that to be black in an 65 art world as white as the walls of its museums, and in an america where privilege and presence and whiteness go hand in hand, is to realize that visibility is something to mess with, to disavow.” (, ). while interfaith charity shop, the store, and dorchester projects embrace organizing, bliz-aard ball sale organizes to articulate the precariousness of boundaries, resources, and exchange. intentionality, resources, boundaries, and exchange indicate organization emergence; the entrepreneurial models of effectuation and emancipation offer frameworks for means and motive that are well suited to an examination of both the formation of certain ventures and the formation of certain artworks. effectuation, an entrepreneurial process that seeks to “control an unpredictable future rather than predict an uncertain one” (sarasvathy , ), claims as entrepreneurial a long-standing art practice: improvisation. it blends bricolage (levi-strauss )—the ability to “create something from nothing by exploiting physical, social, or institutional inputs” (baker and nelson , )—and convergence (baker, miner, & eesley, )—“composition and execution” occurring simultaneously (moorman and miner , )—to form a highly agile approach to organizing. situating effectuation in the business context, sarasvathy () defines the effectuator as “an imaginative actor who seizes contingent opportunities and exploits any and all means at hand to fulfill a plurality of current and future aspirations, many of which are shaped and created through the very processes of economic decision making and are not given a priori” (sarasvathy , ). drawing on march, mintzberg, and weick, effectuation theory emphasizes the “exploration of new possibilities” over the “exploitation of old certainties” (sarasvathy , ), learning and discovery over expertise, options over planning, and strategic alliances over the competition to build, rather than predict its world. in effectuation, rather than the end determining the means, the means determine the end. what comes next is shaped by what happens now. while effectuation values bricolage and strategic alliances, emancipation merges the two to mirror a key aspect of “social bricolage”, described in the context of social entrepreneurship: the exploitation of social resources “at hand” to drive “community stakeholder participation” in the creation of the venture (di domenico, haugh, tracey , ). who is at hand is as important as what is at hand. a nexus of three activities—seeking autonomy, authoring, and making declarations—spurs and supports emancipatory entrepreneuring, defined as “efforts to bring about new economic, social, institutional, and cultural environments through the actions of an individual or group of individuals” (rindova, barry and ketchen , -). drawing on research that indicates a variety of entrepreneurial goals beyond the maximization of profits (baker and nelson ); (baker and pollock ), emancipatory theory emphasizes change creation over wealth creation. in the emancipation model, the entrepreneur seeks to break up the status quo and break free of perceived constraints of “an intellectual, psychological, economic, social, institutional, or cultural nature” (rindova, barry and ketchen , -). seeking autonomy emphasizes the collective over the individual. it relies on authoring and making declarations—both 66 inherently relational processes—to mediate the tension that emerges when a venture disrupts established practices and proposes new perspectives while at the same time requiring support and acceptance of the disruption from established networks and systems. authoring is a process in which “relationships, arrangements, and rules of engagement” (rindova, barry and ketchen , ) are defined and developed to strengthen the change potential of the venture. it positions the venture “in a system of exchange relationships with resource holders” (rindova, barry and ketchen , ) to preempt potential resource holder demands that could undermine the emancipatory goals of the venture. making declarations, a reinforcement device that complements authoring, delivers “unambiguous discursive and rhetorical acts” that make sense of the change proposition. making declarations positions the venture within “webs of meaning” (rindova, barry and ketchen , ) that ease acceptance of the venture’s break with conventions. the collaborative and participatory artwork, food (), opened its doors for business forty-six years before interfaith charity shop, and it practiced effectual and emancipatory principles thirty years before their categorization in the entrepreneurship literature. what follows is a study of food as a forerunner of the integration of art and entrepreneurship, specifically socially engaged art and effectual and emancipatory models of entrepreneurial process. art was restaurant was art some -odd years before july’s interfaith charity shop, on september , , food opened at  spring street in the warehouse district of lower manhattan. initiated by artists and embraced by a diverse strata of people who accepted its experimental nature and participated in it as workers and as patrons, food was “a restaurant, performance place, gathering space, a place to hang out, and a place an artist could earn quick money waiting tables” (morris, ). a performative and socially engaged artwork that incorporated the restaurant model, food was a sustained improvisation that integrated cooking, art, architecture, and business (lee, ). the site-specific piece was “at once a meeting place, a business, and a conceptual work of art” (morris, ). food began as a party conversation between carol goodden and gordon matta-clark. goodden, a dancer, provided the bulk of the financial investment. matta-clark, a sculptor and trained architect, inspired the conceptual scaffolding that encompassed cuisine, performance, sculpture, and the built environment. goodden () recalls, “gordon’s idea was that the whole restaurant was an art-piece, a living sculpture.” building on the “event score,” on “happenings,” and on food art—all of which, in turn, had built credibility on the earlier phenomena of marcel duchamp’s readymade and dada’s cabaret voltaire—food escaped the conventions and constraints of the gallery and presented the commercial transaction as a medium. sunday night guest dinners showcased artists-as-chefs who produced “meals of a decidedly artistic bent” (lee, ). goodden () writes, “the serving of these dinners 67 and the public reaction to them, gordon saw as performances.” for the meal-performance alive, matta-clark served live brine shrimp in hard-boiled egg white hollows; for bones, [t]he entrée was a platter of bones of all sizes and their attendant meat – frog, chicken, and beef. . . .when the customers were through eating their dinner, the bones went to musician richard peck who scrubbed them up, then went to sculptor/jeweler hisachika takahashi who drilled holes in them and strung them on a rope. along with their check stubs, the waitresses gave the bone necklaces to the customers so they could wear their dinner home. paul ha (in goodden, ) refers to food’s capacity to feed body, mind, and spirit as “arts sustenance.” ideas of sustenance could take a surreal turn. matta-clark (in moure, ) wrote to fellow artist st. lee junior, enticing him to offer himself up as the main course: “lee—just imagine what a fabulous treat you would make. it seems to be the perfect achievement for the artist lover or saint to give all of himself and be well chewed before swallowing. you would not only be well remembered but superbly catered.” this nexus of food, performance, and the participatory had precedent. fluxus artists of the s used food as a medium and the meal as context in what are historically labeled event scores: “simple actions, ideas, and objects from everyday life recontextualized as performance” (knowles, ). allison knowles made a salad (make a salad, ); ken friedman served the audience soup (twenty gallons, ); emmet williams and ben vautier each staged elegant dinner parties that eventually opened up for audience participation (supper, ); bengt af klintberg complicated eating by intentionally missing his mouth while attempting to eat an entire meal on stage (food piece for dick higgins,). mattaclark himself had previously roasted a pig under the brooklyn bridge (pig roast, –) fried photographs (photo fry, ), and planted a cherry tree in a gallery (cherry tree, ). fluxus was a process-oriented and performative collective of interdisciplinary artists, many of them residing in lower manhattan, who often engaged audience members as participants in the creation or completion of an artwork. the collective championed the call of the late s and early s to incorporate chance operations in artmaking as promoted by pioneering composer john cage and to operate in what robert rauschenberg referred to as the gap between art and life. fluxus artist allan kaprow, credited with the development of the performance artworks known as “happenings,” identifies a gap between the recognizable and the as-yet-to-benamed when artists challenge established art modes. he called this gap “nonart.” in his  essay, “the education of the un-artist,” he wrote: nonart is whatever has not yet been accepted as art but has caught an artist’s attention with that possibility in mind. . .nonart’s advocates, according to this description, are those who consistently, or at one time or other, have chosen to operate outside the pale of art establishments—that is, in their heads, or in the daily or natural domain. 68 matta-clark and his peers measured their liberation by the extent to which they could operate in this “natural domain.” food was activated by exchange; it was participatory. it was realized through civic communion and the personal and political realities those exchanges encompassed, and it reflected matta-clark’s personal aesthetic philosophy: “[u]nlike other artists, i feel the need to become directly involved in a context that is physically, politically and socially structured, in short, to leave the studio and go out on the streets” (in moure, ). matta-clark was neither alone nor original in this desire. food relied on everyday interactions and participants willing to enter into an unscripted territory and to adapt to conditions as they arose. an advertisement for food that ran in the spring  issue of the arts magazine avalanche lists more than  cocreators. in addition to artists cooking, dancers danced, films were shot, and “art was discussed, inspired and produced” (morris, ). while goodden and matta-clark are credited with financially and creatively initiating food, it was made possible by a host of collaborators who joined the action during its three-year run. matta-clark (in moure, ) would later profess, “as an artist, for years i have endeavored to channel my actions toward an idea of social welfare. . . . i don’t wish to be considered an artist who does everything himself.” a critique of norms played out beyond food’s curb, where a constellation of concerted and sustained art actions had inspired its inception:  greene street, the experimental exhibition and workspace owned by jeffrey lew who “gave artists the opportunity to work with abandon”; anarchitecure, the think tank that met weekly to conceptually “deconstruct existing structures . . . anything from a building to a herd of sheep”; and the locally produced arts magazine avalanche, an “important social and intellectual link in the soho art universe” and “perfect media vehicle” for both food and  greene street (morris, ). in more songs about buildings and food, thomas crow () writes that while food was “something of a permanent stage for matta-clark and numerous friends,” it also provided “reasonably cheap, fresh, and healthy nourishment for the youthful contingent of loftdwellers in a neighborhood with next to no commercial infrastructure.” by the late s, the postwar exodus of manufacturing firms from lower manhattan had culminated in mass vacancy. artist jene highstein (in donoso, ) remembers, “people thought the neighborhood was dangerous, but it was just deserted—after  o’clock there was nobody there.” artists living south of houston street prior to  squatted in largely abandoned commercially zoned industrial spaces. in january , in an effort to ameliorate conditions, the new york city housing authority adopted an artist-in-residence (a.i.r.) amendment, effectively rezoning the area—later branded soho—for joint living and work use by “certified” artists who were thus categorized by law as light manufacturers (“city planning commission nzrm,” ). ironically, the very artists vying for consideration within this category in order to afford the city and maintain proximity to its marketplace were actively transforming concepts of both goods and production. the interdisciplinary arts community south of houston street 69 would not confine itself to discrete or established methods or outputs. artist jane crawford (in donoso, ), matta-clark’s widow, recalls transgression as the norm: the artists who were attracted to soho came from all around the country, and the world, working in all areas of the arts. they didn’t mind living primitively on the fringes of society in exchange for roomy studio space. there were many different political theories and social theories, ethnicities and aesthetics—but everybody was opposed to the war . . . and the establishment. . . . we felt that all institutions were aligned with “the establishment,” and so they needed to be turned upside down and reevaluated. food redefined the conventional restaurant by overlapping its space and function with social, economic, and aesthetic complexities. diners became patrons and collectors—as in bones, one might wear one’s dinner home—while artists became stakeholders. in lieu of profit, food’s return on investment comprised wages, affordable nutrition, and community. food financially supported artists and was an artwork in its own right—it produced both artist and art. while  greene street, anarchitecture, and avalanche provided the conceptual groundwork for food, carving out alternative spaces for the production of experimental and increasingly dematerialized work of the late s and early s, food’s innovation extended beyond production to distribution. while food participated in what crawford () refers to as the “out-of-the-gallery movement,” a subtler relocation of the art “product” to the commercial transaction itself was taking place. food conflated art and non-art labor. the art was accessed not only by entering the physical space of the restaurant or participating in its improvisational culinary events but also, specifically, in the everyday economic micro exchanges that it contained. exchanges of labor for remuneration or tradein-kind supported a process equal parts aesthetic and pecuniary. conceptually and pragmatically, food was designated as art in tandem with its designation as business. “half dreaming, half sweating, still planning the restaurant,” mattaclark (in moure, ) wrote to st. lee junior. “this so much absorbs and demands my energies. . . i keep wondering why i am doing this. . . it cannot be for business or money alone. there are deeper needs and pleasures at stake.” food was improvisational; the process itself was a deliverable. however, improvisation was not without orchestration. open from eleven in the morning until midnight throughout the week, food served the growing population south of houston street. staff shopped the fulton street fish market and took delivery of meat and produce orders throughout the day; people paid for meals; people worked; people were paid. while food has been referred to as “more of a utopian enterprise than a business,” (kennedy, ), catherine morris () writes, “for goodden, the restaurant was also a business venture. it was a way to earn a living. . .” goodden () herself recalls, for three years, food earned enough money to pay its bills, feed gordon and me, some friends, our workers, and some bums who came in the back door. for three years food 70 employed, over that time, roughly sixty artists so that they could afford to live in new york while they struggled with their art career. as a result, food challenged conventions within the domains of art and business alike. the restaurant-as-art might be as confounding to the conventions of art as the restaurant-asnot-business might be to business. before food disbanded in , matta-clark and goodden would attempt to sell it to the art dealer leo castelli. castelli, a midtown dealer who in  had opened a satellite gallery on greene street around the corner from food, declined to acquire the startup. thus, food ended its run. thirty-four years later, in a  new york times food section review of the whitney museum’s matta-clark retrospective, critic randy kennedy writes of the many practices—once deemed “countercultural”—that emerged from food and which are today widespread: fresh and seasonal foods, a geographically catholic menu, a kitchen fully open to the dining room, cooking as a kind of performance—have now become so ingrained in restaurants in new york and other large cities that it is hard to remember a time when such a place would have seemed almost extraterrestrial. (kennedy, ) food, like interfaith charity shop, elevated an everyday setting to the status of stage and enabled chance encounters coupled with commercial transactions to generate an art form that merged art and business operations in what could be labeled “entrepreneurial art,” not only because it manifested signs of organizing, but because it performed entrepreneurial processes as art processes. the art was restaurant; the restaurant was art. artwork formation food, a socially engaged artwork that ran for three years, was continuously organizing. this ongoing act of organizing, artwork formation, extends the improvisational and collective models of effectuation and emancipation to the continuous formation of socially engaged artwork. because art was restaurant and restaurant was art, signs of intentionality, resources, boundaries, and exchange are readily apparent. effectual principles of affordable loss, strategic alliance, exploitation of contingencies, and control of an unpredictable future are also evident, as are emancipatory principles of seeking autonomy, authoring, and making declarations. food innovated by merging meals, art, and architecture in a “living sculpture” (goodden, ) that generated the restaurant-gallery, the meal-performance, and the artistchef. food improvised. it created and implemented simultaneously, “design and execution of novel activities converge[d]” (baker, miner, & eesley, ). its creators were effectuators who bet what they had, made use of what was on hand, contracted with local vendors, networked with neighbors—many of whom were fellow artists already seeking to “work with 71 abandon” and to “deconstruct existing structures”—and collaborated with patrons who might wear their dinner home. food converted unforeseen events into opportunities to sustain a dynamic venture that operated “outside the pale of art establishments” (kaprow ). those who participated in the creative evolution and financial sustainability of food became economic actors rather than those acted upon, the traders instead of the traded (rindova, barry, & ketchen, ). they sought creative and economic autonomy not only for themselves but also for the cultural collective of which they were apart. making declarations to develop webs of meaning is par for the course in art. this idea is especially true for the avant-garde; dismantling conventions requires an interpretive framework. much is known about matta-clark’s intentions and how he anticipated others would receive the artwork because in interviews, letters, and written statements he announced them; in declaring and recording his intentions, matta-clark may have had his legacy in mind, but he was also priming the audience. that audience, those stakeholders, included the art critics and journalists who would amplify the declarations. declarations were made in other ways. the advertisement for food in avalanche promoted the project; in listing  cocreators it declared what kind of project it was. sarasvathy writes that the logic for using effectuation processes “is particularly useful in areas where human action (locally or in the aggregate) is the predominant factor shaping the future” (, ). beyond goodden’s monetary investment and the purchase of meals, it was social capital that fueled food. participation was a resource. resource holders were those who engaged with food as patrons, cocreators, and customers. a network defined “the relationships, arrangements, and rules of engagement” that would “preserve and potentially enhance the change potential” (rindova, barry, & ketchen , ) of the project. the effectuator’s definition of the market—“a community of people willing and able to commit enough resources and talents to sustain the particular enterprise” (sarasvathy , )— fits. of effectuation, sarasvathy writes, “the structure of what exactly the enterprise is is left open and is dependent upon the particular commitments made by the stakeholders” (sarasvathy , ). socially engaged artwork does not know how it will end. the artist initiates, but ultimately relies on others—and unknowns—to fully realize the artwork. while most writings about food focus on its sculptural, performative, architectural, culinary, and urban development implications, few focus on the entrepreneurial, and none explicitly name it as such. the omission may stem from a conflation of entrepreneurship with business and the perception that the efficiencies of business thinking are antithetical to the aspirations of artmaking. by the standard account, business locks down processes and standardizes outputs; art cultivates an embrace of unknowns and shifts perspectives. according to this narrative, the art market reduces the artist to a cog in the supply chain, while the field of artistic practice positions the artist to transgress. to label food entrepreneurial would thus be to negate its designation as art; profit cannot substitute for soul, so the thinking goes. 72 these reductive narratives indeed render entrepreneurship and art incommensurable. however, this perspective relies on an oversimplification of entrepreneurship as a profit generator and of artmaking as self-expression. newer ways of thinking emerging out of the entrepreneurship field have challenged such binary thinking, pointing in particular to the palpable costs it incurs to business. in “inviting the unexpected: entrepreneurship and the arts,” meisek and haefliger (), for example, posit that in setting remunerative goals instead of valorizing creative process and the production of meaning, a venture curtails its full potential and cuts short entrepreneurship’s inherently creative capacity. “the dominant account of entrepreneurship,” they maintain, “neglects concomitant processes by which meaning rather than business value is created” (meisek, haefliger, , ). disaggregating business and entrepreneurship, meisek and haefliger () contrast “the analysis, planning and implementation impetus” against the entrepreneurial impulse to create new forms: if we assess entrepreneurs’ value propositions only in terms of their pay-off, we lose a more nuanced account, where the meaning of a novelty is not equal to its functionality or economic success, but relates to the aesthetical and ethical sentiments it evokes, and where dreaming, discovering and free imagination are central aspects of the process of creation. identifying the unexpected as an essential component of novelty creation, they note that in an entrepreneurial process that measures success according to an economic rationale, unexpected events—while initially welcome—are ultimately problematic: “the entrepreneur has to avoid them or adapt to them quickly to maintain stakeholder connections and to secure the economic success of the venture” (meisek & haefliger, ). meisek and haefliger () argue for a more nuanced account of entrepreneurship— one in which “the unexpected takes the role of something to be invited throughout the process of creation, rather than something merely to hope for in the beginning and to react to later.” in “arts entrepreneurship vs. the sum of its parts,” e. andrew taylor () resists disaggregation of the entrepreneur, the entrepreneuring, and the enterprise: what if the unique and compelling aspect of arts entrepreneurship is not its separate parts, nor the paths between them, but its complete integration as a system? what if the person, the process, and the outcome inform and transform each other in ways we cannot observe or explain when considering them separately? taken further, if the dominant account of entrepreneurship were to acknowledge “concomitant processes by which meaning rather than business value is created” (meisek, haefliger, , ), it would not be so easy to draw a line between art and entrepreneurship (meisek & haefliger, ). at the point where art and entrepreneurship become indivisible, entrepreneurship could be recognized as an art form and the arts entrepreneur as, simply, an artist. 73 these examples of recent academic scholarship in the field of entrepreneurship and art entrepreneurship offer a way forward for thinking about how we might conceptualize the integration of art and entrepreneurship. the recent history of art offers a trove of examples— food paramount among them—demonstrating the ways artists have already begun and continue to implement such integration. in the case of food, the business and the art are one and the same. when one recognizes that matta-clark not only supplied food in a food desert but also introduced innovations in art, architecture, and cuisine that reverberate to this day, it is difficult to separate the artist from the entrepreneur. perhaps the most apt model to characterize such an endeavor is at the threshold between what aulet and murray () describe as two distinct entrepreneurial models: small and medium enterprise (sme) and innovation driven enterprise (ide). aulet and murray () identify smes as vehicles for self-employment that “give people the opportunity to work independently and use their skills.” enterprise defined as sme is most commonly the formation of small or medium firms focused on recognizable products and services. for example, an opera company might ditch the opera house for a subway platform, but if it still provides something recognizable as opera, it is operating as an sme. enterprise defined as ide, by comparison, pursues “global opportunities based on bringing to customers new innovations that have a clear competitive advantage and high growth potential” (aulet & murray, ). ides generate “new-to-the-world ideas.” aulet and murray () do not suggest that ides are better than smes, or that an sme is incapable of growing into an ide, but that support for each is different, and institutions need to approach them with their differences in mind. in a nutshell: an sme can get off the ground and employ people quickly, and—if successful—will experience steady linear growth, but an sme is limited to local or regional impact. generally, an ide takes much longer to launch, operates initially at a loss, and requires large amounts of investment capital. however, when an ide launches—if successful—its economic growth potential is exponential. an ide has a global transformative impact. by all appearances, food was an sme. it looked like a restaurant. it acted as a restaurant. it was a vehicle for self-employment that “gave people the opportunity to work independently and use their skills.” but food also generated “new-to-the-world” ideas. it intersected the architectural and the culinary in the arts, significantly impacting all three fields. its concepts and practices were scaled over time and across sectors. food was both ide and sme. and it was art. arts entrepreneurship literature often reinforces the distinctions between arts and business. its apologists defend entrepreneurship as a means of growing audience participation (nytch ; lord ), increasing employment within the arts (roberts ; white ; thom ), developing an entrepreneurial mindset in future arts leaders (essig ), strengthening community engagement (wilson and manti ), enhancing collaborative practices (whitaker ), and activating authentic career trajectories (hart ). positioning entrepreneurship as the means and art as the end, essig’s ouroboros model of arts 74 entrepreneurship draws on entrepreneurial orientations ranging from entrepreneurial mindset to firm formation for sustaining and strengthening the production and distribution of art, rather than mere maximization of profits (essig ). gangi beautifully articulates alignment between effectuation and creative process to support effectuation as a highly relevant pedagogical tool for arts entrepreneurship education, the goal of which is “to help artists, and non-artists who desire to work in the arts, to create their own opportunities and ventures that result in sustainable careers” (gangi , ). arts entrepreneurship, a nascent and controversial field, relies on such advocacy to counter “perceptual barriers” (gangi , ) and “longstanding romantic notions” (bonin-rodriguez , ) that foster disciplinary resistance to entrepreneurship and frame art as high, commerce as low, and the artist as disinterested. bonin-rodriguez traces a vein of this resistance to s neoliberal rhetoric that weaponized the term “entrepreneur” to cynically promote self-reliance and unravel social welfare programs and he interrogates issues of “access, strategy, and privilege” (boninrodriguez , ) in the handling of the term within an art context. in “the value-based approach to economics” (), cultural economist arjo klamer argues that, despite the myth of the artist as a lone genius, an individualistic narrative runs counter to prevalent artistic values. while these values do not skirt monetary or aesthetic concerns, klamer points out, they underscore a strong engagement with the social (contributions to a specific community) and the societal (contributions to “social justice, political freedom, human rights, or national identity”) (, ). in a values-based approach, rational choice (the economic premise that all action is motivated by self-interest) and neoliberal valorization of entrepreneurship as proof that self-reliance trumps social cohesion do not sit well. in their  literature review, chang and wyszomirski offer a definition of arts entrepreneurship that supports the perspective that the arts maintain the social as a core concern: “a management process through which cultural workers seek to support their creativity and autonomy, advance their capacity for adaptability, and create artistic as well as economic and social value” (chang and wyszomirski , ). the measures do not have to be equal, but social value is part of the equation. socially engaged art allows for seamless integration of social value and entrepreneurship and enables arts entrepreneurship research to direct its efforts at both venture formation and artwork formation. if arts entrepreneurship can be an art form in its own right, will it still be necessary to argue whether arts entrepreneurship belongs more to art or more to entrepreneurship? the apologist defends the controversial; the appropriator takes ownership of material not their own. the apologist plays an important role in justifying entrepreneurship’s place in the fine arts, and may also substantiate the relevance of the arts to broader entrepreneurship research, but in identifying alignments between art and entrepreneurship, might we also call on appropriators? certain entrepreneurial motives and processes apply to the formation of certain kinds of art. this certain kind of art is always in formation; the work itself is entrepreneurial. 75 conclusion my research and writing in this article responds to, resists, and works around a long line of “art for art’s sake” presumptions about art and artists, perhaps best exemplified by the work of art critic clement greenberg (-). greenberg sought to preserve painting’s autonomy from cultural relativism by advocating its turn inward. greenberg argued for purity and singularity. he made a case for painting’s niche. painting was to concern itself with that which only painting could accomplish. according to greenberg, modernist painting could only withstand the threat of intrusion by isolating its core and delineating its boundaries. this tactic enabled the discipline to withstand upheaval wrought by ideological encroachment, but the concentrated center of any practice loses relevance when it amputates the exploratory and often integrative fringe that would infuse—even as it threatens—the core. the singletrajectory narrative of abstract expressionism eventually gave way to multivalent painting terrains, but porousness was possible only after perpetuity was certain. a degree of destabilization is essential to innovation, but acceptance of the new requires some measure of continuity. arts entrepreneurship scholarship makes eloquent and empirical arguments that support entrepreneurship’s inclusion in arts pedagogy and practice, but full acceptance of entrepreneurship by art will depend on the extent to which art appropriates entrepreneurship as a medium and a process, in form and formation. socially engaged art embraces process and relinquishes control to the chance operations engendered by human interactions. the socially engaged artwork is itself an act of organizing; it continuously emerges. embedded in the form and formation of socially engaged art are effectual and emancipatory processes. what other entrepreneurial processes might apply? how might these processes apply to other forms of art? as entrepreneurship confronts art, inevitably the inverse arises: art confronts entrepreneurship. how might social engagement theory inform entrepreneurship? and what does entrepreneurship-as-medium look like in fields outside the fine arts? in defense of entrepreneurship studies in a liberal arts education, godwyn writes, “[e]ntrepreneurship represents not only engagement with the outside world, but also the attempt to change the world according to a particular vision” (godwyn, , ). in “entrepreneurship as a new liberal art,” baker and powell link organizing, agency, and participation in civic life: for most of us, accomplishing anything of substance in the contemporary world requires using an organization (aldrich ; tausky, ). because existing organizations are mostly oriented toward what someone else is trying to do, accomplishing what we want often means needing to create a new organization. therein lies a primary and distinctive domain of entrepreneurship: organization creation (gartner, ). if we consider this ability to pursue one’s own desires to create accomplishments of substance part of peoples’ freedom to participate fully in society, then the skills and knowledge required to engage in entrepreneurship are therefore vital elements of citizenship. (baker and powell, , ). 76 the cooperative principles of a socially engaged art practice temper the individualistic tone of these statements without sacrificing entrepreneurship’s change-making potential and application to civic participation. the socially engaged art effectuator becomes an agent of participatory democratic practice. in conversation with the editor of the influential arts blog, hyperallergic.com, the curator and social practice critic nato thompson asked, “to what degree are we talking about the role of artists in civil society?” and answered, “i do think they have a huge role to play in terms of dream makers. and i don’t mean this even tangentially . . . look to occupy wall street, there were artists directly involved” (vartanian ). beyond assuaging artists’ very real concern that entrepreneurship could invade and co-opt the arts with a neoliberal agenda that is antithetical to the arts’ imperative to add social value, the merits espoused above point to arts and humanities imperatives embedded within the practice of entrepreneurial processes. they give artists leeway to make entrepreneurship essential to rather than in service of their practice. references aulet, william & murray, fiona e. 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(). gordon matta-clark: works and collected writings edited by gloria moure. barcelona: ediciones polígrafa, . pp. ,  new york city planning commission report, nzrm (). retrieved from https://www.nyc.gov/assets/planning/download/p df/about/cpc/.pdf nytch, jeffrey. (). the case of the pittsburgh new music ensemble: an illustration of entrepreneurial theory in an artistic setting. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts (). -. rindova, violina, barry, daved, & ketchen, david j. (july ). introduction to special topic forum: entrepreneuring as emancipation. the academy of management review (), pp. – roberts, joseph. (). infusing entrepreneurship within non-business disciplines: preparing artists and others for self-employment and entrepreneurship. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts (). -. sarasvathy , saras d. (). causation and effectuation: toward a theoretical shift from economic inevitability to entrepreneurial contingency. academy of management review, (). - taylor, andrew e. (). arts entrepreneurship vs. the sum of its parts. artivate (). pp. –. thom, marco. (). crucial skills for the entrepreneurial success of fine artists. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, (). -. vartanian, hrag. (october , ). curator nato thompson on politics and the state of social practice art. hyperallergic.com. retrieved from https://hyperallergic.com//curator-natothompson-on-politics-and-the-state-of-socialpractice-art/ white, jason. (). barriers to recognizing arts entrepreneurship education as essential to professional arts training. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts (). -. wilson, k., and mantie, r. (). inspiring soulful communities through music: connecting arts entrepreneurship education and community development via creative placemaking. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts (). -. 78 microsoft word taylor book review final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 7, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 63-65 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2018, the author book review creative justice: cultural industries, work and inequality, by mark banks reviewed by johanna k. taylor, arizona state university our contemporary society is increasingly aware of the structural inequalities based on race, class, and gender that reinforce systemic exclusion across all fields and institutions. the cultural industries are no exception, leading many artists and arts workers to organize around calls for justice in labor practices and access to presenting opportunities among other concerns. this is shaping how longstanding cultural leaders approach their work and how entrepreneurs develop new arts enterprises, making developing a framework for justice in the cultural industries critical. in creative justice: cultural industries, work and inequality mark banks seeks to meet this need with a critical discourse of justice within the cultural industries that calls attention to pervasive injustices that need to be addressed. throughout this tightly framed and argued book, banks unpacks the depth of how systemic inequalities impact and are entangled in the cultural industries. his aim is to do justice to culture itself, by looking not only at its economic value but also at its social and aesthetic value, influenced by various political sensibilities. to banks, the primary goal is “the need to raise consciousness of injustice and to help connect the creative economy – and the cultural work it contains – to some normative principles that might make work more progressive and equalitarian, as well as fairer and more just” (p. 9). to accomplish this, a foundational canon of sociologists of culture (chiefly pierre bourdieu) are discussed, mixed with the concepts of critical theorists (including angela mcrobbie, andrew ross, janet wolff) and augmented by references to empirical studies, as banks builds three core concepts of creative justice. first, banks addresses justice for cultural objects themselves, toward an “objective respect” that sees cultural value as being both subjective and socially shaped as well as objective, an aesthetic commodity. as cultural objects have become increasingly commodified and their value legitimized in cultural economy arguments, banks demands space for recognizing their aesthetic qualities and how they matter for people who produce them and consume them towards recognizing their comprehensive value. he proposes a “more nuanced, qualified and holistic approach that considers historical context, subjective appreciation and objective quality” in order to “better know what the culture is and what it can do politically – and so do it justice” (p. 33). recognizing that aesthetics is a crucial part of this process, he states that to ignore the full range of meaning is to “inflict an injustice” on cultural objects that hold value for people (p. 36). while art objects themselves disappear in bourdieu’s theories, banks does them justice by foregrounding aesthetics to view cultural objects both as social facts and commodities. cultural work is also included in this call for “objective respect”, a “socially complex moral endeavor” that demands to be analyzed in its process and content, as well as its impact on people and society (p. 43). banks focuses on artists, using jazz musicians as a case study to analyze the “moral economy” of these artists by identifying the love of self-education, practice, and respect for tradition these cultural workers experience. people participate not just for financial gain through fame or sales but also to contribute to the social good, therefore studies must analyze the social embeddedness and foundational ethical character of cultural work. thus, the process of creation needs to be evaluated on its own terms to understand how it fits into the world as a socially embedded practice. the second framing concept is a call for “distributive justice”, i.e., an examination of who has access to education, participation, and recognition in the cultural industries. this political call is more relevant than ever, with cultural activist groups worldwide calling for equity and inclusion taylor book review: creative justice ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 64 in everything from exhibition and performance opportunities to curation and administration responsibilities. banks proposes that exclusionary practices structure who participates in and is rewarded by the cultural industries and who is marginalized, making social favors more beneficial for entry over natural talent. this timely argument works to challenge the longstanding perception of the creative industries as meritocracies that reward individuals who strive in their craft and deserve to be rewarded based on some degree of natural talent. banks also identifies the problematic practices in cultural work that are reliant on state funding and exploit interested participants through unpaid labor. women and ethnic minorities are not only paid less but these groups work in more precarious positions and are less likely to achieve high status within a cultural organization or as practicing artists. to banks, the cultural industries are “a fixed and unfair game; one marked by serial inequalities and minority disadvantage, and where the socially privileged are always better equipped to force the hand of chance” (p. 115). these structurally exclusionary practices exist in every aspect of the cultural industries, particularly in access to elite institutions of higher education whose initial certification consequently leads to future opportunities for their graduates. reinforcing recent calls for more equitable practices in higher education more broadly, banks demonstrates that it is the inequalities structuring society at large that are to blame for the disproportionate number of elite students in elite institutions and not the lack of diverse, qualified candidates. this system reinforces the narrow, limited selection of successful artists and cultural workers in high level positions. banks is not surprised by these exclusionary practices but he is surprised by the general lack of action: what does remain shocking is the blind faith placed by governments, industry and employers in the cultural sector as a solution to problems of social and economic disadvantage amongst social minorities, since it’s becoming abundantly clear, at least for the most part, that the arts and cultural industries don’t just fail to alleviate inequalities, they actively exacerbate them. (pp. 115-116) lastly, banks calls for a “reduction of harms” to be enacted to shift the deeply rooted systems of exclusion he has outlined. in recognizing the problematic role that cultural industries play, banks proposes that we can move toward what nancy fraser has termed a “parity of participation” (2008; 2013) to redistribute opportunities and financial gain. the first step is to recognize that “the success of the creative economy – at least for its principal beneficiaries – has been very much founded on denying the existence of any kind of economic injustice, rather than drawing our attention to it” (p. 121). despite increased attention to these issues, the precarity of wages and the extent of inequalities are getting worse. as banks, ross (1998), and others have noted, it is difficult to have one definitive understanding of injustice because it is continually evolving. yet, with this book banks proposes an initial framework of a theory of creative justice upon which he anticipates others will build. there are multiple entry points within the framework he outlines and many subtopics that have already being taken on by others, hopefully cumulatively working toward future cultural industries that do acknowledge their structural exclusion and begin to challenge their practices in order to be more equitable and inclusive. working toward justice in the creative industries is crucial as the field continues to expand and change, thus making this book a useful tool for students, educators, practitioners, and policymakers alike. those with an established foundation of the sociological taylor book review: creative justice ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 65 theorists he cites may find the framework more readily accessible, but he does provide sufficient context for all readers to understand and enact upon his ideas. in defining three core concepts of creative justice, banks provides a platform for addressing the inequalities he observes. the book provides multiple entry points to foundational concepts in justice for cultural work that can be connected to specific subfields as practitioners in those fields strive to enact change. this book is particularly vital for arts entrepreneurs who are working to shift and expand cultural industries. in building new institutions and cultural platforms, arts entrepreneurs are well positioned to be the leaders in challenging structural exclusion in entry into and operations of cultural work. references banks, m. (2017). creative justice: cultural industries, work and inequality. london: rowman and littlefield. fraser, n. (2008). scales of justice: reimagining political space in a globalizing world. cambridge: polity. fraser, n. (2013). fortunes of feminism: from state-managed capitalism to neoliberal crisis. london: verso. ross, a. (1998). real love: in pursuit of cultural justice. london: routledge. microsoft word toscher final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 8, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 3-22 ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2019, ben toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education: a conceptual framework ben toscher norwegian university of science and technology abstract increasingly, higher education has called upon arts entrepreneurship to prepare artists for sustainable careers, and to provide a platform for research on artist professional development. in response, teaching in entrepreneurship and arts entrepreneurship education has grown significantly over the past few decades (fayolle et al., 2016), with an estimated 168 institutions with 372 offerings arts entrepreneurship courses in the us alone (essig & guevara, 2016). this is especially true in the field of music, where arts entrepreneurship has been readily embraced due to the entrepreneurial nature of sustaining a livelihood as a musician (bennett, 2016; breivik et al., 2015). the amount of research focusing on the teaching of arts entrepreneurship has followed closely behind the growth in arts entrepreneurship education – but what about research on learning arts entrepreneurship? how do arts students actually learn to be entrepreneurial? while research in arts entrepreneurship has been performed to examine curricular efforts (e.g., beckman, 2005), the similarities and synergies of entrepreneurs and artists (e.g., gangi, 2015), and arts entrepreneurship education as a comprehensive phenomenon of interest and study (chang & wyszomirski, 2015), no work has been performed to connect the field´s body of knowledge to extant theoretical work directly related to experiential and entrepreneurial learning (politis, 2005). given that most arts entrepreneurship curricula include some form of experiential learning (essig & guevara, 2016), i propose a framework to advance the field´s investigation of entrepreneurial learning in the arts entrepreneurship classroom. since understanding arts entrepreneurship is context-specific (beckman & essig, 2012), in this article i use the specific case of music performance education in higher music education (hme) to connect empirical and theoretical literature on arts entrepreneurship education, entrepreneurial learning, entrepreneurial competencies (bacigalupo et al., 2016), careers in music, and social cognitive career theory (lent et al., 2002) synthesizing these streams of literature, i propose a conceptual framework for integrating context-specific entrepreneurial learning activities within arts entrepreneurship education. the framework developed recognizes and address the importance of context, personal agency, student-centered learning, explorative behavior and definitions in arts entrepreneurship educational activities. the framework also provides the means to analyze both mini-cases and examples of entrepreneurial learning activities which may develop entrepreneurial competencies. the article concludes with promising areas and questions for future research and as well as implications for educators. keywords: entrepreneurial learning, arts entrepreneurship education, entrepreneurial competencies, social cognitive career theory introduction entrepreneurship education has grown considerably in recent years, and the number of institutions offering academic coursework in entrepreneurship is consistently rising (winkel, 2013). entrepreneurship has transformed from a discipline traditionally housed in business schools to a subject which is now being taught across multiple fields, ranging from music (beckman, 2005) to science (scordato & støren, 2014), and nearly every discipline in between. within music education, entrepreneurship education has been broadly placed into two main categories: the new venture creation approach (beckman & essig, 2012) and the transitioning approach (beckman et al., 2014). while the former approach closely resembles the type of toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 4 entrepreneurship education which began in business schools, the latter approach focused on preparing music students for the realities of life as a professional musician which await them outside of academia. irrespective of a student´s path, entrepreneurship education is relevant considering that the intended learning outcomes of entrepreneurship education may not be limited strictly to new venture creation but also include the development of entrepreneurial competencies (lackeus, 2015). these competencies can be useful to all types of organizations – whether a new venture, a government agency, or a rock music ensemble. while the distinct approaches offer a context for teaching arts entrepreneurship, there remains a lack of arts context-specific research examining how arts students actually learn entrepreneurship in an educational setting. extant research from the economics and business literature may help address this gap. within arts entrepreneurship literature, the influence of works originating from economics and business disciplines is significant and apparent -see, for just two examples, brandenburg et al., 2016 or j. j. gangi, 2017. naturally, since arts entrepreneurship as a research field has closely followed arts entrepreneurship as an educational field, it is fitting that attention should be paid to learning to complement the teaching. integrating entrepreneurial learning literature and continuing in the practice of drawing from entrepreneurship research outside art entrepreneurship´s immediate literature stream, this article proposes a conceptual framework for integrating context-specific (beckman & essig, 2012) entrepreneurial learning activities within arts education. to demonstrate the relevance of the framework, this article draws on the context of music performance education. arts entrepreneurship education which is context-specific supports learning outcomes. for example, a workshop teaching a broad audience of arts students how to build a website (visual artists, theatre artists, musicians, etc.) would have a different scope of content and relevance than one tailored for context. in such a workshop, a music student would be interested in platforms such as bandcamp or soundcloud, whereas a theatre student would be more interested in imdb. rather than use the example of arts entrepreneurship offerings in which students learn more generic professional skills such as building a website or accounting, this article proposes and identifies existing practices within music education to support the observation that “..many, if not most, programs seem to employ some mode of experiential learning in their teaching.” (essig & guevara, 2016). since experiential learning is widely used in practice, the introduction and exploration of entrepreneurial learning (politis, 2005) which is itself rooted in experiential learning theory (d. kolb, 1984), is promising. the article is structured as follows. first, research exploring the careers of musicians is investigated to demonstrate why musicians need entrepreneurial competencies and why entrepreneurship education may be relevant to them. building on that foundation, the article examines artistic and entrepreneurial career identities, social cognitive career theory, and arts entrepreneurship education to suggest some of the contextual and cognitive barriers music students may face when learning entrepreneurially through a pedagogical intervention. third, the article introduces the concepts of entrepreneurial competencies and entrepreneurial learning to provide a basic framework for the types of learning outcomes possible through entrepreneurial learning activities. finally, i propose a conceptual framework to understand how arts entrepreneurship education might be used to facilitate the entrepreneurial learning of students. drawing on the framework, i use the specific context of music performance in hme to provide examples of learning activities. the article concludes with implications and promising areas of future research. toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 5 careers of musicians students in the performing arts face uncertain career patterns, creating a recognized need for the development of entrepreneurial competencies (blenker, 2017), like marketing, opportunity and resource skills. these employment patterns are unlike traditional career patterns, which may often feature a linear career trajectory and a long-term employer-employee relationship. instead, the careers of performing artists are likely to be undertaken on a “portfolio” basis consisting of a never-ending, self-managed series of simultaneous and overlapping employment engagements (cawsey, 1995). these employment engagements vary not only according to the spectrum and diversity of employers, but also to the type of work undertaken which includes teaching, performing, and other “embedded” positions (coulson, 2012). musicians, as students in the performing arts, often maintain portfolio careers through a combination of professional roles as music teachers, freelancers, and performers, in which they depend on a set of entrepreneurial competencies and thinking to maintain a livelihood (bennett, 2016; breivik et al., 2015). the value of such competencies is evident in empirical research which has demonstrated that after performance skills, the next most important skills and competencies working musicians require to sustain their careers are entrepreneurial (bennett, 2007, 2009). these skills include marketing, self-promotion, small business, and opportunity recognition. globally, research which has studied the careers of musicians confirms the above finding and is rather illustrative: over 42 percent of surveyed musicians in germany claim their career is made possible only through self-employment (dangel & piorkowsky, 2006); musicians in australia on average held more than one music industry role and they often “don´t know any musicians who do only one thing” (bennett, 2007); in the uk over 90 percent of studied musicians hold a secondary occupation; and in denmark only 6 percent of music graduates worked solely in performance, with half of them working in both performance and teaching (traasdahl, 1996). being self-employed and managing several professional roles requires individuals to use various entrepreneurial competencies in the maintenance and advancement of their careers. research on careers in music can have a positive impact on the delivery of hme. as smith, a music educator and researcher, (2013) writes: the challenge for those of us working in music education is to recognise and incorporate contemporary understandings of the work patterns of successful music professionals, and, where necessary, to alter discourses accordingly. as teachers, the personal narratives that we offer our students about life as musicians are thus essential – reflecting success for the majority of musicians in our culture and supportively guiding students towards realistic expectations of how they will likely work. (smith, 2013, p. 34) both professional musicians and students testify to the value of entrepreneurial competencies for pursuing careers in music (bennett, 2009; brandenburg et al., 2016; miller et al., 2015, 2017). thus, the need for the development of entrepreneurial competencies in hme is clear. unsurprisingly, calls have been made for institutes of hme to adequately train and prepare their students for their post-academic career realities and some efforts have been directed towards the integration of entrepreneurship education in hme by researchers, teachers, and policymakers (beckman, 2005; essig, 2013; roberts, 2013), with considerable blame cast towards such institutions who fail to implement curricula addressing such concerns (beckman, 2005; eros, 2013; hausmann, 2010). toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 6 entrepreneur or artist? an identity conflict the above-mentioned failure and challenges to integrate entrepreneurship education into the music curriculum could be because practitioners in hme face challenges that are deeper, more complex, and more psychological than simply the economic characteristics of life as a musician: there is a demonstrated conflict between musicians´ natural tendency to identify as artists and their environmentally imposed need to identify and act as an entrepreneur (boninrodriguez, 2012; eikhof & haunschild, 2006). while the professional reality of a career in music is one that is competitive and can require an entrepreneurial attitude to sustain over a long period, artists may be reluctant to selfidentify as “entrepreneurial” or partake in education labeled as such. this cognitive resistance occurs both within the individual artists and the individuals responsible for teaching such artists. in addition to bonin-rodriguez´s (2012) comprehensive review and persuasive analysis as to why artists have historically resisted the entrepreneur identity, musicologist andrea moore´s (2016) critical essay demonstrates why music educators may be justifiably skeptical and resistant to the “institutionalized push for musical entrepreneurship… rooted in the discourse and ideals of neoliberalism.” this resistance creates more difficulty in the implementation of curricular change desired by administrators and policymakers, a process which already faces challenges by academic faculty who do not wish to see their courses and subjects pushed aside for entrepreneurship curricula. there are perceptual barriers to the integration of entrepreneurship education into the arts curriculum (white, 2013). these barriers span from students to the highest administrative offices. samuel hope, the former executive director of the united states´ national office for arts accreditation, writes: and, we dare not let entrepreneurship become a substitute for the music itself. entrepreneurial action needs to serve music and music study, not the reverse. entrepreneurial action is means, not end. (hope, 2010) while hope does present a good point that art should not serve entrepreneurship in an arts education program, his concern points to an underlying set of perceptual barriers about what entrepreneurship education is and how it is framed. this may be because people commonly associate entrepreneurship with a profit motive and an overwhelming commercial narrative, which artists may glean from limited exposure to business literature (bridgstock, 2013). thus, they worry that entrepreneurship means art is subservient to business profit and artistic vision will be sacrificed. this apprehension might prevent artists from even being willing to learn about techniques and tools (pigneur, 2009; sarasvathy, 2001) that can help them sustain their careers. thus, it is clear that arts educators may be wise in carefully framing or reframing entrepreneurship given their context. regardless, both artists and entrepreneurs act similarly (j. gangi, 2015) and there is a demonstrated need for such artists to reconcile and bridge these two identities in order to sustain music careers (bridgstock, 2013). but how can students integrate these often-conflicting identities while learning entrepreneurially? and what makes learning entrepreneurial? toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 7 entrepreneurial learning, social cognitive career theory, and career identity there are two key aspects of entrepreneurial learning which are directly related and activated through entrepreneurship education. first, entrepreneurial learning processes are experiential (politis, 2005), especially if students learn “through” entrepreneurship as opposed to “about” or “for” entrepreneurship (hannon, 2005). experiential learning is a learning process where knowledge is acquired through a transformation of experience (kolb, 1984). this contrasts to other forms of learning where abstract conceptualization is formed through comprehension of text and information. this latter type of learning is more common in classrooms focused on the accumulation and memorization of declarative knowledge. the utility and value of declarative knowledge for arts entrepreneurship students should not be ignored or abandoned. indeed, the introduction of business concepts and management tools can be a useful approach for arts entrepreneurship educators (roberts, 2013). however, an exclusive focus on knowledge dissemination risks doing a disservice to students. as dempster (2011) writes: what makes little sense is expecting that we can drive students through four or five or six years of a highly regimented curriculum that affords few choices and asks for little individual initiative, and then expect them to flourish in a world that rewards creativity, opportunism, experimentation, and distinctiveness more than anything else—in short, an entrepreneurial world. (dempster, 2011) further, curriculum which focuses on the development of professional development materials such as business cards, websites, portfolios, or social media accounts comes at the cost of precluding experiential learning content in a full curriculum. as beckman argues (p. 180), “should the creation of professional communication materials and the teaching of professional behaviors be considered an outcome of an arts entrepreneurial effort? i would argue no.” (beckman, 2011). a preliminary introduction of entrepreneurial learning may help illustrate why professional development type learning activities may be limiting the potential of learning outcomes in arts entrepreneurship education. second, much of entrepreneurship education represents a shift in the classroom where the center of learning moves from the educator (through activities like knowledge dissemination lectures) to the student (involving self-direction, action learning, and reflection). here, the role of the educator changes from lecturer to facilitator. some scholars argue that this represents a transition from pedagogical towards heutagogical (auto-didactic) or andragogical (andragogy referring to the teaching of adults, pedagogy the teaching of children) approaches in education (neck & corbett, 2018). this shift is intuitively consistent with the demographics of students in the classroom: they are no longer young children whom should be lectured to, but adults responsible for their learning and are capable of self-direction and personal agency. however, the more important takeaway is that it places the locus of choice with the student and emphasizes the personal agency of the student. thus, it is important to understand how students might make entrepreneurial choices (whether exploitative or explorative), for which politis (2005) provides a useful conceptual framework. toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 8 figure 1 – politis’s (2005) conceptual framework of entrepreneurial learning as an experiential process politis argues that entrepreneurial learning is an experiential learning process and shows how entrepreneurs may experientially transform experience into entrepreneurial knowledge. interestingly, some experiential learning theorists claim that arts students´ divergent thinking styles may be particularly appropriate for this type of experiential learning (honig & hopp, 2019; a. y. kolb & kolb, 2009). figure 1 presents politis´s framework, which is later argued to be relevant for educating musicians. the framework is comprised of four subcomponents, and the subcomponent of the transformation process of experience into knowledge situates the locus of individual choice amidst the whole process of entrepreneurial learning. readers should note that this article, and the conceptual framework (see figure 2), are predominantly focused on politis´s components which deal with the antecedents of and the actual transformation process in which a student either makes an exploitive or explorative choice. this is because the proposed conceptual framework is more focused on how learning activities are relevant for the learning processes (explorative/exploitive choices) than the learning outcomes of entrepreneurial knowledge generation (more effective in dealing with liabilities of newness and opportunity recognition). here, in the “transformation process,” individuals can either choose an exploration or exploitation type of behavior through the exercise of their personal agency. in entrepreneurial learning, exploitation choices of behavior occur when individuals learn from experience by exploiting known certainties (politis, 2005, p. 408), whereas in exploration individuals learn by exploring new possibilities. the implications of this key differentiation in the way individuals choose to act are critical for envisioning how arts entrepreneurship educators can help their students to learn entrepreneurially. it means that entrepreneurship educators should encourage their students to embrace uncertainty and make choices which are varied, innovative, experimental, and result in discovery. whereas procedural knowledge such as how to write a business plan is also useful and widely used in entrepreneurship education (n. f. krueger et al., 2000), this type of learning activity probably results in a student performing exploitive behavior like doing google searches and compiling information. students know how to perform toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 9 research on google, and the process of compiling and analyzing information is a process that students are well familiar with by the time they reach the university. instead of assigning this type of task, an arts entrepreneurship educator could have students choose between writing a business plan or identifying three critical assumptions which the success of their entrepreneurial idea depends upon and go out in the world and test whether those assumptions are true or not. such a pedagogical choice ultimately depends upon the educators´ objectives. for example, suppose a student believes that a late-night cookie delivery service will solve the problem that students don’t have enough time to make cookies for themselves because they are studying too much. such a student could either spend several months writing and researching a business plan covering all aspects from the target market segment to cookie recipes to expansion plans and then go out and try to raise money. or, they could spend onehour baking a few dozen cookies and then another hour knocking on a hundred doors in a student dormitory and see how many students want to buy fresh cookies. the former is likely a form of exploitive behavior familiar to students; the latter is rather explorative. each of these sets of behaviors will result in a different type of learning for the student, with the latter being arguably more entrepreneurial. an individual´s career experiences and career orientation also play a role in politis’s framework of entrepreneurial learning. in particular, industry-specific experiences influence the transformation process of experience into knowledge. interestingly, research into the career patterns of musicians has led to the conclusion that students in hme should be exposed to a career preview early on in their education so that they can form a realistic idea of what a music career entails and what types of competencies they will need to develop (bennett, 2007; bennett & bridgstock, 2015). this orientation should include, to various levels of specificity, an individual´s understanding of what types of competencies, activities, processes, roles, and responsibilities a specific career entails. this type of pedagogical intervention, in turn, influences outcome expectations for a given course of choices – like studying to become a professional artist – which in theory can help students make informed choices for themselves and help them set their goals. according to politis, such a career orientation influences choices and links personal agency and choice in an entrepreneurial learning activity. but, more importantly, this orientation and the subsequent behavioral choices can influence a student´s self-efficacy and their further orientation towards new choices outside and inside the classroom which may help them achieve their goals (lent et al., 2002). ultimately, the generation of entrepreneurial knowledge may help allow them to increase their effectiveness in recognizing opportunities and dealing with the liabilities of newness (politis, 2005; stinchcombe, 1965). in politis´ framework, outcomes of previous events and outcome expectations play an important role in the choice process and subsequent entrepreneurial learning. interestingly, social cognitive career theory (scct – lent et al., 2002), which has its roots in social cognitive theory (bandura, 2001), offers further insight into the role of previous outcomes. scct theorizes that an individual´s expectations of outcomes are directly related to the choices they make and subsequently reinforce their sense of self-efficacy, or an individual’s belief in their ability to achieve goals (bandura, 2001). primarily, scct is concerned with an individual´s self-efficacy, their outcome expectations, and their personal goals. scct might suggest that a student´s choice to study music in hme is a choice which is enabling them to achieve their career goal to be a professional musician. educators should also take note of what scct implies about how individuals form self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations based upon prior successes or failures. learning activities should be carefully created to consider how a likely success or failure experience for students will strengthen or diminish self-efficacy (n. toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 10 f. krueger, 2007). more importantly, the expectations of outcomes and self-efficacy are influenced by an individual´s “work values,” such as the need for autonomy, status, or money, under scct. the relevance of this aspect to the aforementioned entrepreneurial and artistic identity tension is not to be understated. this tension creates a somewhat conflicted career identity, which is a set of meanings uniting one’s motivations, competencies, and interests, which arguably guides and forms one’s career orientation (meijers, 1998). notably, the formation of career identity and orientation has a logical connection to how individuals choose amongst exploitation/exploration choices and their subsequent learning (minniti & bygrave, 2001; politis, 2005). this has interesting implications for arts entrepreneurship educators: what types of choices should they encourage students to make, how they can create learning conditions to promote those choices and can these activities frame entrepreneurship in a manner that helps achieve the broader goal of education – to help students achieve their own (career) goals. this above-mentioned tension clashes slightly with the argument that artists and entrepreneurs have similarities and synergies (j. gangi, 2015; pollard & wilson, 2014), and thus artists should be encouraged to identify themselves as both arts entrepreneurs and creative practitioners through an “arts entrepreneurial mindset.” such a mindset is one which recognizes opportunities and can deal with the liabilities of newness. while this “arts entrepreneurial mindset” certainly points to a key psychological integration to encourage entrepreneurial learning, it also alludes to a more understated, yet important aspect of entrepreneurship and arts entrepreneurship education: that it is more than venture creation and can be aimed towards the development of entrepreneurial competencies. entrepreneurial learning and entrepreneurial competencies broadly speaking, entrepreneurship education can be about, for, or through entrepreneurship (hannon, 2005). a conservative view of entrepreneurship education might lead one to think that the intended learning outcome of these types of education can only be new venture creation. indeed, while agreeing with a gartnerian definition of entrepreneurship as the creation of new organizations (gartner, 1989) might constrain entrepreneurship education as being for the purposes of new venture creation, more recent definitions (shane & venkataraman, 2000) could mean that entrepreneurship education should be for the recognition and exploitation of opportunities. however, both of these views may be too narrow and overlook the other learning outcomes which may be and are intended to occur during a student´s studies. this overly focused view of new venture creation or opportunity recognition as a proxy for learning outcomes is only bolstered by evidence that not all graduates from entrepreneurship education programs and courses go on to create new ventures (nabi et al., 2016). if new venture creation is not an appropriate way of addressing the learning outcomes of all types of entrepreneurship education, are there others which may be more appropriate? researchers and practitioners have turned their attention to entrepreneurial competencies, which may partially address this apparent shortfall (lackeus, 2015; bacigalupo et al., 2016). irrespective of whether students go on to start ventures after their program, entrepreneurship education can have an impact on the development of such competencies through the experiences students have. an emphasis on such learning outcomes broadens the applicability of entrepreneurship education from the exclusive domain of students who want to be entrepreneurs to students who want to be more entrepreneurial. but more than wanting to be entrepreneurial, there are certain categories of students whose careers require them to be more entrepreneurial, such as students in the performing arts and music. toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 11 research on entrepreneurship education has largely been performed to understand the effects of entrepreneurship education (e.g., nabi et al., 2016) and the underlying mechanism of entrepreneurial learning (e.g., löbler, 2006). these research aims seem appropriate. to research entrepreneurship education without a discussion of entrepreneurial competencies and entrepreneurial learning would be like trying to research medical doctor education by just observing practicing medical doctors working with patients long after they finished school; professionals in practice reveal only a little about learning processes and competency development during an education. entrepreneurial competencies are what help define and distinguish the role of an entrepreneur, and entrepreneurial learning is how individuals develop and produce those competencies. entrepreneurial competencies are categorized into three main areas: knowledge, skills, and attitudes (lackeus, 2015). entrepreneurship education can enable students to develop competencies in each of these three areas. for example, engaging in customer research for a new product or service can help a student gain declarative knowledge. this type of approach has already been highlighted and recommended in the arts entrepreneurship literature (beeching, 2016); while reflecting on their experience in interacting with these customers, including examining what worked and what didn´t work, can help a student build self-insight. interpersonal skills are developed by working in teams, strategic skills are learned by trying to achieve goals, and resource skills are built by marshaling resources for a project. the development of entrepreneurial attitudes, such as pro-activeness and perseverance, are not to be overlooked as possible consequences of entrepreneurship education. rather than new venture creation, these competencies should arguably be the intended learning outcomes of arts entrepreneurship education. institutes of higher education are expected to produce graduates with such competencies, which has resulted in the spread of entrepreneurship education across various faculties and academic disciplines (blenker et al., 2014). beyond the view that institutes of higher education should produce enterprising individuals with these competencies so that they can contribute to economic growth, the reasoning for this expectation is sound. first, if learning outcomes are limited to starting a business or new venture creation, then the success or failure of educational efforts might be confused with the success or failure of ventures. while most start-up businesses fail (shane, 2008), entrepreneurs continually try to start new businesses despite previous failures. second, this approach risks confusing the means and ends of entrepreneurship education. new venture creation should not be the ends to which entrepreneurship education is the means. rather, new venture creation can be the means for which the development of entrepreneurial competencies is the end. third, such a perspective may prevent entrepreneurship education from being considered applicable or relevant in non-business disciplines such as music. toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 12 table 1 – entrepreneurial competencies (lackeus, 2015) main competency area competency primary source knowledge mental models (kraiger et al., 1993) declarative knowledge ibid. self-insight ibid. skills marketing skills (fisher et al., 2008) resource skills ibid. opportunity skills ibid. interpersonal skills ibid. learning skills ibid. strategic skills ibid. attitudes entrepreneurial passion ibid. self-efficacy ibid. entrepreneurial identity (n. krueger, 2005; n. f. krueger, 2007) proactiveness (murnieks, 2007; sánchez, 2011) uncertainty/ambiguity tolerance (murnieks, 2007; sánchez, 2011) innovativeness (n. krueger, 2005; murnieks, 2007) perseverance (cotton, 1991; markman et al., 2005) the connection between various tasks in the entrepreneurship education classroom and competency development may seem obvious, but what differentiates student learning in this classroom setting from learning arts education settings? based on what we know, what would a conceptual framework for entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education look like? a conceptual framework to facilitate the entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education i have so far reviewed entrepreneurial competencies, entrepreneurial learning, the career patterns of music students, the artistic and entrepreneurial identity conflict, and social cognitive aspects of student learning. but how can existing knowledge and theory about entrepreneurial learning help create a conceptualization of how arts entrepreneurship educators can probe, understand, and create context-specific educational interventions? previous research has looked at existing efforts to integrate entrepreneurship into the music curriculum and can be a helpful guide. ghazali and bennett (2017) found that curriculum should contain both hard technical skills and soft skills like management, the latter of which can arguably be learned through context-specific projects like creating and promoting a concert tour. other research which has looked at arts entrepreneurship education (thom, 2017) shares this context-specific focus, and is arguably more appropriate for music students as opposed to entrepreneurship courses imported directly from business schools (beckman, 2005). one salient example of a context-specific orientation of entrepreneurship education is encouraging music students to understand their audience. beeching (2016) describes several examples of entrepreneurial learning activities used by music educators, one of which is the inclusion of design-thinking techniques used to interview audience members during an intermission of a concert in order to build an “empathy map” of just who a musician´s audience is. rather than toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 13 teach music students about market research using a business school textbook, students are encouraged to understand their professional context. another notable example is that which takes place at the juilliard school in new york. early on in the semester students are challenged and given two hours to immediately book a performance gig in new york city (beeching, 2016). according to beeching: the assignment is a shock, but the grassroots experience is essentially about making contact with others and communicating what you have to offer: it is an exercise in networking, negotiation, resourcefulness, and communication skills that ultimately leads to finding an audience. (beeching, 2016) this type of learning activity probably has students engaging in a new, explorative type of behavior. they have arguably learned something about pitching their art and how to sell themselves after they have booked their gig, irrespective of whether they were rejected two or twelve times in the process. table 2 features this learning activity, and others, to synthesize the previous work in articulating entrepreneurial competencies (lackeus, 2015) and the proposed conceptual framework to provide examples and illustrate how the proposed entrepreneurial learning activities in music education can potentially touch upon each of these five components. in this two-hour book a gig challenge, we can see how entrepreneurial mental models may be updated through this learning activity. lackeus operationalizes such mental models as “…knowledge about how to get things done without resources; risk and probability models.” (kraiger et al., 1993; lackeus, 2015). as beeching describes it, this learning activity places time resource constraints on students and challenges them to risk their comfort to book a performance gig. whether they fail or succeed, this immersive experience is likely to result in the student updating their mental model through conceptual change (chi, 2008). if a student has never performed this type of activity before, then there is a clearly an opportunity for them to contrast their existing mental model of how “booking a gig” works with what they discover to be the actual process of booking a gig; it is this “holistic confrontation” (chi, 2008; gadgil, 2008) that forces a student to compare their understanding of how a system works with the conceptual presentation from an expert, which they are exposed to either via lecture, text, or means. another example which illustrates the importance of context in arts entrepreneurial learning activities is the center for entrepreneurship in liberal education at benoit (celeb) (gustafson, 2011). celeb is an incubator for student businesses from all liberal arts and arts disciplines, and yet the “motivations and needs” of the visual artists versus music students are different (p. 76, gustafson, 2011). as gustafson writes: one of our surprises was to discover the vastly different student needs that follow from different industry structures across the arts. the structure of the music industry may be currently in chaos, but it is safe to say about it that it bears little relation to the nature of the visual arts industry. an advantage of heavy dependence upon learning by doing is that it avoids the tedium felt by many in the classroom when a teacher is necessarily preoccupied with matters of concern only to a few. (p. 76, gustafson, 2011) the case of celeb is not only representative of how specific learning activities within any arts discipline may differ from another, but also may lead to entrepreneurial competency development. at celeb, which was comprised of 6,000 square feet of retail space at the time of gustafson´s writing (2011), a popular approach for music students in the program was to start a record label. the classroom exercise involved students navigating a myriad of explorative decisions such as whether to resource functions (such as marketing, promotion, sound engineering, etc.) in-house or contract it out. forming a record label provides context toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 14 entrepreneurial knowledge generation context-specificity student is the center of learning enabling student agency and encouraging explorative behavior career relevance reframing of entrepreneurship specificity through musical genre, community, and broader industrial structure. further, the students themselves are the center of their learning – are they not incentivized to focus on themselves and have their record label be a success? as gustafson puts it, “students can develop further on their own, as they must eventually. recognizing opportunities, setting goals, gathering requisite resources can become a way of life for students. once accomplished, this increased their self-confidence and self-efficacy, which are the heart of entrepreneurship.” these examples demonstrate what should be the core components of an entrepreneurial learning activity for music students, and also illustrate what other research has found: that context-specificity is important in engaging music students and making entrepreneurship relevant (chang & wyszomirski, 2015; ghazali & bennett, 2017; thom, 2017). further, we also know that it is important to emphasize the personal agency of the student, which could be accomplished through a more andragogical orientation towards teaching (neck & corbett, 2018). by placing the center of learning on the student, there is arguably an increased chance for the student to form a more holistic set of artistic and entrepreneurial identities which integrates realistic ideas of working as an artist. this andragogical orientation should enable students to make an explorative choice and enable their personal agency in order to facilitate entrepreneurial learning (politis, 2005). while similar to context-specificity, it is also important to make learning activities explicitly relevant to students´ careers (bennett & bridgstock, 2015). by understanding what a career in music looks like, students will see the relevance of “entrepreneurial” learning activities. finally, the perceptual barriers and identity conflict within arts entrepreneurship should be addressed through a deliberate reframing of what entrepreneurship means, away from neoliberal associations of profit-seeking to an empowering philosophy and method of both decision logic (sarasvathy & venkataraman, 2011), education (neck & corbett, 2018), and value creation (lackeus, 2015). but, even more importantly, as something that is empowering students to achieve their goals. this reframing, whose importance was recognized and called for over 10 years ago (beckman, 2007; boninrodriguez, 2012), is even more important considering that there is a history of active debate and a lack of definitional consensus within the broader field of entrepreneurship about what entrepreneurship actually is (landström et al., 2012). thus, entrepreneurial learning activities should: be context-specific, place the center of learning with the student, enable student agency and encourage explorative behavior, be of career relevance, and reframe entrepreneurship. figure 2 – a proposed conceptual framework for entrepreneurial learning activities in arts entrepreneurship education toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 15 figure 2 represents a proposed conceptual framework for understanding how entrepreneurial learning activities could help educate entrepreneurial musicians. conclusion and areas of future research the perspective of students and how they learn in an arts entrepreneurship setting is an important complement to how they are educated. this article complements the existing research on arts entrepreneurship education through the introduction of arts entrepreneurial learning. it has incorporated disparate research from the literature streams of entrepreneurial competencies, entrepreneurial learning, career identity, and arts entrepreneurship in order to propose a conceptual framework for the entrepreneurial learning of music students, which has guided the compilation of example entrepreneurial learning activities listed in table 2. table 2: entrepreneurial competencies and learning activities toscher entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 16 a cursory glance at the activities presented in table 2 might be familiar to many readers, and many of these activities are already taking place within arts entrepreneurship offerings within hme (beeching, 2016). the research field is still young, and there is ample opportunity to assess the effectiveness through a case study of how each of these learning activities supports the development of the competencies in focus listed in table 2. thus, whether or not educators have designed these types of activities with the help of educational theory or social cognitive psychology (e.g., theory of self-efficacy), the fact that these types of activities are happening presents an interesting opportunity for quantitative research within arts entrepreneurship education which is of a similar nature to that which is happening within the broader field of entrepreneurship education (see nabi et al., 2016 for a meta-analysis of entrepreneurship education impact studies). while many of these studies measure entrepreneurial self-efficacy before and after educational interventions, the creation of an arts entrepreneurial self-efficacy or music entrepreneurial self-efficacy measure may be helpful for educators to inform and improve practice. the development and validation of such a measure is not a simple or easy undertaking (mcgee et al., 2009), and given the context-specificity of arts entrepreneurship, the task may seem daunting. some may argue such a measure would be too reductionist. regardless, both entrepreneurial learning and social cognitive theories point to the importance of experience in developing a student´s sense of self-efficacy, which remains with them long after they leave higher education. second, the conflict between the artistic and entrepreneurial identities deserves a closer look. the existing literature indicates this tension is present amongst educators, but that the students themselves “do not care about these conflicts; they are demanding arts entrepreneurship education now” (roberts, 2013, p. 57). do these students see entrepreneurship differently than their teachers? if so, how? how does student “demand” for arts entrepreneurship relate to their career goals and desired outcomes from their education? while i propose that a re-framing of entrepreneurship is a necessary part of designing arts entrepreneurial learning activities, given the lack of definitional consensus of entrepreneurship across many disciplines (landström et al., 2012), studying the student perspective and comparing it with the perspectives of teachers and administration could be helpful in achieving a win-win-win situation: more students achieving their career goals, which are arguably the types of outcomes which make teachers feel good and administration feel proud. finally, these learning activities create interesting opportunities for action researchers (huang, 2010) like teacher-researchers to understand how different types of students respond to tasks which either promote exploitive or exploratory behavior. through either qualitative methods or emotional indicators, studies could be performed to understand how students respond, over time, to uncertain situations where no clear path is laid before them, a dynamic which is quite new and unconventional for traditional academic environments. further, this dynamic of exploitive-explorative behavior and student propensity towards either could be interesting to compare across specific arts contexts, such as classical versus jazz music education. classical music and the conservatory environments have clear traditions in how students are trained which may directly influence a student´s sense of agency and subsequent musical and professional exploration (orning, 2017). one might infer that the genre and pedagogical norm of music in which these students learn and play music (jazz as improvisation and exploration; 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(2013). the changing face of entrepreneurship education. journal of small business management, 51(3), 313–314. https://doi.org/10.1111/jsbm.12027 microsoft word e2.docx call for submissions artivate special issue detroit’s cultural renaissance: research on the impact of culture in urban revitalization artivate’s winter  issue will highlight the role of arts entrepreneurship in detroit. artists, cultural organizations, and creative entrepreneurs have been critical to detroit’s recovery from bankruptcy (). the highly publicized rescue of the detroit institute of art as part of the “grand bargain” is but one example of entrepreneurial work that has built up the city’s creative infrastructure in support of a vital city. featured essays will be focused on, but not limited to workforce development, repurposed buildings, innovations to the city’s arts education programs, and creative placemaking. like many industrial cities, detroit has suffered from urban decay with changes in manufacturing since peak productivity of the world war ii era. the city’s population has fallen from a high of . million in the s to , in  (). the associated shrinkage of detroit’s tax base severely compromised its ability to provide basic public services such that on july ,  with . billion dollars of debt detroit became the largest us city to ever file for bankruptcy (). yet the ironic dichotomy is that during this same period detroit was regularly lauded in the national press as a model for economic and cultural resurgence. in  mayor dave bing spoke of “right sizing his city and his government,” which would translate into programs such as the city granting gilbert hanz , acres of blighted land for urban gardens (). similarly, public/private partnerships like quicken loans’ investment in the new public transportation qline railcar was praised by some, although others questioned whether this focus on midtown (the rebranded “cass corridor”) neglected longtime residents and favored more expensive downtown residential development. the detroit riverfront conservancy is another model of an entrepreneurial non-profit/public/private enterprise that raised over  million to renovate and maintain detroit’s downtown riverfront. this special issue of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts asks authors to address one or more of the following questions from a critical perspective: • what is the role of arts entrepreneurship in the renaissance of detroit? • how does/can arts and cultural entrepreneurship specifically support community revitalization and equitable development? • what role can arts entrepreneurs play in connecting the nonprofit and for-profit arts and culture sectors with residents, business interests, and local governments? 4 • how does public policy (at various scales) promote or obstruct the contributions of arts entrepreneurs to creative placemaking and community revitalization? • how should the contributions of arts entrepreneurs to community revitalization best be captured and assessed? submission to the special issue are due december ,  for review for possible publication in the winter  issue. please refer to the detailed submission guidelines artivate.org. guest editors of this special winter  issue of artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts are susan badger booth, professor of arts management at eastern michigan university and mark clague, associate professor of musicology and arts entrepreneurship & leadership at the school of music, theatre & dance at the university of michigan. any questions please contact susan badger booth at sbooth'@emich.edu references “encyclopedia of detroit.” (retrieved june , ), detroit historical society — where the past is present, from https://detroithistorical.org/learn/encyclopedia-of-detroit/grand-bargain. u.s. census bureau (july , ) quickfacts: detroit city, michigan; michigan. (n.d.). retrieved from https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/detroitcitymichigan,mi/pstefgh'i. fletcher, michael a. (july , ). “detroit files largest municipal bankruptcy in u.s. history.” the washington post. retrieved july ,  glaeser, edward l. (march , ) “shrinking detroit back to greatness” new york times. microsoft word heidelberg final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 8, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 23-44 ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2019, brea heidelberg learning from negative space: categorizing success in arts policy entrepreneurship brea heidelberg drexel university abstract from its inception in 1965, the national endowment for the arts (nea) has counted on its agency leaders to operate as policy entrepreneurs – working to influence the federal public policy process and advocating for increased public arts funding. policy entrepreneurship research has largely centered on success stories (mintrom & luetjens, 2017), but this does not provide a full picture of policy entrepreneurship. kingdon (2003) argues that when policy entrepreneurship fails, so does their policy initiatives, but there has not been an investigation into policy entrepreneurship that fully defines and studies policy entrepreneurship failure in context. this investigation identifies three distinct areas where policy entrepreneurs can achieve success: agency leader, advocacy coalition manager, oppositional respondent. through the lens of policy entrepreneurship with a focus specifically on rhetoric, this study assesses john frohnmayer, nea chairman from 1989 to 1992, as a case of policy entrepreneurship failure. in looking at a case of unsuccessful policy entrepreneurship, this study furthers policy entrepreneurship theory and provide arts and cultural policy scholars with a more nuanced understanding of frohnmayer’s time as chairman of the nea. the creation of the national endowment for the arts in 1965 pushed arts funding into the public policy arena to compete for attention and resources among other policy issues under the purview of the house and senate appropriations committees – the governmental bodies responsible for determining the authorization and funding of the nea. the existence of the nea and the way that it has operated since its inception has prompted a number of investigations related to budgetary politics and fiscal support of the agency (wyszomirski, 1988), how the agency has fared the appropriations process (moen, 1997), and the language used in attempts to help the agency navigate both the times when it has enjoyed relative political favor and times when it has been under political attack (saunders, 2005). while official leadership of the agency has beendiscussed in autobiographies (alexander, 2001; straight, 1979) and biographies of nea chairpersons (straight, 1988), and investigated empirically (wirgau, 2013), one area under-examined is the role of nea chairpersons as policy entrepreneurs. kingdon (2011) defined policy entrepreneurs as actors “in or out of government, in elected or appointed positions, in interest groups or research organizations. but their defining characteristic, as in the case of a business entrepreneur, is their willingness to invest their resources – time, energy, reputation, and sometimes money – in the hope of a future return” (p. 122). policy entrepreneurs work to “mobilize others in support” of their proposed policy initiatives (mintrom & luetjens, 2017, p. 4) in order to achieve positive policy outcomes in their policy area. in this case, a policy entrepreneur would be working to achieve continued and increased public arts funding at the federal level. heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 24 in order to accomplish their policy goals, policy entrepreneurs must work with advocacy coalitions and against oppositional advocacy coalitions. advocacy coalitions are a collection of actors and actor groups that are in favor of the same proposed policy action and oppositional advocacy coalitions are those aligned against it. it is not necessary for those in either camp to agree with the rest of their respective coalition about the policy issue. in fact, it can be part of a policy entrepreneur’s work to get an advocacy coalition to act as a cohesive unit, or they may choose to coordinate various factions of an advocacy coalition to work toward their policy goals (sabatier & weible, 2007). in the art policy context, the arts advocacy coalition is comprised of all artists, arts administrators, legislators, and members of the general public that support public arts funding. the issue of public arts funding has always been contentious, and even those who agree that public arts funding should exist can have widly varying opinions about how that funding should be disseminated (brenson, 2001, p. 132-33). at any given time, different factions of an advocacy coalition can be vying for dominance within the coalition. various chairpersons have been lauded as successfuli agency leaders based on specific accomplishments on behalf of some facet or facets of the arts subgovernment during their tenure. roger stevens was commended for being a “natural leader” who was fair and “evenhanded” (taylor & barresi, 1984, pg. 55-56). nancy hanks was praised for her political acumen and relationship building with congress, despite being one of the first nea chairs with the least amount of experience in washington leading up to her tenure, (zeigler, 1994, p. 68). livingston biddle was praised for his work to diversify further the art that was funded by the nea in an effort to combat longstanding charges of elitism (binkiewicz, 2004, p. 192). to date, the field of arts policyii has drawn important insights from success stories which have helped to shape the field’s emerging theories and practices. however, focusing solely on instances of successful policy entrepreneurship highlights a single path to success, embedded in the conjectures and contexts of the times. furthermore, success is too malleable in this instance. it can mean a variety of things. not having a fixed definition of success prevents true learning and application across contexts. i assert that studying instances of policy entrepreneurship failure can provide just as much, if not more, insight into the nuances of the roles policy entrepreneurs can play. in line with the aforementioned assertion, this investigation asks the following: given the various audiences and needs present in the public policy arena, are there various ways to define policy entrepreneurship success? additionally, given the importance placed upon rhetoric in policy entrepreneurship literature (petridou et al., 2015), what specific insights can a rhetorical focus offer when looking at instances of policy entrepreneurship failure? these two research questions serve to further the field of policy entrepreneurship, which has begun to move beyond conceptualizations of policy entrepreneurship as “well-placed policy heroes with time on their side” (mintrom & luetjens, 2017, p. 4) and has improved theorization of policy entrepreneurs through investigations of these actors in context (mintrom, 2013; mintrom et al., 2014; mintrom & luetjens, 2017; i in the policy arena, success is a relative term that often depends on who is in power at a given point in time. in order to ground the use of this work in the context of arts policy entrepreneurship, i use success to mean positive policy action from the vantage point of the nea, those in favor of public arts funding at the federal level, and john frohnmayer, specifically. ii here, i use the term arts policy to signify a focus on the policy issue of public arts funding in the united states. this is distinct from the term cultural policy, which is primarily used outside of the united states and is much more expansive in its policy considerations. heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 25 verduijn, 2015). these questions also address mintrom’s (2015) call for the application of political entrepreneurship as an analytical lens in diverse contexts. while the issue of learning from policy entrepreneurship failure has been explored within the context of stem cell research (mintrom, 2015), this has been done to demonstrate how policy entrepreneurs can “learn from failures and take new runs at securing policy change” (p. 103). my investigation expands upon this research by providing insights that can be applied across policy contexts and actors operating as policy entrepreneurs. to address my research questions, i look at the case of john frohnmayer’s tenure as chairman of the nea. it is widely accepted that frohmayer’s tenure was a failure (zeigler, 1994, p. 68). however, investigating frohmayer’s time as the agency’s leader through the lens of policy entrepreneurship helps better articulate exactly why he was unsuccessful as a policy entrepreneur and elucidates paths to policy entrepreneurship success that are obscured by less nuanced definitions of success and failure in the public policy arena. in this article, i first provide a brief overview of the nea leading up to and outlining frohmayer’s tenure. in a review of the work of policy entrepreneurs, i emphasize the role of rhetoric, namely through the issue-framing process, as a crucial component of the path toward policy entrepreneurship success. this will help redefine previous agency leadership successes as a demonstration of the utility of this lens. after the theoretical discussion, i present my methodology – which allows for simultaneous consideration of the rhetoric of the policy entrepreneur and other actor groups operating within the same public policy spaces. finally, i present frohnmayer’s time as chairman as an illustrative case that, through the articulation of how he failed as a policy entrepreneur, highlights how policy entrepreneurs can have varying types and degrees of success. they can be successful agency leaders, achieving their agency goals, successful coalition organizers, with rhetoric and rationales that create a broad and strong advocacy coalition, and they can be successful oppositional respondents, managing to avoid or mitigate the damage caused by an oppositional advocacy coalition. case context: the perfect storm during the push to create the nea, and for the first few years of the agency’s existence, many artists within the arts advocacy coalition were tentatively supportive of public arts funding. however, they were concerned with the issue of censorship and government control of the arts (levy, 1997, p. 105). the practices of the agency, which was accused of favoring large, eurocentric artistic institutions housed on the east and west coasts (kester, 1998, p. 104) did not assuage these concerns. two events occurred immediately prior to frohnmayer becoming chairman that caused him to inherit an arts advocacy coalition that had gone from splintered to fractured. the first incident occurred when a washington, dc gallery canceled a show from controversial artist robert mapplethorpe unexpectedly, amid pressure from the american family association, an organization that represented the interests of the religious right. the second occurred when another artist, serrano, sparked additional controversy with the religious right with his work entitled piss christ. the american family association was joined by the southern baptist convention, the eagle forum, concerned women for america, and the 700 club, forming a strong religious right coalition. although the grants that indirectly supported two separate shows in which each artist was showcased were handled during hodsoll’s tenure, the controversy began gaining national attention as hodsoll left his leadership position. heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 26 in addition to issues within the advocacy coalition framework, the oppositional advocacy coalition was experiencing a surge in political power. critics of the agency within the arts policy landscape at the state and local levels, who called out the exclusionary dynamics of the agency’s grantmaking processes during hanks’ tenure (taylor & barresi, 1984, p. 180) were gaining traction as influential leaders from various religious organizations, who mobilized members of the general public and members of congress in both the house and the senate in response to the two controversial grants. in the senate, d’amato (r-ny) and helms (r-nc) coordinated efforts to get 39 senators to sign a letter to the nea expressing their outrage over serrano’s work. in the house of representatives, armey (r-tx) enlisted the support of 107 members of congress to sign a letter denouncing the serrano grant. senator helms went as far as to propose the helms amendment, which limited the types of art that could be funded and sought to marry the concepts of obscenity with indecency. this is significant in that the former is not protected by the first amendment, while the latter is. marrying them could lead to them being considered one and the same, and therefore not protected under the first amendment. despite calls for the abolishment of the nea, the agency was able to continue its work with a $45,000 cut to their budget. these cuts, known as the stenholm amendment, were the exact amount of the two grants involved in the serrano and mapplethorpe controversies. although the entirety of these controversial events, from the granting of funds to the actual exhibition and initial backlash, occurred prior to frohnmayer taking on the role of chair, the respective controversies caused by the nea’s indirect funding connection to the work of serrano and mapplethorpe significantly impacted frohnmayer’s time as chair from the moment of nomination. other controversial grant assignments had existed in the nea’s history, but they were handled relatively quickly – either by quickly defusing the situation with a swift and unwavering decision, a favored tactic of livingston biddle, or by deflection with a focus on the number of successes the agency had enjoyed over the years, which is how nancy hanks often handled similar situations. in frohnmayer’s nomination hearing, senator pell noted, “controversies have been few and far between, and each time, the endowment has emerged unscathed, if not strengthened (frohnmayer confirmation, 1989, p. 3). however, in the case of mapplethorpe and serrano, the public and very controversial ways these two incidents were addressed, yet not truly resolved, caused old concerns about censorship to resurface. in 1989, john frohnmayer became the fifth chairperson of the national endowment of the arts (nea) on the heels of a smooth nomination process (gamarekian, 1989). in addition to experience as a lawyer, frohnmayer served at the oregon arts commission for eight years, four of those as chair. additionally, frohnmayer served as a peer reviewer for the nea prior to his nomination. each of the previous chairpersons was well-known in either elite artistic circles in the northeast or as a washington insider. the organization was fiscally stable at the time but was at risk of stalling out due to stalemate appropriations from frohnmayer’s predecessors. frohnmayer inherited an organization under political attack. at the onset of his tenure, ronald reagan assembled a task force, the independent commission, tacitly aimed at questioning the agency’s governmental processes and funding pathways. reagan’s task force was part of a macro bureaucratic effort to economically streamline the government and cut costs within the federal government (danziger & haveman, 1981). however, this task force was also a response to mapplethorpe and serrano controversies, continued pressure from heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 27 members of the oppositional advocacy coalition operating within the legislature, and to mounting pressure coming from the aforementioned organizations representing the religious right. the group’s concerns were summarized by donald wildmon (as quoted in zeigler, 1994, p.76): “what we are up against is not dirty words and dirty pictures. it is a philosophy of life which seeks to remove the influence of christians and christianity from our society. pornography is not the the disease, but merely a visible symptom. it springs from a moral cancer in our society, and it will lead us to destruction if we are unable to stop it.” in the eyes of the religious right, the nea was a symbol of moral decay, and it was their duty to bring it down for the good of society. in light of the serrano and mapplethorpe grants, frohnmayer focused on avoiding further controversy. against this backdrop, frohnmayer’s earliest initiatives as chairman sought to divert attention from the ostensibly “risky” individual artists by driving policy change in the arena of arts education and rural access to the arts. soon after becoming chair, he attempted to retract nea funding from artists’ space, a lower manhattan gallery focusing on emerging artists, due to rumors that they would be mounting a show that both attacked certain political figures and featured provocative nude photos. the board of artists’ space responded with a letter stating their refusal to return the funds (bolton, 1992). instead of quelling the issue, frohnmayer’s attempt to retract the grant further alienated the agency from artists and the arts constituency. in direct response, leonard bernstein, a famous conductor, refused the national medal of arts in protest. this act publicly embarrassed president george h.w. bush and his wife, further alienating frohnmayer from government supporters who had already distanced themselves from him. when he officially joined the nea, frohnmayer found the nea disjointed and its staff low on morale. attempts to hire staff members of frohnmayer’s choosing were met with admonishment or silence from presidential personnel (frohnmayer, 1993), and he struggled to understand the agency practices and governmental norms that would get him the results he wanted. additionally, frohnmayer’s attempts to reason with the evangelical community – including public appearances on cnn and other public media (zeigler, 1994) where he openly discussed concerns with members of the american family association, a very vocal component of the oppositional advocacy coalition, were unsuccessful. administratively, frohnmayer spent most of the time as chair dealing with the ramifications of the helms amendment. although the helms amendment itself was not passed, language from that amendment was adopted into the nea granting terms and conditions. the language prevented the agency from providing funds: …to promote, disseminate or produce materials which … may be considered obscene, including depictions of sadomasochism, homoeroticism, the sexual exploitation of children, or individuals engaged in sex acts and which, when taken as a whole, do not have serious literary, artistic, political or scientific value (frohnmayer, 1993, p. 133). heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 28 many in the arts community considered this a loyalty oath. as a direct result, organizations such as the american poetry review, gettysburg review, and the paris review rejected grants they were awarded because of the decency clause (masters, 1990). the new school sued the nea in 1990, seeking a ruling that would ban the nea from asking grant recipients to sign a pledge of compliance that they would not engage in any obscene (masters, 1990). the public embarrassment was subject to criticism from the media, artists, and the oppositional advocacy coalition. indirectly, artists of the time reported a high level of tacit self-censorship as a result of the helms amendment language (walker, 1993, p. 937). the most noted controversy of frohnmayer’s tenure was the “nea four.” four individual artistsiii filed lawsuits against frohnmayer for revoking grants that had been approved by the nea peer-review process, stating that their “indecent” content went against “obscenity clause” introduced into the nea administrative purview as a compromise to the helms amendment (zeigler, 1994). in the end, frohnmayer’s decision was upheld when the supreme court, under then-president clinton, ruled that the nea could, and should, consider decency standards when making granting decisions. this decision occurred six years after frohnmayer was forced to resign. winning in court, however, could not remedy the irrevocable damage to the arts advocacy coalition and its relationship with the agency. the nea managed to navigate the 1990 reauthorization process, despite attacks from both the arts constituency and the oppositional advocacy coalition. one of the biggest factors in the agency’s ability to survive the reauthorization was the independent commission. this group, called for in the agency’s 1990 appropriation legislation, was charged with “reviewing the national endowment for the arts grant-making procedures, including those of its panel system, and considering whether the standard for publicly funded art should be different than the standard for privately funded art” (the independent commission, 1990, p. 1). the individuals chosen to serve on the commission spanned the political ideological spectrum, were well-versed in the intersection of public policy and the arts, politically savvy, and capable of garnering bipartisan supportiv. the outcome of this process was four significant changes to the agency and the way it conducted business (effect of last year’s nea reauthorization process, 1991). first, grant reviewers were supposed to assess grant applications through a lens of general-decency standards. second, the percentage of nea funds required to be set aside for state and local arts organizations was increased to a total of 35% to be passed along in fy93. third, of any funds for the organization over $175 million, 50 cents of each dollar must go toward education. finally, to address charges of elitism among panelists, the peer-review process was altered to make panels more representative of the general public. while surviving reauthorization can be seen as a political win for the agency, the independent commission’s work served to further erode the relationship between the agency and artists – who found the proposed changes to be a further attack on free speech rights of artists (yasui, 1991). after reauthorization, other skirmishes between the agency, the oppositional advocacy coalition, and iii karen finley, john fleck, holly hughes, and tim miller iv four members of the commission were from new york (theresa elmore behrendi, dr. john brademas. kitty carlisle harl, and charles kinsley mcwhorter); two were from california (peter nicholas kyros, jr., and rosalind wiener wyman); two were from illinois (david e. connor and joan white harris): and one each from new mexico (dr. john thomas agresio), kansas (marcia laing golden), west virginia (kay huffman goiklwin), and the district of columbia (leonard garment) (the independent commission, 1990, p. 1) heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 29 artists continued. frohnmayer, under constant fire from the oppositional advocacy coalition and unable to unify the arts advocacy coalition and gain their support, was forced to resign after only two years as chair. initial assessments of frohnmayer’s tenure with the nea simply painted the picture of an inept outsider who was not privy to the inner workings of the federal government (zeigler, 1994). however, looking at frohnmayer’s tenure through the lens of policy entrepreneurship provides a much more nuanced reading of his time and highlights different types of policy entrepreneurship success that do not rely solely on whether or not specific legislation is passed. theoretical approach in order to account for a broad definition of policy entrepreneurship success and to highlight the role rhetoric plays in that context, this study overlays kingdon’s (2003) policy window/multiple streams framework, baumgartner and jones’ (1999) punctuatedequilibrium theory, and sabatier’s (2006) advocacy coalition framework. while each of these theories has stood alone in other policy analyses and investigations, they work in tandem to assess the full complexity of the policy context. each of these theories informs the literature on policy entrepreneurship and addresses the role of rhetoric in the work of policy entrepreneurship. kingdon’s (2003; 2011) multiple streams (ms) framework separates the policymaking process into three distinct streams. the political stream is comprised of elements such as national mood, pressure group campaigns, administrative and legislative turnover, and politicians’ interests. the problem stream is where issues are defined and brought into the policy arena. finally, the policy stream is where issue definitions are analyzed and reconfigured by a community of concerned issue actors. the ms framework assumes that each stream flows independently of the others and that it is special work to get two or more of the streams to converge to create a policy window. a policy window is a narrow opportunity where policy change may occur. policy windows can either be auspicious or inauspicious, depending on the reason the policy window opening. much like the relative definition of success – the polarity of a policy window depends on your vantage point. because i am looking specifically at john frohnmayer, i view auspicious policy windows as ones that would benefit his organization and policy issue: public arts funding. likewise, inauspicious policy windows are those that would threaten the nea, public arts funding, and his role as the agency’s leader. this study investigates how frohnmayer rhetorically navigated these streams. in the case of a potentially auspicious policy window, successful policy entrepreneurship would require frohmayer to use rhetoric to combine the three streams and create a window of opportunity for positive policy change. conversely, if members of the oppositional advocacy coalition can combine the three streams, this would create an inauspicious policy window. in the event of an inauspicious policy window, success would entail frohnmayer utilizing rhetoric to separate the streams or to mitigate the damage to his agency, his policy issue, and his authority as chairman. this theory is particularly useful when looking at the role rhetoric plays in the work of a policy entrepreneur. while this theory is useful from a policy rhetoric perspective, its focus on whether or not a policy window occurs is too reliant upon outcomes and does not allow for more nuanced definitions of policy entrepreneurship success. heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 30 the how and why of a policy window opening dictates the specific set of entrepreneurial policy skills required to navigate and manage policy change successfully. baumgartner and jones’ (1999) punctuated-equilibrium theory complements kingdon’s (2003) framework by identifying data types and sources analysts can use to examine policy windows, regardless of their polarity. this theory indicates that looking at a fuller picture, which includes failures as well as successes, is important in understanding the work of policy change management (howlett et al., 2017). finally, sabatier’s (2006) advocacy coalition framework focuses on the use of rhetoric employed by policy entrepreneurs to manage advocacy coalitions operating in favor of their policy issue as well as those operating in opposition. the advocacy coalition framework has successfully been combined with the ms framework to provide complementary explanations for the policy change management of specific policy issues, and it serves the same purpose in this study (meijerink, 2005). research methodology i used nvivo, qualitative data-analysis software developed by qsr, to conduct rhetorical analysis to track individual themes (e.g., artistic excellence, economic impact, geographic access) and how those themes occurred (e.g., metaphor, storytelling, synecdoche) by actor group (advocacy coalition, chairman, oppositional advocacy coalition, and policymaker). i constructed my codebook by investigating arguments both in favor of and against public arts funding at the federal level between 1962 and 1968 (the years leading up to and including the start of the nea). i then compared my codebook to that used in strom and cook’s (2004) investigation of rationales used both for and against public arts funding at the federal level in the policy arena between 1965 and 2005, which was based on kingdon’s ms framework and successfully utilized in two other studies (berkers, 2009; toohey, 2007). i utilized stone’s (2002) policy paradox to construct my rhetorical strategy codebook. stone (2002), working from a theoretical base closely aligned with my own, provided thorough investigations of symbols, the use of numbers, interest statements, and rhetorical strategies to track the evolution of issue definitions. this approach accounts for the rhetorical dynamics of the main components of the arts subgovernment: the arts advocacy coalition, the oppositional advocacy coalition, john frohnmayer, and policymakers during frohnmayer’s time at the nea. in order to track the rhetoric i analyzed the following sources: three confirmation hearings, nea annual and research reports released during frohnmayer’s tenure, appropriations hearings for the two years frohnmayer was a part of the proceedings (fy90 and fy91), the 1990 independent commission report, and the reauthorization hearings. newspaper coverage was particularly important during this time, by frohnmayer’s time as chairperson, news about the nea was covered beyond the arts section. i also analyzed interviews, personal letters between members of the arts subgovernment, editorials from newspapers, and print advertisements by various members of the subgovernment during frohnmayer’s time as chairman. finally, i analyzed frohnmayer’s account of time at the nea, leaving town alive: confessions of an arts warrior (1993) through the policy entrepreneurship lens to include the narrative perspective of the policy entrepreneur as context. i investigated each argument from these sources based on a series of questions that i constructed to reflect best practices in advocacy coalition building (sabatiér, 2007). heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 31 findings based on the policy entrepreneurship lens, i determined three areas where policy entrepreneurs may achieve success: agency leader, coalition manager, and opposition respondent. here, i present my findings in these three areas – demonstrating frohnmayer’s failed policy entrepreneurship by analyzing his rhetoric in the formal policy arena as well as his rhetorical interactions with the arts advocacy coalition and the oppositional advocacy coalition. agency leadership according to statements made in the confirmation hearing and frohnmayer’s book, he wished to focus on art education and rural arts access (frohnmayer confirmation, 1989; frohnmayer, 1993). however, frohnmayer presented seven different rationales for public arts funding during his time as chairman: access, intrinsic value, art education, artistic quality, economic impact, industry comparison (comparing the plight of the arts sector to those in education and other social industries), and u.s. image abroad. this is a large number of rationales to be presented in the short time that frohnmayer was chair, especially since his stated agency agenda was fairly concise. based on the policy entrepreneurship literature, it is expected that a policy entrepreneur with a clear agenda would narrow their rhetorical focus (edelman, 2013). frohnmayer found it difficult to further his agency agenda, even during his confirmation hearing. when the conversation strayed into frohnmayer’s desires for the agency, a member of congress always brought the conversation back to the issue of nea processes and accountability to the public (senate committee on human resources, 1989). in a tight rhetorical space, like the one frohnmayer experienced, policy entrepreneurs usually use that limited space to focus on a small number of advocacy arguments strategically chosen to garner the most agreement and support from policymakers and their advocacy coalition (mio, 2018). the choice to introduce seven different arguments, none of which directly align with any of the three main arguments (censorship, freedom, and accessv) presented by the arts advocacy coalition demonstrates a lack of policy entrepreneurship awareness and an inability to rhetorically navigate the policy arena to further his policy agenda. instead of rallying support for his stated agency goals of arts education and rural arts access, frohnmayer spent his time reacting to crises stemming from the artists’ faction of the arts advocacy coalition and the oppositional advocacy coalition. the controversial acts of many artists who had received media attention were mentioned repeatedly throughout appropriations hearings during frohnmayer’s tenure. frohnmayer’s attempt to rhetorically situate rural arts access and arts education in politically favorable ways did not gain traction among policymakers – who forced frohnmayer to focus on accountability reactively. additionally, frohnmayer’s arguments shifted based on his context. when dealing with the arts advocacy coalition and the oppositional advocacy coalition, frohnmayer focused on access, intrinsic value, and arts education. when in the policy arena dealing with policymakers frohnmayer’s top three rationales were access, accountability, and quality. access was the only argument v the arts advocacy coalition focused on access as a critique of the nea’s funding processes – meaning lack of access to public arts funding for many marginalized artists. this is distinct from frohnmayer’s focus on rural arts access for the general public. heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 32 that frohnmayer used consistently across audiences – unfortunately, frohnmayer’s attempts to further his agency goal of rural access did not align with the rest of the arts subgovernment’s focus on access to arts funding for a more diverse pool of artists and arts organizations. frohnmayer’s shift in focus from intrinsic value and arts education to accountability and quality meant that his agency agenda was not strategically expressed across actors. the outcome was a disjointed attempt to focus on his agency agenda that did not resonate with policymakers focus on avoiding additional controversy. frohnmayer’s policy entrepreneurship failure in this area saw the agency unable to make significant advancements in the areas of rural access and arts education. this is not to say that there was no agency presence in those areas at all – there was just no marked difference in agency action in these areas during frohnmayer’s tenure. coalition management the arts advocacy coalition consisted of arts educators, arts managers, individual artists, arts service organizations, and general arts advocates. as a whole, the arts advocacy coalition focused on three main concepts: anti-censorship, artistic freedom, and access. while the concentrated number of advocacy arguments suggests a unified advocacy coalition, low word frequency findings demonstrate a lack of coherence among the arts constituency in their attempts to justify or discuss these issues. artists employed arguments and rhetorical strategies that differed significantly from strategies deployed by the rest of the coalition – demonstrating splinters within the arts advocacy coalition. during frohnmayer’s tenure the arts advocacy coalition fell into a loose pool of disparate concerns and priorities. in the arts advocacy coalition, artists were primarily concerned with artistic freedom and the ability to receive grant funds regardless of how the general public perceived their art. arts administrators and others working in and representing arts institutions, on the other hand, wanted to avoid losing grant funding and support from the general public based on the actions of some artists. the artist faction of the arts consistency focused primarily on censorship with artistic freedom being a related secondary concern. other parts of the coalition were more politically strategic, focusing on artistic freedom and, to a much lesser extent, access to the arts through ethos-building tactics. organizations like the association for independent film and video called for organized campaigns to advocate for public arts funding throughout the artistic controversies. they encouraged an approach based on logic and technical information, such as public support of arts research (bolton, 1992, p. 206). other arts advocates called on the general public to review the legislation being proposed and methodically outlined the detriment that censorship would cause. however, artists targeting specific members of congress and the oppositional advocacy coalition with pathosdriven aggressive messaging were granted more media coverage. table 1 shows the differences between frohnmayer and the arts advocacy coalition at the start of frohnmayer’s tenure. although access showed up as one of the top three rationales from frohnmayer and the arts constituency, they each focused on different aspects of the access argument. frohnmayer was concerned with rural access, whereas the arts constituency focused on access to nea funding for women and minorities. despite this minor overlap, the concerns of the chair did not match those of the arts constituency at the start of this tenure. there was the potential for overlap with intrinsic value and artistic freedom, as parts of the arts heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 33 constituency based their artistic-freedom argument on intrinsic values, but the connection was not explicit. table 1 frohnmayer’s and the arts advocacy coalition’s initial rationale preferences rationale rank john frohnmayer arts advocacy coalition 1st access (geographic) artistic freedom 2nd accountability anti-censorship 3rd intrinsic value access (women & minority artists) table 2 provides an assessment of the advocacy arguments stemming from the arts advocacy coalition during frohnmayer’s tenure. table 2. arts advocacy coalition argument scorecard argument assessment element argument anticensorship artistic freedom access does the argument address the concerns of multiple parts of the advocacy coalition? no yes no does the argument address the concerns of the general public? no yes no does the argument address concerns in the oppositional advocacy coalition? yes yes no does the argument have connections with other, politically salient arguments? no no no is the argument multifaceted? no no yes from a consensus building perspective, the arguments stemming from the arts constituency were neither cohesive nor strong. these arguments only took into account the desires of artists heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 34 and arts organizations to the exclusion, and often alienation, of members of the general public. the number of controversial artworks and their media coverage, coupled with these arguments, shifted the way the general public felt about artists and public arts funding. at a time of heightened public attention, the arts advocacy coalition was not making it a point to make enticing or politically salient arguments to the general public about their most popular benefit, public access to the arts. a policy entrepreneur inheriting a strong arts advocacy coalition would only need to plug into pre-existing advocacy rhetoric and maintain equilibrium within the coalition, while a policy entrepreneur inheriting a weak, yet cohesive coalition would need to formulate new advocacy rhetoric that maintained the group’s cohesion (rochefort & cobb, 1994; baumgartner & jones, 2002). given the lack of cohesion within the arts advocacy coalition, successful policy entrepreneurship in this area would require consensus building. relative success in this area would include some combination of neutralizing factions of the arts advocacy coalition working against his efforts and banning together with the factions of the arts advocacy coalition whose goals for public arts funding and the nea were in alignment with his. frohnmayer stated his aspiration to repair the arts advocacy coalition before his official start date as chair (frohnmayer confirmation hearing, 1989, p. 6), but he did not explicitly outline tactics. frohnmayer employed seven distinct rationales for the arts, while the rest of the arts advocacy coalition used only three. frohnmayer’s top three rationales were access, intrinsic value, and arts education. the only commonality is access, but frohmayer defined access from an audience perspective while the arts advocacy coalition defined access from a funding perspective. this lack of common arguments and lack of cohesion, which was present at the start of frohnmayer’s tenure, continued throughout his time as chair. frohnmayer’s advocacy arguments did not mirror or complement any of the discordant intra-coalition priorities of the arts advocacy coalition. during his tenure, frohnmayer stayed consistent with the rhetoric started at the onset of his time as chair, never altering his arguments to bring them more in alignment with rhetoric stemming from any faction of the arts advocacy coalition. this instance of policy entrepreneurship failure prevented frohnmayer from having a support base that could be utilized to help him achieve policy entrepreneurship success in other areas. due to the inner turmoil in the arts constituency, compounded by some of frohnmayer’s actions and decisions, he was unable to either build or strengthen the advocacy coalition: “having made the decision to reject the four performance artists, i became the object of the vitriol of both the left and the right” (frohnmayer, 1993, p. 178). by failing to organize and focus his arguments in ways that aligned with or complemented arts advocacy coalitions’ argumentation strategies, frohnmayer failed to mobilize a splintered coalition. oppositional respondent legislative members of the arts advocacy coalition understood the political climate into which frohnmayer would enter. at his confirmation hearing, congresspeople mentioned the fact that the agency was under attack by the oppositional advocacy coalition and public interest groups on 20 separate occasions. from “recent unpleasantness” (frohnmayer confirmation hearing, 1989, p. 1), to “controversy” (p. 38), the publicity concerning serrano and mapplethorpe was in the forefront of policymaker’s minds. it was clear to them than an inauspicious policy window was, if not already opened, a likely possibility. a series of heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 35 concepts that would frame his tenure emerged: congress universally used the word oversight to define the role that the nea should play in order to demonstrate accountability to taxpayers, while intrusion was used in lieu of government control or censorship. the importance of maintaining the integrity of the agency was also noted repeatedly, as policymakers did not want to be seen as promoting government control at the expense of artistic freedom. table 3 assess the advocacy argument from the oppositional advocacy coalition during frohmayer’s tenure. during this time the oppositional advocacy coalition’s arguments were: “bad art,” accountability, and no need. table 3: argument scorecard for the rationales used by the oppositional advocacy coalition throughout frohnmayer’s tenure. argument assessment element argument bad art accountability no need does the argument address the concerns of multiple parts of the advocacy coalition? no yes no does the argument address the concerns of the general public? no yes no does the argument address concerns in the arts advocacy coalition? yes yes yes does the argument have connections with other, politically salient arguments? yes yes no is the argument multifaceted? yes no no unlike the arts advocacy coalition, rhetoric across actors within the oppositional advocacy coalition was consistent, indicating a well-organized and cohesive advocacy coalition. they heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 36 defined art they deemed obscene or blasphemous as “bad art.” having the works of serrano and mapplethorpe as concrete examples helped inflame a growing and increasingly vocal religious right. this argument was a direct challenge to longstanding values of quality and seal of approval upon which the nea was founded (mark, 1991). this argument was often used to directly address the general public, letting people know about the “vile content of [their] taxfunded material” (bolton, 1992, p. 123), “photographs too vulgar to print” (bolton, 1992, p. 124), and “pornographic, anti-christian ‘works of art’” (bolton, 1992, p. 150). the oppositional advocacy coalition then rallied around the bad-art argument and furthered it by stating that public dollars should not be used to support obscene or offensive art. arguing that artists should be held accountable to taxpayers, the oppositional advocacy coalition brought additional members of the general public into its ranks. they also resurrected arguments from the 1960s, when the nea was being conceptualized, that placed the arts in a market context. arguing that artists should be able to make a living working in the same capitalist structure in which businesses operate played into the growing fiscal conservatism with congress and among the general public. overall, the oppositional advocacy coalition presented a unified set of arguments with consistent language. although their arguments were not designed to win over members of the arts constituency, they were able to reach some members of congress and increase their political power. success as an oppositional respondent requires policy entrepreneurs to defend the agency and their agency goals through deflection and mitigation of negative impact that could be caused by any successes achieved by the oppositional advocacy coalition. the strong, cohesive oppositional advocacy coalition which was organized and strategic about gaining support from congress and the general public was difficult for frohnmayer to combat. frohnmayer was unable to successfully deflect attacks from the oppositional advocacy coalition with his main argument tactic: avoidance. when possible, frohnmayer avoided the topic of the various artistic controversies and the oppositional advocacy coalition’s growing political power. at times he appeared to be making attempts to deflect attacks. for example, frohnmayer consistently drew the conversation to art education and the desire to see access to the arts continue to increase during the nomination hearing. he employed an “intrinsic values of the arts” rationale, buttressed mainly by arts education rationales, to argue for more funding and resources even though controversy over some nea policies were already a prominent concern among policymakers. arguments such as “the arts help children to understand civilization, try various approaches to problem-solving, use intuition as well as reason, and develop the discipline required for success in life,” (nea, 1989, p. vii) did not land well outside the policy arena when deployed in response to charges of publicly funded pornographic art (bolton, 1990, p. 180). sometimes, frohnmayer was forceful – such as in his correspondence with art space where he requested that they return their nea funds (bolton, 1990, p. 125): “artists space should relinquish the endowment’s grant for [your] exhibition. additionally, please employ the following disclaimer in appropriate ways to correct the misapprehension of our support for this exhibition: ‘the national endowment for the arts has not supported this exhibition or its catalogue.’” at other times, frohnmayer appeared to be conceding and undermining his agency. for example, in his response to the new york shakespeare festival’s refusal of an nea grant where frohnmayer referred to the obscenity clause as “not one of our asking nor one which i heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 37 thought necessary” (bolton, 1990, p. 173). even frohnmayer admitted often being unsure of how to handle difficult situations and that he was undecided about staying at the agency even before he was asked to resign (frohnmayer, 1993, p. 247-250). as previously mentioned, the arts advocacy coalition had alienated some members of congress and members of the general public leaving an advocacy vacuum that the oppositional advocacy coalition stepped into, gaining momentum and popularity (sabatier & weible, 2007). in choosing to focus on access, and art education at a time when the oppositional advocacy coalition was gaining momentum focusing on arguments resonating with policymakers and their constituents, frohnmayer failed to construct politically salient advocacy arguments that directly undermined the oppositional advocacy coalition. frohnmayer’s tenure: the aftermath arts advocates in the policy arena thought that frohnmayer’s background in both religion and law would be useful in combating attacks from the religious right and conservative policymakers. ultimately, his failure to leverage the skills of policy entrepreneurship toward coalition building prevented frohnmayer from forming strategic alliances with policymakers and the arts constituency. frohnmayer’s failure to find coalition management success prohibited him from organizing a successful defense against further attacks from the oppositional advocacy coalition and antagonistic or retaliatory actions from the arts constituency. as a result of these two types of policy entrepreneurship failure, frohnmayer was ultimately unsuccessful in the policy entrepreneurship goal of agency leadership. agency efforts were predominantly spent defending the agency and public arts funding. defensively making a case for public arts funding in the face of potential agency elimination is distinctly different from proactively making a case for the arts to increase or strengthen an existing advocacy coalition. frohmayer’s attempts to steer the conversation away from artistic freedom and obscene art controversies toward geographic access and art education were unsuccessful with policymakers. frohnmayer was forced to resign only two years into the job (frohnmayer, 1993). this was the final confirmation of his overall failure to harness the power of policy entrepreneurship. as a result of the nea 4 case, one of the larger artist-based controversies during frohnmayer’s tenure (zeigler, 1994), the agency was restricted from giving out any additional grants to individual artists except in the areas of literature and jazz. from the agency’s and arts constituents’ vantage point, this was not an optimal resolution to censorship concerns that had persisted since the agency’s creation. state arts agency leaders, realizing that there was an opportunity for increased power and resources, collectively called for restriction of the nea’s autonomy, which would increase theirs (gamarekian, 1990b). as a result, they enjoyed increased federal allocation percentages and operational autonomy; a demonstration of lost political control and agency autonomy for the nea. as the head of a federal agency, frohnmayer’s lack of policy entrepreneurship success in the policy arena would normally result in dire consequences for the agency. however, an alternative to frohnmayer’s leadership presented itself with the independent commission that was charged with investigating the granting processes of the nea in response to the serrano and mapplethorpe granting controversies (the independent commission, 1990). this group provided some of the characteristics of a successful policy entrepreneur by focusing on heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 38 procedural changes that garnered bipartisan support. the commission also leveraged the support of policymakers and the less controversial factions of the arts advocacy coalition by displaying both “technical feasibility and value acceptance” burgess, 2006, p. 123). the independent commission report was used extensively to assist with the reauthorization of the nea. this report, especially during this time of controversy and disarray for the agency, helped ward off agency consequences such as closing the agency, complete defunding, or folding of the agency into another federal institution or structure that are common in instances of policy entrepreneurship failure (burgess, 2006). conclusion: lessons learned my research demonstrates a method for systematically investigating policy entrepreneurs in ways that are more nuanced than simply relying on appropriations amounts or agency autonomy. i offer three different types of policy entrepreneurship success and provide additional insight into exactly why frohnmayer was considered a failure in the policy arena. my analysis does not argue for a fundamental change in the perception of frohnmayer as an agency leader and policy entrepreneur. instead, it offers an additional understanding of the specific ways in which agency leaders can manage policy change or orchestrate purposeful policy equilibrium in service to their agency and their agency agenda. frohnmayer’s time as chair was notorious due to the widespread perception that he was unable to gain significant allies in the arts subgovernment and was a “political liability” (wyszomirski, 1995, p. 13). my investigation uncovers critical nuance beneath this perception. this study demonstrates the importance of policy entrepreneurs figuring out how to rhetorically mirror or complement their advocacy coalition. even when the advocacy coalition appears to be completely at odds with agency leaders, success in coalition management requires finding common rhetorical ground – whether it is with the advocacy coalition in its entirety, or with a curated faction of the coalition. this study utilizes a policy entrepreneurship lens to assess frohnmayer’s abilities as a policy entrepreneur. this lens focuses on the rhetoric of dominant actors within the arts subgovernment. arguably, given the systemic processes of oppression that exists throughout the public policy arena, “dominant actors” could also be read as privileged or a proxy for white, eurocentric, and predominantly male (carnes, 2013; naff, 2001; novkov, 2008). a full investigation of frohnmayer, and any chairperson of the nea, should include an analysis of their policy entrepreneurship in relation to marginalized voices. my study focused on data from the policy arena, newspapers and agency documents alongside an analysis of frohnmayer’s memoir of his time as chairman. while this focus does not provide a full analysis, my methods do provide a more robust analysis than was previously available and lays the groundwork for analysis of policy entrepreneurs that is inclusive of, or even focuses on, marginalized voices. rushton (2003) has already investigated the inadequacies of economic analysis when investigating public arts funding through a multiculturalvi lens. further work to conduct policy analysis on public arts funding can and should determine theoretical lenses and methods that explicitly incorporate and champion traditionally marginalized voices to counter the longstanding practices of silencing them. vi this was the term used in the citation. heidelberg learning from negative space _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 8 (1) 39 by defining three distinct avenues for policy entrepreneurship success – agency leader, advocacy coalition manager, and oppositional respondent – my work suggests that a policy entrepreneur may find success in one area without necessarily achieving success in another. cases where a policy entrepreneur is successful in one area (e.g., is a successful agency leader), without finding success in the other two areas (e.g., as an advocacy coalition manager or oppositional respondent) can provide more field-building information about policy entrepreneurship in context. the findings of this investigation suggest an ideal ordering of achieving policy entrepreneurship success. successful coalition management can provide a base of support to help policy entrepreneurs achieve success as an oppositional respondent. success as an advocacy coalition manager and oppositional respondent can then lead to an easier path toward achieving agency leadership success. there is potential for additional theory-building and testing when looking at differences in policy entrepreneurship success or failure, and varying degrees of those successes and failures (e.g., initiating large-scale policy change vs. smaller-scale policy change) in times of policy punctuation and equilibrium. the more nuanced aspects of this study raise some additional questions for investigation. because frohnmayer’s case involved the general public in ways not common for an agency like the national endowment for the arts, the amount of public attention may make this case special. data regarding the involvement of the general public as a negative audience or compounded context suggest that policy entrepreneurs should focus on issue management in the smaller context of the subgovernment to avoid needing to respond to a large-scale crisis in a time of punctuation. for example, concerns over censorship and the “appropriate” types of art for government funding existed within the arts constituency in the time leading up to the creation of the nea and remained a concern throughout frohnmayer’s tenure. if this issue were addressed when it was only a concern in the arts constituency, perhaps the space for controversy, which reached its peak during the frohnmayer case, would not have existed in the same way. in addition to causing rifts among arts advocates, the continued existence of the same policy concern may have been a causal factor in creating conditions that encouraged the oppositional advocacy coalition. this investigation was successful in that the steps i took did provide the information necessary to make a more nuanced assessment of frohnmayer’s failure as a policy entrepreneur than has been offered by others discussing arts policy entrepreneurship. this led to additional insights about policy entrepreneurs in general, offering alternative definitions of success that better reflect the three main facets of policy entrepreneurship work for agency leaders operating in the policy arena. by incorporating all facets of the arts subgovernment, my assessment acknowledges that agency leaders do not operate in a vacuum. they must operate in their specific political context, which includes oppositional advocacy coalitions of varying strengths, policy arenas that house amenable or hostile policymakers, and a supportive or antagonistic advocacy coalition. my methods take into account those possibilities and include means of 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(1994). arts in crisis: the national endowment for the arts versus america. atlanta, ga: a cappella books. 103-article text-327-3-11-20200511 vol. 9, no. 1 spring 2020 the student entrepreneurial journey motivations, entrepreneurial engagements and challenges among recent graduates of visual arts academic programs in ghana keren naa abeka arthur university of cape coast albert kwame arthur university of education, winneba abstract: this paper explores the stories of student entrepreneurs in order to understand 1) their motivation for pursuing student entrepreneurship, 2) their entrepreneurial engagements, and 3) their entrepreneurial challenges including how they balance entrepreneurship and academic work. the study uses a qualitative research design involving a total of twenty graduates of visual arts academic programs in ghana; respondents were sampled using a purposive and snowball approach. data collection was carried out with the help of a semi-structured interview guide and data analysis was conducted using a thematic analysis approach. findings show that most respondents chose to pursue entrepreneurship while studying as early as senior high school level as an avenue for addressing personal financial constraints. results indicated a preference for entrepreneurial activities in multiple art related industries for most respondents with sectors such as graphic communication design and t-shirt printing dominating. further, responses show that respondents faced financial, operational, marketing, and managerial challenges in their entrepreneurial pursuits. it is concluded that students in our sample capitalize on the skills they acquire as part of their education to pursue predominantly craft entrepreneurship as a survival strategy. their entrepreneurial engagements mostly focus on opportunities in their field of specialization with general and context specific challenges confronting them. it is recommended that policy makers in academia, industry, and government work together towards positioning student entrepreneurs to be growth oriented even when choosing the craft route to entrepreneurship. keywords: entrepreneurial journey, tertiary education, graduates, visual arts artivate 9.1 84 entrepreneurship has been considered an important factor in national development for decades (unctad 2004; smith 2010). in ghana, there is evidence to show that while the economy witnessed benefits such as improved unemployment rates due to entrepreneurship, the lives of individuals have transformed positively as they engage in entrepreneurship activities (tsikata 2001; bani 2003; quaidoo 2018; arthur & adom 2019). to this end, the government of ghana continues to promote entrepreneurship, especially among the youth with the introduction of initiatives such as the campus business pitch (tanko 2019) and the tertiary students’ entrepreneurship initiative (mohammed 2019) recently introduced. according to houser (2014, cited in bergmann, hundt & sternberg 2016), student entrepreneurial activities create a platform for an understanding of one’s entrepreneurial capabilities. thus, it could be argued that the student entrepreneur gains entrepreneurial learning experiences that position him or her to better navigate full-time entrepreneurship at a future date. rao (2014, cited in fatoki, 2014) also argues that the stories of some successful entrepreneurs today started on university campuses thereby emphasizing the role that the university could play as an incubator for nurturing entrepreneurial ideas. these arguments provide justification for investigations into student entrepreneurial activities which cuts across varied sectors, including the arts. according to philips (2010), the contributions of arts entrepreneurs to economic development are unique due to the level of creativity involved in what they do, hence the need for them to be supported as nations work towards creating what he calls the “creative city”. despite the aforementioned benefits, the concept of student entrepreneurship is still underdeveloped with studies currently focused on understanding the entrepreneurial intentions of students for future entrepreneurial activities rather than the activities of students practicing entrepreneurship on a part-time basis (marchand, hermes & sood 2016; appiah-nimo, ofori & arthur 2018). by student entrepreneurship, we refer to the definition proposed by marchand et al. (2016) which emphasizes engagements in innovative revenue generating entrepreneurial activities by individuals studying full-time at a university. our definition supports arguments in the art entrepreneurship literature (beckman & essig 2012; pollard & wilson 2014; chang & wyszomirski 2015; rivetti & migliaccio 2018) that entrepreneurial activities among professional artists may not always be about new venture creation but rather about selfmanagement, self-marketing and self-actualization activities that help professional artists sell their identity and their artwork to the world. nevertheless, in contrast to studies on art education, identification of opportunities for exploitation through innovation, initiative, and risk taking for financial rewards is needed. individuals who have been involved in other forms of student entrepreneurial activities such as school-based projects (sugiarto, 2014; nenzhelele et al. 2016) and student intrapreneurial activities with local entrepreneurs and communities (vermont agency for education 2014 cited in fatoki 2014) are excluded from the study. the chosen definition is preferable considering the context of our study. professional training of visual arts students in ghana lead to the acquisition of skills that can facilitate entrepreneurial activity. therefore, we could hypothesize that if visual arts students are able to master the skills taught, they can capitalize on them to pursue craft entrepreneurship. if this assertion is true, then there is a need to comprehend what entrepreneurial activities visual arts students engage in, what motivates artivate 9.1 85 them and how they manage the challenges that confront them. perhaps, our findings would be similar to that of ndirangu and bosire (2004) who found that students in kenya pursued entrepreneurship as a survival strategy. this argument is made because the ghanaian context may exhibit characteristics that mirror features in the kenyan environment such as high unemployment rates and low paying jobs that make taking care of children’s educational needs difficult for some parents. unfortunately, the extent to which the above-mentioned assumptions have been explored are limited; an understanding of the issues at stake would be beneficial since the entrepreneurial journal can be long, tough and characterized by failure and disappointment. the challenges entrepreneurs face manifest themselves in poor statistics on the survival rates of enterprises especially start-ups, micro, small, and medium sized business. for students, the challenges associated with entrepreneurship could be more, considering the specific constraints they may face in terms of resources and expertise (fatoki & garve 2010; fatoki 2014). furthermore, the potential for added challenges for student entrepreneurs in visual arts is possible since they may have limited business management skills (thom 2016) to effectively run their ventures. by shedding light on what student entrepreneurs do, we can develop policies that support their efforts for personal and societal benefit; hence the motivation for the study. this paper investigates the motivation of students who choose to pursue entrepreneurship, their entrepreneurial engagements, entrepreneurial challenges, and strategies used to balance entrepreneurship and academic work. the study is conducted among recent graduates of degree and higher national diploma programs at the university of education, winneba and the takoradi technical university in ghana, who specialized in any discipline of visual arts including art education. these institutions were selected due to their active involvement in the provision of arts education in ghana. recent graduates shared their student entrepreneurship experience in hindsight which allowed for an assessment of the extent to which their student entrepreneurial engagements have continued after graduation. the rest of the paper is organized as follows: first the researchers give an overview of key issues emerging from theoretical and empirical literature on the topic. followed by an explanation of the methodology used for the study and presentation of results is outlined. results are then discussed in relation to literature, conclusions drawn, and recommendations made. motivation for pursuing student entrepreneurship studies on reasons why students pursue part-time entrepreneurship show that financial reward is the most influencing factor (carter et al. 2003, ndirangu & bosire 2004; benzing et al. 2009; kirkwood 2009; fatoki 2014). financial reward among other factors including desire for independence, family security, challenge and achievement, job security, opportunity identification, etc., are usually grouped under broad categories such as intrinsic or extrinsic (robichaud et al. 2001), internal or external (krishna 2013), and push or pull (charles & gherman 2015). findings from a study by fini, meoli, sobrero, ghiselli and ferrante (2016) on student entrepreneurs in italy showed that student entrepreneurship in the study sample was driven by family and peer influences. in contrast, a study by ndirangu & bosire (2004), showed that kenyan student entrepreneurs, in their sample, pursued part-time entrepreneurship as a artivate 9.1 86 survival response to financial difficulties faced, rather than a platform for career rehearsal. despite this finding, most students reported that profit generated from the business was usually not enough to meet their expenses. in a more recent and south african example, fatoki (2014) also found that most student entrepreneurs in their sample chose part-time entrepreneurship as a means of solving their financial challenges, with a few indicating independence. entrepreneurial engagements literature on the entrepreneurial activities of students is sparse. current studies on the topic suggest that students can participate in entrepreneurship through a number of routes including undertaking practical entrepreneurship projects as part of their study (sugiarto 2014; nenzhelele et al. 2016) which can lead to the creation of university related start-ups that continue even after class projects have ended (bathelt et al. 2010), joining a club or society that engages in entrepreneurship (pittaway et al. 2011; pittaway et al. 2015), and pursuing entrepreneurship independently (ndirangu & bosire 2004; fatoki 2014; meoli et al. 2016). these entrepreneurial engagements are usually conducted on, or close to campuses with students serving as target customers (ndirangu & bosire 2004). protogerou, caloghiru and markou (2015) in investigating entrepreneurship cases in the creative arts in general, found businesses in product and fashion design, video games, architecture, and branding and communication design spaces. similarly, adebayo and jenyo (2013) also posit that entrepreneurship in the textile and clothing industry can contribute to economic development. anderson (2014) also suggests that graphic design presents opportunities for entrepreneurship in the arts. the above assertions suggest that visual arts in general provide great opportunities that art students can take advantage of in their entrepreneurial endeavors; and the pursuit of such entrepreneurial engagements by students can positively influence their intention to go into entrepreneurship full-time after graduation. nenzhelele et al. (2016) found that students who participated in practical entrepreneurship projects exhibited enhanced entrepreneurial intention. similarly, bell and bell (2016) observed increased confidence in the entrepreneurial ability of students exposed to an experiential learning approach in entrepreneurship. therefore, it is not surprising that fini et al. (2004) discovered, in an italian case study, that 63% of student entrepreneurs in their sample continued with their businesses, in some cases, about five years after graduation from school. despite this finding, nabi et al. (2009) purports that graduate entrepreneurial career decision making can be complex and influence, to some extent, the interaction between two factors: entrepreneurial maturity and business idea complexity. the simpler the business idea and higher the student’s entrepreneurial maturity, the quicker the student transitions to entrepreneurship. entrepreneurial challenges and entrepreneurship-academic work balance the entrepreneurial journey can be difficult. according to sugiarto (2014), some of the challenges faced by students are similar to those faced by entrepreneurs in general, and could artivate 9.1 87 be classified under financial, managerial, marketing, production, and technological. this argument mirrors findings from other literature (fatoki & garve 2010, fatoki 2014) indicating that access to finance, poor networking, lack of business management skills, and labor costs are key challenges faced by students in their entrepreneurial engagements. in contrast, findings from a study by fini et al. (2016) show that for entrepreneurial students in italy, difficulties faced include high taxation and excessive bureaucracy rather than lack of technical and managerial skills. for entrepreneurs working in groups, such as student entrepreneurial leaders, empirical work conducted by bagheri & pihie (2011) suggest that additional setbacks such as cultural diversity, low confidence in themselves, and poor commitment of group members exist. nevertheless, it can be argued that irrespective of the route used by student entrepreneurs, the challenge of balancing entrepreneurship and schoolwork (ndirangu & bosire 2004) applies, and this is a feature that is unique to them. findings from an empirical study by abamba, lawanson, and sobowale (2017) show that student entrepreneurial engagement in their sample did not have significant or adverse effects on their academic performance. this result mirrors findings from a study by ndirangu & bosire (2004), which indicates that only few student entrepreneurs in their study reported that they felt their entrepreneurial activities had negatively impacted their academic work, with most student entrepreneurs rather reporting an improvement. however, upon examination of their study results, they discovered that most student entrepreneurs they interacted with scored a cumulative average performance of 53% to 70% in their exams (ndirangu & bosire 2004). further, the researchers found differences in performance based on program of study with agriculture students scoring the least and arts students in their sample scoring an average of 63% (ndirangu & bosire 2004); an average which appears quite low considering university grading schemes globally. further, fini et al. (2016) presented an italian case where student entrepreneurs, when compared with non-entrepreneurs, performed poorly in terms of their ability to complete their studies on time and their final grades. regarding strategies employed in balancing student entrepreneurial activities and schoolwork, ndirangu & bosire (2004) reported that student entrepreneurs in their sample varied opening times based on free hours and their understanding of when business boomed (e.g. opening for longer hours at the beginning of the semester when they perceived students had more money). student entrepreneurs compensated for missed lectures by copying notes from colleagues and studied into the night (ndirangu & bosire 2004). for those who opened all day, strategies employed included engaging others such as friends, family, business partners, and employees to assist with running the business (ndirangu & bosire 2004). methods yin (2009) suggests qualitative research as the best approach to study a specific topic in detail. dana and dana (2005) argue that there is a need for entrepreneurship research to explore qualitative methods that dig deep not only into what entrepreneurs do but also why and how they do them. more specifically, nabi et al. (2009), argue that there is a need for more in-depth qualitative research on understanding of the stories and the circumstances of the artivate 9.1 88 entrepreneurial journey of students. therefore, the study uses a qualitative research design involving a total of twenty (20) graduates from two tertiary institutions offering visual arts programs in ghana. sample size determination was guided by the data saturation principle (saunders et al. 2017); as data collection was halted at the point where no new data emerged from interviewee’s responses to questions asked. further, adler and adler (cited in baker, edwards and doidge 2012) argue that depending on the size of the project and the time and resource constraints that apply, a sample between twelve and sixty is usually appropriate in qualitative research. that said, it is important to note that the qualitative research design used was based on an interpretivist epistemological stance and an ontological position of relativism with an emphasis on understanding and interpreting the stories of individuals rather than proving a point or generalizing (hindle 2004). respondents were sampled using a purposive and snowball approach. purposive sampling for the study involved selecting respondents who met the criteria of having studied a course in visual arts at the selected tertiary institutions and engaged in entrepreneurship while studying. in total, ten of the respondents were sampled from the university of education, winneba and the other ten from the takoradi technical university. once the first respondent in each institution had been selected purposively, snowball sampling was used to gain access to more respondents that met the criteria for purposive sampling. according to naderifar, ghaljaei, and goli (2017), such an approach is useful in qualitative research when access to respondents with specific characteristics is difficult. in the case of this study, there was lack of information on alumni location and contact details in the chosen institutions to enable probability sampling of graduates of visual arts programs to participate in the study. further, snowball sampling provides an opportunity for enhanced communication with respondents due to their acquaintance with the first respondent, nevertheless, it could lead to biases with the risk of biases lower for homogenous groups (naderifar, ghaljaei & goli 2017). data collection was carried out with the help of a semistructured interview guide as respondents interacted with the researchers over a period of fortyfive minutes to one hour. data collection took place over a period of two months from june 2019 to august 2019 at winneba, takoradi, cape coast and accra. this was supplemented with follow up interviews within the period and in march 2020 allowing for the researchers to address gaps identified in analysis. interview was considered as the most appropriate instrument for data collection in this study (milena et al. 2008); it created room for respondents to express their views and experiences freely and in detail. data analysis involved open and axial coding strategies, as well as thematic analysis approaches (creswell 2005). respondents’ characteristics participants included in the study varied only slightly in terms of demographics and other characteristics such as age, sex, program of study, exposure to entrepreneurship education, and year of completion. regarding age: eleven out of twenty respondents fell within the twenty-five to twenty-nine years age group while the remaining nine respondents were slightly younger with ages between twenty and twenty-four years. this statistic is expected considering the context of the study which focuses on university students. findings from the study also showed artivate 9.1 89 a male dominated sample consisting of nineteen males and one female indicating poor representation of female respondents when compared to their population on campus. this trend was evident in studies conducted in different geographical contexts by ndirangu and bosire (2004). the trend could mean that female students are less interested in part-time entrepreneurial activities or that the snowball sampling technique used made it such that most female student entrepreneurs were not captured in the study. concerning program of study, most respondents (ten out of twenty were identified to pursue the higher national diploma program in commercial arts with nine out of the ten respondents specializing in graphic design and the other one majoring in textiles. further, eight out of twenty respondents were found to focus on the bachelor of education in arts degree program with six out of the eight majoring in graphic design and minoring in leatherwork, sculpture, jewelry or ceramics. the outstanding students majored in painting. in addition, two out of the twenty students studied a bachelor of arts program in graphic design. while the bachelor of education program emphasized the training of art teachers for secondary education in ghana, the diploma and bachelor of arts program prepared students for industry. in addition, all respondents had been exposed to entrepreneurship education as they took at least one mandatory course in entrepreneurship as part of their programs. in total, twelve out of the twenty respondents had just completed school in 2019 and were waiting for posting to organizations where they will do their national service (which is a mandatory one-year work service to the nation following graduation from university education). furthermore, eight out of twenty respondents were in the national service phase of their life after university education having graduated in 2018; most of them (six out of the eight) were placed as teachers in secondary schools in the country. of the remaining two respondents, one was placed in industry with a printing press while the other was placed in a government municipal office. motivation for student entrepreneurship the first objective for the study was to investigate the motivation of respondents for pursuing part-time entrepreneurship as students. findings indicate that most respondents (sixteen out of twenty) were motivated to engage in entrepreneurial activities for financial reasons. respondents explained that through student entrepreneurship they hoped to be able to “earn a living,” “earn to support their education,” “get money to give to family when needed,” “live a comfortable life,” “take care of their school related expenses,” “pay for some expenses without having to bother their parents after they have paid tuition fees,” “make money,” “pay bills and support themselves and others,” “get money to take care of their education and help address the needs of others,” and “become self-reliant.” expenses included “hostel fees, tuition fees and costs associated with practical projects.” desire to gain experience also surfaced as the next important motivation for part-time entrepreneurship as respondents (nine out of twenty) pointed out that they wanted to “earn while learning,” “learn while earning,” “practice what they teach,” “improve on their skills,” and “build a skill to move forward in chosen profession” further, some respondents (six out of twenty) mentioned the availability of opportunity that came to them to “solve problems,” “help others,” “avoid idleness,” “take advantage of demand,” use new skills,” artivate 9.1 90 or “build networks,” as a motivation for pursuing student entrepreneurship. desire for independence was mentioned by three out of twenty respondents making reference to it by clarifying that they either “did not want to finish school and now be sending job applications around,” or wanted to “be their own bosses,” “employ others,” or “be in charge,” further, job satisfaction appeared to be the lowest motivator, as only one respondent explained that they desired to pursue student entrepreneurship in order to “create a brand image that will make marketing their products and services easy in the future.” only one respondent mentioned the role that passion for art played in their decision to pursue entrepreneurship while studying. it can be inferred from respondent’s responses that the acquisition of skills in visual arts played a role in pulling most respondents positively towards student entrepreneurship. further, prior experience with others involved in entrepreneurship seemed to have catalyzed some respondents’ decision to engage in entrepreneurial activities while studying. while respondent 3 explained that his motivation for pursing student entrepreneurship came from listening to friends share stories on how much they made financially as entrepreneurial artists in the digital painting space, respondent 2’s interest in entrepreneurship was quickened during his internship experience with a sign writer in his neighborhood. respondent 5 also reported that his experience working with his dad’s printing business prepared him for entrepreneurship while respondents 6 and 10 highlighted the instrumental role their teachers played in opening them up to entrepreneurial opportunities in visual arts. entrepreneurial engagements the second objective of the study was focused on understanding the entrepreneurial engagements of respondents. findings showed that most of the respondents (eighteen out of twenty) were engaged in the provision of art related products and services such as graphic communication design, t-shirt printing, digital and canvas painting, beading, pencil shading, cloth printing, photography, animation, digital embroidery, web design, interior decoration, wedding decoration, murals and relief sculpture. on the other hand, six out of twenty respondents mentioned that they were involved in non-art related activities such as “taxi services,” “online retailing of clothing,” “buying and selling of books,” “painting of homes,” “selling of art tools and materials,” “selling of shea butter,” and “selling of shirts,” in addition to their art related products and services. graphic communication design, which involved designing of banners, posters, car branding, greeting cards and souvenirs, featured as the area of specialization most ventured into as fifteen out of twenty reported doing business in that space. further, t-shirt printing pursued by ten out of twenty came up as next preferred specialization among respondents. digital painting was practiced by five out of twenty while beading, web design, interior decoration, and wedding decoration represented the fields of specialization least ventured into (one out of twenty respondents for each). these findings suggest that most respondents pursued part-time entrepreneurship on a craft basis which was made possible after the acquisition of skills. using words and phrases like “learnt how to make videos using youtube and online tutorials,” “took an online course in web design,” “moving from one art shop to another,” “assisted a friend with wedding decorations,” “apprenticeship,” artivate 9.1 91 “attachment,” “during tertiary education,” and “helped my head of department with illustrations,” respondents indicated that their skills were acquired either through formal education, industrial training, or self-teaching. most of the above entrepreneurial activities (for twelve out twenty) started at tertiary level except for a few (eight out of twenty) who took on contracts prior to tertiary education, for example during, or after senior high-school education. nevertheless, it appeared that even for those who started at the university level, entrepreneurial engagements were preceded by employment opportunities and skill acquisition experiences that occurred at the senior highschool level which prepared them for successful navigation. it was observed that all respondents, at the time of interview, continued to engage in the student entrepreneurial activities they initiated with different intensities. notable among them was respondents 9 and 16 who had diversified product and service offerings in art and non-art related sectors. while respondent 9 currently employed six permanent employees and four part-time employees, respondent 16 had shops in three cities in the country (accra, cape coast and elmina), employed five people permanently and subcontracted to numerous artisans nationwide. most respondents (ten out of twenty respondents) expressed interest in pursuing entrepreneurship full-time after completing national service making statements like “i have acquired skills and i need to use it,” “i can contribute to the unemployment situation by creating jobs for people,” and “i want flexibility with work times.” respondent 14, for example, was confident that he was 80% prepared to go full-time by the time he completes his national service. further eight out of twenty respondents opted for part-time entrepreneurship side by side a full-time career working for government or the private sector immediately after national service; with full-time entrepreneurial engagements considered for a later date in the future. for them, going part-time for entrepreneurship would enable them “raise capital,” “save to invest,” “prepare financially,” and “earn to grow their business”. in addition, two out of twenty respondents indicated no desire to pursue entrepreneurship in the short or medium term for reasons similar to those mentioned by respondent who wanted to pursue entrepreneurship part-time after national service. to this end, respondent 15 retorted that he “had nothing to start with, not even a laptop,” therefore, he felt that by choosing full-time employment with a well-established institution now he would “be ready to pursue full-time entrepreneurship in 10 years.” entrepreneurial challenges and entrepreneurship-academic work balance the final objective of the study aimed to shed light on challenges faced among student entrepreneurs and strategies used to balance entrepreneurship and academic work. findings on challenges faced by respondents in their student entrepreneurial engagements revealed that limited access to capital was the main constraint faced by ten out of twenty respondents. respondents explained that their inability to access the required capital made it difficult for them to “have access to quality tools and materials,” “access online resources which come at a cost,” “invest in machinery such as the embroidery machine which leads to lower profit margins arising from outsourcing the production of some of the jobs,” and “acquire other important assets like a computer, printer, camera and office space,” which, “sometimes breed distrust artivate 9.1 92 among potential clients.” while respondent 14 argued that this constraint led him to lose a contract that required him to pre-finance about 70% of the estimated cost, respondent 15 reported that his inability to secure a video camera led to him losing out on an entrepreneurial opportunity. next, ten out of twenty respondents mentioned that they faced the challenge of dealing with operational issues within their organizations. operational concerns hovered around “balancing school and entrepreneurial activities,” which lead to “high stress and back pain,” “meeting deadlines,” and “having access to secure and inexpensive transportation systems to aid delivery to clients.” marketing featured as one of the challenges faced by six out of twenty respondents. according to two of these respondents, there were struggles with advertising and attracting customers willing to buy products offered considering the stiff competition faced from chinese imports. for the other four respondents, marketing challenges meant cumbersome and expensive processes associated with the packaging and delivery of products to clients, difficulty in managing the perception of clients on the price of product and service offering, and “maintaining good customer relations even when clients do not communicate their needs effectively and make the work difficult.” three respondents made reference to human resource management challenges when faced with stories of multiple layoffs recorded in the past by one student entrepreneur who struggled with recruiting and retaining people who displayed a strong work ethic. other human resource concerns included difficulty finding individuals to partner with and subcontractors who are reliable and can meet time and quality standards. only two out of twenty respondents suggested difficulty in financial record keeping as an issue of concern as they battled with managing finances in a way that kept personal funds separate from business proceeds and ensured proper accountability. regarding strategies, findings from the empirical work conducted showed the use of business and academic strategies enforced by a strong personal work ethic. on one hand, twelve out of twenty respondents reported that they adopted strategies such as “ignoring less profitable jobs,” “referring jobs to friends,” “collaborating with others such as suppliers and third-party producers,” “not taking on too much work,” “operating business only at free times in between classes and on weekends,” “working at night most times between 11pm and 2am,” “employing others,” “reducing the number of sleeping hours,” and “communicating realistic deadlines to clients,” as a way of reducing their entrepreneurial demands. respondent 13 suggested that some of the above business strategies are sometimes not effective. for example: he shared the story of a time in level 200 when demands from academic work led him to subcontract jobs he received to three people. according to him, the final output of the subcontracted work was poor and below expectations, such that he had to stay up for three consecutive nights to redo the work for his clients; affecting his preparedness for exams and consequently his academic performance for that course. from the academic side of things, ten out of twenty respondents mentioned that they “did not attend all the lectures,” but made up for this by “reading ahead,” “learning in the day time and on weekends,” “studying at dawn and in groups,” “completing assignments on time and asking friends to submit for them,” and “practicing rote memorization when examinations were close.” respondent 9 mentioned not to have missed any of his classes throughout his four-year education, although meeting assignment deadlines was a challenge. three out of twenty respondents explained that their high intellectual ability which allowed artivate 9.1 93 them to “absorb within short periods,” and “understand what is taught easily,” served them well. for another respondent, his entrepreneurial activities served as a lab for learning since he felt the activities related to his field of study. personal work ethic appeared to be important in enforcing academic and business strategies as eleven out of twenty respondents made reference to it. according to them, their success at balancing the two activities was a result of their possession of positive attributes such as “hard work and determination,” “time consciousness,” “good time management,” and “discipline.” only one respondent reported that he perceived that his ability to balance studying and entrepreneurship was not only a result of his own efforts but also a result of divine favor from god for the sacrifices he made serving on the university’s chaplaincy board. overall, only four out of twenty respondents reported to have had some of their grades negatively affected due to their involvement in entrepreneurship. one respondent explained that in his first year of university he was a first-class student, but his performance fell in second year when he started his entrepreneurial pursuits, so he tried to complete his education with second class honors. in contrast, another respondent who perceived no negative effect of entrepreneurial engagements on his academic work argued that the pursuit had actually been beneficial because it served as a motivation to complete assignments ahead of time. discussion findings from the study mirrored arguments in the literature (carter et al. 2003; ndirangu & bosire 2004; benzing et al. 2009; kirkwood 2009; fatoki 2014) on financial rewards being the main driver of student entrepreneurial engagements. this result supports conclusions drawn by ndirangu and bosire (2004) on the use of student entrepreneurship as a survival strategy, thus validating, in the case of the sampled respondents, our hypothesis on the role that similar economic indicators between ghana and kenya could play in student entrepreneurial decision making. nevertheless, further studies on the topic using quantitative approaches that include larger samples will be needed to enable generalizations among visual arts students as a whole. the emphasis on financial incentives identified could be problematic as student entrepreneurs may lose interest in the venture once they have alternative sources of income after graduation. in fact, the possibility of this happening appeared higher for student entrepreneurs in our study who specialized in art education. therefore, four out of eight respondents who preferred to pursue entrepreneurship on a part-time basis after graduation were those who majored in art education. we could argue that because opportunities for formal employment in the educational sector in ghana was easier to access, student entrepreneurs majoring in art education were reluctant to pursue entrepreneurship on a full-time basis immediately after national service. in addition, a teaching career seemed to provide room for part-time entrepreneurial activities for respondents. despite the financial motive explained above, it is important to note that results of the study also indicated that some students were motivated by a desire to gain experience from their entrepreneurial engagements. this finding suggests that respondents considered student entrepreneurship as an option for the “career rehearsal” (ndirangu & bosire 2004) benefits it afforded them. therefore, the finding is a reminder that the entrepreneurial engagements of artivate 9.1 94 respondents described in the study are meant to be a training period where entrepreneurial capabilities are tested, and lessons learnt for success. according to marmer (2012), subsistence entrepreneurs who pursue entrepreneurship for reasons of earning to provide usually have a mindset that does not support growth thereby contributing less to the transformational growth of economies. to this end, for student entrepreneurs in the study to take their businesses forward after graduation and make an impact, there may be a need for guidance and tutoring, coupled with strong institutional support from the university, government, and society at large to enable student entrepreneurs develop the appropriate mental outlook for entrepreneurial growth and success. in this effort, it is important to involve family and friends as findings from the study support arguments by fini et al. (2016) on the important role of family and friends as motivators for student entrepreneurship. in our study, this role extended to teachers and employers who positively influenced the perceptions of desirability and feasibility of respondents for entrepreneurship. regarding entrepreneurial engagements, findings showed that most respondents engaged in entrepreneurship independently (ndirangu & bosire 2004; fatoki 2014; fini et al. 2016). however, their activities were not only targeted at students as suggested by ndirangu & bosire (2004). in some cases, customer targets lived off campus and in geographical locations that necessitated delivery of goods and services via public transport to clients. most of the art specializations in which businesses observed in the study focused on, except graphic communication design and cloth printing, did not feature in the literature. this may be due to the lack of empirical work on the topic. however, specialization areas collectively fell within visual arts; supporting the argument that the visual arts provides good opportunities for entrepreneurship activities inferred from the literature (protogerou et al. 2015; adebayo & jenyo 2013; anderson 2014). additionally, results that ten out of twenty respondents were willing to pursue their entrepreneurial activities full-time after national service is similar to the percentage of student entrepreneurs found by fini et al. (2004) to continue their entrepreneurial activities after their education. perhaps it could be argued that the entrepreneurship engagements of students within the study contributed positively to building their entrepreneurial maturity (nabi et al. 2009); coupled with fairly simple business ideas which made it easy for them to show increased entrepreneurial intention (nenzhelele et al. 2016) and confidence in their ability to transition to entrepreneurship full-time in the near future (bell & bell 2016). it is important not to underestimate the role of skill acquisition in facilitating the entrepreneurial initiatives of respondents in the study. respondents in the study acted entrepreneurially in their quest for knowledge and skill acquisition; not limiting themselves only to what they were taught in class. in the stories explored in this study, skill acquisition for some respondents started prior to entering the university, for example, self-tutoring on the internet. for other respondents, there was a need to still get practical training opportunities outside the formal educational set-up via internships to master the skill. these findings bring to the foreground the need for an educational curriculum that emphasizes both theory and practice, so students are well-equipped for whatever career path they choose. further, respondent’s use of skills acquired to pursue craft entrepreneurship is not bad per se; nevertheless, this can have artivate 9.1 95 implications on their ability to grow. findings indicated that only two of the respondents exhibited traits of opportunistic entrepreneurs with a clear difference in terms of growth between the two respondents’ entrepreneurial initiative and that of the others. regarding challenges, findings supported to some extent, arguments that a key challenge faced by student entrepreneurs is the issue of balancing schoolwork and entrepreneurship activities (ndirangu & bosire 2004), as only few respondents made reference to it. perhaps, this positive outlook is a result of their use of various creative strategies to managing their businesses. strategies suggested were similar to that found by ndirangu & bosire (2004), such as, varying opening times based on free time, making up for missed classes through personal study to manage the academic, and business activities. however, issues relating to the personal work ethic of respondents that came up in the study did not feature in the literature. it is important to note that feedback from most respondents on the extent to which their entrepreneurial activities affected their academic work was positive, in line with findings in the literature (ndirangu & bosire 2004; abamba 2017). most respondents did not emphasize student related challenges, supporting the argument by sugiarto (2014) that general challenges faced by entrepreneurs are usually applicable to student entrepreneurs. to this end, the study observed challenges that could be categorized under financial, operational, marketing, and managerial in line with studies by fatoki & garve (2010), fatoki (2014) and sugiarto (2014). issues of high taxation and excessive bureaucracy highlighted in the study by fini et al. (2016) did not come up in the study at hand. this may be due to varying business environments in ghana in comparison to italy. in addition, human resource challenges did not feature as an issue of concern for all but three respondents, and this is possibly due to the practice of craft entrepreneurship identified earlier involving only the student entrepreneur. conclusions, implications, and recommendations the study sought to shed light on the motivation of graduates of visual arts degree and higher national diploma programs in pursing entrepreneurship while studying, their entrepreneurial engagements, challenges, and survival strategies. based on the findings above, the researchers conclude that student entrepreneurship among the studied respondents is considered a survival strategy that is driven by skill acquisition for the pursuit of craft entrepreneurship in their field of specialization. it serves as a good platform for improving technical and entrepreneurial skills in preparation for a career in entrepreneurship if the student entrepreneur so choses. nevertheless, the entrepreneurial journey of the student entrepreneur can be difficult and is embedded with both general and context specific challenges that the student entrepreneur tries to navigate using varied creative approaches. the notion of student entrepreneurship as a survival strategy can interfere negatively with the student’s education. despite the benefits associated with student entrepreneurship explained above, the survival instinct in humans can cause excessive risk taking among students, especially, because findings from the study show a fairly positive belief among respondents that they are capable of managing student entrepreneurial activity and academic work effectively with little evidence to support this. to this end, future work that investigates the issues identified artivate 9.1 96 in this study via quantitative approaches among a larger sample size would be beneficial. in addition, a study that takes this work a step further to shed light on the effect of student entrepreneurial activities and student academic performance among student entrepreneurs in ghana is needed. such as study should rely on facts from documents such as student transcripts to ensure objective and reliable insights for effective policy making. survival and craft could also imply small scale operations and inability to grow in a way that can transform the economy. therefore, policy makers in academia, industry, and government should work together towards positioning student entrepreneurs to be growth oriented even when choosing the craft route to entrepreneurship. it is clear that respondents in this study take advantage of the skills acquired in their fields of specialization to pursue entrepreneurship. however, the focus on a specific subject area can narrow down the entrepreneurial opportunities that students get exposed to. thus, it is recommended that universities and 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https://mobile.ghanaguardian.com/business-ministrylaunches-ghc:m-campus-business-pitch. thom, m. 2016. “crucial skills for the entrepreneurial success of fine artists.” artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts 5, no. 1: 3-24. united nations conference on trade and development 2004. “entrepreneurship and economic development: the empretech showcase.” geneva: unctad. yusuf, n. 2016. “the role of entrepreneurship in economic development in saudi arabia.” international journal of business and economic development 4, no. 1: 47-55. yin, r. k. 2009. case study research: design and methods. thousand oaks, ca: sage. 103-article text-327-3-11-20200511 vol. 9, no. 1 spring 2020 special issue: detroit making detroit sound great the detroit symphony orchestra and its post-strike transformations nathinee chucherdwatanasak university of michigan abstract: after its 2010–11 contentious strike, the detroit symphony orchestra (dso) reinvented itself as “the most accessible orchestra on the planet.” this poststrike vision and its subsequent strategies reflected corporate entrepreneurship’s two phenomena: corporate venturing and strategic renewal. the dso’s entrepreneurial turn enabled the orchestra to be more flexible strategically and structurally, broadened its role to become both nonprofit cultural organization and social-service institution, and helped the dso contribute to revitalizing detroit. still, as most activities took place in downtown/midtown and metro detroit neighborhoods, the dso was still far from being a true advocate for citizens of its very own city. monday, october 4, 2010 was supposed to be a day off for the musicians of the detroit symphony orchestra (dso). about sixty players, however, chose to go to work that morning. they put on their formal black concert attire and headed toward orchestra hall. yet, instead of entering the stage doors at the back, unpacking their instruments, and beginning their warmup routine as they would normally do, the musicians positioned themselves in front of the hall, as if they were a group of audience members waiting for the front doors to open. instead of sitting on stage, they strode in circles along the sidewalk. instead of symphonies, a horn quartet played marches and anthem-like music, while musicians murmured in the background. instead of musical scores and parts, the only texts presented that morning appeared on the picket signs carried by the marching musicians reading, for example, “the dso musicians make detroit ‘sound’ great!” and “bringing detroit’s music to the world.” the ninetyminute show marked the downbeat of what would become a six-month strike (associated press artivate 9.1 44 2010; wsws 2010; wxyz_tv detroit 2010). the strike, spanning a total of twenty-six weeks, was one of the most tumultuous periods in the history of the dso. it was the longest work stoppage of the institution’s ninety-six years of operation. in the wake of the bitter walkout, the dso became the first major american orchestra to shorten its contract to fewer than fifty-two weeks (johnson 2010). ten musicians left the orchestra, including concertmaster emmanuelle boisvert who had served the orchestra for over two decades (stryker 2012). its financial status was wobbly, with debt and deficits rapidly piling up while an endowment drastically declined (johnson 2008; stryker 2011a). table 1. dso’s revenues and expenses by concert season two years after the strike was resolved, however, the picture was completely different. the orchestra closed its 2012–13 season with a small financial surplus (cooper 2013). it then continued to balance its operating budget in the following six seasons (see table 1). its subscription base grew for five consecutive years, both in terms of revenue and the number of households (dso 2016a, 31–32). a popular new initiative, live from orchestra hall, which streamed classical concerts on the dso website, accumulated over one million views during its first five years of service (dso 2016a, 22). these favorable outcomes not only defied a national trend that saw increasing deficits and dwindling audiences throughout the symphonic world (flanagan 2012; league 2016, 7–8), but also resisted detroit’s economic decline that persisted for decades (smith and kirkpatrick 2015). how did the dso manage to stand firm on this shaky ground? how did the orchestra thrive when its counterparts struggled for survival and its hometown was on the verge of bankruptcy? the dso’s ability to reinvent itself as “the most accessible orchestra on the planet”—a slogan that emerged in the wake of the strike—was the key to this accomplishment. this brand 2011– 2012 2012– 2013 2013– 2014 2014– 2015 2015– 2016 2016– 2017 2017– 2018 ticket revenuea $5.61 $6.29 $7.20 $6.86 $6.79 $7.28 $7.08 contributed revenuea $14.75 $17.93 $33.64 $22.34 $23.27 $26.75 $19.27 total revenuea $25.06 $28.68 $47.38 $35.04 $35.30 $46.11 $33.45 total expensesa $32.95 $31.56 $32.84 $32.93 $33.68 $36.34 $34.64 net surplus/deficita -$7.89 -$2.88 $14.54 $2.11 $1.62 $9.77 -$1.19 net surplus/deficit from operationsb -$2.81 $0.02 $0.06 $0.03 $0.42 $0.10 $0.04 note. dollars in millions asources: dso 2012, 2013b, 2014b, 2015b, 2016b, 2017a, and 2018b. bsources: dso 2013a, 2014a, 2015a, 2016a, 2018a. artivate 9.1 45 new vision transformed the dso’s fundamental approach to operation. it altered the orchestra’s products and services, built different target customer segments, and adjusted the post-strike musician contract to accommodate new accessibility initiatives. through this vision, the dso offered more than the traditional symphonic music programs via different media outlets and performing venues to reach people of more diverse communities throughout metro detroit and beyond with reduced or even free admission. as a result, the dso became a more inclusive and culturally relevant institution that helped contribute to revitalizing the city of detroit and its surrounding area. corporate entrepreneurship by reshaping the organization’s key ideas and creating new services, the post-strike vision and its subsequent strategies could be perceived as the dso’s entrepreneurial efforts to transform itself. entrepreneurship at a firm-level like this is called corporate entrepreneurship, although other terms are used to describe a similar condition such as corporate venturing, intrapreneurship, or strategic renewal (cuervo, ribeiro, and roig 2007). the scope of corporate entrepreneurship’s definition varies depending on scholars and their research. hornsby et. al. (1993, 30), for example, broadly define it as “the develop of new business endeavors within the corporate framework,” while block and macmillan (1993, 14) take a much narrower approach when constructing conditions for corporate venture: a project is a corporate venture when it (a) involves an activity new to the organization, (b) is initiated or conducted internally, (c) involves significantly higher risk of failure or large losses than the organization’s base business, (d) is characterized by greater uncertainty than the base business, (e) will be managed separately at some time during its life, (f) is undertaken for the purpose of increasing sales, profit, productivity or quality. while the creation of any new business in a firm would count as a corporate entrepreneurial effort for the former, it would not be considered so by the latter unless that new business is risk-taking, profit-driven, and temporarily managed by an autonomous unit. a widely accepted definition of corporate entrepreneurship by guth and ginsberg, however, encompasses two phenomena: corporate venturing and strategic renewal (guth and ginsberg 1990, 5; sharma and chrisman 2007, 90). the first, corporate venturing, refers to “the birth of new business within existing organization,” which “may or may not lead to the formation of new organizational units” (guth and ginsberg 1990, 5; sharma and chrisman 2007, 93) the second, strategic renewal, means “the transformation of organizations through renewal of the key ideas on which they are built,” which “result[s] in significant changes to an organization’s business or corporate level strategy or structure” (guth and ginsberg 1990, 5; sharma and chrisman 2007, 93). in other words, creating new businesses (with or without a new organizational unit) constitutes only one part of corporate entrepreneurship; renewing the organization’s strategy and structure also signifies entrepreneurial efforts in a firm-level. in this sense, innovation is not a necessary condition for corporate entrepreneurship. in fact, guth and artivate 9.1 46 ginsberg view the newness within the scope of the organization itself. entrepreneurial behavior is in view as long as “changes in the pattern of resource deployment—new combinations of resources in schumpeter’s terms—transform the firm into something significantly different from what it was before—something ‘new’” (guth and ginsberg 1990, 6). an organization engages in corporate entrepreneurship when it transforms itself from the old to the new. the dso’s accessibility vision and its subsequent approaches reflect the two phenomena of corporate venturing and strategic renewal. the vision itself has renewed the dso’s strategy and structure to be not only a nonprofit cultural institution that is preoccupied with the traditional role as a custodian of a musical tradition but also a community-service organization that engages with audiences of a more diverse socioeconomic status and musical preferences. putting vision into action, the dso incorporated various approaches of accessibility in many parts of its organization (sphinx organization 2016). making the tickets more affordable, the orchestra reduced the average price to as low as that of the 1999 season, with half of the seats being $25 or less. it also came up with a tiered ticket pricing strategy to accommodate a broad range of customer demographics, including discounted tickets for young professionals ($10 per ticket with $40 annual membership fee), rush tickets for detroit residents ($15 per ticket), and a very low-cost soundcard student membership (free tickets to most concerts with $25 annual membership fee). its musical programming encompassed a variety of musical genres and activities in addition to the typical classical, jazz, and pop series offered by american orchestras of this period. programming selections offered by different parts of dso organization today include hip-hop, techno, funk, soul, world music, film scores, contemporary classical music, salsa dances, and yoga with live music. each stood alone on programs tailored to entertain the audience of that particular genre or activity—a successful strategy to counter the “dumbing down” criticism that often stigmatized concerts featuring classical and “non-classical” musical genres on the same program (pollard 2013; broad 2019). arguably, the dso’s strategic change was most apparent in its accessibility approaches that involved initiatives to engage with the audience beyond the walls of its orchestra hall in midtown detroit. three initiatives were particularly influential: community engagement programs, a neighborhood concert series, and a livestreaming service. although the dso, as well as some other orchestras, had participated in those three activities to some degree prior to the advent of the new vision, the pre-strike forms of those initiatives were—in the words of former dso executive vice president paul hogle—“random and occasional” (personal interview, march 26, 2018). it was not until the post-strike strategic change that community engagement, neighborhood concerts, and livestreaming became an integral part of the organization, taking place systematically throughout the entire concert season. through the three initiatives, the dso created a new concert series, established a new work rule with the musicians, and formed two new administrative units. these post-strike initiatives thus transformed the dso from the old to the new and put the orchestra in the position of corporate entrepreneur. artivate 9.1 47 neighborhood concert series the neighborhood residency initiative (now the william davidson neighborhood concert series) brings the orchestra to local churches, synagogues, and performing arts centers of seven neighborhoods around the city of detroit. these neighborhoods include beverly hills, bloomfield hills, clinton township, grosse pointe, plymouth, southfield, and west bloomfield—each receives four performances per a concert season. three of the locations stage a standard full-orchestra repertory not unlike that of the main classical series. the other smaller venues host a more modest version of the dso and often feature chamber orchestral works by baroque and classical composers such as antonio vivaldi, franz joseph haydn, and wolfgang amadeus mozart that are rarely heard in orchestra hall. despite the repertorial differences, all neighborhood performances retain the same concert format of a typical classical concert: the lights dim, signaling the concertmaster and then the conductor to take the stage. the intermission divides the performance into two halves, each lasts about forty-five minutes. the first often begins with an overture or a short introductory piece, followed by a solo concerto. the second is commonly reserved for a rather monumental work, usually a multi-movement symphony. throughout the entire course of the performance, the audience is to remain silent, only to applaud after the end of each piece. rigid and conventional, the neighborhood concert series is nonetheless a powerful renewal strategy for the dso. the series introduces a new model for the dso’s concert season. all neighborhood performances are planned specifically in conjunction with in-house classical concerts as part of one season-long series. prior to the strike, the orchestra offered approximately eighty classical concerts at orchestra hall. now the dso performs fifty classical programs at its main house and nearly thirty concerts in the communities. in other words, the neighborhood concerts do not constitute a separate, one-week series of local performances as they did before the strike but appear in alternation with the classical series at orchestra hall throughout the months of january through july. with this model, the dso claims to be the first orchestra to hold performances at community venues over the course of a long-term series (miller 2012). the neighborhood initiative can be perceived as a credit to an entrepreneurial effort of the dso musicians. it demonstrates how the musicians created new opportunities for themselves under their own new organization when they could not continue their usual employment during the work stoppage. the ad-hoc concert plan came about when the musicians could no longer enter the music hall once they decided to go on strike. because of the space restriction, the players had to find different venues to organize their own concerts in order to make a case for their action and to raise support from the community. in the words of dso cellist haden mckay, who was also a member of the orchestra’s bargaining committee and a spokesman for the musicians during the work stoppage, the self-organized concerts occurred “by force of necessity” to “raise a few dollars for ourselves and keep together and present ourselves to the public and carry our message” (personal interview, march 12, 2018). the self-produced concerts under the banner of “the musicians of the detroit symphony orchestra” first appeared at the kirk in the hills presbyterian church in bloomfield hills, a neighborhood twenty-five miles artivate 9.1 48 northwest of detroit (pr newswire 2010; stryker 2010b). twelve performances ensued in the following six months, with two to four concerts in each month. the locales of the performing venues spanned across the greater metro detroit region, from st. patrick catholic church located just around the corner from the musicians’ then-off-limits musical home to our lady star of the sea church in grosse pointe to stoney creek high school in rochester hills, and st. patrick parish in white lake. given the success of the musicians’ ad-hoc performances, management adopted their idea of the neighborhood concerts when the strike had ended (stryker 2011e). thanks to generous support from the william davidson foundation (dso, n.d.-b), the dso launched the initiative in the 2012–13 season targeting former patrons who had once been the orchestra’s prime subscribers but were no longer able—or willing to—commute to midtown detroit. the data from the inaugural season revealed that 86% of the neighborhood concert series’ subscribers had never subscribed to the dso series in more than ten years, compared to 14% of the patrons who simultaneously signed up for the dso classical series (moran 2012). over time, however, the strategy shifted. nicki inman, senior director of patron development and engagement, explained that “[the audience] is starting to become people who’ve only ever gone to those figure 1. locations of the dso’s neighborhood concert series. note: the highlighted area designates the city of detroit. artivate 9.1 49 neighborhoods because we draw new audiences in all the time” (personal interview, february 16, 2018). the neighborhood concert model allowed the dso to reconnect with its previous patrons while attracting new ones. these concerts thus helped broaden the dso’s influence on detroit’s neighborhoods. but the neighborhood series had a negligible impact on the city. all of those seven neighborhoods were located outside of the city in detroit suburbs (see figure 1). except for southfield, those suburbs were much wealthier than detroit (see figures 2 and 3). the median household income between 2014–18 of most of these neighborhoods were at least three times more than that of detroit. bloomfield residents had the highest median household income, which was four times more than that of detroiters. on the other hand, detroit’s poverty rate was at least nine times higher than most of the suburbs’, and twenty-four times higher than that of beverly hills. even in the case of southfield, the location for the dso’s neighborhood concerts (congregation shaarey zedek) was far outside of southfield city and closer to the very well-to-do southfield township. the neighborhood concert series made the dso more accessible to more people, but its focus on patrons in well-off neighborhoods left the destitute detroit rather unattended. its contribution to the revitalization of the motor city was arguably scant. community engagement programs community engagement, later dubbed the “social progress initiative,” brings chamber groups of dso musicians—mostly a duet—to public and private spaces around the city of detroit and its suburbs to perform an hour of light classical music free of cost in informal or semi-formal settings. it allows the dso to appear in places where an orchestral performance is impracticable, as the reduced scale of chamber ensembles allows the musicians to appear in small spaces that cannot accommodate an entire orchestra. the more intimate settings also help the dso engage with its listeners in a more personal level, encouraging interactive presentations and figure 2. median household income of detroit and detroit suburbs. united states census bureau, 2019. artivate 9.1 50 communication between performers and listeners beyond musical sounds and applause. although the list of programs and venues fluctuates every now and then depending on partnerships and funding, five categories direct the settings, activities, and repertoires of dso outreach work: lobby performances, chamber recitals, focused groups, interactive presentations, and music therapy sessions. lobby performances take place at the main entrances of major detroit hospitals, including all sixteen hospitals within the beaumont health system, children’s hospital of michigan, and john d. dingell veterans affairs medical center (dso, n.d.-a). these performances often involve two musicians who play duets of familiar classical music tunes such as bach’s minuets, brahms’s hungarian dance no. 5, and pachelbel’s canon in d. rush hour chamber recitals occur in parks, bars, or breweries during happy hours. despite the friendly atmosphere, the recital programs are in general more serious than those of the lobby performances, featuring original chamber music or substantial arrangements to showcase the performers. while the first two outreach programs are open to any listeners who happen to be at the venue at showtime, the other three categories are reserved for exclusive, small groups of audience members. partnering with the american house senior living communities and the greater michigan chapter of the alzheimer’s association, the dso offers informal recitals for focused groups of audience, namely the residents, members, and caretakers of those senior or medical centers. there, a small group of musicians, usually a duet, perform music not unlike that of the lobby performances interspersed with lively conversations with the audience to provide brief background information of the instruments, composers, and repertoire. interactive presentations take place in a similar fashion but at social service organizations such as the coalition of temporary shelter (cots) in midtown detroit and often involve activities with children such as a musical chairs game and an instrument petting zoo. finally, dso musicians work with music therapists in music therapy sessions at the children hospital of michigan and kadima mental health services. following the lead of the therapists, the musicians play nursery rhymes and classical tunes, often accompanied by patients and staff on figure 3. percentage of persons in poverty in detroit and detroit suburbs. united states census bureau, 2019. artivate 9.1 51 shakers, rhythm sticks, or toy marimbas throughout the session. these community engagement activities are managed by the community and learning department, a new dso administrative unit that emerged at the wake of the strike. this department designs, develops, and implements strategies and activities related to educational programs and community engagement activities. while an education department had existed in the dso before the strike, no administrative unit designated specifically to community engagement appeared until after the work stoppage. post-strike dso features two staff members—a manager and a coordinator—who are responsible solely in community engagement activities and work under a senior director who supervises both the community and the education subdivisions. community engagement also brought about new work rules for dso musicians. prior to the strike, the musicians’ duties included only traditional orchestral work—rehearsing and performing substantial repertoires on stage. the new work rules expanded their responsibilities to encompass playing lighter music and interacting with the general public at various venues outside of the concert hall. beyond excellent playing skills, the orchestral players should be able to teach, entertain, and speak in public. although not every community engagement work required the dso musicians to acquire those extra abilities, the work rule changes transformed their job descriptions. in spite of contentious negotiations between the musicians and management during the strike brought up by the work rule changes (stryker 2010a), the new responsibilities helped broaden financial opportunities for the musicians individually, as well as the dso as a whole. community engagement programs allowed the institution to receive extra funding from individuals and organizations who reserved their donations only for social-cause issues. beginning on the heels of the strike, donors, foundations, and corporations specifically designated $2-million-dollar to the dso’s community engagement initiatives (stryker 2011d). when this funding was exhausted, the dso collaborated with local partners for sponsorship. for instance, the american house paid for all of the musicians’ services at their retirement homes; the fiat chrysler automobiles foundation financed performances at the veteran affairs medical center; and the ford motor company fund sponsored dso on the go programs that included performances at cots and other detroit-based social service organizations that the fund also supported such as vista maria, alternatives for girls, and ford resource and engagement center (c. valenti, personal interview, april 16, 2018). for the musicians, community work payment helped offset the deep pay cuts established by the agreement that ended the strike—that deal not only shortened the contract to fewer than fifty-two weeks but also decreased the musicians’ base pay almost 23% (stryker 2011c). yet, not every musician in the orchestra obtained this additional wage or was expected to commit themselves to the outreach work. participating in these initiatives was optional. only twentytwo musicians per season could sign up for this program as what the dso called opt-ins, who had the first priority to accept or reject all outreach offers. these opt-ins received a certain amount of compensation throughout the season in installments; in return, they had to fulfill a certain number of outreach hours per concert year. unfilled offers went to ad-hocs. as the artivate 9.1 52 number of community engagement services increased over the years, the rest of the dso musicians could also secure an offer when it was not taken in the opt-in or ad-hoc levels. only on occasion, particularly around the end of the season when opt-ins and ad-hocs had already met their requirements and the concert schedules were loaded, some outreach opportunities remained available. the musicians on the dso’s substitute list would then assume the outreach representative positions and fulfill the tasks. the voluntary nature of the opt-in system had proven favorable among musicians. “if you’re somebody that doesn’t like doing these things, you don’t have to,” said cellist úna o’riordan, “there are so many people who do, so we don’t have trouble getting people to go out and do these concerts. i’m an opt-in and i sign on for whatever things they send me an offer . . . if it works with my schedule. [the system] works really well” (personal interview, march 12, 2018). community engagement benefited every party involved: local partnerships used the music and outreach activities to enrich the lives of the people affiliated with their sponsored institutions or organizations, the musicians had opportunities to serve the community through their musical talents and received additional income for their services, the dso formed personal relationships with its patrons and secured financial resources for the institution. the city of detroit, however, did not seem to benefit much from the dso’s community engagement activities. although the dso presented community work in the detroit area, the figure 4. locations of dso’s community engagement activities. note: the highlighted area designates the city of detroit. artivate 9.1 53 majority of the activities were still elsewhere. all beaumont hospitals, the alzheimer’s association, kadima mental health, and american house senior living communities that the dso serves were located in the rich detroit suburbs (see figure 4). the children’s hospital and almost all of the rush-hour recital venues were situated within detroit’s boundaries, but clustered in the midtown and downtown neighborhoods that covered only 5% of the city’s 140 square miles (reese, 2017). the dso seemed to affect detroiters the most only when its musicians visited ford-sponsored, detroit-based social service organizations. still, except for several interactive performances at cots, other organizations received only one or two visits per concert season. the dso’s impact on detroit residents through community work was much bigger compared to the neighborhood concerts. yet, only a small number of detroiters—and only occasionally—benefited from this new venture of the dso. community engagement might have helped revitalize the city, but presumably in a very small way. live from orchestra hall live from orchestra hall webcast series is arguably the most innovative among the dso’s accessibility strategies. this digital strategy made it possible for the dso to offer a more convenient, alternative mode of access to its live performances. the webcast series livestreamed virtually every classical concert program on the dso website and facebook page to audiences the world over with no charge. anyone from any part of the world with internet access could experience the dso performances for free. live from orchestra hall enabled the organization to be accessible across the seven continents of the globe and allowed far-flung audiences to concurrently engage in a live musical event albeit their disparate locations. live from orchestra hall reinvents the dso’s live concert experience. it offers a closer look at the orchestra, conductor, and soloists beyond the panoramic view of the stage, both literally and figuratively. instead of a single, distant perspective from an audience seat, the webcast alternates different camera shots and angles. a high angle displays a view of the whole orchestra from the best seat in the house. a close-up reveals each instrumental section, bringing out discreet melodies and harmonies underneath the massive orchestral sound. an extreme, closeup zoom on the performers’ expressions, inviting the viewers to feel the tension, eye contact, and body language of the musicians up on the stage. “[the webcast] is definitely a different experience,” claims marc geelhoed, the director of digital initiatives, “we talk a lot in the production about telling the story of the music. and the most effective way to do that is timing the shots—which instrument is on screen in a given time. is that the melody? is that the countermelody? . . . can you get them all in one shot? i think a lot of that creates the intimacy, that you’re able to see the music unfold” (personal interview, february 19, 2018). while some may find the visual presentation distracting, others rely on it to enhance their aural sensation, particularly with up-close shots that allow both the eyes and the ears to attentively grasp the musical experience. the webcast audience also gains insider access to the performance during the intermission when the audience at orchestra hall simply witnesses an empty stage. while the musicians and artivate 9.1 54 the in-house patrons take a break, viewers on the dso website can explore behind-the-scene dialogues through interviews with a soloist, a guest composer, or a musicologist. these interviews—sometimes live, other times pre-recorded—provide musical insight beyond information inserted in the program notes. in one webcast from the 2018–19 season, conductor leonard slatkin interviewed two dso musicians who were the soloists of that evening’s program (dso 2017b). they discussed the performers’ musical backgrounds, challenging aspects of the pieces, their interpretations of the music, and different approaches the two players took in serving as a soloist as opposed to an orchestra member or a section leader. an interview like this may help viewers engage with the performers and music on a more personal level. the webcast refocuses the spotlight on the accessibility vision, as the online audience can appreciate the entire show—and more—without having to get off of their couch or step out of their door. all these livestreaming features, however, are not new to the orchestral world. tv broadcasts of classical concerts have long offered such similar experiences as close-ups and interviews. the bbc proms has been televised since 1947 (bbc, n.d.). in the united states, conductor leonard bernstein made his first television appearance in 1954 on the cultureoriented program omnibus and continued to do so with the young people’s concerts series until the early 1970s (leonard bernstein office, n.d.-a&b). through these educational programs, bernstein provided in-depth knowledge about featured composers and compositions. the omnibus debut episode on beethoven’s fifth symphony, for instance, involved bernstein’s meticulous analysis and demonstration of the symphony’s first movement based on several of the composer’s rejected sketches (saudek and mccullough 2010). insider access of the well-known symphony was available directly to the broadcast viewers. even in the world of concert live-streaming, the dso was not the first orchestra to pursue this form of digital technology. berlin philharmonic had offered concert webcasts through its digital concert hall website since 2008. a year later, los angeles philharmonic streamed its first concert from the hollywood bowl (ng 2009). closer looks at the orchestra and conversations with musicians were ordinary experience for the audience of these online media. the dso’s live from orchestra hall webcast series, nonetheless, is distinctive from other digital concert services for its regular streaming schedule and free subscription. while other orchestras livestream their performances only occasionally or demand certain fees,1 the dso is able to greatly reduce a production cost of the webcasts and offers them regularly with no charge, thanks to negotiations during the strike. most orchestra musicians in the united states are protected under a national contract by the american federation of musicians, which requires the orchestra to pay extra fees to the players when broadcasting and/or recording a performance (american federation of musicians 2018). the amount of the extra fees is variable depending on, for instance, the length of the media service, the number of musicians involved in that service, and the medium of the broadcast or the recording. in the dso’s strike, these fees 1 the new york philharmonic, for instance, usually streams only season opening concerts on its facebook page. the royal concertgebouw orchestra offers more free webcasts, but of selected programs. on the other hand, through the digital concert hall berlin philharmonic streams its performances regularly throughout the concert season, but charges for approximately $15 per month. artivate 9.1 55 and the dissension around the whole media issue became a major negotiating point. initially, management wanted complete access to performances for media use without compensating the musicians. cellist haden mckay, who was a member of the orchestra’s bargaining committee, recalled that management’s initial bargain position as “‘we can take anything and show it anywhere and the audience will come in and they will tape you in concerts and put on social media and all is going to be great.’ that’s a sensitive area for musicians. what we do when we perform, that’s our value, that’s our product” (personal interview, march 12, 2018). ultimately, the management and the federation settled on a new agreement involving an electronic media guarantee. instead of making an additional payment for each media service—or not paying the musicians at all for their media work—management designated a percentage of media work in the musicians’ weekly pay (mckay, email message to author, october 16, 2018; fleming 2015, 6). mckay explains that “it’s all sort of incorporated into salary—a certain amount of your salary [is] considered to be for media work” (personal interview, march 12, 2018). in other words, electronic media guarantee resembled a fixed, discounted media rate—a calculated pool of money allocated specifically for media-related performance—that was added to the musicians’ salaries. once the budget for livestreaming had been settled, the dso got the cameras rolling in short order. an autonomous dso administrative unit emerged after the strike handles the digital streaming venture. this digital initiatives unit takes care of the entire process of online performances, from setting up cameras to storing the webcast on the dso’s website. the process actually begins a few weeks prior to the webcasting with a score reader studying the works on the program to determine camera shots, moment to moment throughout the music, and later discussing those shots with the video director. in the early days of webcasting, leonard slatkin took some command over shooting. oriol sans, the score reader at that time, reflected on his experience working with the maestro: “we would sit on a couch in his office and go through the score. [slatkin would say,] ‘here, instead of going to the flute, go to another instrument.’ he was more interested in things that would look better on camera” (personal interview, april 23, 2019). that is not the case in later webcasts, in which the conductor is no longer involved in the process. on the week of the webcast, the director, three crew members, and an audio engineer convene in the control room at an orchestra rehearsal to work out those shots and preset them on six robotic video cameras. these presets streamline the shooting by moving the cameras automatically to a predetermined spot, whether that be a performer, an instrument, or a section. during the actual livestreaming, a floor manager communicates between the camera director in the control room and the crew on the floor to ensure that the entire broadcast goes smoothly and timely. the webcast is subsequently posted on the dso replay, an on-demand archive available free of charge to all subscribers or donors who contribute $50 or more to the orchestra’s annual fund. despite its free service, the impact of live from orchestra hall on the dso’s health has been quite positive. this digital initiative extensively broadens the dso’s base audience, making its classical performances available in both local and international levels. within the first five years of service the webcasts accumulated over one million views (dso 2016a, 22). about 70% of the artivate 9.1 56 webcast viewers were from the united states, with 41% of that share from michigan (fleming 2015, 5). management also claimed that the digital streaming attracted more patrons to orchestra hall and increased the orchestra’s financial gifts. the dso’s president and ceo anne parsons pointed out that the webcast series was an important factor of the institution’s turnaround: “ticket sales, donations, all the trends are up. . . pre-strike attendance was about 50% of capacity. now we have more than 90% of the hall sold on a regular basis. . . i think the digital world makes us hungrier for the real world” (fleming 2015, 3). a dso survey supported parsons’s presumption: 66% michigan viewers attended the dso in person in the 2014–15 season, with 40% attending three or more concerts (fleming 2015, 3, 5). similarly, former director of digital initiatives eric woodhams perceived dso replay to inspire more donations to the orchestra. “[dso] replay is a great incentive for people to give philanthropically to the dso,” explained woodhams on a webpage of brightcove, a software company that the dso hired to produce an online video platform (brightcove, n.d.). brightcove asserted that within only a few months after the dso launched the on-demand service, the dso’s donor base grew by hundreds of new households, most of whom were first-time donors (brightcove, n.d.). direct correlation between the dso’s digital services and its improved financial standing was yet ambiguous, since other causes such as growing economic, marketing strategies, or audience development might have also contributed to the orchestra’s uptrend. still, the fact that the dso recently received $2.5 million from knight foundation to substantially upgrade its digital system—including new robotic cameras, new studio equipment for the control room, and new fiber-optic wiring that would allow for ultra-high-definition visual quality and livestreaming from the dso’s rehearsal hall and second concert venue (dso 2020)—revealed the confidence that management, as well as the funder, had in these two digital initiatives and benefits that they brought to the organization. although the intention of live from orchestra hall is to share the dso with a worldwide audience (dso 2020), detroit schoolers benefit from the webcasts, especially through the dso’s figure 5. percentage of households with a broadband internet subscription 2014–2018. united states census bureau 2019. artivate 9.1 57 classroom edition. this didactic series brings live performances of the dso’s educational concerts to classrooms in detroit pubic and charter schools. the series’s inaugural season debuted in 300 detroit schools, as well as 125 others nationwide, reaching about 40,000 students with one performance (karoub 2014); the season’s subsequent webcasts reached about 30,000 detroit schoolers from k-8 in nearly seventy schools (dso 2015c, 32). despite the proximity to orchestra hall, many of these schools were not able to bring their students to dso’s educational performances in person due to transportation issues (dso 2015c, 32). the educational webcast series solved the problem and allowed young detroiters to experience live classical performances. outside of classroom edition, however, dso’s webcasts probably have a very small impact on detroiters. streaming two hours of a high-definition video requires at least 2 mbps internet speed and 5 gb internet data (event bandwidth calculator, n.d.; internet data calculator, n.d.). in other words, the dso webcast audience needs either a broadband internet subscription or a very expensive wireless plan for a cell phone to stream a dso’s performance. with most households having very limited income (see figure 2) and less than 60% of them having a broadband internet subscription (see figure 5), detroit residents arguably can take only little advantage of the dso’s digital services. conclusion the dso’s entrepreneurial turn to be “the most accessible orchestra on the planet” helped transform the organization to be more flexible strategically and structurally. it broadened the dso’s role to be both a nonprofit cultural organization, as well as a social-service institution. on the one hand, the post-strike dso still offered serious art and sustained the symphonic tradition to serve its core audiences of classical music. the classical series remained relatively the same in both its programs and procedures. patrons at orchestra hall experienced little to no change, except less expensive ticket and subscription sales, when attending dso concerts after the strike. on the other hand, the strategic shifts and new ventures pushed the dso to be more socialminded. they urged the orchestra to expand its concert programs and services to serve more diverse groups of people beyond the walls of the concert hall. neighborhood concerts brought the dso to community venues and offered performances to local residents who preferred not— or could not—commute to midtown detroit. community engagement helped the dso reach out to the general public in the midst of their everyday life, whether that be seeing a doctor, drinking with colleagues at happy hours, socializing with other elderly, sheltering in a temporary home, or healing from an illness. live from orchestra hall made dso’s performances available virtually to anyone around the world, and at any time with its archived webcasts on dso replay. while the first two initiatives allowed the orchestra to engage more with local residents—from elders at senior living homes to hip, urban young professionals, from underserved populations in metro detroit to middle-class families in the city’s suburban neighborhoods—the last made it possible for the dso to connect with audiences on a local, national, and international level. artivate 9.1 58 the three dso initiatives have continued well after the strike. in fact, all of them have recently been expanded and improved, suggesting their positive impact on the organization. the neighborhood concert series has added two more performances per season in monroe, a new venue in southwest of detroit (wisler 2019). community engagement services have increased in numbers and locations. interactive visits at cots, for instance, have grown from a few performances up to ten sessions per season (alcorn, k., email message to author, march 6, 2020). live from orchestra hall has registered over two million views (dso 2020); its recent technological upgrade will soon allow the dso to livestream events beyond the dso’s classical and educational concert series (dso 2019b). moreover, labor peace—rather than a work stoppage—has been a recurrent theme of the organization. both management and musicians were able to ratify all subsequent contracts well in advance every three years after the strike (welch 2014; hodges 2017; welch 2020). their agreements to maintain and expand the initiatives seem to validate individual and organizational satisfaction, as well as favorable outcomes, brought about by the accessibility vision. detroit residents, however, seem to be left out for the most part of this successful picture. most dso activities take place in downtown/midtown and metro detroit neighborhoods, overlooking the majority of its city and population. and given how impoverished most detroiters have long been (kennedy 2015; macdonald and chambers 2018), it would be quite impossible to imagine them buying even the cheapest seat at orchestra hall, dining at dso rush hour recital venue in downtown, or driving to attend a concert in the suburb. except for some of the dso’s community works, most detroiters are arguably strangers to the very orchestra that bears their city’s name. yet, the dso’s accessibility shifts have turned the orchestra into a more relevant and approachable organization compared to its pre-strike version. the dso has become a nimbler institution that is no longer preoccupied solely with the traditional role as a custodian of a musical tradition but has assumed a new position as a supporter of the community. the poststrike dso has reached out more to its audience, physically and conceptually. the ability to adapt has also led the dso to new kinds of partnerships, whether with civic, foundation, or business partners. the webcasts, neighborhood concerts, and community engagement programs indicate the dso as a cultural hub that connects nonprofit corporations and forprofit businesses with residents in and around detroit. strategic and structural flexibility has proven successful for the dso to secure more financial opportunities to serve more people. but the dso is still a long way away from being a true advocate for citizens of its very own city. hopefully, future collaborations will narrow the gap, and in that spirit the entirety of detroit, in resonance with its motto, will rise from the ashes and sound great—again.2 2 two latin phrases make up detroit’s motto: “speramus meliora” and “resurget cineribus,” meaning “we hope for better things; it will rise from the ashes” (detroit historical society, n.d.). artivate 9.1 59 references american federation of musicians of the united states and canada. n. d. symphony, opera, or ballet: audio visual agreement – february 1, 2006–january 31, 2008. https://americanorchestras.org/knowledgeresearch-innovation/electronic-media/rightsclearances/afm.html. antoncic, bostjan, and robert d. hisrich. 2003. “clarifying the intrapreneurship concept.” journal of small business and enterprise development 10 (1): 7–24. associated 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1996. “goverance [sic], ownership, and corporate entrepreneurship: the moderating impact of industry technological opportunities.” the academy of management journal 39 (6): 1713–35. 103-article text-327-3-11-20200511 vol. 9, no. 1 spring 2020 special issue: detroit book review canvas detroit by julie pincus and nichole christian jonathan kuuskoski university of michigan [art] wasn’t about establishing a career. it was about making art as life support. and no matter who they were or what they did or where in the city they lived, or even if they were there for a single project, they all had the same subject: detroit. —linda yablonsky (p. 51) my art is medicine for the community. you can’t heal the land until you heal the minds of the people. —tyree guyton (p. 159) the title canvas detroit fulfills a promise long understood in the southeastern michigan community: the motor city, despite its rough and tumble journey into the 21st century, is home to a vibrant and flourishing arts scene. though far from a standard coffee table book, this rich— yet surprisingly accessible—volume functions as a visual ethnography of the artists who define that scene. hundreds of beautiful images complement dozens of profiles of natives, adopted locals, and famous visitors, who collectively shape detroit’s culture while representing the resilience of a population indelibly linked to the city’s rust belt origins. rather than leveraging topical or theme-based chapters, co-authors julie pincus and nichole christian have chosen to explore detroit through fifty vignette-like profiles, each dedicated to an artist or arts collective. every profile opens with a brief summary of the given subject, and, in the case of non-natives, their journey to the city. these entries are essentially artivate 9.1 64 built around interviews, framing each subject’s philosophical goals to reveal the intent behind a myriad of artistic styles. such influences span everything from deconstructivism (p. 249), to political visioning (p. 209), and art as a catalyst for urban transformation (p. 61). the stories are interwoven with descriptions of a particular project, or set of projects, which exemplify the subject’s artistic voice. each entry concludes with a statement of potential—calls-to-action that draw the reader’s attention to the struggles of everyday artists, and the optimism that drives their practice regardless of circumstance. the book itself is captivatingly designed, thanks to pincus and christian’s shared visual sensibilities. blending their individual acumen as a graphic designer and writer, respectively, the writing is curatorial and collaborative. much like an effective museum experience, every paragraph of text invites readers of all experience levels to look more closely at the quality of artmaking and variety of aesthetics on display. seasoned connoisseurs will gain insights on lesser known aspects of the practices strewn about by locals and visitors. who knew detroit was home to not one, but potentially five, banksy murals? novices can revel in the visual walking tour that gradually reveals obvious themes of resilience and reclamation. the short-form vignette format favors the casual reader, though subtext is relatively easy to unpack based on a sampling of stories. to that end, the reviewer appreciated the efficient framing essays by john gallagher, michael h. hodges, marion jackson, and linda yablonsky. jackson’s introduction (p. 1), in particular, articulates how artmaking in the motor city reflects much more than individual expression. for many artists, sustaining their peers seems to be a collective, existential priority. it is clear to those who have chosen to make detroit their canvas that the city deserves better. more respect for what it has; greater opportunity to rebuild its vibrancy. as wayne state university-trained street artist eno laget puts it (p. 203), “if there’s gonna be life here [in detroit], it has everything to do with, as clichéd as it sounds, building sustainable communities. we have a chance to be about more than making a buck.” one of the best examples of this philosophy in action can be found in the profile of marc schwartz’s dlectricity (p. 113), a nighttime “exhibition” that blends technology and architecture to create a celebration of outdoor space. festivals have generally proven to be effective amplifiers of a scene’s brand, yet they often export much of the value created, imparting only transient interest and short-term impact to the local economy. dlectricity is driven by a different agenda; it aims to build a year-round community that is energized by “concentrated areas” of activity throughout the city. the festival has grown since its launch in artivate 9.1 65 2012, with follow ups in 2014, 2017, and summer 2020. pincus and christian can boast that this book chronicles the beginnings of a potentially significant and pioneering example of a densitydriven, urban-revival festival concept, but it also exemplifies the potency of canvas detroit’s own design. the imagery here is equally, if not more, essential to the prose in capturing the potential for aesthetic practice to activate communities and physical spaces towards a brighter future. it is hard to overstate how aggregating resources and individuals is key to achieving sustainability in detroit’s modern arts economy. many of the entrepreneurial arts organizations that have risen in the past decade are central to the work of defining what such an infrastructure might look like. 555 gallery (p. 19), for example, pops up in numerous artist profiles as a guiding force that either brought them to the city, or, through incubation, provided the platform that nurtured their vision and kept their work local. the self-organized collective known as the five fellows (p. 147), “dispatched” from the university of michigan—ann arbor on research fellowships, transformed a decrepit house, a visual epitome of the city’s decline, into an architectural playground as a “means to finding opportunity rather than solving problems—a technique that resonates with the contemporary conditions of a city like detroit.” unpacking these connections are left in large part to the reader, though the framing essays provide thematic entry points that, when cross-referenced with the table of contents, make the search for individual stories accessible for all. more than a snapshot of detroit’s cultural renaissance, the stories captured in this book showcase art as a way of life for local artisans, much in the way industrial labor dominated the cityscape through much of the past century. one comes away from the book with a sense that art is alive in the city, bound by a common understanding that individual works have larger implications when coordinated around social action. the obvious takeaway here is that art is responding to the urban infrastructure of the city, blemishes and all. the more subtle message is how the collective practice of public artmaking has created a living tapestry of detroit’s rich history, present struggles, and aspirational potential. by cataloguing the highs, lows, and social ramifications of a transformative arts revival, canvas detroit makes a compelling case for the power of visual artists to engage in placemaking everywhere. 103-article text-327-3-11-20200511 vol. 9, no. 1 spring 2020 special issue: detroit guest editors’ introduction detroit’s perpetual renaissance timeless visions and daily blindness in the detroit arts scene susan badger booth eastern michigan university mark clague university of michigan most people just found out their jobs are bullshit (or at least not essential). we also just realized that migrant farmers, grocery clerks, and janitors are. it is the role of the artists to bear witness to our collective shifts, and continue to bear our souls. we are acting not only as a mirror that reflects moments/space in history but a window that allows for radical collective re-imagination of a future that is vastly different than what we have been led to believe was normal. (cassells 2020) as we write, the covid-19 pandemic has invaded the city of detroit, which has become a regional hotspot. “southeast michigan is burning,” reads a recent headline in the detroit free press as it describes how the virus’s case count has doubled every three days. some thirty percent of cases in the state of michigan are found in detroit (shamus & tanner 2020). all public gatherings have been canceled. there are no concerts. museum doors are locked. galleries are shuttered. only the city’s public art is on display, yet no one is looking at the murals in eastern market—the streets barren, the city is closed. 10 it seems likely that the covid-19 pandemic will be a transformative event for detroit and, indeed, the world. art will survive, but it will be different; reshaped not only by short-term cash crises and institutional closures, but by a shift in the psyche of our audiences as well as the communities artists serve. myriad questions arise: when will audiences be willing to assemble by the thousands in orchestra hall? will artists, whose sheer grit, before covid-19, allowed them to survive, scrape by economically as arts entrepreneurs into the future? will the gigs return? will artists pursue other work? how will they adjust to changing circumstances? the answers to these questions will be many, but the history of detroit suggests one conclusion: that the determination of artists will find a way forward, probably outside the focus of the media spotlight and outside the galleries and stages of the city’s premier institutions. but detroit’s artists will find a way to make their art and by doing so will (re)make the city. right now—with covid-19 in the city of detroit—detroiters have got to sit down and remember who we were during bankruptcy, who we were during the riots, who we were personally in the microcosm of existence—in your mother’s house, grandmother’s house, grandfather’s house, father’s house. when things looked bleak. when it seemed like you were in your own personal famine. to remember how you made it out of there. if you don’t do that, you run the risk of assimilating into the fear. . . . that’ll be the death of me, quicker than covid19. (smith 2020) detroit’s renaissance dilemma i have a problem with the phrase ‘renaissance’ to describe the era that detroit finds itself in right now. it seems to imply that we were a podunk town that needed a renaissance. i like to call it an ‘enlivening’ not a renaissance. (perron 2020) figure 1. detroit. july 25, 2019. brandan “bmike” odums and rick williams’s “they tried to bury us. they didn’t know we were seeds” mural displayed in the eastern market in detroit, mi. photo by raymond boyd/getty images. artivate 9.1 11 the incessant repetition of detroit’s urban ‘renaissance’ narrative offers an instructive perspective. as interviews with the city’s artists and arts administrators signal, an endless public relations cycle has emerged around detroit that alternates claims of crisis and proclamations of detroit’s rebirth. artists/community organizer halima cassells laments, “from a corporate media lens, invitations for people from the outside to come in and take advantage of the city are offered. recovery is a loaded concept. what has recovered? education, water, parking – everything is being privatized,” (cassells 2020). no matter how well intentioned, this renaissance ruse focuses journalistic attention on political solutions that have one common thread—a devaluing of the community already present. while the term “renaissance” in reference to detroit often invokes art (sometimes literally in discussing the 16th-century gallery of the detroit institute of arts), it rarely is associated with the artists who live and work there. the story of detroit’s artists entrepreneurs is, as often as not, a tale of determination to survive being written against a background of indifference; at best, and, at worst, a series of disruptive urban renewal initiatives that make survival in the city, itself, into an art. the phrase “detroit’s renaissance” first appears on the front page of the city’s detroit free press newspaper in 1954 under the banner headline “dynamic city of future now being forged.” written at what would be the statistical height of the city’s population, then at some 1.8 million, the article’s lede invokes—seemingly for the first time—the notion of a detroit reborn: detroit’s renaissance, its civic reawakening, is upon us. this rebirth already is beginning to breathe new spirit into the city. along the waterfront, where the city took roots and sprouted to great size, new milestones are being laid for the detroit of tomorrow. with each passing day, the concepts of architects and planners are taking form in cement and steel and marble, as detroit’s civic center rises toward completion. (beckman 1954) the article praises the creation of a “civic center for detroit,” a project long-delayed by the depression and wwii, that would not only memorialize the sacrifice of the city’s veterans, but create a series of buildings that would make detroit into “one of the country’s greatest convention cities.” these modernist, international-style buildings were intended to signal that detroit was a city of progress. they included the veterans memorial building (1948–50), the city-county building (1951–54), and the henry and edsel ford auditorium (1955). a convention hall-exhibits building (which would open as cobo hall in 1960) was also planned. as would be expected in the “motor city,” the plans called for additional automobile parking and a rerouting of highways to serve the new urban design. these new arteries and amenities would bring people downtown, yet highways flow both ways—they also let people escape to the suburbs. the stated goal of the program was economic development. its main ‘accomplishment,’ however, was to wrest detroit’s urban center from its african americans residents. racist segregated housing laws confined detroit’s black population to the black bottom and paradise valley neighborhoods, just northeast of the area targeted for renewal as the new city center. 12 these black neighborhoods, sometimes compared in vitality to new york’s harlem, supported a vibrant ecosystem of black-owned businesses, including a dynamic music scene. this arts scene is discussed in jeremy peters’ article in this issue—”a cultural and social mecca: entrepreneurial action & venue agglomeration in detroit’s paradise valley neighborhood.” community allowed detroit to thrive; detroit’s thriving engendered community. while the decimation of these neighborhoods is often blamed on developments in the 1960s— when detroit’s ‘urban revitalization’ project was complete — the area’s fate was actually determined in the immediate post-wwii era by the 1946 detroit plan. the first of three highways to dissect detroit’s downtown, placing barriers in the urban landscape, appeared two decades earlier. the detroit crosstown expressway was renamed as the “edsel ford highway” in honor of the eponymous carmaker’s only son in 1946 (michigan highways 2020). it bisected the city, creating a high-speed path through, not to, detroit. work on the highway, now i-94, progressed over the next decade, along with construction of two other downtown roadways— the chrysler freeway (i-375) and fisher freeway (i-75), which were built in the 1960s. this blacktop trio divided and subdivided the city center as effectively as a series of walls, here made of asphalt and whizzing automobiles. for detroit, this solution failed to find its problem. detroit’s black neighborhoods suffered not from blight, but poverty. through development, the city’s “slums” were razed, but no alternative housing was offered to black residents. the result was to banish detroit’s core inhabitants from the very lifeblood of their community and vice versa. thus, the 1946 detroit plan established a flawed pattern: detroit’s residents, including its signature artist entrepreneurs, were not consulted in drafting the city’s revitalization plan, but instead were seen as a source of resistance, as a barrier to the renaissance that must be removed. in a february 1965 article, detroit free press arts critic morley driver describes phase two of the city’s rebirth—its cultural resurrection. its physical rebirth complete, he praises the cultural patrons of “detroit’s renaissance” and their representative masterpieces: wayne state university and its medical center, the detroit institute of arts, the detroit historical museum, and the j.l. hudson gallery (driver 1965). morley thus celebrates the utopian institutions that have displaced what he calls the “slums” of black bottom and paradise valley. great cultural institutions, as morley explains, must result from detroit’s manufacturing prowess and economic strength: to put a world on wheels took brains, imagination, and the ability to look far ahead. . . . but there comes a time, with a city, as with people, when economics are not enough; when earnings are sufficient and there is leisure and time to think about something else. that something else is culture. (driver 1965, 12) morley defines culture as “education (in a small part) and mental curiosity (in a large part).” what is clear from context, however, is that for morley, culture is measured not internally, say by the education and curiosity of the city’s residents, but externally, by the artivate 9.1 13 recognition and respect of outsiders, signified by the educational and cultural institutions that the city can command. by january of 1970, the greater detroit chamber of commerce would announce yet another rebirth initiative to “revitalize downtown detroit.” “detroit renaissance 70” would boast a steering committee that included michigan governor william milliken (who served 1969–83) and ford motor company chairman henry ford ii. the goal of this private organization was to bring the “big money of private developers downtown” in order “to help government solve problems” and “to restore the confidence of detroiters in their city.” as one organizer put it, the purpose was “to sell detroit to detroiters,” (neuman 1970). but which detroit? and which detroiters? the apex of detroit’s “renaissance narrative,” both physically and symbolically, remains the $337-million detroit renaissance center (constructed 1973–77). a rosette of five tubular skyscrapers that defines the city’s skyline to this day, the complex features four 39-story office towers set equally around a 73-story hotel, which since its dedication in 1977 has been the tallest building in michigan and, more importantly to its builders, was at the time it opened, the tallest all-hotel skyscraper in the world (cutter 1976, 19-27). the building was controversial from the outset (upi 1977), but its message about detroit was clear. it announced the city’s rebirth. detroit mayor coleman young even invited the mayor of florence italy to attend the hotel’s dedication. he was to be a representative of what detroit officials called “their renaissance sister city in europe,” (indianapolis star 1977). as this historical review shows, detroit’s renaissance narrative has been popularized for some nine decades but has yet to generate a sustained or comprehensive economic advantage. its revitalization efforts seem always to be top-down. a congeries of business and government leaders attract positive press and lure investment through a “renaissance”-themed publicity opportunity for the city. historically, the push behind these initiatives has thrust concerns about figure 2. arts village collective — room without a roof used for children’s creative play activities. photo by mark clague. 14 damage to other city resources, both businesses and communities, quietly or not so quietly aside. cries may ring out, but the many voices of community seem to lack the political power to reshape these revitalization efforts or the collective voice to be heard above the blare of political boosterism. the dia and the detroit bankruptcy narrative in march of 2013, michigan’s governor declared that detroit was in a state of extreme financial distress and appointed an emergency manager with power superior to the city’s own elected leaders. negotiations with creditors and contract holders would prove intractable, and the city moved aggressively to file for chapter 9 bankruptcy, surprising creditors as well as the city’s unions, and making headlines. faced with $18.5 billion of debt, bankruptcy facilitated the reduction of payments to creditors (bomey 2016). but as with any bankruptcy, debt is only half of the equation; assets are the other consideration. because of a decision from 1919, when the detroit institute of arts (dia) collection was gifted to the city of detroit, initially as a strategy to secure annual operating revenue for the museum, some 2,773 art works donated to and purchased by the museum over the years were in a now precarious position—not in public trust, but as collateral for a series of desperate loans procured by the city. christie’s appraised the art owned by the city at a value between $454 and $867 million at auction (bomey 2016, 127). would the city have to sell its art to cover past debts? “the grand bargain,” a compromise negotiated by chief judicial mediator judge gerald rosen, would save the dia collection, by inspiring some $800 million of support from foundations, individuals, and the state of michigan to help pay off a negotiated portion of the city’s debt, thus successfully avoiding the sale of the city owned part of the dia collection. the philanthropic community would be positioned as the social innovators in this story, yet they saw this as not saving an art collection but rather saving a city and its people. “it was disruptive and it pushed us to our limits in thinking about how we could problems-solve,” reflects darren walker of the ford foundation, which pledged $125 million as part of the agreement. “for me, it had all of the elements of something truly transformative—and that’s what i think philanthropy should be doing,” (bomey 2016, 148). yet in any bankruptcy, whether personal or municipal, compromises must be made with creditors to pay off a reduced portion of the debt owed. the rub was that creditors accepting reduced payments included the city’s general pension fund and the pension fund for police and firefighters. detroit’s retired public workers would eventually see their monthly payments reduced by 4.5 percent, future cost-of-living adjustments eliminated, and the loss of healthcare coverage in retirement. “in the end, the bankruptcy proceedings eliminated $7.8 billion in payments to retired workers and the city got off the hook for $4.3 billion in unfunded health-care obligations and future costs,” (tompar 2018). detroit was able to negotiate a hold on paying into pension funds until 2024, but one must wonder how the current covid-19 crisis will impact this timeline, with risk of setting up pensions for yet artivate 9.1 15 another shortfall. it is impossible not to notice that detroit continues to shelter its assets through the sacrifices of its citizens. what is the impact of moving money from foundations to retired city workers? is this in fact a lost opportunity to support creative work in detroit? halima cassells notes during a recent interview: “detroit is the canary in the coal mine – wow, bankruptcy works let’s try it somewhere else. deals are being made without thinking of the people who live in this city. we must find new ways to use systems that focus on collective value and participation.” one such innovative tool is the “cultural community benefits principles toolkit” developed by cassells along with other detroit cultural organizers. it strives to “seek accountability, through community benefits agreements, from private developers who receive public support for largescale development projects,” in detroit and other urban settings (arts in a changing america, n.d.). if it succeeds, future renaissance projects will necessarily benefit the community. detroit’s independent artists do not require rebirth, they are survivors. they continue to forge community, if largely out of the spotlight of the press and beyond the support of its signature cultural institutions. founded in 1885 by a group of local pianists, the detroit tuesday musicale continues to fulfill its original mission to promote classical music in the city and advance the artistic growth of its members. propelled by dedicated volunteers, the musicale persists. it presents an annual slate of some ten concerts in and around the city at low-cost venues, including churches as well as piano stores, such as the steinway gallery or the piano place in troy. with performances at a professional standard, these recitals still occur on a tuesday afternoon or evening. they feature club members, regional guest artists, and students at both the high school and collegiate levels (tuesday musicale of detroit, n.d.). most artists perform without pay. periodically a hometown hero—a concert artist raised in detroit now on the world’s stage—returns to the city to perform (detroit free press, 2010). the club awards a dozen annual prizes and scholarships to students, but flies under the radar of cultural notice but for a free listing in the newspaper’s events column a couple of times each year or a listing in an obituary of a former member (boston globe 2013). detroit’s musicale is emblematic of the city’s art scene in that it survives on a determination for art, despite tenuous economic circumstance. the detroit symphony orchestra is at the other end of the economic spectrum of detroit’s cultural institution as an international flagship. yet the dso faced its own financial crisis, strike, and lock-out that resulted in a twenty-six-week silence in the midst of its 2010-11 season as described in nathinee chucherdwatanasak’s award-winning article in this issue “making detroit sound great.” this story of the orchestra’s bitterly contested survival is also the story of its intrapreneurial transformation, as ideas for “patron minded pricing” and a “neighborhood concert series,” a “social progress initiative” at medical care and service agencies, and the “live from orchestra hall” webcast series arose from the experiences connected to the work stoppage and the orchestra’s “‘entrepreneurial turn’ to be ‘the most accessible orchestra on the planet.’” by losing access to their storied music hall, the “musicians of the detroit symphony orchestra,” as the ensemble was known during the lockout, rediscovered the city and its people and restored its civic mission, not just as a clarion call to the world of the city’s cultural achievement, but as a service organization for detroit’s people. 16 for the artists of detroit, the city itself is the work. detroit is both canvas and construct. motown is both place and genre. this civic ontology is made visible in the detroit artist village, created by john george and the motor city blight busters (1988–). their recovered building on lahser road in detroit’s old redford neighborhood is not only the non-profit’s headquarters, but an art gallery, performance venue, and community center, fused with a revenuegenerating coffee shop and airbnb rental. it is characteristic of detroit’s problem-oriented creativity. reviewed in this issue is a 2014 book of artist case studies by julie pincus and nichole christian that expands upon the theme of detroit as both a work of art and the work of artists. titled canvas detroit, this illustrated essay serves as a “visual ethnography” of the city, according to reviewer jonathan kuuskoski, that showcases “art as a way of life for local artisans,” while conveying “a sense that art is alive in the city, bound by a common understanding that individual works have larger implications when coordinated around social action.” detroit rapper deidre “d.s. sense” smith is another example. while making music and delivering international workshops for the u.s. state department through its next level initiative which uses hip hop dance, music, and art as a cultural diplomacy tool, smith’s activism includes work for detroit’s ruth ellis center and its programs for lgbtq+ youth. her song “on my detroit everything,” (2013–19) became an anthem among her fans and the title became the name of her own renaissance social project. as smith explains: “on my detroit everything” started as a mantra. . . . that i would tell myself. at the time i was homeless. . . . and also, the city of detroit was facing its own perils—the emergency manager and the bankruptcy and everything. my life and the city’s were sort of synonymous. and i needed something to pick me up and to keep me invigorated. . . . i would get up . . . and say “i’m on my detroit everything”—get myself together and hit the street. and then . . . i’m on my detroit everything . . . the rhythm started coming through and it went from being a mantra to a song, to a crowd favorite, to a chant from the crowd, to an initiative. . . . i think it resonated so much, because we had already had our detroit versus everybody. . . . we are always underdogs, for some reason. and we needed something to champion our presence. here i was saying, i’m “on my detroit everything,” which is if you never acknowledge me, it doesn’t negate the fact that i’m about my business, and i have a job to do, whatever that entails. figure 3. halima cassells working on an eco-friendly mural constructed with found objects; not toxic paints. artivate 9.1 17 . . . for me, it meant get my ass up, and not accepting my situation. and certainly not succumbing to it. that’s what it meant for me. . . . it’s beautiful, you can mold it into anything you need it to be, as long as it’s positive, positive, highlights detroit and its citizens. (smith 2020) many of detroit’s activist artists have incorporated as non-profits over the years to provide a structure to receive grants and donations, yet they still operate as lean start-ups even decades after their creation. one example is aaron timlin’s detroit culture club and chalfonte foundation, which operates as an art gallery out of his home. “detroit has a history of creating space for responsiveness to artists, and after funding for artists died in the early 1990s, kaid filled an important need.” notes michelle perron, who serves as founding director of the program. “kaid started as a way to give artists resources, time, and space to reward them for their creative practice, but quickly we realized that communities can’t flourish without the creative drive of artists. so, we knew we needed to empower artists to be leaders in detroit if our community was to change. “this is why we added the professional practice component that would arm artists with the tools, training and expertise so they could create social change,” (perron 2020). a key component of kresge’s grantmaking is a series of arts entrepreneurship workshops. attendance at the professional practice activities is not required, but awardees are encouraged and empowered to participate. this leverages the kresge fellowship into a series of opportunities that help sustain careers. detroit’s african bead museum founded by olayami dabls—a kresge fellow—is a signal example. filling nearly a full city block of indoor and outdoor installations on the corner of grand river and west grand boulevard, the museum is an idea at the center of a homegrown figure 4. olyama dabls at the african bead museum in detroit, photo by the authors, january 2020. 18 urban redevelopment project. the museum is both place and performance, centered on what is the future museum’s gift shop, over which its founder presides. the full experience is in effect a performance art piece with dabls as architect, designer, sculptor, proprietor, and solo performer. visitors are recruited as interlocutors in a series of historical tales and philosophical insights that express the artist’s worldview and serve as a capsule history of detroit. the gift show generates revenue, while also serving as a theatrical set and launching pad for dabls’ visions. “i do believe that this is soul work,” notes deidre “d.s. sense” smith, “we are of service, to each other, our creator, our community, all of it. it’s not hard.” (smith 2020) the renaissance narrative of detroit still dominates city hall, the downtown businesses, and the editorial offices of newspapers from the free press to the new york times. detroit’s underground art scene is sustained by a social service mission, the resilience its resident artists who ride the ups and downs of the city’s economic cycles with support from one another, and a few local foundations. in this sense, detroit may be a case study in the typical. in detroit, a city’s arts ecosystem is less an integrated, coherent whole than a series of layered sets of social relationships. flagship institutions serve to broadcast the image of civic vitality across borders national and international, while local artists serve to create a web of creativity, addressing social needs, solving neighborhood problems, and creating a sense of beauty and pride in place. “one thing for sure is that the arts help sustain a healthy environment,” said michelle perron. “it is an empowering kind of food for the community. so much of the richness of detroit’s art scene has been inspired by our challenges. that richness is about hope, drive and desire.” (perron 2020) references arts in a changing america. “cultural community benefits principles.” https://artsinachangingamerica.org/culturalcommunity-benefits-principles/. beckman, frank. 1954. “dynamic city of future now being forged.” detroit free press, sept. 5, 1954, 1–2. bomey, nathan. 2016. detroit resurrected: to bankruptcy and back. new york: w. w. norton & co. boston globe. 2013. “stare, irene kinsey,” the boston globe, march 17, 2013, b9. cassells, halima. 2020. interview by susan badger booth cutter, nancy. 1976. “everything you ever wanted to know about renaissance center—we hope!” detroit free press, april 4, 1976, 19–27. detroit free press. 2010. “hometown wonder.” detroit free press, may 6, 2010, 15. driver, morley. 1965. “detroit’s renaissance: and its four prime movers,” parade magazine, detroit free press, feb. 14, 1965, 12–14. indianapolis star. 1977. “detroit welcomes ‘new beginning’ at renaissance center dedication,” the indianapolis star, april 16, 1977, 8. louise e. cuyler prize in musicology, university of michigan department of musicology 2020 michigan highways. n.d. “early us-12, willow run, detroit industrial & edsel ford freeways.” accessed march 30, 2020. http://www.michiganhighways.org/indepth/ea rly_i-94.html. neuman, ladd. 1970. “new group promotes downtown,” detroit free press, january 29, 1970, 3. perron,michelle. 2020. interview by susan badger booth artivate 9.1 19 shamus, kristen jordan & tanner, kristi. 2020. “‘southeast michigan is burning’: michigan’s coronavirus case count doubles every 3 days” detroit free press, march 29, 2020. smith, deidre “d.s. sense.” 2020. interview by mark clague. upi. 1977. “boon or blight?—detroit citizens argue about building,” united press international, feb. 06, 1977. tompar, susan. 2018 “even 5 years later, retirees feel the effects of detroit’s bankruptcy,” detroit free press, july 18, 2018. tuesday musicale of detroit. “archives” https://www.tuesdaymusicaleofdetroit.org/archiv es 20 microsoft word 176_final.docx vol. 11, no. 1 spring 2022 editors’ introduction neville vakharia drexel university paul bonin-rodriguez university of texas at austin welcome to artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts .. the spring season and warmer weather always seem to bring a sense of renewal and growth. this spring, we convened artivate’s editorial board, a dedicated and talented team who are helping guide our growth and creating a strategic vision for our future. at the meeting, our partner in publishing, the university of arkansas press, shared with our editorial board artivate’s continued evolution over the past decade, highlighting our increased readership, reach, and impact. we are also thrilled to welcome two new members to our editorial board. jason c. white at xavier university and jose ruiz-resto at the university of florida will bring new insights, enthusiasm, and knowledge to artivate that will help us build on our successes to date. both jason and jose have a wealth of experience in arts entrepreneurship from both a scholarly and practitioner perspective, and we are excited to have them join us. the articles in this issue cover diverse aspects of the growing field of arts entrepreneurship, exploring the perspectives of higher education, artists’ careers, and gender equity. in “the great generalization: organizational adaptation strategies as entrepreneurship in higher music education,” jacob hertzog seeks to understand how music programs in higher education are adapting to the digital revolution, identifying the importance of entrepreneurial behavior for both musicians and the programs in which they are educated. karen munnelly explores how visual and performing artists construct, and prefer, meaningful portfolio careers in her article, “motivations and intentionality in the arts portfolio career: an investigation into how visual & performing artists construct portfolio careers.” finally, charlie wall-andrews and mary elizabeth luka conduct an empirical investigation into the barriers women face in their career pathways as artist entrepreneurs in the music production field in their article, “advancing equity in arts entrepreneurship: a case study on gender equity and empowerment in music production.” artivate 11.1 this issue also features reviews of two new books. linda essig’s creative infrastructure: artists, money, and entrepreneurial action, reviewed by wen guo, provides a comprehensive understanding and overview of arts entrepreneurship in the context of late-capitalist society. andrew taylor’s book, the artful manager: field notes on the business of arts and culture, reviewed by michael dewhatley, provides a compendium of taylor’s past blog posts, insights, and ideas on artists, arts organizations, and entrepreneurial thinking. as artivate’s reach and impact continue to grow, we continue to seek involvement from our community of scholars and readers. our next issue, artivate . (fall ), will be a general issue for which we are already receiving submissions. artivate . (spring ) will be a special issue on the expanded field of arts entrepreneurship co-edited by adrienne callander from the university of arkansas and johanna k. taylor from arizona state university. their call is as follows: arts entrepreneurs are continually reinventing how to expand their creative practice, the spaces in which that can happen, and the types of collaborators they engage along the way as they seek to connect their work with consumers and audiences. the papers in this issue will explore the social, economic, and political structures changing how and where arts entrepreneurship happens in our contemporary society beyond expected models. papers could explore: new business structures beyond the (c); financial models such as social impact investing; new technologies changing how and where art entrepreneurs operate such as nfts and blockchain; expanded fields which are collaborating with artists, from government to science; new cooperative models uniting artists in their individual goals; artists intentionally leveraging their creative practices in non-art spaces as consultants. we look forward to receiving submissions that advance new knowledge in our growing and thriving field of arts entrepreneurship. cover image by prawny from pixabay microsoft word 160 final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 7, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 3-22 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2018, the authors music entrepreneurs in a linguistic minority context: effectuation as adaptation to the paradoxes of digital technologies joëlle bissonnette and sébastien arcand hec montréal abstract digital technologies offer new possibilities to entrepreneurs in cultural industries in linguistic minority societies. paradoxically, they also pose a threat by exacerbating the precariousness and uncertainty experienced by them. however, there is a lack of literature on the ways in which these entrepreneurs adapt to the paradoxes brought about by digital technologies. this study aims to address this gap in the literature through an analysis of 50 semi-structured interviews carried out in the music recording industry in canadian francophone societies and in catalonia (spain). using an abductive approach, we suggest that the attitudes and practices implemented by music entrepreneurs in these societies can be interpreted according to the four principles of the effectuation theory (sarasvathy, 2001): 1) by predetermining affordable losses; 2) by harnessing contingencies rather than avoiding them; 3) by relying on strategic alliances rather than competition; and 4) by drawing on the means rather than the ends, these entrepreneurs are able to take advantage of the possibilities offered by digital technologies while mitigating the threats. thus, our research contributes to the literature on cultural entrepreneurship by highlighting these practices and attitudes using the effectuation theory. keywords: cultural management; cultural entrepreneurship; music industry; recording industry; linguistic minorities; cultural policy in the early 2000s it was believed that digital technologies would promote cultural and linguistic diversity by offering new possibilities for disseminating the cultural goods of smaller players on a global scale (see anderson, 2006; beaudoin, 2014). however, empirical research carried out since then has revealed that digital technologies can also pose some threats, particularly for cultural entrepreneurs in linguistic minority societies. some scholars have shown the risk of loss of cultural and linguistic specificity in these societies within the globalized environment created by digital technologies (baillargeon, 2002; boucher and thériault, 2005). considering the ethical imperative that the international community has put into place to protect and promote cultural diversity (unesco, 2005), it is important to focus on the creation and production of culture in the linguistic minority context and on how to ensure their sustainability in a digital era. however, there is a lack of research on these activities in this context. some practices implemented to deal with the challenges and possibilities of digital technologies have been studied in different cultural industries (janowska, 2011; wade morris, 2014; benner and waldfogel, 2016), but they have not considered the specificities of the social and linguistic environment, especially in a minority context. the article addresses the issue by highlighting specific practices in order to gain a deeper understanding of what it is that cultural entrepreneurs do to survive in a digital era in minority contexts. another objective is to contribute to policy-making that aims to support cultural entrepreneurs in linguistic minority societies. given that digital technologies present both a number of threats and new possibilities, this raises several paradoxes for our entrepreneurs, who must adapt by overcoming the threats posed while taking advantage of the possibilities offered. bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 4 all this leads to the following question: how do cultural entrepreneurs in a linguistic minority context adapt to the paradoxes raised by digital technologies? our analysis is based on a qualitative study of 50 semi-structured interviews carried out in the music recording industry in catalonia, spain, as well as in francophone societies of canada located outside québec (ontario, atlantic or acadia, and western provinces). these societies represent various degrees of linguistic minority status that raise specific challenges for cultural entrepreneurs, especially in a digital era. we are particularly interested in the elements of this context that these entrepreneurs interpret to influence their practices. this paper begins with a definition of music entrepreneurship in the chosen societies. the next section presents the theoretical underpinnings of our research, mainly in terms of cultural entrepreneurship. we then suggest that effectuation theory (sarasvathy, 2001) provides the means to understand the practices implemented by music entrepreneurs in specific contexts to adapt to the paradoxes brought about by digital technologies. this theoretical section is followed by a description of the methodological approach we used and the results of our interview-based data collection. we conclude by highlighting the potential of our results to contribute to the literature on cultural entrepreneurship in a linguistic minority context by applying an entrepreneurship theory, specifically effectuation theory, to the practices implemented by cultural entrepreneurs. definitions music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority societies face many levels of precariousness and uncertainty, which amplify the issues related to digital technologies. the professional literature in this field highlights the difficulties in ensuring the viability of musical creation and production in french in canada and in catalan in spain, as well as the vulnerability experienced by the companies in charge of these activities (nordicity, 2015; departament de cultura, 2016). commercial successes are exceptional because of the small population size and the geographic dispersion of audiences, albeit to different degrees depending on the society, as well as the limited potential for the exportation of local musical creations. subsequently, very little independent revenue can be generated by music recordings in french in canada and in catalan in the case of spain. institutional support, such as policies to protect and promote language and culture, as well as public funding at the national and regional levels are indispensable to ensuring the viability of these activities, but they cannot guarantee their sustainability. further, some of these policies do not apply to the deterritorialized environment created by digital technologies, making the viability of music creation and production even more difficult to attain (morén alegret, 2016; fortier, 2016). as a result, digital technologies add another layer of precariousness and uncertainty to the creation and production of music in linguistic minority societies. small local and independent companies in these societies mostly handle musical creation and production. in many cases, creators start their own company and, given the lack of professional resources available in the music industry, they carry out all functions from the creation to the marketing of their works (nordicity, 2015; morén alegret, 2016). they are, for us, musical entrepreneurs. enhuber (2014) shows that cultural entrepreneurs, who start from an idea or inner vision that invites the consumer to individually experience it, do not correspond to the definition of the economic entrepreneur, which refers to the creation of a new organization to take advantage of new business opportunities. patten (2016) also highlights that cultural entrepreneurs do not align themselves with traditional entrepreneurship discourses, rejecting orthodox labels of bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 5 entrepreneurship and identifying primarily with their occupation. a recent review of the literature on cultural entrepreneurship (hausmann and heinze, 2016) reveals a broad definition of the entrepreneur in cultural industries. using these definitions, cultural entrepreneurs may be selfemployed creators who act as entrepreneurs as a result of the working conditions in their industry rather than being motivated by the existence of an opportunity to exploit (hausmann and heinze, 2016). swedberg (2006) even considers that every artist can be defined as an entrepreneur given the creative nature of his/her activities. the definition of a cultural entrepreneur adopted in this article follows this broad definition: it represents an individual who has established a company to organize activities of musical creation and production, a company consisting solely of its founder and taking care of only his/her activities, or a company hiring workers and offering a broad range of services to the music industry. while defining the cultural entrepreneur, the literature on cultural entrepreneurship overlooks the practices implemented by the entrepreneur him/herself, especially those implemented to adapt to the paradoxes raised by digital technologies. it is these practices that will be highlighted in this study through effectuation theory. the following section presents a brief review of the literature on cultural entrepreneurship, which can help us to understand these practices. theoretical context cultural entrepreneurship in the literature, cultural industries are described as highly uncertain environments for their entrepreneurs because of the nature of the goods produced and the characteristics of their market (caves, 2000; flew, 2012). the technological changes during the past two decades have brought about new levels of uncertainty in these industries, particularly in the music recording industry. due to the intangible nature of music recordings, they are readily digitalized, reproduced and circulated on the internet. this has led to the development of new production spaces and new business models, some of which are free of charge, which define new territories, new approaches, and new modes of consumption that are increasingly fragmented (greffe, 2010). music entrepreneurs in a linguistic minority context face an even greater degree of uncertainty regarding their capacity to ensure the viability of their productions in the new spaces created by digital cultural broadcasting platforms. yet the literature reveals that entrepreneurs in cultural industries have the inherent ability not only to adapt to unforeseen events, but to take advantage of them in the development of the entrepreneurial process. empirical research on entrepreneurs in cultural industries highlights this capacity to adapt to unexpected events, such as a shock, crisis or simply the unpredictable course of things, rather than attempting to avoid them. andres and round (2015) have studied the mechanisms of micro-resilience implemented by small-scale cultural entrepreneurs to deal with risk and uncertainty (project-oriented organization, cooperative networks, etc.), which influence their business models and support their capacity to adapt. in the literature on music entrepreneurship, several authors point to the fact that smaller companies are more creative and poised to reap the benefits offered by digital technologies. the decrease in revenues in the recording industry has been accompanied by a reduction of some costs related to the production and marketing of music (janowska, 2011). therefore, while the decrease in revenue has had an impact on small independent companies, the fact that they are already accustomed to accomplishing their work with few resources means that they have developed the bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 6 ability to adapt to this situation while at the same time using it to their advantage (jones, 2011; benner and waldfogel, 2016). in comparison to their revenue, the reductions in costs appear to be greater for the small players than for larger companies. further, with their mechanisms of microresilience, these entrepreneurs, as opposed to more established ones, have the potential to be more creative and take more risks in searching for new business models based on cost reductions while remedying the decrease in revenues (wade morris, 2014: 285). on the other hand, the larger companies seek to protect their assets by opting for safer choices. thus, this literature review gives the impression that the new levels of uncertainty brought about by digital technologies are perceived as a vector of solutions to take advantage of the new possibilities, despite the threats for small music companies in linguistic minority societies. however, to this day, the research on cultural entrepreneurship remains silent on the links between this capacity to adapt and the social context in which such entrepreneurs operate. indeed, none of the authors have looked at the practices of music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority societies to deal with the increased precariousness and uncertainty brought about by digital technologies. further, there is no theoretical model that can assist in understanding these practices. yet, given the specific characteristics of this type of entrepreneurship, we found effectuation theory to be particularly useful for understanding these practices. effectuation theory as with the literature on cultural entrepreneurship, effectuation theory challenges many of the ideas behind the main entrepreneurial theories that focus on the existence of business opportunities and the efficient use of resources; and that rely on the possibility to predict the market. sarasvathy (2001) refers to these theories as causal logic. inversely, effectual logic is based on the idea that reality is unknown and uncertain and that it cannot be predicted. in line with the literature on cultural entrepreneurship, effectuation theory holds that entrepreneurs mostly act without being certain about the existence of a demand, market or potential revenues for what is offered. sarasvathy (2001) describes the creation of a business as a process that does not generally begin with the conscious intent of the entrepreneur, but rather as the result of a variety of fortuitous events. according to this logic, the entrepreneur starts with a set of means and focuses on the choices of effects that can be created with these means. the first means are an entrepreneur’s personal characteristics: who he/she is (character traits, tastes, abilities, and attributes), what he/she knows (the knowledge corridors he/she is in, education, experience, and expertise), and the people he/she knows (his/her social network). through interactions with members of their social network, entrepreneurs gain new resources and establish new goals that lead to a reassessment of the means and possibilities for action that these interactions offer throughout a continuous process. thus, an entrepreneur’s vision does not remain frozen by a plan, but rather is constantly evolving. these possibilities of action are based on four principles. the first is affordable loss rather than expected returns. rather than starting out with any profit expectations, as is generally the case with the causal logic, entrepreneurs using effectual logic predetermine an idea of losses that would be affordable for them. therefore, entrepreneurs can experiment with as many strategies as their limited means will enable them to implement and decide what to leave behind. in addition, since they cannot guarantee profits, entrepreneurs decide what means to invest and what outcomes to emphasize based on their likeliness to yield promising results for the future instead of the present (sarasvathy, 2001; wiltbank, dew, read, &sarasvathy, 2006). bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 7 the second principle refers to strategic alliances rather than competitive analyses. to mitigate their uncertain working environment, entrepreneurs following the effectual logic focus on building strategic alliances with other individuals and organizations instead of treating them as competitors (fisher, 2012). as its third principle, effectuation theory asserts that in an uncertain working environment, one of the strengths of entrepreneurs using effectual logic is the exploitation of contingencies rather than pre-existing knowledge. in the absence of any pre-existing knowledge about an environment, the entrepreneur must be prepared to take advantage of unforeseen circumstances that may emerge over time (wiltbank et al, 2006: 993). under this logic, contingencies can be a source of unexpected profit opportunities, but they can also present unanticipated problems (steyaert, 2007). the fourth principle is controlling an unpredictable future rather than predicting an uncertain one. while causation aims to predict the aspects of an uncertain future in order to control it, effectuation focuses on controlling some elements of the future so it becomes unnecessary to attempt to predict it (sarasvathy, 2001). hence, entrepreneurs appear as non-rational actors who use their imagination to constantly and incrementally create new conditions in which they want to act, as opposed to rationally evaluating or calculating the possibilities of current conditions (steyaert, 2007: 466). with its roots in the process paradigm (moroz and hindle, 2012; hjorth et al., 2015), effectuation theory constitutes a way of seeing the world, an ontological category, rather than a method to interpret objects such as entrepreneurship. however, sarasvathy (2001) suggests that effectuation theory is suitable for understanding entrepreneurship in uncertain conditions and that effectual logic can be more useful in certain entrepreneurial environments, mainly those that are dynamic and non-linear where it is impossible to know and measure the future. according to the literature on cultural entrepreneurship, cultural industries are sectors with a high degree of uncertainty, particularly in a linguistic minority context. these conditions are exacerbated today by digital technologies. however, a review of the literature that applies effectuation theory reveals that it has not, to our knowledge, been used integrally to interpret entrepreneurship in cultural industries. one mention of it has been made by patten (2016), who focuses on the fact that cultural entrepreneurs start from their existing means, in the form of their own creativity, to determine their ends, thus ending up creating their own opportunities, which refers to the fourth principle mentioned above. given the specific characteristics of music entrepreneurship in linguistic minority societies, we suggest that effectuation theory as a whole can be used to shed light on the practices and attitudes of entrepreneurs in these societies that contribute to their ability to adapt to the paradoxes brought about by digital technology. methodology research design and methodological approach the majority of entrepreneurs we interviewed (27 of 35) are individual music creators who became entrepreneurs out of the necessity to have a framework for developing their career. some of these individuals also came to manage the career of other creators. the remaining entrepreneurs who participated in our research (8 of 35) are producers who have never been music creators, but decided to start their own business to manage one or several creators. bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 8 we adopt an interpretive epistemological approach to understand the practices and attitudes of these entrepreneurs, as well as the way in which these practices and attitudes enable the entrepreneurs to adapt to the paradoxes of digital technologies. therefore, we build our understanding through interaction with individuals who can convey their interpretation to us (guba and lincoln, 1994: 110). in accordance with this posture, our understanding of these practices and attitudes emerges from how they are interpreted by the entrepreneurs who put them into place daily, as well as by the experts who accompany or closely observe these entrepreneurs. to gain insight into this interpretation, we conducted qualitative research in the form of 50 indepth semi-structured interviews with experts (15) and entrepreneurs (35 creators and producers) distributed proportionally among the music recording industry in the aforementioned canadian francophone areas and in catalonia. for the purposes of this paper, we focused on the commonalities shared by all the entrepreneurs who participated in our research given the similarities of their respective social context. in each society we began by meeting with experts who were selected using the intensity sampling method (patton, 2002). we targeted two types of experts. the first type were academic researchers leading research projects on the french music recording industry in canada or on the catalan industry in spain. the second type is a key informant of an organization representing creators or producers in this industry such as the manager of a creators or producers' association, of a copyright management association, or of a music industry workers’ union. using the snowball sampling technique (patton, 2002), experts led us to the entrepreneurs who are part of our larger sample. the selection criteria for the entrepreneurs was as follows: their primary professional activity constitutes the creation or production of vocal music in french in canada or in catalan in spain; their activities are primarily carried out in the territory and using the resources of their community; they use at least one digital method of creation, production, or marketing of their music. following an iterative process of data collection and analysis, the first interviews were transcribed and briefly analysed and then subsequent participants were contacted based on the additional information they could provide regarding the role they occupied. this resembles what corley and gioia (2004) refer to as “an evolving sample of informants” (p. 180). towards the end of the data collection process, we asked the experts we interviewed in each society to review and validate our sample to make sure that it was representative of the industry. the participants were contacted by email and most of the interviews took place in person, in their office or public places. some of the interviews in remote francophone areas in canada were carried out using videoconferencing. the interviews with participants in canadian francophone societies were carried out in french, which is the mother tongue of the researcher and the participants. the interviews in catalonia were carried out in castilian spanish, which was the participants’ second language and the researcher’s third language. when the researcher and the respondent do not have the same mother tongue, as was the case in catalonia, marschan-piekkari and reis (2004) suggest using another language in common to create a situation of mutual linguistic challenge. the semi-structured interviews were carried out in an exploratory perspective, generally in the form of an informal conversation. questions aimed to capture the personal perspectives and experiences of the participants regarding influences on their ability to create and produce music in their first language, given their specific social context and the impact of digital technologies. the interviews lasted an average of 75 minutes. the interviews were recorded and most were bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 9 transcribed shortly after the interview was completed in order to identify themes that could be discussed in subsequent interviews. our approach, which is consistent with an interpretive posture, reveals what music entrepreneurs in canadian francophone societies and in catalonia say about the practices and attitudes they adopt daily. this echoes orlikowski (2002) who, following giddens (1984), argues that participants are “knowledgeable and reflexive, and that they tend to know more about (and can give a reasonable account of) what they do than researchers give them credit for” (p. 255). data analysis the transcripts of interviews with the experts were analyzed in the same way as those with the entrepreneurs since they offer complementary perspectives to the studied phenomena, thereby constituting a form of triangulation (lincoln and guba, 1985). taken together, these 50 interviews also enabled us to reach a level of saturation because each interview strengthened emerging themes from the other interviews amongst the different societies. following an inductive and exploratory approach, the first phase of coding was carried out manually using a grounded theory strategy (langley, 1999: 699). this analysis revealed the practices and attitudes put into place by the music entrepreneurs to adapt to the paradoxes of digital technologies and which correspond to the principles of effectuation theory. the data collection process that followed this initial phase of inductive data analysis was also exploratory, but it included questions aimed at probing more deeply into these principles. many of the elements that emerged from the interviews confirmed the relevance of using this theoretical approach. subsequently, the data was coded systematically using the qualitative analysis software atlas.ti in a more deductive way, according to the theory’s principles. overall, this theoretical choice resulted from an abductive process (locke, goldenbiddle, & feldman, 2008). we used a narrative strategy to account for responses. it consists of associating transcript excerpts and detailed narrative descriptions with the principles and dimensions that emerged from the coding in order to contextualize them when discussing results (langley, 1999). this strategy has the potential to account for the shifting and undetermined nature of boundaries between the principles and dimensions, which were rendered distinct for the presentation of the results. results the paradox of digital technologies the results of our study tend to confirm that digital technologies present both a source of threats and possibilities for our participants. the interviews reveal that the paradox, as a rhetorical tool, enables these entrepreneurs to create meaning from the multiple, complex, ambiguous and moving realities presented by digital technologies. they refer to digital technologies as a “dilemma,” a “double-edged sword,” as “give and take,” as something that “is good and bad at the same time,” and that presents “problems and opportunities.” it is also in this technological context that many of the creators refer to themselves as entrepreneurs, posing the artist-entrepreneur identity as another paradox that they have to manage: it has become more than simply writing music, being an artist. you have to be a master of digital social media, you have to be aware of what people like and perceive from your music, if you want to have a certain image associated with your product, bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 10 which is your music. it’s like managing a company, you know. it’s being an entrepreneur. thus, the context of digital technology expands the definition of an entrepreneur for our participants and, as such, identification with this figure. the participants emphasize the paradoxes that digital technology represents for them in relation to their identity as entrepreneurs. the threats of increased precariousness all participants discussed the impacts of the steady decline in record sales over the past fifteen years. for these entrepreneurs, it means less revenue; revenue that is not replaced by any new source. indeed, the participants stated that even though the sales and broadcasting of their music on digital platforms have been increasing, these generate low revenues, which cannot compensate for the decline in record sales. in this context, an expert in french canada explains: “at this time, for producers, for creators […] you can earn revenue, but it is more difficult for it to be sufficient to make a living, to be able to do only that in life.” all the participants speak of “trivial revenues” from the broadcasting of their music on these platforms, of “scraps for the artists” and many consider that this decline in revenue jeopardizes the survival of the creation and production of music in french in canada and in catalan in spain. indeed, as explained by an expert in catalonia, although the downward trend in returns has occurred at a global scale, it can pose a greater threat for the smaller players who already have very little independent revenue: “it is more difficult for the smaller societies, because the smaller you are, the smaller your audience is and when you sing in a language that is different from that of your state, which is spanish, the industry has fewer resources, everything is reduced.” an entrepreneur in ontario echoes this statement: the issue is bigger for us. for me, if i don’t have any more revenue, i will lose my company and my job. it’s not like sony that can lay off 10,000 employees on the planet and it will be fine, it can survive. it’s another issue, it’s not just to make more money, it’s about being able to support ourselves and continue to increase the francophonie in a minority context. the low returns can be partly explained by the lack of effective showcasing of their music on digital platforms such as itunes, spotify, and google play. since these platforms belong to foreign multinational companies, they often do not have local employees able to offer content selection aimed at a local clientele. as a result, the entrepreneurs have difficulty showcasing their music on these platforms, to “stand out from the crowd” and to generate listening and sales figures that would provide them with a source of independent revenue. since they must learn how to use the tools available on the internet to showcase their music on these platforms, they need to train themselves and their employees to acquire this new knowledge. along with the decline in revenue, there has been an increase in the marketing costs. indeed, it is necessary for entrepreneurs to acquire these new skills while taking care of the promotion and marketing of their music in traditional media sources (radio, television, print media) which target other audience segments. as an expert in french canada outlined: “digital technology has added many layers of responsibility to an industry that was already fragile. it is necessary to have new employees, to establish new work protocols, to consider new distribution channels.” bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 11 in addition, these entrepreneurs need to learn how to deal with the foreign companies behind these platforms, such as apple and google, which have a significant influence on their future in terms of the visibility they give to their music and the remuneration they offer. the entrepreneurs mentioned that they have little bargaining power with these new players to demand better payment or promotion of their music. further, they have little choice but to make their music available on these platforms, as expressed by an entrepreneur in atlantic canada: “we don’t have much choice. because everybody is on it. we have to follow, you know. it’s not us, in atlantic canada, who are going to change things. we don’t have much power, no.” thus, music entrepreneurs in canadian francophone societies and in catalonia evolve in a context of increased precariousness and uncertainty since the advent of digital technologies. emancipatory possibilities by contrast, digital technologies also offer our participants possibilities in relation to their specific social and industrial context, which compensate for some of the challenges inherent in their societies. first, some digital techniques make music production more accessible to creators who would not normally have access to them due to the lack of resources in their industry. the participants discussed the democratization of the production means: “now, with the lower costs of sound recordings, it gives access to anybody to try it out.” they nuanced this idea by highlighting the importance of knowing how to use these techniques, and several creators admitted preferring to have their music recordings handled by professionals. but some of the steps can be done in their home with basic means, such as the pre-production of an album, which reduces the time spent in a professional studio. these rudimentary means can also be used for creative experimentations without having to “enlist the machinery of studio production.” since returns from music in french in canada and in catalan in spain are low, it goes without saying that the decline in costs involved in experimentation and music production is beneficial for the entrepreneurs. second, in terms of marketing, digital technologies enable entrepreneurs to eliminate the necessity for some of the intermediaries between themselves and consumers. in canadian francophone societies where there is a shortage of musical production and marketing professionals, digital platforms that allow this disintermediation such as facebook, youtube or bandcamp have become particularly important. these platforms provide creators with the possibility to be heard without having to rely on marketing professionals: the positive side of facebook is that an artist in regional communities perhaps does not need a manager or a big machine. […] for me, technology allows me to go along at my own rhythm. i’m still present, people can contact me whenever they want, because i’m always there, on the net, and i don’t need a big machine. third, in certain remote regions where the population size is small and geographically dispersed, the disintermediation also offers the possibility for deterritorialization that is indispensable for the survival of an entrepreneur’s career or business. this is particularly the case in western canada: “well without that it would be impossible to make french music in the west and to make a living doing that. but with facebook it’s doable because you can communicate with many promotors at the same time, organize events and tours, keep the people interested in your music informed.” indeed, thanks to digital technologies, entrepreneurs are no longer limited to an audience residing in their region. it becomes easier to reach other audiences and to present daring bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 12 musical works or more marginal musical genres since it may be more likely to garner some interest from a broader public than if they remained confined to their region, which was expressed by one participant: it would have been more difficult for a more alternative, marginal artist who appeals to a specialized audience, to release something interesting during the 1970s in acadia. i don’t even know if it would have been possible. but digital technology has ensured that now you can reach a wider public and it becomes possible. this is the case in catalonia as well where, until recently, the only music written in catalan was by singer-songwriters (“cançó catalana”). however, today a new generation of creators has emerged that takes risks with musical genres such as rock, punk, or reggae in catalan to make it a language that can be used with all types of music. these creators mention that digital technologies support their attempts by allowing them to create and to connect with music broadcasting networks, national and international, that correspond to their own more marginal styles. thus, digital technologies are involved in the cultural emancipation of these societies. regarding organizational aspects, digital technologies create new possibilities, which, in turn, foster the functioning of the music industry in these societies. for some participants, this is what enabled them to become music entrepreneurs: “i have always said that if it weren’t for the internet, i would have never started my company. that’s what allowed me to do the work that i do, for sure.” the practices and attitudes put into place by the music entrepreneurs and which correspond to the principles of effectuation theory facilitate their ability to adapt to the paradoxes presented to them by digital technologies. they allow the entrepreneurs to increase the possibilities while mitigating the threats discussed above. the principle of affordable loss: the attitude of entrepreneurs as with the entrepreneur described in effectuation theory, those who participated in our research do not begin creating and producing music in french or in catalan with any revenue expectations, which would be the case according to causal logic. rather, they start by predetermining what their affordable losses are. these entrepreneurs are aware that the choice to create and produce music in their language represents a greater challenge in their social context. the market for this music is smaller and there is less money to be made compared to creating and producing music in english in canada or in spanish in spain. several of the participants who are perfectly bilingual mentioned that they could have chosen this path and some of them had done so in the past. however, creating and producing music in their own language was more important, as expressed by an entrepreneur in atlantic canada: “i want to prioritize the francophonie in my songs. in a way, i’m not making my life easy. already having a strange accent and all that, i’m not putting myself in the best position for my career, but for me it was important to do this in french.” all participants indicated a strong sense of belonging to their society and a will to participate in making its minority language and culture stronger. as descendants of generations who fought for keeping their language and culture alive, in canadian francophonie as well as in catalonia, our respondents share a responsibility for pursuing this work. they expressed the feeling that the becoming of their society, of its language and of its culture is more important than their own individual destiny and they all want to do their part in enlivening it through their music. bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 13 regarding the economic and social benefits, they know that in making this choice the returns on their activities will be limited, and that before achieving a certain level of success, they will receive very little social recognition for their work. many of them could take up a higher paying and better recognized job, but they are proud of the choice they have made for a cause: their minority language and culture, which is bigger than themselves. some speak of their work as “missionary,” such as an entrepreneur from atlantic canada: “[…] it’s really the best definition. i’m not complaining, it’s a life choice, i could do something else if i wanted, that’s for sure.” this choice has major repercussions for both their professional and personal life. in some cases, this attitude towards the affordable losses implies that, even if they do everything possible to earn a living from creating and producing music, they are ready to face the risk that they might not attain this goal. in other words, and although many of them achieve this, making a living exclusively from their activities in the music industry is the loss that they can afford. for the participants, this is not considered to be a disappointment or failure, but rather as simply a state of affairs they deal with in good faith. for an entrepreneur in the canadian francophonie: “regardless of whether i earn a living or not, i make music and i am happier than if i were a bank manager.” an expert in catalonia refers to these music entrepreneurs who cannot make a living exclusively from their music activities as “resistant fighters” who find complementary work when their primary musical activity is not sufficient to earn a living, who cannot always dedicate themselves completely to music, but still are able to produce good creations. these entrepreneurs are passionate about their work. they focus on experimenting with strategies they can implement from their limited means and rely on those that are more promising in the long-term for the development of their industry, perhaps even for their entire society, as stated by an entrepreneur in atlantic canada: “me, i’m here because i love developing artists from the beginning. that’s my passion. i work at the stage where there is no money to be made with the artist. but it’s what i love doing, the development at the beginning of their career and bringing them to do crazy and extraordinary things.” another adds: “there are many sacrifices on my side, but i think that i also give back to my community, and that’s my motivating force.” the participants even feel grateful for being able to dedicate their time to music. they consider themselves to be “lucky”, “passionate”, and they “love” their work, simply happy to do something they enjoy. although they would prefer less precarious conditions, this does not stop them from continuing their work, which is motivated by a passion for preserving and promoting their minority language and culture. in catalonia, an expert qualified this attitude as irrational and stated that it slows down the economic development of the industry because only small businesses with four employees or less can survive. as she explained: “very often, their objective is a personal achievement. very few do this with the ambition of doing business. because if they did it with this ambition, they would be selling shoes and not music.” many speak about “craziness”, while others refer to working with “heart.” as an entrepreneur in ontario mentioned: “very few people would work in the conditions we have in the music industry. this is a labour of love. you really have to support the cause.” as a result of this attitude, the entrepreneurs who participated in this research are not as shaken by the threats posed by digital technologies as are entrepreneurs who follow a causal logic. they recognize and regret the increased uncertainty and precariousness due to the decline in revenue and the poor visibility of their music on digital platforms, but this does not halt their development. they are already accustomed to earning little return and accomplishing a great deal bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 14 with few resources. in addition, they work with small structures and do not hesitate to redesign them in order to adapt to digital technologies. therefore, they are not as affected by the threats posed by digital technologies as are larger and more established music businesses, as explained by an entrepreneur in catalonia: we began producing albums at the end of the 1990s. immediately after, the industry started changing and albums were not selling, so we had to do management and booking. it was a way to survive with the declining sales. with a small structure, like ours, it was much easier to adapt and to make rapid changes compared to a larger structure. this attitude puts them in a better position to bear the increased conditions of uncertainty and precariousness brought about by digital technologies, as well as to take advantage of the possibilities offered. the principle of exploiting contingencies: reaping the benefits of digital technology effectuation theory tells us that in the absence of pre-existing knowledge of an environment, one of the strengths of the entrepreneur who uses effectual logic is the propensity to exploit rather than avoid contingencies. in the context of digital technologies, the practices implemented by our participants reflect this principle because they focus on the new possibilities offered instead of the threats posed by digital technologies. participants both young and old actively use social media and digital music broadcasting platforms, implement crowdfunding campaigns using these networks, and find innovative solutions for obtaining greater visibility and for generating revenue in order to create works of high quality. they consider these technologies to be an incentive to developing their unique style and to making their place in the globalized context of cultural broadcasting. in terms of creation, given that music recordings from around the world can be found on digital platforms without any specific valorization for local products, some entrepreneurs view this reality as an incentive to stand out more. one expert said: “it’s really important that they learn how to think outside the box to be able to offer something original. you know, the objective is to be original enough for a video to become viral, so that thousands and thousands of people see it. so it is hip.” regarding production and marketing, numerous initiatives reflect this incentive to be more creative. for example, during the early 2000s when music piracy was prevalent, an entrepreneur in atlantic canada was one of the first to make his music accessible online following the “pay what you want” model. online users could download the album free of charge or give the amount they wanted. the logic behind the idea to market the album this way was as follows: “i don’t have a team around me, there is some illegal downloading and rather than investing tons of money to make myself known, i could just do that. it’s a way to reach people. and you know, it worked out well.” indeed, while we do not yet fully understand these initiatives, they produce results. some even believe that the emerging music is of a higher quality and interest compared to what was being created before the advent of digital technologies because “in the end, i think all that is left is what is done with passion. if you look at the state of catalan music, the relationship between what it costs and its value, i think that the music produced in catalonia today has more value.” bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 15 this propensity to exploit contingencies rather than avoid them, which enables entrepreneurs to reap the benefits of digital technologies, is based on practices of collaboration and assistance that structure and reinforce the music industry in these societies. the principle of strategic alliances: practices of collaboration and assistance to reduce the uncertainty that characterizes their environment, the entrepreneurs in our study who use effectual logic focus on building strategic alliances with other individuals and organizations rather than considering them as competitors. moreover, these collaborative practices play a significant role in the context of digital technologies because entrepreneurs feel they are crucial to reducing the increased precariousness and uncertainty that they experience. paradoxically, digital technologies support these alliances, particularly through the possibilities of deterritorialization they offer. this is especially the case in societies that are isolated geographically. it is important to note that these alliances naturally play a more pronounced role in smaller societies in canada, such as western canada and the atlantic provinces, since precariousness and uncertainty are fundamental issues. indeed, entrepreneurs in the recording industry in these societies often lack resources, so they regularly call upon their peers to overcome these shortcomings. the values of collaboration and assistance are at the heart of the entrepreneurs’ discourses in these societies, as was expressed by one in atlantic canada: “i regularly call upon people who are supposed to be competitors, but i don’t get involved in that. it’s assistance; we need to help one another. we are too small to be in competition.” another entrepreneur added: “it’s what i expect. me, i give to young artists, information. i want to help them out, you know, just like everyone in the music industry in acadia did for me. i feel like i owe that to the newcomers.” thus, the entrepreneurs are united by the generally accepted necessity to pool knowledge and resources to foster the development of the industry as a whole. the common interest takes precedence over the advancement of a business or an individual career. it gives rise to collective initiatives that are structural elements for the industry, including resource centres, contests and festivals, as well as numerous information services available to everyone. as outlined by an entrepreneur in atlantic canada: “yes, i work with artists in particular, but i try to create projects that help all acadian artists. it’s really my work philosophy.” many participants in western canada, ontario, and acadia speak about “solidarity” and an “industry that sticks together” which they describe as a “big family where everybody knows each other” and as a “community that is very tight-knit,” where competition is not welcome. however, while digital technologies create more precarious and uncertain conditions in the music industry of all the societies included in our study, they also encourage more collaboration and assistance in other french societies of canada and in catalonia too. in canada, the participants call for greater solidarity between the smaller players in the music industry in the context of digital technology: “to oppose a force necessary to negotiate conditions with the big players, like google play or apple music, i don’t see how record companies, on an individual basis, can prosper.” an expert echoes this idea: “this necessity, to work together, it already existed in the past, but now i feel it’s more natural, more spontaneous, because we don’t have a choice.” in catalonia, where traditionally the industry is more fragmented, a network of private and public resource hubs for music creators and entrepreneurs, the “cases de la música” (“houses of music”), have been set up bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 16 in several cities during the past few years to pool efforts and equip the industry to face new challenges. digital technologies facilitate the establishment of networks and initiatives that support these strategic alliances. the use of existing digital social networks or the creation of new platforms, such as forums or applications adapted to the needs of these music entrepreneurs, foster the dynamics of assistance that previously took place in person, as explained by an entrepreneur in atlantic canada: “if i don’t know something i ask. when i don’t know where to go with facebook, it’s easy to make a call to everyone […] there is always someone who will help us. whether it’s in acadia or elsewhere in the world.” digital technologies also allow for extending the scope of these alliances, which are made more naturally within each society, to collaborations between societies that share similar challenges. an example of this is that francophone creators in different regions of canada send each other music through digital media and establish artistic collaborations. in western canada, an online platform is being created to allow creators dispersed across the region to work together on pieces of music, which had been impossible in the past due to geographic isolation. these alliances also help to professionalize and structure the industry. therefore, digital technologies encourage more practices of collaboration and assistance among entrepreneurs in the canadian francophonie and catalonia in order to face challenges raised by these very technologies. further, these practices are made possible by digital tools that enable entrepreneurs to overcome certain characteristics of their societies. the principle of controlling means rather than predicting ends overall, the attitude and practices that enable music entrepreneurs to adapt to the paradoxes raised by digital technologies, by minimizing threats and maximizing possibilities, can be attributed to the fact that it is impossible for them to predict the future amid their uncertain circumstances. in this situation, it is more efficient to attempt to control certain aspects of this future. thus, action precedes strategy, goals, and results in this approach to entrepreneurship. this corresponds to the fourth principle of effectuation theory. through their daily actions, entrepreneurs can control their future, by adapting their objectives day-to-day using whatever means they can find, rather than predefining their strategy. their attitude focused on affordable loss and exploitation of contingencies, the small size of their company, and an easily accessible network of assistance and collaboration, supported by digital technologies, are all elements that offer them flexibility to adapt. in general, even the launch of their businesses was not planned. many participants refer to themselves as entrepreneurs “by default,” as a result of a need to organize their activities and a lack of resources in their industry for someone else to take care of these activities. as with effectuation theory, these entrepreneurs started from who they are, what they know, and whom they know to determine what they could do. they had a desire to regulate their music creation activities, or they were surrounded with creators whose career they wanted to support, or they wanted to contribute to the culture of their society. they assembled the knowledge necessary to achieve their goals and identified those who would be able to accompany them. throughout this process, some participants refer to themselves as entrepreneurs “by accident” or “by chance,” since their business did not come from an intention, as expressed by an entrepreneur in catalonia: primarily we are fans, passionate about music. there is a bit of activism as well. and in the end, we find ourselves starting this business here. what do you do? what is bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 17 your plan? i don’t know! if someone were to ask me what i studied, i don’t know! there is no formal training. we work on something, we end up with a business, by adapting as best we can. in the development of their business, even though some entrepreneurs would sometimes prefer to be able to plan their actions beforehand, the participants accepted that the lack of resources makes this impossible. they take on several roles and need to develop different areas of expertise without being able to specialize in any. therefore, they adapt as they go along. they are constantly searching for spontaneous solutions and temporary arrangements to deal with problems and shortages using “limited means” selected from whatever resources are available. they speak of “learning by doing”, whereby they make mistakes and learn from them to move forward. due to the shortage of resources, they are forced to be creative and, as mentioned by several participants, this constraint stimulates them. as a result of this method, whereby action precedes strategy, these entrepreneurs are able to accomplish a great deal with very few resources. for example, entrepreneurs have launched initiatives following their instincts, which even they qualify as crazy, but then find the means to continue what they started within their social networks or the possibilities offered by digital technologies. this leads these entrepreneurs to engage in activities that an entrepreneur who plans each move would never consider. an illustration of this situation is an entrepreneur in atlantic canada, who launches the career of creators without the necessary resources beforehand because she feels an emotional connection with their music: every week, there is an artist who calls me or comes to see me in my office. i can’t take on anymore, i don’t have the resources. but from time to time, there is an artist who comes to see me, i listen to their music and i tell myself that i have no choice. i call it my love-meter. when i get goosebumps and i cry, then i have no choice, i have to help them. this entrepreneur finds the means to work with this creator in action, one day at a time, rather than relying on a predefined strategy. thus, the increased precariousness and uncertainty that music entrepreneurs in the canadian francophonie and in catalonia are facing creates a situation whereby they can move forward and act. all this because they are accustomed to adapting by improvising and putting together arrangements as they go along rather than planning beforehand. controlling the means rather than predicting the ends sums up the set of practices and attitudes that enable these entrepreneurs to carry out their work and adapt to the paradoxes of digital technology. discussion we have suggested that the four principles outlined in effectuation theory provide us with the tools to understand the practices and attitudes enabling music entrepreneurs in the canadian francophonie and in catalonia to adapt to the paradoxes of digital technology. these practices and attitudes emerge from the entrepreneurs’ quest to manage tensions between the threats and possibilities posed by digital technologies in order to foster the development of their businesses. by predetermining what they can afford to lose, by exploiting contingencies rather than avoiding them, by emphasizing strategic alliances instead of competition, and by starting with means rather than ends, these entrepreneurs mitigate threats and take advantage of the possibilities presented to bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 18 them by digital technologies. thus, by being accustomed to adapting as they go along, improvising, and acquiring new knowledge they are able to continue moving forward in a context of uncertainty. the formulation of these practices and attitudes is not prescriptive. rather, it aims to use an entrepreneurship theory to understand how music entrepreneurs in different linguistic minority societies function in their context of precariousness and uncertainty in this era of digital technologies. we do not claim that this description is exhaustive or exclusive. conversely, the practices and attitudes that we have identified must be understood as interdependent and intertwined with daily activities throughout the career of the entrepreneurs we interviewed. in addition, this set of practices and attitudes should be considered as being open to other possible answers that our approach did not enable us to identify or that we set aside in order to focus on this comprehension of the situation. for example, we mentioned the institutional context of linguistic minorities that has an impact on the practices and viability of music entrepreneurs through laws and policies to protect and promote language and culture, as well as public funding. while this institutional context is important, the practices and attitudes implemented by entrepreneurs themselves in their daily activities appear more significant in explaining their capacity to adapt to the paradoxes of digital technologies, which evolve more rapidly than laws and cultural policies. in this regard, we follow orlikowski (2002) who states that there is much to learn from these capabilities: “…if we also focus on what people do, and how they do it, rather than focusing primarily on infrastructure, objects, skills, or dispositions” (p. 271). our approach, which has practical and theoretical implications, has allowed us to describe these practices from the interpretation and meaning given to them by those who implement it in their daily life. on the practical level, read et al. (2016) highlight that public policies “are only recently beginning to awaken to effectual entrepreneurship.” in this regard, we consider that highlighting the practices of entrepreneurs in a linguistic minority context to better understand them constitutes the first step in developing cultural policies and support measures adapted to what they really do. such policies and measures would encourage and valorize the practices and attitudes these entrepreneurs call upon spontaneously. andres and round (2015: 6) emphasize generally the fragile nature of the behaviors and mechanisms of resilience and adaptation implemented by entrepreneurs in cultural industries. in the long term, could the additional precariousness and uncertainty generated by digital technologies put an end to the resilience and adaptability of music entrepreneurs in a linguistic minority context? by revealing and gaining a better understanding of their practices and attitudes, it will be possible to better support them. it will also be possible to transfer this knowledge to cultural entrepreneurs in other industries challenged by digital technologies as well as in other social contexts where language and culture have a minority status. in doing so, it will help address the ethical imperative of cultural diversity discussed in the introduction to this paper. on the theoretical level, the set of practices and attitudes noted through effectuation theory has enabled us to contribute to the literature on cultural entrepreneurship. this literature has not focused on the practices of cultural creation and production while accounting for both the challenges related to the linguistic minority context as well as the threats and possibilities raised by digital technology. there has been no new research on practices of cultural creation and production in these societies since 2002 (baillargeon, 2002), when the threats and possibilities of bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 19 digital technologies only began to emerge. moreover, the literature on cultural entrepreneurship does not have a theoretical approach to understanding the practices and attitudes that enable entrepreneurs to adapt to the uncertainty related to their activities and digital technologies. in this paper, effectuation theory is applied to cultural entrepreneurs and, more specifically, music entrepreneurs in a linguistic minority context, providing us with the tools to achieve this understanding. limits and future research prospects for our analysis, we focused on shared elements among all the participants in relation to how they adapt to the paradoxes of digital technology, by emphasizing the common characteristics of their respective social context. by focusing on these common characteristics, we were able to highlight clear and important themes shared by all participants. effectuation theory has allowed us to organize some of these themes in order to shed light on practices and attitudes that all the entrepreneurs interviewed implement to deal with paradoxes raised by digital technologies. however, we are aware of many more shared elements in our data that could be highlighted by other theoretical lenses, and which could be combined to effectuation theory in future research. for example, in making the choice to work for the cause of preserving and promoting their language and culture while affording the risk to not earn a living from their music activities, and in focusing on building strategic alliances with other individuals and organizations rather than considering them as competitors, the entrepreneurs expressed moral considerations about their work, which could be highlighted by a moral economy perspective (banks, 2006). this could also be explained by the passionate labour perspective, which has been much explored in literatures on cultural industries (hesmondhalgh and baker, 2011; hermes, 2014; hope and richards, 2014) and on the music industry (long and barber, 2014). these literatures try to explain why workers willingly allow themselves to be exploited (in the eyes of some) because they love the work they do. however, very few researches, if any, have explored this question in a minority context, in regard to the passion for preserving and promoting a language and culture. further, a large part of the strategic alliances implemented in the music industries we studied is based on informal relations rather than formal work relations, which could be highlighted by the relational work perspective (zelizer, 2012). in future papers, all these approaches could become complementary lenses for deepening our analysis of shared elements among all our participants. while emphasizing the shared elements highlighted by effectuation theory, we did not shed light upon the contrasts between these societies of interest and the roles occupied by participants. there are several contrasting distinctive factors: sociodemographic factors, such as the degree of minority status of the language and culture in each social context, as well as historical, political, and economic factors, including how the entrepreneurs perceive those factors’ influence on the way they work and adapt in the current technological context. further, we did not consider the dimensions of culture and identity related to the linguistic minority situation of participants. since participants did not particularly discuss these dimensions during interviews, we understood them to be an inherent part of the context of the music entrepreneurs’ practices. we considered only the dimensions that entrepreneurs interpreted as having an impact on their practices. future research and analysis could then focus on these other dimensions. in spite of these few limits, the general orientation of this article has allowed understanding of how cultural entrepreneurs within linguistic minority societies mitigate threats and maximise bissonette and arcand music entrepreneurs in linguistic minority contexts _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (1) 20 possibilities raised by digital technologies in order to create and produce music, which promotes their minority language and culture. in doing so, effectuation theory has provided tools to shed light on contextualized practices and attitudes that are often, if not always, hidden in the literature, but that are central to preserving and promoting cultural diversity at a global scale. references anderson, c. 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(2014). artists as entrepreneurs, fans as workers. popular music and society, 37(3), 273-290. wiltbank, r., n. dew, s. read and s.d. sarasvathy (2006). what to do next? the case for nonpredictive strategy. strategic management journal, 27(10), 981-998. microsoft word mbrector,+149+final.docx vol. 10, no. 2 fall 2021 effectual entrepreneurship in the arts the story of austin classical guitar jonathan gangi penn state university abstract: this article tells the incredible story of austin classical guitar, provides empirical evidence supporting the efficacy of sarasvathy’s effectual entrepreneurship principles within an arts context, and contributes to theory development for the field of entrepreneurship and the subfield arts entrepreneurship. individuals and organizations can utilize the concepts, principles, and method illustrated in the organizational history of austin classical guitar to launch and sustain successful arts ventures. arts entrepreneurship educators and scholars are encouraged to consider effectuation a foundational building block for the subfield and incorporate it into their work. keywords: arts entrepreneurship, effectual entrepreneurship, austin classical guitar. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.10.2.149 introduction leading scholars (welter, et al.) categorize entrepreneurship as an extraordinarily legitimate academic field possessing many theories, however, they call for open-mindedness as the phenomenon has not been exhaustively accounted for and research remains in an exploratory mode (wang & jessup, ; fisher, ; welter, baker, audretsch, & gartner, ). the emergent sub-field of arts entrepreneurship, although perhaps in a pre-embryonic stage of theory development, can contribute unique perspectives to this exploration. logically, some arts entrepreneurship researchers and educators base their work upon business entrepreneurship scholarship and pedagogy. our sub-field, however, lacks empirical evidence supporting the assumption that general entrepreneurial theories and methods are effective for arts entrepreneurs. effectual entrepreneurship is a paradigm-shifting theory and method within business entrepreneurship literature (perry, chandler, & markova, ; hendrick, ). based upon artivate 10.2 2 my personal experience as an artist, entrepreneur, and arts entrepreneurship pedagogue and on data from guest arts entrepreneurs telling their success stories to my students, i became convinced that effectuation is well-suited for our subfield. in a previous article, i suggested that effectuation could be a foundational building block for the field of arts entrepreneurship and called for an empirical examination of effectuation in an arts context (gangi, ). methodology wanting to answer my call for empirical work, i conducted a qualitative study investigating how successful arts entrepreneurs create and sustain new arts ventures. the goal of the study was to examine the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of saras sarasvathy’s effectual entrepreneurship theory in an arts context. using the theory elaboration tactic of horizontal contrasting, i sought to enhance the empirical adequacy of this entrepreneurial theory by illustrating the effectiveness of effectuation in a new context. the theory elaboration approach of horizontal contrasting “is the process of examining how an existing theoretical insight fits in a context different from that for which it was developed. . . . by examining whether a theory holds up empirically across different contexts through horizontal or vertical contrasting, theory elaboration can enhance the empirical adequacy of the theory” (fisher & aguinis, ). i then considered a rival theory, causation (the traditional predictive approach to new venture creation), as a possible better theoretical fit to the data collected. as i will demonstrate, of these two competing theories, effectuation is the theory that best fits the data. this critical question guided my study: how do successful arts entrepreneurs launch and sustain new ventures? participants for this study were limited to successful arts entrepreneurs from the following arts disciplines: music, dance, visual arts, and theatre. successful arts entrepreneurs are those who exhibit expertise in creating their own ventures and careers that generate the majority of their income. an expert is defined as someone who has attained a high level of performance in the domain as a result of years of experience (foley & hart, ) and deliberate practice (ericsson, krampe, & tesch-römer, ). semi-structured telephone interviews were used for data collection and lasted approximately one hour. if and when needed, follow-up interviews were conducted for clarification purposes, either by phone or email. audio recordings were used to preserve the interviews and during data analysis. other data sources include websites, videos, and news articles. the key informants reviewed the specifics of their stories to verify and certify the accuracy of the real-world events. study participants had no knowledge of effectual entrepreneurship and were intentionally asked very general questions, such as: how did you come up with your venture concept? how did you start your venture? this article provides the story of one study participant, austin classical guitar, as empirical evidence for the efficacy of effectual entrepreneurship within an arts context. only one study participant was chosen for this article due to the length of the story and richness of data gleaned from the long history of this arts organization. prior to presenting artivate 10.2 3 the story, however, i provide an overview of the rival theories competing for the best explanation of the data. the primary entrepreneurship theories: causation versus effectuation1 recent business entrepreneurship scholarship underscores a dichotomy forming between traditional entrepreneurial theories based on economic ideologies and emerging theories based on a cognitive science approach to decision making under uncertainty, among others (fisher, ). as a result, the field of entrepreneurship seems to have two formalized approaches to entrepreneurial theory: one focused on predicting a risky future (causation), and the other dealing with controlling an uncertain future. effectuation is a theory and method grounded in cognitive science and focused on controlling an uncertain entrepreneurial future. the entrepreneurial problem space sarasvathy points out three types of problems when making future business decisions (sarasvathy, a, b, ). when the future is predictable and all variables are known (few situations are of this sort), business decisions can be made based on predictions developed by drawing upon data from past events (read, sarasvathy, dew, & wiltbank, ). when the future is risky and only some variables are known (most management situations), business decisions can be made by estimating likely scenarios based on historical trends and known and unknown variables (read et al., ). the types of problems that entrepreneurs face are problems of uncertainty, not of prediction or risk (read et al., ). entrepreneurs, unlike managers, deal with a future that is unknown and unknowable due to the lack of historical data and the absence of any known variables when creating new artifacts (i.e. products, organizations, markets). in such cases, uncertainty cannot be modeled or predicted. this is known as the “suicide quadrant” (sarasvathy, b). sarasvathy’s research found that business novices prefer to use prediction in making future business decisions, as do expert managers. expert entrepreneurs, however, prefer and use effectual logic rather than attempting to make decisions by predicting the unknown and unknowable future (read et al., ; sarasvathy, ). effectual logic is a pattern of decisionmaking that seeks to control an unpredictable future (sarasvathy, ). causal versus effectual logic sarasvathy explains how effectual logic differs from predictive, or causal logic, through analogies to jigsaw puzzles and patchwork quilts. causal logic is similar to the logic used to complete a jigsaw puzzle. this is because causal problems are problems of decision, causal logic 1 this section, until the story of austin classical guitar heading, is an adaptation of my overview of effectuation in gangi, 2017. artivate 10.2 4 helps us choose, and causal strategies are useful when the future is predictable, goals are clear, and our actions cannot manipulate our environment. the causal actor asks: what should i do to achieve a particular effect (sarasvathy, , p. )? when completing a jigsaw puzzle, the picture on the box shows exactly what the future looks like and outlines a very clear goal. the problem of putting the puzzle together involves making decisions about which pieces to choose. ultimately, assembling the pieces will only form the pre-determined result because the environment of the puzzle, its borders and interior, cannot be manipulated. effectuation is similar to creating a patchwork quilt. effectual problems are problems of design, effectual logic helps us construct, and effectual strategies are useful when the future is unpredictable, goals are unclear, and the environment is shaped by human action. the effectual actor asks: what can i do with these means, and what else can i do with them (sarasvathy, , p.)? creating a patchwork quilt is a design problem because no pattern exists initially, and the patches can be arranged according to the designer’s preferences. making a patchwork quilt requires creating something unpredictable, at first, by starting with very undefined goals, and assembling the patches based on creative construction. unlike the environment of a jigsaw puzzle that cannot be changed by the assembler, the environment of the quilt is shaped by human action. causal reasoning may or may not be creative; however, effectual reasoning is inherently creative (sarasvathy, b, p. ). sarasvathy also likens causal reasoning to cooking a meal by strictly adhering to a recipe, and effectual reasoning to cooking a meal using whatever is on hand and not knowing exactly what will result (sarasvathy b, ). she states that effectuation articulates a dynamic and iterative process of creating new artifacts in the world, such as ideas, products, companies, organizations, and markets (sarasvathy, ). causal versus effectual belief the profound philosophical foundation of effectuation theory is the belief that, unlike positivist perspectives on the social sciences (causation), opportunities are not found or fixed within a static social structure, or according to natural laws like the natural sciences, but rather created through human interactions that change their environments (sarasvathy, , ). rather than believing one is constrained by a fixed system (causal thinkers), effectual thinkers believe the future is open, not predetermined, and opportunities are sometimes found but are more likely to be created by human behavior and action within social structures, resulting in the creation of new contexts, structures, and environments. effectual thinkers believe prediction is fallible (since bounded cognition limits the human intellect), and the future can be controlled and therefore does not need to be predicted (sarasvathy, ). effectual entrepreneurship principles: the solution to the entrepreneurial problem artivate 10.2 5 space sarasvathy developed the elements of entrepreneurial expertise by asking expert entrepreneurs to think aloud as they engaged with a simulated entrepreneurial problem and venture concept. by having expert entrepreneurs think out loud as they dealt with a new problem rather than recalling how they achieved entrepreneurial success in the past, sarasvathy was able to avoid recall bias and peer into the cognitions of experts in real time (sarasvathy, a, b, ). the principles of effectual entrepreneurship are the codification of approaches used by expert entrepreneurs when facing an entrepreneurial problem. the following is sarasvathy’s description of her principles from the society for effectual action website, effectuation.org: the first principle is the bird-in-hand (means) principle. when expert entrepreneurs set out to build a new venture, they start with their means: who i am, what i know, and whom i know. then, the entrepreneurs imagine possibilities that originate from their means. principle number two is the affordable loss principle. expert entrepreneurs limit risk by understanding what they can afford to lose at each step, instead of seeking large all-ornothing opportunities. they choose goals and actions where there is upside even if the downside ends up happening. the third principle is the lemonade (leverage contingencies) principle. expert entrepreneurs invite the surprise factor. instead of making “what-if” scenarios to deal with worst-case scenarios, experts interpret “bad” news and surprises as potential clues to create new markets. principle number four is the crazy quilt (partnerships) principle. expert entrepreneurs build partnerships with self-selecting stakeholders. by obtaining pre-commitments from these key partners early on in the venture, experts reduce uncertainty and co-create the new market with its interested participants. the last principle is the pilot-in-the-plane (control versus predict) principle. by focusing on activities within their control, expert entrepreneurs know their actions will result in the desired outcomes. an effectual worldview is rooted in the belief that the future is neither found nor predicted, but rather made.2 causal versus effectual method sarasvathy states that the effectual cycle, or method, begins with an individual taking stock of who they are, what they know, and who they know (sarasvathy, ). these are the means available to the entrepreneur initially. from the amalgam of existing resources, one can form goals, always setting an affordable loss or risking only what one can afford to lose. the next step is to interact with people and find others willing to self-select into and cocreate the venture. these new stakeholders bring new means to the venture, which can provide new possibilities and, if desired, new and modified goals. as the process continues, the entrepreneur and self-selected stakeholders welcome surprise because they know they can 2 the society for effectual action, https://www.effectuation.org/?page_id=18. artivate 10.2 6 leverage contingencies into new opportunities. once the means of all committed stakeholders converge into well-defined goals (while keeping losses affordable and remaining open to surprises), new products, services, organizations, and markets are created (sarasvathy, ). the causal, or predictive, approach is quite different. often the causal method begins by searching the market for an existing need, and then developing a product or service to satisfy the need. a goal would then be formed, based on the probability of high profit margins, followed by assembling means and stakeholders to unwaveringly pursue the predetermined goal (timmons, ; timmons & spinelli, ). predictive measures come into play in order to account for and avoid any and all surprises. causal logic and its method strive to predict the future and operate under the assumption that economies and markets are fixed systems. this approach is typical of the business school pedagogy that guides students to look for, recognize, or find an observable and measurable need or opportunity, conduct market research to prove the need and analyze competitors, create a solution to the need that maintains a competitive advantage, match the product to the correct market segment, target the sub-segments, position the product correctly, convince investors that the predictions are accurate, raise the capital to actualize all the predictions, and finally, launch the company. this is a ready, aim, fire approach. in contrast, effectual logic and its method is a ready, fire, aim approach (sarasvathy, b, ). using the correct tool for the appropriate problem space/venture stage the effectual approach is not intended to replace the causal approach, however, sarasvathy found that expert entrepreneurs use effectual logic and its method more than causal reasoning when starting from nothing (sarasvathy, a, b, ). since entrepreneurship involves innovation and creating new forms of value, this means that uncertainty is inextricably linked to the entrepreneurial problem space. according to sarasvathy’s findings, causal logic and its method may not work well for creating new products, organizations, and markets because it is based on prediction and risk calculation, and both are impossible when dealing with uncertain environments and the unknown and unknowable future. effectual logic and its method works well when making decisions under uncertainty (sarasvathy, ). again, according to sarasvathy, once new ventures develop to the point where historical data and some known variables exist, causal logic and predictive measures are useful. the choice of whether to use the effectual principles and method of non-predictive control or the causal approach of predicting a risky future is based upon the amount of uncertainty surrounding an entrepreneurial venture. early stages of venture creation necessitate effectual logic, and more mature venture stages can benefit from causal logic. large, established businesses, however, can also benefit from effectual logic whenever they enter an uncertain problem space of a new product launch or other aspects of novelty and innovation. artivate 10.2 7 the story of austin classical guitar the mission of austin classical guitar (acg) is to inspire individuals in the communities they serve through musical experiences of deep personal significance. dr. matthew hinsley (matt) is the executive director of acg and is the person primarily responsible for the organization’s early growth and success. his story is central to the establishment of acg, and as such, his biography is relevant: named public citizen of the year in  by the texas statewide division of the national association of social workers, and winner of a  austin under  award, dr. matthew hinsley has worked as a community arts organizer in central texas since his arrival in . as executive director of austin classical guitar, dr. hinsley has raised millions of dollars in support of broad concert, outreach and educational programming, building the nation’s largest classical guitar nonprofit organization. in  he joined the faculty at the university of texas to teach courses in arts entrepreneurship and business management in the arts. dr. hinsley is founder and a lead author of the acg’s guitarcurriculum.com that, paired with extensive direct service, has transformed classroom guitar education in america and changed the lives of thousands of diverse young people. the curriculum, which is now used internationally, is in service in  area schools including programs at the texas school for the blind and visually impaired, gardner betts of the travis county juvenile justice system, and the foster care system. dr. hinsley was trained as a classical guitarist and vocalist at the interlochen arts academy, the oberlin conservatory of music, and the university of texas at austin. he has written six books, including classical guitar for young people and creativity to community: arts nonprofit success one coffee at a time.3 conceptual origin of a nonprofit classical guitar organization matt’s involvement with austin classical guitar (acg) grew out of a situation of need. the idea of a nonprofit community service-based classical guitar organization started to form while he was an undergraduate student at the oberlin conservatory of music. hinsley was one of the first three classical guitar students at oberlin. of the three, he was the only one to graduate four years later (), along with one other student who had transferred in as a sophomore. during his time at oberlin, matt was in an environment with little infrastructure for guitar. the program was in a startup phase led by the founding faculty member steve aron. matt keenly felt the lack of infrastructure, as did his teacher. to address the financial need of the guitar program, steve aron encouraged matt to start a student guitar club at oberlin. as a sophomore, matt founded the club and received money to bring in guest artists. this experience gave him a taste for organization and helped him realize that he had an interest in documenting, making the case for, and raising money for a cause. this led to an elective 3 austin classical guitar, https://www.austinclassicalguitar.org/matthew-hinsley/. artivate 10.2 8 economic arts study for his senior thesis project, culminating in a paper entitled “classical guitar and the art market.” after graduating from oberlin, matt arrived in austin in  for graduate classical guitar studies at the university of texas (ut). at this point, hinsley’s interests extended into two primary areas: one) developing a marketplace and promotion mechanism for classical guitar out of the concern for the future of the instrument, his own personal future, the future of his colleagues, and the financial challenges for artists and arts organizations. two) the training of young guitarists in america. violinists and pianists had outstanding training, and at the college level they were essentially fully formed musicians. in matt’s view, and from personal experience, classical guitarists did not match this level of training. matt initially addressed his interest in guitar education by building his own private guitar teaching studio, which became quite large. he had much success as a teacher, with many students winning competitions and auditioning into university guitar programs. he also wrote a book called classical guitar for young people to address a gap in american classical guitar pedagogy. matt was influenced to think differently about music education, especially by ut professor of human learning dr. robert duke. among other things, dr. duke stressed the importance, from the very beginning of instruction, of approaching music teaching from the standpoint of authentic music-making and expressivity and joy. this is in contrast to approaches that rely heavily on prerequisite learning, abstract concepts, or pedagogical music that is tilted more toward technical sequencing than real expressive music-making. the thesis of matt’s book, therefore, is about expressive, beautiful music-making from the first day. his book is used widely around the country, not just for children but for adults as well. hinsley built his guitar teaching studio business through word-of-mouth marketing by using the networks and connections available to him, including ut faculty, colleagues, and parents of his existing students. his first students were the children of music professors within the school of music. matt realized he possessed a real interest in and passion for teaching children. he could enter the world of young people and share a thrill of discovery with them in an effective way. he also realized early on that parents were more concerned that their children have an enjoyable time, are supported, treated with respect, and are safe during guitar lessons, rather than which competitions the teacher has won or where they have performed. hinsley discovered and cultivated a genuine interest in young people, beyond the guitar, and in creating a fun, supportive environment for his students, he contributed to his success. in addition to word-of-mouth marketing, he visited local schools to recruit students and offered an afterschool program at a private school. by the year , he had  hours of teaching per week. from that point on, his studio was completely full until , when he stopped teaching private lessons due to the success and demands of his work as executive director of acg. since moving to austin, all of his income has been generated from guitar-related work. artivate 10.2 9 early days of matt’s acg leadership austin classical guitar (acg) began operating in  and incorporated as a nonprofit organization in . initially, acg had very little money and was operated solely by volunteers. the organization was plagued by in-fighting, existed in name only, and was looking for new leadership. hinsley did not start austin classical guitar but became involved upon moving to austin. he became director in october of , having been asked to lead the organization due to his experience running the guitar student organization while at oberlin. there were many challenges at this point in the life of the organization, the greatest being low expectations and very limited vision and goals. this was an excellent opportunity for matt to put into practice some of the theories he had developed at oberlin and to try and push past these challenges and reach the organization’s potential. acg was an all-volunteer organization for the first seven years. during this time, matt focused on ) delivering a dependable product (classical guitar concerts) to the community and ) developing a regular and high-quality communications scheme. he generated a regular newsletter, booked concerts in advance, and held monthly meetings. he believed that if the community was going to participate with acg, then acg needed to provide them with something dependable and clearly active that they could interact with on a regular basis. highquality, dependable programing with high-quality, regular communication fostered the initial organizational momentum. matt was able to generate word-of-mouth marketing by promoting the concerts through his personal networks at the university. those on the mailing list started getting a renewed level of communication, and new people were added to the list through the ticketing process and by a signup sheet at concerts. matt, as a grad student at ut, also founded a parallel student guitar organization that allowed acg to host concerts at university venues. acg began providing free concerts throughout the city of austin in . the core of this idea originated from matt’s senior thesis at oberlin and was envisioned as a strategic community engagement tool. he also conceptualized this initiative as an effective way to employ young artists not yet ready to perform on acg’s marquee concert series. however, they could play concerts by going to schools, churches, and retirement homes, resulting in a , paycheck for a week of work for a graduate student or a young competition winner. two tenconcert series of this kind were produced in . in looking for ways to fund these concerts, acg applied for and was awarded grant money from the city of austin’s cultural services agreements (or cultural contracts) program. over time, this funding, alongside acg’s diverse revenue streams, helped to grow these concerts into what is now the acg community engagement residency, which provides more than  free concerts per year designed to reduce or remove social, economic, and geographic barriers to great music. the success of the community engagement initiative met three needs for acg. first, it met the goal of paying more guitarists to perform. second, it furthered acg’s mission by reaching more (and more diverse) audience members throughout the community. third, it developed a funding relationship with the city of austin cultural contracts program, along artivate 10.2 10 with the texas commission on the arts. these two government agencies have been funding acg activities ever since , resulting in very fruitful and mutually beneficial relationships for over twenty years. city and state funding currently makes up about  percent of acg’s annual budget. at this point in acg’s history (), the scope of activity included five major concert events, two ten-concert community engagement series, an open mic night primarily run by ut students in which community members could also participate, and monthly meetings. in , acg was approached by lona burwell, a retiree who suggested that, along with college students and children, adults should have an opportunity to play music together. in response, acg successfully launched a community guitar ensemble project. the program has operated now for more than  years, and there are active members today who began participating back in . the community guitar ensemble project was the organization’s first foray into adult amateur services. acg education: the team grows in , a family foundation became interested in working with acg to provide free guitar lessons to low-income students and gave , to support the effort. as a result, acg directed ut graduate students to work with administrators at one high school in austin and identified six low-income kids to receive free lessons with the graduate students as teachers. this particular high school had one guitar class of  kids taught by the choir director, and it was from this class that the low-income students were selected for the free private lessons. during the course of the individual guitar lessons, acg’s teachers realized that the material being taught in the guitar class was too difficult and did not follow a learning sequence that mirrored best practices in private instruction. acg communicated these concerns to the choir director who was open to feedback and recognized the need for improvement. the choir director expressed that he and the students were very interested in guitar and had a desire to learn the instrument but were struggling to find good material for teaching guitar in a classroom setting. at the choir director’s suggestion, they worked together to solve the problem by experimenting in the class with ideas for appropriate guitar curriculum in a group setting. acg’s biggest opportunity developed out of these collaborative relationships with the choir director and school administrators. in the early years of the education program, acg’s approach to finding new schools to serve was teacher by teacher rather than school district or principal. word-of-mouth marketing among music teachers throughout austin resulted in requests for acg to serve other schools as well. music teachers realized that the guitar as a popular instrument could grab the attention of new students and engage them in fine arts participation. as acg shared the progress and impact of this work, their community was inspired to give more money, which led to the slow but steady growth and capacity of the organization. some acg members believed in the program so much that they volunteered to work with the students as classroom guitar teachers. after three years, the fledgling program involved  students artivate 10.2 11 within two schools in austin—a middle school and several classes at the original high school. in , acg was financially stable enough to hire the first full-time staff member. by , there was some initial demonstrable success of acg’s educational service, students were enthusiastic about the guitar classes, and six students had even earned college scholarships for guitar. they also knew, however, that they lacked an adequate classroom guitar curriculum, especially if the program was going to grow, because they were primarily relying on individual instruction methods adapted for the classroom. in the year prior (), matt had toured around the usa looking for high-quality guitar programs. the programs he found were similar to acg, powered by elbow grease and passionate and caring teachers, but lacking a thoughtful, comprehensive curricular solution similar to those available for choir, orchestra, and band. so, acg began envisioning a wholly new, ensemble-based approach to classroom guitar instruction. they had the benefit of teaching classroom guitar for several years, and that experience facilitated a deep understanding of the curricular problems that needed to be addressed. in , matt pitched an ambitious concept to a family foundation in austin. acg could create a paradigm-shifting classroom classical guitar curriculum that would change the way guitar was taught in schools, resulting in a system for school-based guitar education comparable to established programs in choir, orchestra, and band. the foundation gave , that year to hire a director of education and begin developing the curriculum. in , matt hired travis marcum as acg’s first director of education. travis and matt worked side by side for several years to build and refine the acg curriculum while growing new school programs. over the next four years, acg’s donors gave more than , to build what would eventually launch online in october of  as guitarcurriculum.com. guitarcurriculum.com is a comprehensive teacher resource that includes a searchable library of original, pedagogically sequenced ensemble literature, sight reading, and audio and video tutorials and aids. this resource espouses a powerful core educational philosophy of fostering expressive, beautiful musicmaking from the very first day.4 in , acg hired jeremy osborne as assistant director of education. jeremy would become one of the most powerful agents in the growth of acg education, especially regarding program development and teacher training. around the same time, austin independent school district (aisd) conducted an audit that revealed problematic disparities in access to fine arts programs for minority and low-income children. as an external community nonprofit organization, acg was engaging almost , students within their eight programs. the majority of children served attended title  schools, and the aisd fine arts administration found that these guitar programs were especially successful in providing access to fine arts programs for minority and low-income students. as a result, aisd worked with acg to build large numbers of programs with rapid scaling of about  programs per year in , , and . shortly after its launch, the acg guitar curriculum attracted interest from around the usa 4 austin classical guitar, https://www.austinclassicalguitar.org/guitarcurriculum-com/. artivate 10.2 12 and beyond. there was widespread desire for better classroom guitar curricula. this presented a new challenge: teacher training. in , acg presented a rudimentary version of what would become an annual national teacher summit. the multiday workshop—led by expert teachers including music education faculty and artists from across the nation—offers seminars, active learning, and practice teaching tailored to the individual needs of attendees. topics covered include curriculum and repertoire, conducting, rehearsal techniques, elementary through high school applications, private and small group guitar lessons, advanced guitar ensemble direction, and more.5 the teacher summit draws international attendees. through the summit and the guitarcurriculum.com website, acg provides a support network and resources for guitar teachers on a global scale. the  summit was offered online in response to the pandemic and focused on remote teaching techniques, online classroom solutions, and making meaningful expressive music while socially distanced. in , acg hired eric pearson as director of curriculum. among other things, pearson would be central in the growth and development of the curriculum resource and the program overall. marcum, osborne, and pearson continue to work for acg to this day, forming the core of acg’s education team along with  arrival jessica griggs, who serves as director of music and community engagement. expanding educational services into juvenile justice in , university of texas school of social work professor dr. calvin streeter conducted an extensive social impact study on acg education. that process led to an introduction to another social work professor, dr. forrest novy, whose career had focused on juvenile justice systems in the americas. dr. novy’s research indicated that art resonated powerfully with youth involved in juvenile justice, and he was very interested in the potential for guitar training to positively impact incarcerated youth. dr. novy invited the acg education team to meet with estela medina, chief probation officer of travis county at the gardner betts juvenile justice center. she was excited about the possibilities of this collaboration based upon dr. novy’s recommendation and acg’s demonstrated work in local schools. in , travis marcum began teaching guitar at the juvenile justice center. by , there were many children participating in the guitar classes, and once they started, they wanted to keep learning guitar. the students showed noticeable progress in their attitudes, therapy plans, and interactions with staff members. they also performed regularly in the courthouse in front of the judge and their families. as a result of this success, in , austin independent school district asked to partner with acg to create the first and only fine arts elective for-credit program for incarcerated youth in austin. at the time, aisd and acg had already worked together for years building for-credit elective programs in schools. it is significant for a school district to allow an external agency to provide a for-credit class, and the fact that aisd requested to work with acg in this capacity 5 https://www.austinclassicalguitar.org/guitarcurriculum-training-austin/ artivate 10.2 13 demonstrates the quality of acg’s programing and teachers. this program at the juvenile justice center has consistently yielded musical and developmental results with incarcerated youth comparable to other high-quality music education programs for youth in the community. jeremy osborne has led acg juvenile justice services since , which has expanded to three facilities and is consulting with many more statewide, and they are regularly featured in local and national news and in national conference formats of all kinds. expanding educational services to blind and visually impaired students acg’s partnership with the texas school for the blind and visually impaired (tsbvi) began around , when acg’s nascent performance engagement series began sending artists to play for tsbvi students. tsbvi built a new auditorium in , and the principal invited matt to tour their new facility to explore possible performance collaborations. during the tour, they stopped at a classroom, and the principal introduced matt to the kids as the executive director of austin classical guitar. at the word guitar, a girl raised her hand and said that she wanted to learn how to play the guitar. another boy soon followed. this was a surprise and the initial impetus for considering how acg could teach guitar to all students, regardless of any barriers to learning. the new challenge for acg was how to deliver their guitar curriculum in an accessible format for blind and visually impaired students. acg needed to find the right teacher who could be flexible and attentive to special needs as they presented themselves. jeremy coleman was the perfect candidate, with an undergraduate degree in guitar and graduate degrees in both music therapy and music education. the match was made. after two years of largely rote-based instruction, jeremy coleman approached acg with the ambitious idea of converting guitarcurriculum.com resources into braille. coleman volunteered to learn the braille system for music notation so that they could make a braille version of their classroom guitar curriculum. while initially acg financially supported jeremy coleman’s part-time position at tsbvi, he soon became the school’s employee as a full-time music and guitar instructor.6 the guitar program at tsbvi has grown and developed over the years. students have become literate, confident performing musicians. one former tsbvi student went on to attend a public school in arizona. she enrolled in a guitar class at the public school and was delighted to learn the school had braille conversion services for her music. she wrote to jeremy coleman to inform him that she was still able to keep up with guitar. while news of her success was welcome indeed, the acg education team suddenly realized that the world lacked a progressive lifelong learning pathway for blind and visually impaired individuals. they grew concerned that students leaving tsbvi with guitar experience would have no supported resources available to them to continue their enjoyment and pursuit of music 6 https://www.austinclassicalguitar.org/author/j-coleman/ artivate 10.2 14 on the classical guitar. this led to acg creating letsplayguitar.org.7 a collaboration between acg and tsbvi, letsplayguitar.org is a braille and audio self-study solo course of  solos arranged into eight levels in alignment with the sequence of guitargurriculum.com. supported by various foundations and individual donors, the initial development of letsplayguitar.org cost , and was launched in july of . , unique users from  countries visited the site in the first month. since its initial launch, letsplayguitar.org has been expanded, and a translated version was launched for use in the balkans through a partner in montenegro. causation versus effectuation in the agc story matt and the leadership of acg enacted a logic and method of entrepreneurship throughout the development of their organization. the story of acg provides a treasure trove of empirical data illustrating entrepreneurial behavior in an arts context. the following analysis examines which rival theory, causation or effectuation, best explains the evidence from the acg story and answers the question: how do successful arts entrepreneurs launch and sustain new ventures? does causation or effectuation explain the success of acg? let’s examine the evidence. the first principle, the bird-in-hand (means) principle, involves starting with the means or resources of who i am, what i know, and who i know, when building a new venture. from this set of means, the entrepreneur imagines possibilities based upon these initial resources. there is evidence of this means principle during matt’s undergraduate career at oberlin conservatory. the guitar program was in a startup phase, an uncertain environment with no infrastructure or financial resources. matt was a guitarist and musician (who he was) and knew what the program needed (what he knew) through the mentorship of his teacher and program founder (whom he knew), who encouraged him to start the student guitar club in order to access resources from the institution to bring in guest artists (imagining possibilities). this experience greatly impacted his initial set of means as it awakened his taste for organization and led to an economic study of the classical guitarist for his senior thesis project (who he was and what he knew). by the time he arrived in austin, his initial set of means was greatly enhanced, and he was primed for leading acg. indeed, his particular set of initial means led to the request for him to assume this leadership position. who he was and what he knew, two components of matt’s initial set of means, can be summarized by his awareness of two categories of need and interest: ) developing a marketplace and promotion mechanism for classical guitar, and ) music education and the training of young guitarists in america. the way in which matt addressed the lacuna in american classical guitar pedagogy through his own private guitar teaching studio and his book, classical guitar for young people, also shows the first principle at work. through a mentor’s influence (who he knew), matt approached the study of music differently, resulting in acg’s foundational pedagogical philosophy of expressive, beautiful 7 https://www.kut.org/post/new-web-app-teaches-classical-guitar-using-braille artivate 10.2 15 musicmaking from the first day (what he knew). during the years of his private studio teaching experience, matt realized that he possessed a real interest and ability in teaching children and could effectively share a thrill of discovery with them (who he was and what he knew). as shown in the acg story, its development originated from hinsley’s particular configuration of who he was, what he knew, and who he knew. the second effectual principle is setting an affordable loss at each venture step (instead of seeking large, all-or-nothing opportunities) and choosing goals and actions with an upside, even if the downside happens. clearly, effectuation is a better explanation than causation for acg’s development at this venture stage. if acg was seeking large, all-or-nothing opportunities, then the organization would have dissolved itself from the start. what large opportunities with the probability of high profit margins can be predicted for a struggling classical guitar society? principle number four is building partnerships with self-selecting stakeholders by obtaining precommitments from key partners early on in the venture. this reduces uncertainty and facilitates cocreation with interested participants. by obtaining funding for the community engagement series from the city of austin’s cultural contracts program, acg set an affordable loss. the performers could be paid to perform free-to-the-public concerts despite the lack of income from ticket sales, reducing financial risk to acg. this cocreation between self-selecting stakeholders helped both parties to achieve their respective missions and formed a fruitful, long-term partnership. there was an upside of high-quality musical performances offered at no cost to the public (contributing to what makes austin a vibrant arts community), even if the downside of low attendance happened. the third principle is leveraging contingencies, inviting the surprise factor, and interpreting surprises as potential clues to create new products, services, and markets. for acg, it certainly was a surprise when a donor suggested that they provide free guitar lessons to lowincome students and gave , to support the effort. at the time, acg did not have an educational component within their vision and goals. although this was a good surprise, the suggestion could have been dismissed as beyond the scope of acg’s activities. this data point again shows that causation is not the best explanation of acg’s development. the causal approach emphasizes forming a goal based on the probability of high profit margins, followed by assembling means and stakeholders to unwaveringly pursue the predetermined goal. predictive measures come into play in order to account for and avoid any and all surprises. if acg was following the causal method, this surprise would have been dismissed because the suggestion did not fit with the vision and goals of the organization, and there was no probability of high profit margins. instead, acg invited the surprise factor and partnered with a self-selecting stakeholder who helped set an affordable loss by providing funding. acg also allowed the self-selecting partner to influence or cocreate the initial goal and then took action to explore how to implement the idea. it’s important to note here that because of the community acg had formed, and their reputation for excellent work, the donor knew of them through a friend and was comfortable entrusting the funds and the execution of the idea to acg. this endeavor also artivate 10.2 16 required partnerships with ut school of music to source the guitar teachers and partnerships with the administrators and music teacher at the initial high school to identify the students. without these cocreating, self-selecting stakeholders providing resources and networks and welcoming the surprise factor, acg’s most significant opportunity would not have been created. at this venture stage, the full potential of the opportunity was not recognizable or discoverable and could not have been predicted. the only possibility was to explore what could be done with the amalgam of means available, seek new means and self-selecting stakeholders, all while keeping the future of the venture open to surprise. in other words, do the doable, focusing on actions within their control. thus far, effectuation best explains the evidence. this pattern happened again when acg developed guitarcurriculum.com. a family foundation provided the initial funding, setting an affordable loss. through partnership with teachers and schools, they experimented and developed a paradigm-shifting classroom classical guitar curriculum. other donors joined the effort and funded the development of the website, resulting in a new product that facilitates a new music education service in public schools and opened up a new market consisting of teachers, students, and institutionally and donorsupported social impact on an international scale. the core of the acg curriculum is based upon part of matt’s and travis’ initial means (who they are and what they know), manifested in the powerful core educational philosophy of fostering expressive, beautiful musicmaking from the very first day. it is incredible to see how the effect of a mentor (who they know) on matt and travis’ approach to music pedagogy (who they are and what they know) now has a global impact. the last effectual entrepreneurship principle is seeking to control rather than predict an unknowable future in order to deal with uncertainty. expert entrepreneurs focus on activities within their control and do the doable. an effectual worldview is rooted in the belief that the future is not found or predicted but rather created. effectual problems are problems of design; effectual logic helps us construct, and effectual strategies are useful when the future is unpredictable, goals are unclear, and the environment is shaped by human action. effectual reasoning is inherently creative (sarasvathy, b, p. ). the effectual actor asks: what can i do with these means, and what else can i do with them (sarasvathy, , p.)? since the outcomes of entrepreneurial action are human-made artifacts, sarasvathy makes a compelling argument that entrepreneurship is a science of the artificial (sarasvathy, ). matt attributes acg’s development over the years to the realization that music can be a powerful agent of positive change in the world, often in surprising ways that are rarely taught in the course of traditional music education. acg would never have thought of doing many of the initiatives that are now essential to their mission, but by remaining open to surprising requests, they explored the possibilities and designed viable solutions (i.e., human-made artifacts). with each success, acg’s vision of what is possible expands, resulting in the worldview of, “wow, i didn’t realize that was something we could do with guitar! if we can do this here, why not somewhere else?” here again, effectuation best explains the data. causation most likely would have prevented acg’s development and the opportunities they created, based artivate 10.2 17 upon the hubris of prediction. sarasvathy states that effectuation articulates a dynamic and iterative process of creating new artifacts in the world, such as ideas, products, companies, organizations, and markets (sarasvathy, ). acg’s story enlivens the logic and method of effectuation beautifully. after successfully implementing the music education service in public schools, another suggestion from a faculty member at ut resulted in delivering music education in the juvenile justice system using initial resources, partnering with self-selecting stakeholders who collaboratively provide new means and shaped the initiative through cocreation. the work with the texas school for the blind and visually impaired began by matt being open to the surprising request from children to learn guitar while at the school on a new facilities tour. this initial spontaneous request from children has now resulted in converting guitarcurriculum.com into braille and removing barriers to guitar education for people internationally. once again, causation does not best explain how these opportunities were created. sarasvathy’s work helps us understand the distinctions between management and entrepreneurship, and these differences are evident in the history of acg. the problem space for managers making future business decisions involves risk, and only some variables are known. at stages in the history of acg where artifacts (i.e., products/services, organizations, markets) had more fully developed, business decisions could be made by estimating likely scenarios based on historical trends and known and unknown variables. managerial approaches worked very well in this problem space, and matt certainly used the tools of an arts administrator (causation). when surprises arose for matt and acg, this plunged them into the problem space of needing to make future business decisions based upon completely unknown variables. in these situations, matt and acg faced problems of uncertainty, not of prediction or risk. they dealt with the unknown and unknowable future by using entrepreneurial thinking (intrapreneurship, when acg was past the startup phase) rather than managerial thinking. using the elements of entrepreneurial expertise (effectuation), they successfully created new artifacts (products/services, organizations, markets), despite lacking historical data and any known variables. in particular, the classroom guitar curriculum and teaching, juvenile justice, and special needs initiatives demonstrate a shift from the managerial problem space to the entrepreneurial problem space and how effectuation worked very well in the proper context. early in the development of new artifacts, effectuation is the ideal tool to use. as artifacts develop and data and variables become more known and knowable, a shift to managerial tools is possible and perhaps preferable (sarasvathy, b). the launching and sustaining of acg shows these two complementary approaches being worked out in a cyclical process over time. clearly, acg’s work has involved a dynamic and iterative process that has created new products, services, markets, jobs, and most importantly, renewed people. a profound change happened between  and , when acg’s growth was significantly accelerating. matt’s mindset changed from being interested in guitar and the arts in and of themselves, and in developing a marketplace for guitarists, to being interested in community service. over time, this led to a redefinition of success: “we are here to engage people in quality music-making in artivate 10.2 18 an enjoyable way, not to create the next competition winners or get students into college for guitar.” changing the preconceptions of success formed in music school training is a constant challenge for matt and acg. great artistry is still important, but acg is fundamentally a community service organization. where a more traditional music organization might prioritize their largest and most lucrative concerts, the acg team places equal emphasis upon concerts, performance engagement, direct education services, education systems building, and music and healing. furthermore, acg’s future vision is community-centered artmaking in all divisions. for acg the primary operational question has become: “how do we change people’s lives for the better? and we don’t care if that person is the next mozart or not.” effectuation is very much about goal formation, adaptation, and the redefinition of success (imagining possibilities). within a hierarchy of goals, the effectual entrepreneur remains adaptive to surprise and allows others to influence goals (read et al., ). for example, acg’s mission is “to inspire individuals in the communities we serve through musical experiences of deep personal significance.” this is the primary goal, yet there is considerable flexibility in goal formation and adaptation through effectual action within this overarching mission. by widening the definition of success for classical guitarists and guitar education, acg is positively impacting thousands of people and has become the leading nonprofit organization dedicated to classical guitar in the united states.8 currently, acg employs  full time staff members,  contractors (not including performers), has over  volunteers and provides educational programs to  schools in the austin area. the story is not finished, and the work of acg continues to expand as expert effectual actors ask, “wow, i didn’t realize that was something we could do with guitar! if we can do this here, why not somewhere else (what can we do with these means, and what else can we do)?” study limitations and suggestions for future research this article shares one empirical example of the logic and method of effectuation theory proving effective in an arts context and demonstrates that effectuation better explains the data from the acg story than the rival theory of causation. additional examples would, of course, strengthen the case for effectuation working for arts entrepreneurs. in future articles i will provide additional examples of effectuation proving efficacious in contrasting arts contexts, and i welcome other scholars to join the effort. the story of austin classical guitar perhaps shows some aspects of the lean startup method and design thinking at work. although distinct, there seems to be some similarities between and among the concepts of effectual entrepreneurship, the lean startup method, and design thinking. an exploration of the complementary relationships between these methods and how they are worked out in an arts context would perhaps be a worthwhile topic for future research. 8 austin classical guitar, https://www.austinclassicalguitar.org/about/ artivate 10.2 19 conclusion sarasvathy’s work provides a common logic and method successful entrepreneurs use to do entrepreneurship that can taught in a meaningful way. this article advances sarasvathy’s theory and contributes to arts entrepreneurship theory development by empirically demonstrating effectuation operating successfully within the new context of an arts not-forprofit venture (fisher & aguinis, ).9 the story of austin classical guitar provides compelling evidence in support of effectuation as the answer to my research question: how do successful arts entrepreneurs launch and sustain new ventures? sarasvathy’s logic and method of entrepreneurial expertise is well suited for use in an arts context and can serve as a foundational building block for arts entrepreneurship research, pedagogy, and practice. i encourage my colleagues to consider using effectuation in their work and to join me in building upon this excellent foundation for our field. our students need a clear and powerful guide for doing arts entrepreneurship and dealing with an unknown and unknowable future. ultimately, our field is an applied discipline focused on training students to take action. by teaching effectuation and building upon it, we can confidently provide our students with a proven method for doing arts entrepreneurship and empower them to create successful ventures, careers, and futures.10 references ericsson, k. a., krampe, r. t., & tesch-römer, c. (1993). the role of deliberate practice in the acquisition of expert performance. psychological review, 100(3), 363-406. diaz, j. (2018, june 18). new web app teaches classical guitar using braille. texas standard. https://www.texasstandard.org/stories/new-webapp-teaches-classical-guitar-usingbraille/?_ga=2.187175660.599890376.1590157584819753963.1586874205. fisher, g. (2012). effectuation, causation, and bricolage: a behavioral comparison of emerging theories in entrepreneurship research. entrepreneurship theory and practice, 36(5), 1019–1051. fisher, g., & aguinis, h. (2017). using theory elaboration to make theoretical advancements. organizational research methods, 20(3), 438–464. foley, m., & hart, a. (1992). expert-novice differences and knowledge elicitation. in r. r. hoffman (ed.), the psychology of expertise: cognitive research and 9 “as effectuation research reaches an intermediate state of development, it will become more important to sample subjects who are more representative of the individuals who are in the process of starting businesses, developing not-for-profit organizations, or engaging in other activities where effectuation might apply . . . to move the research to an intermediate phase, it will be necessary to sample a wider variety of individuals:” from perry et al., (2012). 10 the existing textbook, effectual entrepreneurship, 2nd edition, lacks arts-specific examples. providing examples in an arts context is an opportunity for our sub-field. empirical ai (pp. 233–269). springer-verlag. gangi, j. (2017). towards consensus: suggested foundational building blocks for arts entrepreneurship research and pedagogy. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 6(1), 46–62. hendrick, d. (2019, october 1). uva darden effectuation pioneer receives global legacy impact award. newswise. https://www.newswise.com/articles/uva-dardeneffectuation-pioneer-receives-global-legacy-impactaward. perry, j. t., chandler, g. n., & markova, g. (2012). entrepreneurial effectuation: a review and suggestions for future research. entrepreneurship theory and practice, 36(4), 837–861. read, s., sarasvathy, s., dew, n., & wiltbank, r. (2017). effectual entrepreneurship (2nd ed.). routledge. sarasvathy, s. (2015). response to arend, sarooghi, and burkemper: cocreating effectual entrepreneurship research. academy of management review, 41(3), artivate 10.2 20 528–556. sarasvathy, s. (2001a). causation and effectuation: toward a theoretical shift from economic inevitability to entrepreneurial contingency. academy of management review, 26(2), 243–263. sarasvathy, s. (2011). entrepreneurship as method: open questions for an entrepreneurial future. entrepreneurship theory and practice, 35(1), 113– 135. sarasvathy, s. (2003). entrepreneurship as a science of the artificial. journal of economic psychology, 24(2), 203–220. sarasvathy, s. (2008). effectuation: elements of entrepreneurial expertise. edward elgar. sarasvathy, s. (2001b). what makes entrepreneurs entrepreneurial? darden business publishing, 1–9. timmons, j. a. (1990). new business opportunities: getting to the right place at the right time. brick house. timmons, j. a., & spinelli, s. (2003). new venture creation: entrepreneurship for the 21st century. irwin/mcgraw-hill. wang, x., & jessup, l. m. (2014). a review and synthesis of entrepreneurship research: towards an integrative model of dependent variables. the journal of entrepreneurship, 23(2), 163–199. welter, f., baker, t., audretsch, d. b., & gartner, w. b. (2017). everyday entrepreneurship: a call for entrepreneurship research to embrace entrepreneurial diversity. entrepreneurship theory and practice, 41(3), 311–321. websites austin classical guitar. https://www.austinclassicalguitar.org/author/jcoleman/; https://www.austinclassicalguitar.org/about/; https://www.austinclassicalguitar.org/guitarcurriculu m-training-austin/; https://www.austinclassicalguitar.org/guitarcurriculu m-com/; https://www.austinclassicalguitar.org/matthewhinsley/. society for effectual action. https://www.effectuation.org/?page_id=18. cover image credit: austin classical guitary microsoft word toward consensus final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 6, issue 1 http://artivate.org pp. 46-62 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2017, the author towards consensus: suggested foundational building blocks for arts entrepreneurship research and pedagogy jonathan james gangi pennsylvania state university abstract the continued creation of new arts entrepreneurship programs at the university level highlights the need for consensus among arts entrepreneurship researchers and educators about what we are teaching and researching. this article explores the possibility of consensus among business entrepreneurship scholars and arts entrepreneurship scholars, and suggests that a general conception of entrepreneurship is a unifying principle and foundational building block. a theory of entrepreneurship, effectuation, is presented as another building block for arts entrepreneurship research and education, resulting in potentially profound implications. finally, a proposed unified vision for the field of arts entrepreneurship education is presented, formulated from existing arts entrepreneurship scholarship. keywords: arts entrepreneurship; effectuation there is a steady increase in the development and implementation of higher education arts and design programs focused on arts entrepreneurship education (korzen, 2015). the addition of these new programs is an encouraging sign for the field, and demonstrates that decision makers now generally view entrepreneurship training as an important component of arts training. this growth, however, accentuates the need for those of us who research and teach arts entrepreneurship to find consensus about what we are referring to and what is most helpful for our students. can arts entrepreneurship faculty truly be effective as pedagogues if, as researchers, no agreement exists regarding what arts entrepreneurship “is” in terms of definitions and theories to inform teaching, and the emergent field of arts entrepreneurship education struggles to articulate a unified vision? to address these concerns, i have two goals in writing this article. the first goal is to demonstrate that at least some business entrepreneurship scholars and some arts entrepreneurship scholars are, in my opinion, actually in agreement at a foundational level. the second goal is to present the work of one business entrepreneurship scholar and make a case for why this work is incredibly important to arts entrepreneurship researchers and pedagogues. i present my contextual frame of arts entrepreneurship, examine currently existing concepts from business entrepreneurship and arts entrepreneurship literature, and add to the discourse by showing how these concepts fit together to form a robust foundation. framing arts entrepreneurship the reason i teach arts entrepreneurship and generate research on this topic is to help artists, and non-artists who desire to work in the arts, to create their own opportunities and ventures that result in sustainable careers. i believe entrepreneurial action is valuable to artists if it empowers them to remain artists and generate an income capable of supporting their desired lifestyle. entrepreneurial action is valuable to non-artists who desire to work in the arts if it empowers them to generate an income capable of supporting their desired lifestyle by starting a business with an arts-related product or service. in particular, my focus is on university students at the undergraduate and graduate levels. gangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 48 i conceptualize entrepreneurship as creating, communicating, delivering and exchanging forms of value. arts entrepreneurship involves these same concepts. some form of value must be created, communicated, delivered, and exchanged for some form of value. this is true for an individual or organization, operating as a for-profit, nonprofit, or hybrid entity. the primary difference between arts entrepreneurship and other kinds of entrepreneurship is the nature of the value created. arts products, like paintings, songs, and theatrical plays, are comprised of complex, subjective, intrinsic value. conversely, other products, like door hinges and mechanical gears, are made up of simple, objective, extrinsic value. no matter the “version” of entrepreneurship, such as arts entrepreneurship, social entrepreneurship, “creative” entrepreneurship, and intrapreneurship, some form of value must be created, communicated, delivered, and exchanged for some kind of value. no matter the scale of venture, such as sole proprietor, micro-enterprise, or large organization, some form of value must be created communicated, delivered, and exchanged for some kind of value. in my opinion, this is the essence, or general principle, of any and all varieties and scales of entrepreneurial ventures and organizations. something of value must be created, or produced in some tangible form, the value then must be shared with others, some of whom then show interest in the value and will exchange a value of some form to actualize the delivery of the created value. unique motivations and goals of arts entrepreneurs in my opinion, arts entrepreneurship is different than other kinds of entrepreneurship because of the types of value artistic products provide. artists have unique goals and motives for becoming entrepreneurs that often set them apart from other types of entrepreneurial people. i believe arts entrepreneurship is distinct from other flavors of entrepreneurship in the following ways. many entrepreneurs are interested in creating a new venture, nurturing the venture to a point of viability, and then selling the company in order to maximize profits (timmons and spinelli, 2003). artists, however, typically do not desire to sell their business once it is viable, but rather seek to sustain and enhance their successful venture. additionally, most arts businesses are micro-ventures, and are unlikely to be of interest to potential buyers because profits are small, according to venture capitalist standards, and artists are often so integral to the business that it would not work without their involvement (roberts, 2004). thus, for arts entrepreneurs, exit strategies are the exception, not the norm. for some entrepreneurs, venture opportunities are pursued based on the potential to generate high profits. artists value many things, in addition to profit margins, when considering what kind of venture to pursue. thus, for arts entrepreneurs, measuring success by the amount of wealth created is the exception, not the norm. many arts ventures are nonprofit and focus on a social mission, rather than on large growth and financial profits. for many artists, the primary objective is to work within the arts to achieve certain lifestyle aspirations. as such, it is the norm, not the exception, for artists to act entrepreneurially to fulfill an artistic calling or social mission, rather than to produce high pecuniary reward. thus micro-ventures, such as free-lance portfolio careers, sole proprietorships, and for-profit and nonprofit arts organizations with 5 or fewer employees are the norm, not the exception (chang, 2010). gangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 49 some entrepreneurs build ventures based on products that are comprised of extrinsic, objective value. for example, a mechanical gear is a product that has a single dimension of value and can be evaluated according to industry standards. a gear is only a high quality gear if it fulfills its purpose. artistic products provide value in a multiplicity of ways because of their intrinsic, subjective nature and impact upon humanity. arts entrepreneurs, however, could also build ventures based on products and services comprised of extrinsic, objective value. thus, arts entrepreneurs can utilize a variety of products that offer a variety of forms of value. new ideas for arts ventures are not judged as “good” based upon the potential for high growth, or scalability. rather, ideas for arts ventures are based upon viability and fit with an artist’s goals and motives, rather than growth potential. thus, arts ventures with potential for scalability and high-growth are the exception, not the norm. arts products are valued subjectively, and often do not resonate with large, horizontal markets, but are consumed by smaller, vertical markets. these micro arts ventures support lifestyle arts entrepreneurs who sell to small markets. microarts businesses are not attractive to venture capitalists looking to quickly turn a large profit from an investment. additionally, many lenders are unlikely to approve loans for businesses with low profit margins and a low probability of repayment. thus, for arts ventures, the involvement of investors and venture debt would be the exception, not the norm. in my opinion, this is actually a positive aspect of arts entrepreneurship. for arts entrepreneurs in certain contexts and situations, it may be freeing to avoid debt and investors, since profits can be used to grow the business and provide a livelihood rather than flow directly back to banks and venture capitalists. it is the norm, however, for artists to finance their venture through bootstrapping and shrewd frugality. this listing of the uniqueness of arts entrepreneurs is not meant to be exhaustive, but rather a starting point. it would be very helpful if, as we all continue to research, teach, and learn, this list expands and solidifies. the point of presenting this initial list is to solicit more of my colleagues to pursue this line of research so that, collectively, we can expand our understanding of the unique goals, motivations, and actions of arts entrepreneurs. arts entrepreneurship scholarship: towards consensus as i read existing arts entrepreneurship scholarship, i see many concepts that, although not yet formally connected, when combined yield interesting results. in this section i analyze a representative sample of these articles, and the thesis of each work. using the concepts as data, i add to the discourse by combining key concepts to form the foundation of a proposed unified vision for arts entrepreneurship research and pedagogy. i chose these scholarship samples because they attempt to form definitions or theories for arts entrepreneurship, and are presented here in no particular order: • arts entrepreneurship is a management process through which cultural workers seek to support their creativity and autonomy, advance their capacity for adaptability, and create artistic as well as economic and social value. the purpose of this management process involves an ongoing set of innovative choices and risks intended to recombine resources and pursue new opportunities in order to produce artistic, economic, and social value (chang and wyszomirski, 2015, p. 25). gangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 50 • i believe that arts students who engage in entrepreneurship education must understand how to create value in society with their art...arts entrepreneurship education provides tools to facilitate multifaceted and self-determined success modalities for emerging artists or those providing tools to artists…(beckman, 2011, p. 181; beckman, 2014, p. 12). • the theory that emerges…is a simple one: artists form firms or otherwise undertake entrepreneurial action toward the end of creating art sustainably and they do so by discovering or creating new connections between their means and that desirable end…arts entrepreneurship in the us arts and culture sector is a process of discovery and creation rather than management (essig, 2015, p. 227, p. 241). • [a]rtists can be viewed as operating essentially identically to entrepreneurs, by creating value that satisfies human need. entrepreneurial action is essential for artists to be fiscally solvent, and they use it in service to art, with profits aimed at continuing their operation and existence as artists. consequently, artists practice entrepreneurship as a means to the end goal of creating art … artistic and entrepreneurial action are synergetic; thus, entrepreneurial action can be viewed as essential to and benefiting, not hindering, artists in their pursuit of creating value in society (gangi, 2015, p. 251-252). • arts entrepreneurship refers to the process of overcoming challenges and historical barriers to the production, distribution, exhibition and preservation of art. because there are common challenges and historical barriers to the production, distribution, exhibition and preservation of art, artistic, administrative and technical creative workers engage in a process of innovation and new venture creation across the arts and creative sector… by offering students an education associated with the phenomenon of arts entrepreneurship, students will become more prepared to overcome common challenges and historical barriers to the production, distribution, exhibition and preservation of art across the arts and creative sector (white, 2015, p. 14-16). • an arts and cultural entrepreneurship program should help train artists and cultural managers to promote the fruits of their creative impulses, to cultivate partners and networks, and to adapt their innovative skills and habits of mind to the business side… the overall purpose of arts and cultural entrepreneurship is to enable cultural workers to achieve greater self-sufficiency and autonomy by cultivating their capacity for adaptability and sustainability and to produce not only economic value through their artworks but also cultural, social and/or community value (wyszomirski and goldbergmiller, 2016, p. 81-82). one glaringly apparent contradiction evident in these scholarship samples is that chang and wyszomirski assert that arts entrepreneurship is a management process and essig states that it is not a management process. chang and wyszomirski’s article summarizes extant scholarship at that point in time, and much of that scholarship was written from a management context and frame, thus chang and wyszomirski’s conclusion. it can be seen, however, from wyszomirski and goldberg-miller, that wyszomirski believes arts entrepreneurship involves creating and exchanging many forms of value. this is a great example of approximate consensus. even within apparent disagreement about one topic, there is certainly general agreement around the principle of creating and exchanging forms of value. gangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 51 i have categorized the thesis of each sample into themes based upon my open-ended interpretation of the excerpts. by combining these themes in a thoughtful way, i have identified a set of core concepts. the result of my analysis reveals that general consensus seems to exist among some arts entrepreneurship scholars. for example, essig (2015) posits a theory that artists engage in entrepreneurial action with the end goal of creating art sustainably. chang and wyszomirski (2015) echo this idea by emphasizing that arts entrepreneurship can help artists to become autonomous. gangi (2015) notes that artists can use entrepreneurial action to generate profits that can be used to sustain artistic careers. white (2015) mentions that arts entrepreneurship can help arts students overcome common challenges, which certainly includes financial stability and sustainability within an arts career. beckman (2011, 2014), and wyszomirski and goldberg-miller (2016), highlight the fact that entrepreneurship education and entrepreneurial action for artists can lead to self-determined success, greater self-sufficiency and autonomy, and career sustainability. additionally, beckman (2011), chang and wyszomirski (2015), and wyszomirski and goldberg-miller (2016), posit that the purpose of arts entrepreneurship education and implementation is to produce artistic, economic, social, cultural, and community value. the economic value mentioned certainly refers to the income arts entrepreneurs use to create a sustainable career. after analyzing these scholarship samples using this same process for each theme and line of thought, i was able to construct an initial rendering of this general consensus among some arts entrepreneurship scholars, as follows. based upon the concepts and ideas of leading researchers, pedagogues, and those influential in the development and leadership of the society for arts entrepreneurship education, for the emergent field of arts entrepreneurship education, it seems that: a primary purpose is teaching students to create a sustainable arts career; a primary goal is for students to create and exchange many forms of value (aesthetic, artistic, economic, social, or other), and to think entrepreneurially and innovatively in support of a sustainable arts career; the recipients are often students who produce artistic products or are non-artists working to support and facilitate the production and consumption of the arts; a shared context is students within higher education arts and design programs who will operate in the u.s. arts, creative, and cultural sectors; and a common rationale for why artists should engage in entrepreneurial action is that they should use it as a means to the end goal of creating a sustainable career in the arts, which may at times require overcoming challenges and barriers. based upon the scholarship sampled, two elements that seem to be missing are an international context and how we teach our students to do all of these things. in the remainder of this article i attempt to demonstrate how entrepreneurs do entrepreneurship, based upon business entrepreneurship scholarship. business entrepreneurship scholarship: harmonizing approximate consensus in the previous section, i demonstrated that approximate agreement exists among some arts entrepreneurship scholars. next, i explore the possibility of general consensus among business entrepreneurship scholars. based upon my own observations while reading this literature, and a synthesis of this literature by an eminent scholar, i demonstrate that at least an approximate consensus exists. when reading many scholarly works from the business entrepreneurship literature, i have observed a general principle, or essence, of entrepreneurship. to summarize and paraphrase, this gangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 52 entrepreneurial essence typically involves the concept that, fundamentally, successful entrepreneurs create, communicate, and deliver value to be consumed by individuals, groups, or organizations (i.e. markets) that exchange some form of value with the value creator (see mishra & zachary, 2014). in some instances, one individual can accomplish this entire process; in other instances, an entrepreneur needs to create a community of partners and stakeholders to assist in closing the loop between creating and capturing value. within extant business school literature, some points of entrepreneurial theory disagreement revolve around questions of whether or not opportunities and markets exist in a fixed system or are created, and whether or not entrepreneurs predict the future or utilize nonpredictive control (sarasvathy, 2008). points of agreement, as i interpret the literature, seem to converge around what entrepreneurs do: they focus on creating, communicating, delivering and capturing value. thus, at its essence, entrepreneurship involves creating value and facilitating a value exchange with those who, via some form of communication, come to value the product or service and confirm this fact through reciprocating some form of value. william gartner, a leading business entrepreneurship scholar and editorial board member of artivate, provides clarity and direction by stating that, in the business entrepreneurship field, although no definitional consensus exists, “the discussion of entrepreneurship is likely to include [certain] words rather than others…[such as] entrepreneur, owner-manager, innovation, organization creation, uniqueness, value, and growth” (gartner, 2015, p. 4). his synthesis is a clear starting point, and eliminates the idea that we need to “rebuild the wheel” by starting from a point of nothingness. gartner shows us a foundation to build upon: the fundamental essence of entrepreneurship. for example, the concepts of value and exchange are clearly evident in a question gartner poses to arts entrepreneurship scholars, and pedagogues. he asks, “how do artists organize themselves, both in terms of how they generate art, and, in how what is produced, as art, is valued and exchanged?” (gartner, 2015, p. 5). clearly, gartner’s question highlights the importance of creating and exchanging value, and demonstrates a harmonious matching of concepts from business entrepreneurship scholarship and arts entrepreneurship scholarship. my synthesis of the words used by arts entrepreneurship scholars, presented previously, closely aligns with gartner’s synthesis of the words used more often than others when business scholars discuss entrepreneurship: entrepreneur, owner-manager, innovation, organization creation, uniqueness, value, and growth (gartner, 2015, p. 4). an incomplete listing of words drawn from the arts entrepreneurship scholarship samples could be distilled as, in no particular order: creation, value, entrepreneur, artist, owner-manager, innovation, organization creation, autonomy, and sustainability. thus, it seems to me that business entrepreneurship scholarship and arts entrepreneurship scholarship harmonize in such a way that we have general, approximate consensus to build upon by eschewing definitions and working with theories and concepts. but how do we teach arts entrepreneurship students and other artists to act entrepreneurially, or do entrepreneurship? a definitive answer to this question is missing from the summaries of arts entrepreneurship scholarship presented previously. how do expert entrepreneurs think, and do they utilize a common logic and method? if so, is it learnable? another leading business entrepreneurship scholar, saras sarasvathy, bases her work on these questions and has produced profound results. gangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 53 effectuation: a logic and method of entrepreneurial expertise recent business entrepreneurship scholarship underscores a dichotomy forming between traditional entrepreneurial theories based on economic ideologies and emerging theories based on a cognitive science approach to decision making under uncertainty, among others (fisher, 2012). as a result, the field of entrepreneurship seems to have two formalized approaches to entrepreneurial theory: one focused on predicting a risky future and the other dealing with controlling an uncertain future. i point this out as a reminder that substantive, empirically validated entrepreneurial theory exists, and i present sarasvathy’s theory of effectuation as another possible building block for our sub-field to adopt and customize. effectual belief saras sarasvathy’s research empirically demonstrates that expert entrepreneurs use a common logic to approach entrepreneurial problems (sarasvathy, 2001a). in doing so, she provides a validated explanatory theory of entrepreneurship, called effectuation, showing that effectual logic is how expert entrepreneurs think (sarasvathy, 2001b). effectual theory highlights the fact that entrepreneurs operate in an environment of uncertainty, and within this context they create new products, services, organizations, and markets. to do so requires entrepreneurs to deal with an unknown and unknowable future (sarasvathy, 2008). the profound philosophical foundation of effectual theory is the belief that, unlike positivist perspectives on social sciences, opportunities are not found nor fixed within a static social structure, or according to natural laws like the natural sciences, but rather created through human interactions that change their environments (sarasvathy, 2008). so, rather than believing that one is constrained by a fixed system, effectual thinkers believe the future is open, not predetermined, and that opportunities are sometimes found but are more likely to be created by human behavior and action within social structures, resulting in the creation of new contexts, structures, and environments. effectual thinkers believe that prediction is fallible, since bounded cognition limits the human intellect, that the future can be controlled, and, therefore, does not need to be predicted (sarasvathy, 2008). the entrepreneurial problem space sarasvathy points out that business people face three types of problems when making future business decisions (sarasvathy, 2001a, 2001b, 2008). when the future is predictable and all variables are known (few situations are), business decisions can be made based on predictions developed by drawing upon data from past events (read, sarasvathy, dew, wiltbank, & ohlsson, 2011). when the future is risky and only some variables are known (most management situations), business decisions can be made by estimating likely scenarios based on historical trends and known and unknown variables (read et al., 2011). the types of problems that entrepreneurs face are problems of uncertainty, not of prediction or risk (read et al., 2011). entrepreneurs, unlike managers, deal with a future that is unknown and unknowable due to the lack of historical data and the absence of any known variables when creating new artifacts (i.e. products, organizations, markets). in such cases, uncertainty cannot be modeled or predicted. gangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 54 sarasvathy’s research empirically demonstrates that business novices prefer to use prediction in making future business decisions, as do expert managers. expert entrepreneurs, however, prefer and use effectual logic rather than attempting to make decisions by predicting the unknown and unknowable future (read et al., 2011; sarasvathy, 2008). effectual logic is a pattern of decision-making that seeks to control an unpredictable future (sarasvathy, 2008). causal verses effectual logic sarasvathy explains how effectual logic differs from predictive, or causal logic, through analogies to jigsaw puzzles and patchwork quilts. causal logic is similar to the logic used to complete a jigsaw puzzle. this is because causal problems are problems of decision, causal logic helps us choose, and causal strategies are useful when the future is predictable, goals are clear and our actions cannot manipulate our environment. the causal actor asks: “what should i do to achieve a particular effect” (sarasvathy, 2008, p. 73)? when completing a jigsaw puzzle, the picture on the box shows exactly what the future looks like and outlines a very clear goal. the problem of putting the puzzle together involves making decisions about which pieces to choose. ultimately, assembling the pieces will only form the pre-determined result because the environment of the puzzle, its borders and interior, cannot be manipulated. effectuation is similar to creating a patchwork quilt. effectual problems are problems of design, effectual logic helps us construct, and effectual strategies are useful when the future is unpredictable, goals are unclear and the environment is shaped by human action. the effectual actor asks: “what can i do with these means, and what else can i do with them” (sarasvathy, 2008, p.73)? creating a patchwork quilt is a design problem because no pattern exists initially, and the patches can be arranged according to the designer’s preferences. making a patchwork quilt requires creating something unpredictable, at first, by starting with very undefined goals, and assembling the patches based on creative construction. unlike the environment of a jigsaw puzzle that cannot be changed by the assembler, the environment of the quilt is shaped by human action. causal reasoning may or may not be creative; however, effectual reasoning is inherently creative (sarasvathy, 2001b, p. 3). sarasvathy also likens causal reasoning to cooking a meal by strictly adhering to a recipe, and effectual reasoning to cooking a meal using whatever is on hand, and not knowing exactly what will result (sarasvathy 2001b, 2008). she states that effectuation articulates a dynamic and iterative process of creating new artifacts in the world, such as ideas, products, companies, organizations, and markets (sarasvathy, 2008). solution principles and an entrepreneurial method sarasvathy developed the elements of entrepreneurial expertise by asking expert entrepreneurs to think aloud as they engaged with a simulated entrepreneurial problem and venture concept. by having the expert entrepreneurs think out loud as they dealt with a new problem, rather than recalling how they achieved entrepreneurial success in the past, sarasvathy was able to avoid recall bias and peer into the cognitions of experts in real time (sarasvathy, 2001a, 200b, 2008). the principles of effectual entrepreneurship are the results of this study, and her empirical work provides a validated normative theory of entrepreneurial expertise, showing gangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 55 how expert entrepreneurs do entrepreneurship (sarasvathy, 2001a). the following is sarasvathy’s description of the principles, as they are described on her website, http://www.effectuation.org. • the first principle is the bird-in-hand (means) principle. when expert entrepreneurs set out to build a new venture, they start with their means: who i am, what i know, and whom i know. then, the entrepreneurs imagine possibilities that originate from their means. • principle number two is the affordable loss principle. expert entrepreneurs limit risk by understanding what they can afford to lose at each step, instead of seeking large all-ornothing opportunities. they choose goals and actions where there is upside even if the downside ends up happening. • the third principle is the lemonade (leverage contingencies) principle. expert entrepreneurs invite the surprise factor. instead of making “what-if” scenarios to deal with worst-case scenarios, experts interpret “bad” news and surprises as potential clues to create new markets. • principle number four is the crazy quilt (partnerships) principle. expert entrepreneurs build partnerships with self-selecting stakeholders. by obtaining pre-commitments from these key partners early on in the venture, experts reduce uncertainty and co-create the new market with its interested participants. • the last principle is the pilot-in-the-plane (control vs. predict) principle. by focusing on activities within their control, expert entrepreneurs know their actions will result in the desired outcomes. an effectual worldview is rooted in the belief that the future is neither found nor predicted, but rather made. sarasvathy states that the effectual cycle, or method, begins with an individual taking stock of who they are, what they know, and whom they know (sarasvathy, 2011). these are the means available to the entrepreneur initially. from the composite of existing means one can form goals, always setting an affordable loss, or risking only what one can afford to lose. the next step is to interact with people and find others willing to self-select into, and cocreate, the venture. these new stakeholders bring new means to the venture, which can provide new possibilities and, if desired, new and modified goals. as the process continues, the entrepreneur and self-selected stakeholders welcome surprise because they know they can leverage contingencies into new opportunities. once the means of all committed stakeholders converge into well-defined goals, while keeping losses affordable and remaining open to surprises, new products, services, organizations and markets are created (sarasvathy, 2008). the causal, or predictive, approach is quite different. often the causal method begins by searching the market for an existing need, and then developing a product or service to satisfy the need. a goal would then be formed, based on the probability of high profit margins, followed by assembling means and stakeholders to unwaveringly pursue the predetermined goal. predictive measures come into play in order to account for and avoid any and all surprises. causal logic and its method strive to predict the future, and operate under the assumption that economies and markets are fixed systems. this approach is typical of the business school pedagogy that guides students to look for, recognize, or find an observable and measurable need or opportunity, conduct market research to prove the need and analyze competitors, create a gangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 56 solution to the need that maintains a competitive advantage, match the product to the correct market segment, target the sub-segments, position the product correctly, convince investors that the predictions are accurate, raise the capital to actualize all the predictions, and finally, launch the company. this is a ready, aim, fire approach. in contrast, effectual logic and its method is a ready, fire, aim approach (sarasvathy, 2001b, 2008). the effectual approach is not intended to replace the causal approach, however. sarasvathy found that expert entrepreneurs use effectual logic and its method more than causal reasoning when starting from nothing (sarasvathy, 2001a, 2001b, 2008). since entrepreneurship is about innovation and creating new forms of value, this means that uncertainty is inextricably linked to the entrepreneurial problem space. according to sarasvathy’s findings, causal logic and its method may not work well for creating new products, organizations, and markets because it is based on prediction and risk calculation, and both are impossible when dealing with uncertain environments and the unknown and unknowable future. effectual logic and its method works well when making decisions under uncertainty (sarasvathy 2011). again, according to sarasvathy, once new ventures develop to the point where historical data and at least some known variables exist, causal logic and predictive measures are useful. the choice of whether to use the effectual principles and method of nonpredictive control, or the causal approach of predicting a risky future, is based upon the amount of uncertainty surrounding an entrepreneurial venture. early stages of venture creation necessitate effectual logic, and more mature venture stages can benefit from causal logic. large, established businesses, however, can also benefit from effectual logic whenever they enter an uncertain problem space of a new product launch, or other aspects of novelty and innovation. effectuation and artists: observations and applications based upon my experience as an artist, entrepreneur, and arts entrepreneurship teacher, i have found that the effectual approach to entrepreneurship resonates with some artists, including myself, better than the causal one, due to the fact that effectual logic is inherently creative. there are, however, other ways that the principles of effectuation align with artistic sensibilities. effectuation is, in my opinion and experience, appealing to artists and shows them how entrepreneurship can support, and not alter, their professional desires. the principle of starting with your means to begin the entrepreneurial journey demonstrates that artists can be entrepreneurial without changing their passions and interests. for some artists who may be under the impression that becoming an entrepreneur would require them to become something different from who they are, this principle confirms that they can indeed utilize their artistic skills and knowledge in an entrepreneurial way. as artists, who we are and what we know greatly impacts our art (our core product), and this effectual principle indicates that entrepreneurial action can align with and support artistic passion. effectuation focuses on forming partnerships more so than viewing others as competition. as artists, we greatly value collaboration, and this effectual principle highlights the value of partnership and co-creation. the principle of setting an affordable loss is compatible with bootstrapping, or doing much with little; something artists willingly and often do to achieve artistic success. effectuation places great importance on iteration since ventures, as humanly designed artifacts, like artistic products, are realized through continuous refinement. effectuation is actiongangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 57 oriented, rather than relying on prediction to account for and avoid all possible contingencies, and emphasizes real world testing, application, and learning to validate business assumptions. note that i am not suggesting effectuation is the only theory and method that involves iteration; design thinking, divergent thinking, and creativity in general involve iteration. artists are accustomed to, and i think prefer, real world testing and application through consistent practice. artists are habituated to using the technique of bricolage, or making do with the resources on hand. this approach to resource utilization and allocation is different than effectuation because bricolage does not involve seeking new resources (fisher, 2012). effectuation, however, begins with means, or resources on hand, and then looks to form partnerships with other self-selecting stakeholders who bring new means and resources to the venture. effectuation may be more adaptive and allow for more potential outcomes because of the pursuit of new resources, while bricolage involves using initially available resources (baker & nelson, 2005; fisher, 2012). the effectual method challenges the level of importance that the causal method typically places on the business plan. business plans are primarily used to get financing from various sources, such as investors, lenders, and competitions. investors, lenders, and competition judges typically decide that a business is “good” based upon the potential for scalability and high profits. all of this “good potential” is determined by the quality of prediction and forecasting evident in the business plan, based on causal logic. unpredictable circumstances, challenges, and situations, however, often require plans to change when implemented in the real world. the difficulty of predicting the unknown and unknowable future demonstrates the limitations of the causal approach to entrepreneurship. effectuation gives us empirical proof that much planning without testing and iteration is not how expert entrepreneurs operate (sarasvathy and dew, 2005). this does not mean that business plans are useless, however, they can be approached less rigidly, depending upon how they are to be used (read et al., 2011). perhaps it would be helpful for arts entrepreneurship educators to create business plan templates that reflect effectual principles and are customized for artists. for example, some artists may begin the entrepreneurial process by creating products comprised of subjective value, based on their unique aesthetic vision. they then look for customers who would value these new products. the causal approach in a business plan of proving and clearly defining the need for a product, in this case artistic work, may be ineffective because of the subjective nature of artistic products. arts students may feel frustrated and discouraged by this, since the implication seems to be that if the need for the product can’t be proved before hand, then it must be a product that customers do not want. effectual logic solves this problem by encouraging artists to begin with their means: who they are, what they know, and whom they know. the next step is to interact with potential customers and solicit responses. it is only after audiences are exchanging forms of value for artistic products that arts entrepreneurs can accurately describe their target markets, consumer demographics, and why customers value their products. there is value in creating a general business plan, as the discipline of committing ideas to paper is often very helpful for students to articulate their venture concepts, think through the components of their business model, and set goals, timelines, and action steps. nothing can inform our students better, however, than what is gleaned from applied learning. the effectual principle of setting an affordable loss can empower students to take action and adapt as they test gangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 58 their business plan and business model assumptions. by knowing that the worst-case scenario is not something to fear, because it is affordable, risk is mitigated and surprises are welcomed as another opportunity to innovate. we need business planning tools and pedagogical concepts that allow for adaptability and encourage action to validate assumptions, and the effectual method can guide the creation of such customized tools. effectuation in action: a hypothetical example lets suppose that i wanted to start an entrepreneurial arts venture. how do i begin? if i follow sarasvathy’s method, i would proceed in the following manner using the principles of effectuation. first principle: start with your means to begin, i would take an inventory of my means. i need to assess who i am: my traits, tastes, and abilities; what i know: my education, training, expertise, and experience; and whom i know: my social and professional networks. who i am and what i know includes the fact that i am a classically trained guitarist and can perform and teach other styles as well, such as jazz, flamenco, rock and blues. in other words, i am an artist and i have expertise in performing and teaching guitar in a variety of styles. i know many guitarists throughout the country who work in a variety of capacities, including developing their own guitar studios or schools. i also have social networks through churches, schools, and local community organizations, and friends. once i have an inventory of means assembled, i can then imagine possibilities and take action. an obvious venture idea that emerges from my means is to build a for-profit guitar-teaching studio and develop it into a for-profit guitar school. this is the initial goal, however, i need to keep my mind open to other possible outcomes as i proceed to start the venture. second principle: set affordable loss rather than calculating how much money i will initially need and then attempt to raise the capital to launch, i will set an amount that i feel i can afford to lose. lets assume i have $500 dollars that i can use to get the venture going, and i determine that i am willing to lose the $500 even if i fail to recruit any guitar students after spending the money. this is how i set an affordable loss and fail safely. i can also make the decision to start this venture based on the low cost of failure rather than the potential to turn a large profit. because i can fail cheaply, i can try other ventures if the first iteration fails. third principle: leverage contingencies this principle calls for me to figure out how i can turn the unexpected into something successful and take advantage of the surprise factor. so let us assume i begin to implement my guitar-teaching venture. my initial plan is to teach lessons from my home studio, but as i move forward with the idea i realize that the location of my home prevents many potential students from taking lessons. since i live in rural setting, parents of potential students don’t want the additional hour of round-trip driving time added to their already very busy schedules. one way i could leverage this contingency is to utilize my social network. since i am a member of a local church, i have many good relationships with people in that organization. one gangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 59 person i know at the church is an administrator at a local high school, which is located near the center of the city, rather than in a rural area, and the driving time for parents would be dramatically reduced if i could teach at the school. fourth principle: form partnerships by using my connection and forming a partnership, the high school administrator allows me to teach guitar at the school in the late afternoons and early evenings for a very reasonable rental price. this approach allows me to deal with the unexpected problem of too long of a drive time and keeps my rental costs at an affordable level. teaching at the school also helps with marketing and keeps marketing costs low. control vs. predict in this scenario, i am able to control the future by setting affordable losses, which allows me to adapt to and deal with surprises. as i form partnerships, the goals of the venture can sometimes shift. for example, let us suppose the high school administrator has been attempting to remedy the problem of having to cut arts and music programing due to lack of funding for the school. as a result of my teaching guitar at the high school, many students from that school end up taking guitar with me, and many of the school administrators realize the positive impact these lessons have on the students. they ask me to start a guitar program for the school, but say they can’t pay me. i consider their offer, and then remember that a professional colleague of mine has started a nonprofit organization that provides guitar educational programs, such as group guitar classes and guitar orchestra, to public schools in a different state. i reach out to this colleague and learn about how this process works, and then replicate a version of it in my home state. this leads to establishing a nonprofit that serves not only the initial high school, but also many schools throughout the city, county, and state. as the program grows, i have the need and the funding through grants, donors, and corporate sponsorship to hire additional guitar instructors. this hypothetical example shows how the principles of effectuation can enable an arts entrepreneur to utilize their artistic expertise, fail affordably, deal with surprises, and form partnerships that can lead to unexpected results. this is accomplished by focusing on things that can be controlled, doing the doable, and adapting to opportunities rather than predicting the future and remaining rigid with venture goals. many other opportunities could also arise out this hypothetical scenario, and the effectual method would empower me to be able to respond to the unknowable future. conclusion and implications for arts entrepreneurship research and pedagogy there seems to be general agreement within the business entrepreneurship literature, not about definitions, but about a general principle, or essence, of entrepreneurship. many scholars agree that the act of doing entrepreneurship involves creating and exchanging forms of value. these concepts are also evident within arts entrepreneurship scholarship. the approximate consensus among scholars about the importance of creating and exchanging forms of value is a possible foundational building block for arts entrepreneurship research and pedagogy. another potential building block is the theory of effectuation, a logic and method of entrepreneurial expertise. through sarasvathy’s work, we have a theory of how gangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 60 entrepreneurs do entrepreneurship, and we have empirically validated explanatory and normative theories of entrepreneurship to build upon. my hope is that my colleagues will be motivated to pursue the many lines of possible research interwoven throughout this article. the first is the notion of creating and exchanging forms of value. as gartner (2015) suggests, scholars could investigate the creation and exchange of value in an arts context. the second research opportunity would be to examine the actions of arts entrepreneurs to determine if they operate in a manner similar to that of sarasvathy’s theory and method of effectuation. perhaps effectual theory could be elaborated upon by conducting qualitative research into the methods of arts entrepreneurs. i don’t claim that effectuation is perfect or complete necessarily, but that it is a solid, empirically valid theory that arts entrepreneurship scholars could use and build upon. the field needs specific empirical studies that interview successful arts entrepreneurs to learn what makes them successful. perhaps the theories that develop from such work will match effectuation, or be completely different. another line of research could study the unique forms of value that artistic products provide and how contemporary consumers respond to such value. although much scholarship in this area already exists, arts entrepreneurship scholars could provide a unique contribution by designing pedagogical tools that help our students understand and control the power that artistic and aesthetic products provide. after all, the subjective nature of artistic and aesthetic products is part of what makes arts entrepreneurs unique. the field also needs more research into the distinctions between arts entrepreneurship and arts management. i believe sarasvathy’s work is very effective in showing how the problem space of entrepreneurs is different from that of managers. perhaps we are moving towards a concept of entrepreneurial management in the arts? if so, what does that mean? implications for pedagogy and practice are profound. if the field can’t define entrepreneurship and arts entrepreneurship, we must be able to discuss what it involves. i believe the essence of entrepreneurship, as previously discussed, provides a simple and profound summary description of what we are teaching our students to do as arts entrepreneurs. add to this the logic and method of effectuation, and we may have a very effective pedagogical approach for teaching students how to do entrepreneurship. our students become practitioners almost immediately, since entrepreneurship is about doing. as arts entrepreneurship educators, we need pedagogical tools that will profoundly impact the next generation of practitioners. perhaps the essence of entrepreneurship and sarasvathy’s effectual method are two building blocks useful in forming a solid pedagogical foundation. finally, the field needs to articulate a unified vision. i am not suggesting a narrow vision that limits or stunts inquiry moving forward, but a vision that allows for at least foundational consistency within pedagogy and research. in this article i have presented a broad, initial vision for the field by highlighting the approximate agreement i see among business entrepreneurship scholars and arts entrepreneurship scholars. certainly there are other viewpoints about the field’s purpose, and other dimensions missing from this initial vision. how can we, as arts entrepreneurship researchers and pedagogues, continue into the future without a respectful and constructive scholarly discourse about these important issues and topics? how will we help other administrators and faculty build new arts entrepreneurship programs and initiatives if those of us leading existing programs gangi toward consensus _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (1) 61 lack foundational agreement about our work? i hope that this article will move us collectively towards consensus by spurring dialogue and encouraging all of us to build upon these suggested foundational concepts and theories. references baker, t. & nelson, r.e. 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(2015). toward a theory of arts entrepreneurship. journal of arts entrepreneurship education, 1(1), 4-23. wyszomirski, m.j. and goldberg-miller, s. (2016). adapting the promethean fire of business for arts and cultural entrepreneurship. in kuhlke, schramme, & kooyman (eds.) creating cultural capital: cultural entrepreneurship in theory, pedagogy and practice (pp. 80-89). delft, nl: eburon publishers. 103-article text-327-3-11-20200511 vol. 9, no. 1 spring 2020 the roots of great innovation state-level entrepreneurial climate and sustainability of nonprofit arts and culture organizations b. kathleen gallagher southern methodist university abstract: what is the interaction between a city’s entrepreneurial climate and the sustainability of arts and culture nonprofits? business, the arts, and innovation do not exist in isolation. new york times writer david brooks (2011) opined, “the roots of great innovation are never just in the technology itself.” the global economy has transitioned from one driven by manufacturing to a knowledge-based economy (powell & snellman 2004). public policies support growth of innovative businesses (thurik & audretsch 2013). concurrently, the arts have been leveraged to generate instrumental benefits in areas such as education, social cohesion, and economic development (belfiore, 2004; mccarthy, ondaatje, zakaras, & brooks 2004). particularly, there has been significant developments around the power of the arts to produce economic benefits through urban revitalization, economic impact, and advancing the appeal of a place to the creative class, corporations, prospective residents, and tourists (grodach 2017). richard florida (2004, 2009) famously positioned the arts as being of significant value for the “creative class.” this interaction has been portrayed as one-way in which the arts benefit cities economic pursuits. such characterization fails to consider open systems theory whereby internal and external conditions influence the operations of organizations. this paper asks, “do entrepreneurship levels affect the population dynamics of arts and culture nonprofits?” the interactions between the formation and exit of nonprofit arts organizations and entrepreneurial climate of the fifty us states for the period from 1989 to 2011 are analyzed using negative binomial regression. higher entrepreneurial climates are associated with fewer nonprofit arts and culture formations and fewer exits. the implications of this and opportunities for additional research are discussed. keywords: cultural policy; nonprofit arts; arts management; organizational ecology. artivate 9.1 68 business, the arts, and innovation do not exist in isolation. new york times writer david brooks (2011) opined, “the roots of great innovation are never just in the technology itself.” the global economy has transitioned from one driven by manufacturing to a knowledge-based economy (powell & snellman 2004). public policies support growth of innovative businesses (thurik & audretsch 2013). concurrently, the arts have been leveraged to generate instrumental benefits in areas such as education, social cohesion, and economic development (belfiore 2004; mccarthy et al. 2004). particularly, there has been significant developments around the power of the arts to produce economic benefits through urban revitalization, economic impact, and advancing the appeal of a place to the creative class, corporations, prospective residents, and tourists (grodach 2017). richard florida (2004, 2009) famously positioned the arts as being of significant value for the “creative class.” this interaction has been portrayed as one-way in which the arts benefit cities economic pursuits. such characterization fails to consider open systems theory whereby internal and external conditions influence the operations of organizations. nonprofit arts and culture organizations (npacos), those organizations identified in the united states by the national taxonomy of exempt entities (ntee) as group a – arts, culture, and humanities – have been assessed as vulnerable in the past. npacos were traditionally established to provide access to and deliver education, arts, and cultural material (garber 2008; larson 1983). insufficient access to resources is the most probable cause of organizational demise (kaufman 1991). npacos must acquire the assets needed to remain operational and continue serving organizational mission and multiple goals of public policy. as a group, npacos have responded to threats and diversified sources of revenue, integrated entrepreneurial methods, and modified program schedules (j. lowell & ondaatje 2006; j. f. lowell 2008). what has not been addressed is the effect of entrepreneurial activity on the arts and culture sector. analyzing longitudinal data on populations of npacos in all fifty of the united states for the period 1989 to 2011, i explore the interaction of entrepreneurial activity and the population dynamics of arts and culture nonprofits. my findings suggest that higher entrepreneurial activity is associated with fewer nonprofit arts and culture formations and fewer exits. the implications of this and opportunities for additional research are discussed. knowledge work, entrepreneurship, and creative places the importance of manufacturing in the global economy was surpassed by knowledge work in the late twentieth century. powell and snellman (2004, 201) define the knowledge economy as, “ . . . production and services based on knowledge-intensive activities that contribute to an accelerated pace of technical and scientific advance, as well as rapid obsolescence.” researchers have endeavored to understand the dimensions and dynamics of knowledge work while politicians and public administrators have developed policies and initiatives that support growth of the knowledge industries (faria 2016; leyden & link 2014). two byproducts of changes in the global economy have been the shift to an entrepreneurial economy (thurik & artivate 9.1 69 audretsch 2013) and the growth of creative places strategies (grodach 2017). the entrepreneurial economy describes when economic performance derives from growth of innovative enterprises (audretsch & thurik 2000, 2001; thurik & audretsch 2013). creative place strategies leverage the arts as development tools to foster revitalization and replace manufacturing activity (grodach 2017). this research was undertaken to investigate the interaction of these phenomena. entrepreneurship the rise of the entrepreneurial economy spurred the development of policies designed to encourage start-up and survival of entrepreneurial ventures (thurik & audretsch 2013). entrepreneurship is the development of a business from idea to profitable enterprise (c. brooks 2015). firms with fewer than 20 employees make up 98 percent of us businesses and 17.9 percent of private sector payrolls (small business and entrepreneurship council 2015). they account for 63 percent of new jobs created between 1993 and 2013 (small business and entrepreneurship council 2015). recognized as an important contributor to the us economy, it is important that entrepreneurship declined from 5.78 million self-employed in 2008 to 5.31 million in 2013 (small business and entrepreneurship council 2015). theory highlights the vulnerability of young and small organizations (hannan & freeman 1977, 1989). data further underscores the vulnerability of new organizations. approximately half of firms survive five years and about one-third survive ten years or more (small business and entrepreneurship council 2015). entrepreneurship is an important, vulnerable component of the economy and policy makers and scholars are attending to fostering, incubating, attracting, and supporting entrepreneurs with public policies. the kauffman index of entrepreneurial activity (kiea) is an indicator of new business creation in the united states and explores demographic and geographic variables of new business formation (fairlie 2013). the entrepreneurship index is the percentage of adults, aged twenty to sixty-four, who started a new business and worked fifteen or more hours in the first month of business. state-level index scores revealed sub-national variations from 1996 to 2013. fairlie (2013) reports that entrepreneurial activity varied significantly across states, and that the activity follows strong geographical patterns. by moving from the national level to the subnational, it is possible to see differences related to geography. for example, in 2013 montana, alaska, south dakota, california, and colorado had the highest entrepreneurial rates (fairlie 2013). iowa, rhode island, indiana, minnesota, washington, and wisconsin had the lowest. elazar (1972) noted the significance of geography in political culture, and wolpert reported on geographic variation in philanthropic giving (wolpert 1988, 1997). this is consistent with open systems theory which recognizes that organizations are heavily influenced by their contexts or local environments (bastedo 2006). artivate 9.1 70 creative places policies and the arts and culture sector creative places research and policies gained prominence in the 1990s and 2000s. markusen (2014, 567), observed: internationally and in the u.s., academics, urbanists and advocates have charted new agendas for the intersections of arts, culture, and place. the roles of artists and cultural organizations as urban change agents have come to the fore. richard florida underscored the importance of arts and culture as community assets that attract and help to retain diverse, talented, and knowledge workers (florida 2004, 2009). in addition, arts and culture amenities are sought by companies concerned with employee quality of life, favorably contribute to tourism, make positive contributions to academic outcomes, and more (arts education partnership 2013, n.d.; colorado department of education & colorado council on the arts 2008; evans 2003; florida 2004, 2009, 2017; hargrove 2014; kouri 2012; markusen 2014; petroman et al. 2013). creative places strategies are common across levels of government (americans for the arts 2017; grodach 2017; leyden & link 2014; national governors association 2019; nga center for best practices 2001, 2003, 2008, n.d.; phillips 2010). there is no singular formula or universal solution to creative places initiatives (curridd-halkett & stolarick 2010). the local environment, resources, and conditions must be considered (curridd-halkett & stolarick 2010; grodach 2008; grodach, curridd-halkett, foster, & murdoch 2014). examination of geography and clustering have proven that place and innovation are connected in important ways (delgado, porter, & stern 2010; florida 2004, 2009, 2017). arts and culture organizations are central to creative places initiatives. research has demonstrated that npacos exist with increased threats to their survival. specifically, npcacos must acquire assets needed to remain operational and continue serving organizational mission and multiple goals of public policy. economists have identified multiple challenges in achieving this aim. the costs of delivering programs has risen faster than ticket prices (baumol & baumol 1985; a. c. brooks 2000). private donations have not increased to match the difference. these donations may be influenced by government subsidies, but it is not clear whether they do so positively or negatively (a. c. brooks 2003; dokko 2009). financial ratios have been utilized to assess risk of failure (hager 2001; tuckman & chang 1991). as a group, npacos have responded to threats and diversified sources of revenue, integrated entrepreneurial methods, and modified program schedules (j. lowell & ondaatje 2006; j. f. lowell 2008). these measures have not eliminated threats to npacos. kaiser (2015) predicted the demise of the nonprofit arts and culture sector as we know it by 2035 unless funding and participation trends change dramatically. economic conditions have given rise to policies supporting entrepreneurship and the development of the arts and cultural assets of communities. this relationship between arts and culture and knowledge-based industries has been assessed unidirectionally, wherein the arts artivate 9.1 71 favorable contribute to innovations. it is appropriate to assess the impact of high entrepreneurship on the nonprofit arts and culture sector. organizational ecology the world is populated by organizations and they are the means by which humans cooperate to achieve shared goals (hannan & freeman 1977). however, basic demographic figures have attracted limited scholarship and attention (carroll & hannan 2000). some organizational theorists have criticized and dismissed the theory as a process of counting (carroll & khessina 2005; lawrence 1997; perrow 1986). additionally, scholars working in fields are often unable to identify common lifespans, stability, or turmoil in the field, and speak to the longitudinal fluctuations (carroll & hannan 2000). organizational ecologists reject the possibility that chance drives survival or demise and studies the ecology to identify influences and causes. the theory of organizational ecology derives from the natural sciences and is employed by social scientists. ecology investigates the influence of environmental conditions on populations of biological organisms, whereas organizational ecology applies these principals to the study of populations of organizations (hannan & freeman 1977, 1989). the ecology of organizations includes such variables as public policies, the economy, populations of other types of organizations, and human demographics and behavior. social scientists test and evaluate how conditions influence population dynamics such as formation (organizational birth) and exit (organizational failure or death). the application of ecology to organizations requires the adaptation of concepts, such as birth and death. organizations are not born; instead they are formed, founded, or enter the market (bowen, nygren, turner, & duffy 1994; hager 2001). scholars have applied different definitions of organizational birth. among nonprofit studies the standard has been to use the internal revenue service (irs) rule date recognizing the organization as a charitable nonprofit as a proxy for birth (bowen et al. 1994; hager 2001). and, as organizations are not born, they do not die. they exit the marketplace and cease operations. again, the irs is useful in establishing the exit of nonprofit organizations. this paper relies on hager’s (2001) definition of organizational exit. an organization is considered to have exited when it fails to file the irs form 990 for three or more consecutive years. this is consistent with current irs policy that revokes a nonprofit’s tax-exempt status when the appropriate 990 forms have not been filed for three consecutive years (internal revenue service 2013). populations under investigation must be bound in some way. the organizations included must share common features including history, politics, social structure, geography, and vulnerability. npacos operating in the united states in the twentiethand twenty-first century numbers in the tens of thousands. they share status as tax-exempt entities, a mission to deliver arts and culture programming or education, and the general funding system of direct and indirect subsidies, private donations, and earned income. many studies of this population have used a national lens (a. c. brooks 2004, 2007; p. n. hughes & lukestich 1999; p. n. hughes & lukestich 2004; national endowment for the arts 2012; smith 2007). this overlooks the artivate 9.1 72 significance of state and local variations in the environment. schuster (2002) identified the rich opportunity in studying sub-national arts policies. the ecology of states varies. using organizational ecology to study the population of acos at the state level enhances information of the circumstances under which forms emerge, persist, and cease to exist. organizational ecology has been used in previous studies to assess the growth and contraction of npacos in the united states (bowen et al. 1994), the significance of financial ratios in predicting the survival of npacos in minnesota (hager 2001), and how mechanisms for funding state arts agencies (appropriations, taxes, fees, trust funds, revenue from lotteries and gaming) contribute to the environment and influence the population dynamics of npacos (gallagher 2019). studies of the arts and culture sector have raised the legacy and significance of entrepreneurship among artists (jensen 1994; kriedler 1995; miller 1974; white & white 1965/1993). to date, entrepreneurship has not been incorporated as an ecological variable that may influence the sustainability of npacos. data and methods the theory of organizational ecology is rooted in the study of populations. to understand the interaction of entrepreneurship and the population of npacos it is necessary to observe patterns of organizational formation and exit. in biology, these are recognized as births and deaths. in the united states the irs requires tax exempt organizations to file financial information annually (national center for charitable statistics n.d.). annual filings are commonly used as a census of nonprofit arts and culture organizations (hager 2000; hager, galaskiewicz, bielefeld, & pins 1996). until recently, not all nonprofits were required to annually file an irs 990. as a result, some newer and/or smaller organizations were not required to file and may have been excluded (hager 2001). the data is then easily tabulated by state. the data set used for this paper was modified from a previously constructed data set (gallagher 2014). that set utilized the core data files from the national center for charitable statistics, the state arts agency public funding sourcebook, and data on the population, education, and gross domestic product of the states. the national center for charitable statistics at the urban institute compiles and maintains core files from the irs 990 forms. these files include more than sixty variables drawn from the irs annual return transaction files (rtf) for all nonprofit organizations required to file since 1989 (urban institute 2006). this provides researchers with information such as organization name, employer identification number (ein), national taxonomy exempt entities (ntee) classification, address, rule date (when the tax-exempt status of an organization was recognized), and financial details, such as total revenues. it also documents the last year of filing, used to establish years of entry and exit. the data set was brought up to date with support from smu data arts. observations were made for each state for the years 1996 to 2011. these include the kauffman entrepreneurial activity index (reviewed earlier in this paper), the number of npacos at the start of the year (the population density), the number of new npacos, and the number of npaco exits, total state legislative appropriations to the state arts agency (inflation adjusted to 2019), region, human artivate 9.1 73 population, state unemployment, educational attainment of the population twenty-five and older, and political party dominance in the state legislature. research has demonstrated that key characteristics drive support for and participation in the arts. educational attainment, income, and population size are among these (a. c. brooks 2001; rushton 2005, 2008; wolpert 1997). control variables for population by state were retrieved (u. s. census bureau n. d.-a, n. d.-b, n.d.-a). annual state unemployment rates (not seasonally adjusted) were taken from the bureau of labor statistics (bureau of labor statistics n. d.). education attainment was operationalized as the percentage of the population over twenty-five who had earned a bachelor’s degree or higher (u. s. census bureau n.d.-b).these decennial data for educational attainment were transformed to annual estimates by dividing the amount of change by the ten years in the period to find an estimated annual rate of change. these rates were then multiplied by the time period and added to the base to approximate an annual rate of educational attainment using the process of linear interpolation. density is the number of organizations in the marketplace and is recognized in organizational ecology for impacting the population of organizations. this is captured in this data set with the number of npacos present at the beginning of the year. the data for the analysis of organizational entries and exits were organized as annual time series for the years from 1996 to 2011 for all variables. this combination of data produced 800 observations. the vital statistics of interest in this study are the annual counts of entry and exit of npacos. the year of entry is defined as the year in which the organization received irs recognition (bowen et al. 1994; hager 2001). the number of entries is calculated as the number of organizations formed in a year (bowen et al. 1994; hager 2001). consistent with existing research, exits are identified when an npo fails to file with the irs several consecutive years during the time period studied (bowen et al. 1994; hager 2001). the exit count is the number of organizations that failed to file an irs 990 for three consecutive years. stata was used to identify the last year an organization in the data filed the 990 form. if the organization did not file for at least three consecutive years, the exit year was the year after the final filing. population studies lend themselves to the use of count data, capturing the number of entries, or births, and the number of exits, or deaths. the selection of linear or logistic is at odds with this type of data. poisson regression is commonly used to analyze count data but assumes equidispersion and that the counts are independent of one another (hilbe 2007; piza 2012). longitudinal counts of populations, entries, and exits violates these assumptions. negative binomial regression can be used for over-dispersed count data where the mean exceeds the variance. it is a generalization of poisson regression with parameters included to model for overdispersion. the model was fit using stata version 12. to analyze whether state entry counts are improved by the higher entrepreneurship, the following model is hypothesized: state entry count = f (kauffman entrepreneurial activity index, organizational population density, total legislative appropriations to state arts agency (inflation adjusted to 2019 $), region, artivate 9.1 74 human population (1000s), rate of unemployment, educational attainment of the population 25 or older, and political party dominance in the state legislature. exit counts were substituted as the dependent variable to explore the relationship between exits and entrepreneurship. organizational ecology emphasizes the significance of a population’s complete history. missing and disaggregate sources of data creates challenges in assembling this for many populations. this standard would exclude many populations from study, including acos in the united states. the data used for this paper span the years 1996 to 2011. this may reduce the depth of analysis possible for individual organizations but still produces an overview of population dynamics. furthermore, nonprofits with gross receipts less than $25,000 were not required to file annually with the irs prior to 2007. smaller organizations, while part of the total population, were not documented in the nccs data. organizational ecology identifies increased liability for small organizations (hannan & freeman 1977, 1989). commonly, they do not have resource surpluses that enable them to continue operation following unanticipated financial events (hager 2001; tuckman & chang 1991). their exclusion from this study may understate the incidence of exit in the population. however, the nccs data set is the most comprehensive source of information on the nonprofit sector and is routinely used by scholars in this field, making it an appropriate source of data. findings the significance of the entrepreneurship and the arts have individually attracted the attention of policymakers. they are benefitting from public policies that seek to cultivate and encourage them independently. prior to this research they have received limited exploration as they relate to each other. this research sought to explore if there is a synergistic relationship. the formation of new organizations is one of the measures of interest to organizational ecologists. using the irs ruling year as a proxy for entry, this study found that 31,835 acos entered the nonprofit sector in the united states between 1996 and 2011. the number of new entrants per year ranged from 935 in 2011 to 2,465 in 1999, with an annual average of 1,989 0 1000 2000 3000 19 96 19 97 19 98 19 99 20 00 20 01 20 02 20 03 20 04 20 05 20 06 20 07 20 08 20 09 20 10 20 11 entry exit figure 1. nonprofit arts entries and exits (1998-2012). artivate 9.1 75 new organizations. this was matched by rates ranging from 3.99% to 6.47%and an average entry rate of 5.38%. this is depicted in figure 1. entries varied across states and years. rates of entry varied from 0.00% in delaware in 2011 to 16.61% in oregon in 2006. average entry rates for the period ranged from 3.02% in north dakota to 8.42% in california. the negative binomial regression of entrepreneurship against the counts (not rates), controlling for year, density of acos, population, unemployment, education, and the kauffman entrepreneurial index was performed to evaluate how entrepreneurship impacts formation of new a npacos. the results are in table 1. the coefficients in negative binomial regression are the log of the expected count. table 1: negative binomial regression model of nonprofit entries and entrepreneurship. variable coefficient irr std. error density 0.0002305*** 1.000231*** 0.0000206 populations 1,000s 0.0000577*** 1.000058*** 2.72e-06 unemployment 0.0369103** 1.0376** 0.0129199 educational attainment 0.0440638*** 1.045049*** 0.0040859 state entrepreneurship -0.9762403*** 0.3767428*** 0.0666529 observations 800 0.1652171 wald chi sq. 6012.70 degrees of freedom 5 * p<.10, **p<.05, ***p<.01 researchers may choose to report the incident rate ratio (irr) to interpret the findings. the irr represents a percent change, increase or decrease, in the dependent variable determined by the amount it is above or below one (piza 2012). density and population have limited, positive influence on the formation of nonprofit acos. unemployment is associated with a 3.76% increase in the formation of nonprofit acos. educational attainment has the largest positive effect, increasing the number of arts formations by 4.5%. this is consistent with research highlighting the importance of educational attainment on arts participation and support (a. c. brooks 2001, 2004). the variable of interest, the entrepreneurial index, is associated with a large and statistically significant decrease in the number of nonprofit, arts and culture entries. the irr is 0.376, which indicates an almost 62% decrease in the number of nonprofit arts and culture entries for every unit increase in the keai. the rate at which organizations exit the market is equally important, as it reveals what forms are not surviving in the current environment. between 1996 and 2009, 24,560 nonprofit acos exited the market. annual exits ranged from 723 in 1996 to 3,578 in 2009, as depicted in figure 2, below. these are matched to rates of 1.97%to 14%. the annual, national average was 1,625 exits per year or 5.21% of the population per year. among states, average exits for the period ranged from 1.79%in nebraska to 9.73% in utah. artivate 9.1 76 all state annual exit counts were analyzed with negative binomial regression to test the relationship with the rate of entrepreneurship. the results are reported in table 2. the irr is also reported. as with entries, density and population at the state-level present negligible increases in the number of exits. unemployment prompts a 4.23% increase in the number of exits and educational attainment produces a 4.6% increase in exits. as with entries, the entrepreneurship irr is less than one and represents a decrease in the number of exits of approximately 68%. table 2: negative binomial regression model of nonprofit arts and culture exits and alternative mechanisms. variable coefficient irr std. error density 0.0002458*** 1.000246*** 0.000019 populations 1,000s 0.0000544*** 1.000054*** 2.54e-06 unemployment 0.0415178*** 1.042392*** 0.0112616 educational attainment 0.04500059*** 1.046034*** 0.0037548 state entrepreneurship -1.13483*** 0.3214767*** 0.0559592 observations 800 wald chi sq. 5942.86 degrees of freedom 5 * p<.10, **p<.05, ***p<.01 discussion and conclusion business, innovation, and the arts have been identified as central to the dynamics of the knowledge economy. public policies have been developed around the world to create economic opportunity and build prosperity. the entrepreneurial economy and creative places policies are two areas that have attracted increased attention since the 1990s (audretsch & thurik 2001; grodach 2017). npacos demonstrated increased vulnerability and probability of demise in the past (bowen et al. 1994; hager 2000; hager et al. 1996) but have diversified their revenue streams, built diversity in their organizations and audiences, and entered into cross-sector collaborations. consequently, npacos have been linked to a wide-array of instrumental benefits (belfiore 2004; mccarthy et al. 2004). while research positioned arts and cultural amenities as beneficial to knowledge workers, innovation, and economic growth (florida 2004, 2009) exploration of the inverse of the relationship – whether knowledge and entrepreneurial trends in the economy benefit the arts – had not previously been undertaken. scholars and research institutes are examining data in order to better understand and facilitate sustainability for arts organizations. among the methods employed, organizational ecology analyzes population dynamics as they respond to changes in the ecology. the attention to entrepreneurship in society, generally, and the arts, specifically, is worthy of additional exploration. this paper posited that the relationship between entrepreneurship and arts organizations is deserving of examination. negative binomial regression of the kaufman artivate 9.1 77 entrepreneurial index (fairlie 2013) against the formation and exit counts of nonprofit acos indicate that entrepreneurially favorable environments decrease both the entry and exit of nonprofit acos within states. there are several important implications and limitations to these findings. organizational formation, or birth, is one indicator of sectoral health. states with higher entrepreneurial activity had fewer npaco entries during the period studied. if the arts good for fostering innovation and entrepreneurship, it appears the converse is not necessarily true for nonprofit arts and culture organizations. lower formation of npacos might result from lower demand. do entrepreneurs make time to engage with npacos in their communities? do programming offers align with consumer demands? on the other hand, the data used can’t tell us the population dynamics in the for-profit arts. perhaps, innovative communities also foster new artistic products, audience experiences, and organizational forms. while this study examined the relationship between entrepreneurial climate and nonprofit arts, the lack of data on for-profit arts creates an important limitation and an opportunity for additional research. organizational exit, or death, is another indicator of sectoral health. states with higher entrepreneurial activity also had lower npaco entries during the period studied. this means that npacos are less likely to exit than other places. reduced incidence of death is generally considered a positive indicator. and, given the vulnerability of npacos this might appear an almost utopian solution – if it were not for the low entry rate. organizational ecology reports the tendency for larger and older firms to dominate an environment (hannan & freeman 1989). this produces a semi-monopolistic environment in which larger firms secure the majority of resources. furthermore, older organizations have a greater difficulty introducing change and innovation. again, as with organizational formation, the ability to interpret this is limited by data only from npacos. the purpose of organizational ecology is to observe the development of new, organizational forms (hannan & freeman 1989). kriedler (1995) presents the evolution of the nonprofit arts organizational form and concludes that the arts will be forced to continue to adapt to environmental conditions. ellis (2007) posits that innovation is less likely in the centralized, hierarchical systems common in the nonprofit arts. these positions point to challenges faced by 501(c)(3)s. the data here may indicate that there is a shift away from the 501(c)(3) form among arts organizations. population dynamics of for-profit arts organizations would be necessary to come to any conclusions. limitations and opportunities the data used includes several important limitations. these limitations are accompanied by opportunities to further advance our understanding of the interaction between entrepreneurship and the arts. • this analysis presented only the nonprofit segment of the arts sector. due to data fragmentation there is not a comprehensive source for the arts sector. this is a significant limitation. a research opportunity exists for a sector-inclusive source of artivate 9.1 78 population data for arts and culture. • no variables were included to capture npaco size or age. age and size are important variables to organizational behavior. future analysis incorporating the organizational traits of size and age affords the opportunity to consider trends within organizational generations and size. • the data represents a sixteen-year time-period from 1995 to 2011. more recent data, including the population changes that resulted from the economic shock of the global economic crisis and recovery, have the potential to provide a more current and accurate report of the population dynamics. the economy has been transformed, and governments have promoted entrepreneurship and creative places for their suitability to new conditions. the arts are beneficial to innovation and entrepreneurship. the influence of entrepreneurship on the nonprofit arts had not been explored. entrepreneurship is associated with lower rates of formation of npacos and lower rates of organizational exit. references americans for the arts. 2017. “arts & economic prosperity 5.” retrieved from washington, dc: http://www.americansforthearts.org/sites/default /files/aep5/pdf_files/arts_aepsummary_lore s.pdf arts education 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"the demographics of giving patterns." in d. burlingame, ed. critical issues in fund raising. new york: wiley. microsoft word macedo for final.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 7, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 3-26 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2018, the author a short but deep dive into the economics of arts: art entrepreneurs in a peripheral market rafael macedo rubião, universidade federal de minas gerais abstract this article analyzes the organization, functioning, and peculiarities of the local visual arts market of the brazilian city of belo horizonte, which has the third largest metropolitan area of the country. furthermore, we also explore the perspectives for the young artists entering this market. for this purpose, semi-structured interviews were applied directly to the owners or managers of the city’s art galleries. between august 2014 and january 2015, 26 galleries were visited, out of the 30 identified. based on observations made in the fieldwork, on the plethora of themes that appeared throughout the interviews, and on the patterns identified in the tables, it was possible to organize the art galleries in four distinct types: (1) retail art galleries, (2) contemporary art galleries, (3) institutional galleries, and (4) alternative galleries. organizing the main arguments of the interviewees and applying the thematic networks methodology, we found that the weakness of the entrepreneurial efforts in the local art market seems to be an outstanding feature jeopardizing innovation. we also found that there are two kinds of art galleries providing solutions to this. keywords: art market; art galleries; innovation; cultural economics; creative economics there are several reasons to consider belo horizonte’s fine arts market a periphery of the peripheries, especially if compared to rio de janeiro’s or são paulo’s. brazil is still a small player in the international art scene, in spite of the growing volume of business observed in the last years (fialho, 2014; sá-earp & kornis, 2012). the availability of data on art markets is already lacking and scant in the most developed markets worldwide and, as expected, this situation is exacerbated in brazil (fialho, 2013). however, research in the fields of sociology and history of art, and cultural economics outlines some general characteristics of the brazilian art market. for a more complete review of the brazilian market development see brandellero (2015). however, these studies were not able to deepen our understanding of the economic and entrepreneurial dimension of the art world. part of this omission can be associated with artists’ and their peers’ reluctance to deal with art from a business perspective. velthuis (2005) and other authors discuss this resistance better, which can, in brief, be associated with the well-known paradox that some agents from the art market face between commerce and “art for art’s sake”. this conflict arises from the commodification of an object that is allegedly covered with a kind of aura that should not be contaminated by “mundane” commercial interests. the need of artists and dealers to sell artworks in order to survive is what put them in the middle of this limbo. the first concern that gave origin to this study came from the professors of federal university of minas gerais’ (ufmg) fine arts school who were worried about their students’ lack of awareness about the commercial side of their careers. they looked to us at the economics school in 2013 to suggest a research project with the objective of answering the very question gartner posed two years later, in 2015, while suggesting what should be addressed by the new art entrepreneurship field (hereinafter called ae): “how do artists organize themselves, both in terms of how they generate art, and, in how what is produced, as art, is valued and exchanged? […] a macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 4 more nuanced way of asking ‘how do artists make money?’” (gartner, roberts, & rabideau, 2015, p. 5). more specifically, those professors were concerned about the money part of gartner’s question, that would be, after all, the main factor determining their students’ subsistence in the future. in order to answer that question, we decided to understand first how the local art market functioned, and, as consequence, what were the perspectives for the local young artists to sell their work after graduating. the choice of analyzing local art galleries was straightforward, since they represent the main marketplace for artworks from living artists, connecting supply and demand, a role that allows one to understand the details of how art is exchanged as well as the economics behind the art markets. in order to achieve this objective, we designed a field research based in a semi-structured questionnaire to be applied in the city’s whole universe of art galleries. the answers were organized using the “thematic networks” methodology (attride-stirling, 2001) and analyzed through an interdisciplinary framework, using insights from the fields of cultural economics, sociology of art, and arts entrepreneurship. in this paper we discuss some of the main features we found on the local art galleries market. we also propose insights over some problems observed in belo horizonte´s market, especially those related to innovation and uncertainties. this paper is organized as follows: after this introduction, the second section reviews some of the existent literature about ae and art markets, trying to understand the art gallerist as an entrepreneur, and covering issues such as information asymmetry, uncertainties and art as a commodity. the third section explains the methodological approaches used. the fourth section presents and discusses the results, and, finally, in the fifth, we present some conclusions. art markets and entrepreneurship: a brief review some attempts to open the “black-box” the art market was already an object of inquiry at the beginning of the twentieth century. the renowned british critic and artist roger fry, a member of the bloomsbury group, was one of the first to showcase his concerns about the art market’s complexities. according to goodwin (1999), fry was very concerned about the “market failures” arising from both demand’s and supply’s wide heterogeneity, as well as the lack of information and standardized means for evaluating artistic goods. in his writings, he demonstrated a constant dismay regarding the lack of preparation for the art world’s agents to deal with this opaque market, as well as with the widespread corruption that persisted among the leading practitioners. furthermore, fry also had a perception similar to the one that gave origin to this paper, since he thought that “artists, almost by definition were lost in the world of business” (goodwin, 1999, p.30). despite these very intriguing features of art markets, “few studies, however, focus on galleries” (benhamou et al., 2002, p. 266). many scholars have done studies of art pricing using auction data and hedonic regressions (mei & moses, 2002; anderson, 1974; chanel et al, 1996; agnello and pierce, 1996); others analyzed the returns on art as an investment and compared it with other assets (baumol, 1986; frey & pommerehne, 1989; buelens & ginsburgh, 1993). in addition, there have also been studies of the structure of art markets from a broader point of view, while exploring the intricate interconnections among its actors: dealers, artists, critics, curators, collectors, etc. (moulin, 1992; jyrämä, 2002). however, even though “the literature devoted to the contemporary art market underlines the central role of galleries in the promotion and commercialization of works”, it “does not provide a firm analysis of their economic profile” (benhamou et al. 2002, p. 265). macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 5 after the groundbreaking research of raymonde moulin (1967), which made an important distinction among galleries’ business models – between those bringing innovation to the market and those acting on the secondary market, or the resale of artworks – some other contemporaneous studies debated this same issue, deepening the understanding of the different roles and business models of art galleries, for example: classic vs. contemporary art; high end of the market vs. low end of the market; traditional art circuit vs. avant-garde art circuit (moulin, 1967; bystryn, 1978; fitz gibbons, 1987, moureau & sagot-duvauroux 2002). peterson (1997) also made an important case study of parisian art galleries, proposing a different and interesting classification of art dealers based on their propensity to take different amounts of risk. besides those, a few other empirical studies of art galleries provide an in-depth analysis of this kind of business (e,g, shubik & shubik, 1992; velthuis, 2005; plattner, 1996; jirämä, 2002) for instance, plattner (1996) analyzed the art market of st. louis from a sociological perspective, exploring deeply the conflicts and connections of the local dealers. jirämä (2002), studied the art market of four different countries (france, england, sweden and finland), and identified features that differentiates the maturity of these markets, such as the level of specialization of art dealers and the importance of the state and institutions in discovering new artists. velthuis (2005), besides doing a statistical analysis of pricing behavior, also explored the long-term and intimate relationships that exists between dealers and artists. notwithstanding the existing literature on art markets and art dealers, benhamou et al. (2002) named their paper “opening the black box of the white cube” – making reference to the “white cube” format of contemporary art galleries and to the scarcity of internal data from these businesses. the authors managed to gather unprecedented data unveiling art galleries’ economic performance, aesthetic preferences, lifespans, and relationships with collectors and other agents. besides making specific conclusions over the conjuncture of the french art market, the authors also observed the economic fragility of this kind of business, especially due to galleries’ small sizes, the limited number of buyers, the vulnerability to economic fluctuations, and the high-risk nature of the informal agreements they set up with artists (benhamou et al. 2002). from roger fry’s writings until today, the academic works about art dealers and the fine arts market have focused on five main points: (1) the heterogeneity of artworks as commodities; (2) the information asymmetries of value appraisals; (3) the recurrence of intimate relationships among its agents; (4) the different roles of art galleries and institutions; and (5) the dichotomy among innovation-oriented/discoverer and traditional/imitative dealers. in the following sections we explore more deeply the theory behind these five recurrent issues. art as a mysterious commodity the analysis of art markets begins with understanding what type of object is negotiated therein. artworks are different from ordinary consumption goods and their peculiarities determine the distinctive characteristics of such markets. the first reason for this is that they are mostly produced by individual artists, each artist being a totally different unit of production, leading art to be an extreme case of a non-homogeneous good (throsby, 2001). for instance, bianchi (2015) emphasizes art’s “infinite variability” property, using the expression coined by caves (2000). an artwork can take many dimensions besides authorship (e.g. support, format, lines, colors, styles, themes, etc.). because of this, the universe of choices seems to have no end, either for the producer or for its potential consumers (bianchi, 2015). besides its originality, uniqueness and infinite variability, the judgment of an artwork’s value is, on one hand, associated with the benefits of individual’s consumption and enjoyment, and, on the other hand, attached to its cultural macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 6 component within a society in general, exhibiting some of the characteristics of public goods (throsby, 2001). artistic goods are also known as experience and/or confidence goods. experience goods are those for which the quality or the provided utility can only be defined after the consumption such as a theatre play or a dance show. however, in the case of artworks, the uncertainty over quality can be even greater than typical experience goods, making them more similar to confidence goods (prinz, piening, & ehrmann, 2014). confidence goods are those defined by the impossibility of ascertaining the quality of a good even after its consumption. in other words, the uncertainty over an artwork’s value is an omnipresent characteristic. since confidence goods cannot have their quality appraised individually, their value depends on the assessments of experts, who judge the artworks collectively by means of consensus (velthuis, 2011a). according to bourdieu, the value of an artwork ends up being socially constructed, leading to a market based on the production of beliefs (as cited in velthuis, 2011a). experts are individuals who have the capacity to endorse the creation of artistic value due to their accumulated experience and reputation throughout their careers as critics, dealers, curators, scholars, consultants, and artists, among others. this uncertainty arises for different reasons for each niche in the art market. for example, according to moulin (1992, 2007), in the contemporary art market the uncertainty is based on the unpredictability of artists’ success. in the classic art market however, the mystery surrounds the authenticity of the artworks or the past artistic movements and artists that can come back into fashion, thus affecting current prices (moulin, 2007). it is interesting to see how prinz et al. emphasize the former, stating, “investing in the most recent contemporary art is a very risky endeavor. at the point of a first investment in an artist, it is almost impossible to predict the likelihood of success” (2014, p. 158). this volatility and uncertainty in subjective valuations and qualifications strongly influence the prices and economic values, having the power of both creating and destroying great fortunes as fast as the strike of an auctioneer’s hammer. art dealers: filling an information gap bianchi (2015) considers the lack of transparency in the art world its main and most incurable deficiency. besides the uncertainty-generating characteristics of artworks, bianchi (2015) emphasizes that information asymmetry, in many cases, is used opportunistically. following this, velthuis (2011a) cites george akerlof’s discussion of the market for ‘lemons’: “where the quality of the work is known to the seller but not to the buyer” (as cited in velthuis, 2011a, p. 37). thus, “for diverse works of art (…) buyers need a great deal of information in order to make a satisfactory purchase” (towse, 2014, p. 77). prinz et al (2014), considering the art market to be innovation-intensive and to have a high degree of quality uncertainty, state that “new artists entering the market are unknown, and the products they manufacture require a lot of explanation and evaluation… it is the task of galleries to close the gap between artists and collectors/investors” (prinz et al., 2014, p. 2). their concept is drawn from the two-sided market notion of rochet and tirole (2003, 2006) in which the art gallery is the intermediate platform, a necessary role in such innovation-intensive and uncertain sectors, in order to correct their typical problems. we must highlight here that this constant innovative status of artworks is one of the fundamental features of an art market. this view of the gallery is indeed closely related to the gatekeeper role attached to the dealers of the primary market, and usually to avant-garde art galleries. this concept, drawn from bystryn (1978) and further discussed by velthuis (2011b), refers to the dealer’s capacity of choosing who is in and who is out of the market by carefully selecting his or her team of artists macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 7 and in turn promoting their careers. besides the gatekeepers and “informational-gap-filler” functions of art dealers, velthuis (2005) points out that there is a “father relationship” that exists between artists and dealers that “hardly look like the anonymous interaction that has come to be associated with a logic of capitalist markets” (velthuis, 2005, p. 55). thus, we can assume that the gatekeeper and matchmaking roles must not be interpreted as neutral or cold attitudes within the marketplace but rather as intimate trust relationships. these relationships involve not only marketing the artists but also discussing their artistic ideas, praising and recognizing their work, and supporting them in many ways, even morally (velthuis, 2005). art entrepreneurship based on art’s uniqueness (thorsby, 2001) and infinite variability (caves, 2000) properties, and on the schumpeterian concept of new forms of organizing production, new goods, the opening of new markets, and so on (schumpeter, 1934) – art seems to be an extreme case of an innovative good, especially in the case of contemporary art and new artists. in his classical work about economic development, schumpeter (1934) points out the innovative businessperson, or the entrepreneur, as the agent that take the risks to bring innovations to the market. following essig (in taylor, bonin-rodriguez, & essig, 2015, p. 7) “entrepreneurship then – in the form of new venture creation – is the tool, the means, by which the art and the audience connect.” hence, individuals that create new ventures (in this case, art galleries) to sell art can indeed be considered art entrepreneurs. in order to include an entrepreneurship perspective in our analysis, we offer the following remarks. entrepreneurship, understood as the creation of new organizations (gartner, 1988 as cited by white, 2017), should be analyzed within their context’s idiosyncrasies (deeds, 2014). the specificities of the art environment must, then, serve as the base to study art gallerists as art entrepreneurs. the first specificity is the existence of non-profit organizations and the common “art for art’s sake” motives driving art entrepreneurs. “it is unlikely that anyone undertakes a new venture in the arts, especially the nonprofit arts, to maximize their financial gain (taylor et al., 2015, p. 6)” but rather to facilitate art availability to the audience. as cited by taylor et al. (2015), individuals working in the core of the art world may experience a self-fulfillment that motivates them more than financial gains (preece, 2011), what is also in accordance with some cultural economists’ theorizations. menger (2006), for example, discusses the typical financial difficulties experienced by artists and how they compensate that through self-fulfillment. another specificity is pointed out by jason white (2017, p. 11): “there is evidence that core workers [in the art field, including art administrators] have engaged in various forms of entrepreneurship […] in an effort to overcome common challenges and opportunity barriers”, which again exhibits the environmental contextualization of art entrepreneurship. these first theorizations presuppose ae as a behavior that is (1) reactive to a market with unfavorable conditions and (2) unleashed by an inner driving force of self-fulfillment. taylor et al. (2015, p. 7) differentiate arts entrepreneurship from “the ‘discipline’ of entrepreneurship [as] opportunity recognition and, in the arts, opportunity creation […] to generate revenue, to create new businesses that support the arts […]”. and this is quite different from finding opportunities for making profits out of schumpeterian rents (mazzucato & penna, 2015). this kind of rent can be defined as the “monopoly” rents that first-movers enjoy when launching innovations in the market. hence, art as a creative and innovative good seems to be an end in itself for art entrepreneurs, which could be associated to its characteristics as “merit goods” (musgrave, 1956). a “merit good” is a concept in the field of public-sector economics that makes reference to goods that society or individuals should have access to based on need, rather than on their capacity to afford. it means that there is macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 8 a normative premise behind this concept, that people deserve a merit good simply because they are people. healthcare, food, housing and education are often considered merit goods, and culture, or the arts, may fit in this concept as well. regardless of the motives guiding art gallerists, the innovation-intensive artworks (i.e. new/young artists and contemporary art) depend upon their entrepreneurial endeavors to enter the market, or to have its market created, following moulin’s (1992, 2007) words. and, in turn, their endeavors will depend directly on their motives, their context (i.e. the local market environment) and their entrepreneurial behavior. entrepreneurship literature provides some approaches in order to determine which traits or behaviors characterize an entrepreneur, and, for example, risk-taking propensity is one of the most discussed. haan (2010) states that entrepreneurs put they whole career at stake and share various forms of risks, for example (1) financial risks – risk of losing capital; (2) management risks – risk of poor management that can harm their enterprises; and (3) personal risks – risk of harming their personal life, what includes their career, family and standard of living. local art entrepreneurs’ propensity to take risks may then affect directly the local market openness to innovations. according to gartner (1990, as cited by taylor et al., 2015), the understanding of entrepreneurship must analyze, in conjunction, the person (an entrepreneur, that can be the artist himself, the marchand or the art gallerist), the innovative process (the creation of the artwork, the organization of the art gallery or a new way of connecting supply and demand) and the process’ result (the artwork or the introduction of the artwork in the market). thus, it is the comprehension of these three dimensions altogether that defines ae: “there is potential in the perspective that arts entrepreneurship cannot be defined by the traveler, nor the road, nor the destination, but rather by the journey that combines all three” (taylor et al., 2015, p. 4). hence, we believe that a full comprehension of the individual art gallerists, “their road and their destination”, through their motives (if it’s for the “sake of art”, financial return, or else), risk-taking propensity, market strategies, education, historic, and business models, may then shed some light over the innovation propensity of the local market, and as consequence, the prospects for young artists thereof. method interviewing art gallerists in order to reach our objectives, we intended to carry out semi-structured interviews with the whole universe of art galleries found in the city. the quantity of art galleries in belo horizonte and their availability to be interviewed have limited the number of interviews. we defined the questions in order to capture information about (1) the internal characteristics of the gallery, (2) the general characteristics of the art market, and (3) the personal perceptions of the local market. the first list of potential interviewees was taken from the tourism section of the city hall’s official website, which proved to be incomplete and out of date (some galleries were missing and others no longer existed or had changed their names). through direct contact with the gallerists, who were able to refer us to other professionals, and through references found in social and informative media, we identified 30 art galleries and out of those, 26 were visited. we considered every business or institution that called itself an art gallery, except the museum types. this universe is very heterogeneous; for example, some galleries are not commercial while others have distinctive business activities. the fieldwork was undertaken between august 2014 and april 2015. in talking prices, velthuis (2005) highlights the difficulties in dealing with art market agents: “in the middle of one of the interviews which i conducted for this study, i decided to give up, desperate as i felt about the respondent’s reluctance to respond to my questionnaire. the art macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 9 dealer (…) refused to discuss what i was trying to understand” (velthuis, 2005, p 1). we were relieved to see that we were not the only ones who felt this way about this kind of interview. the dealers’ reluctance and resistance to talk deliberately about their businesses, especially regarding quantitative figures, biased some of the data and made it impossible to gather some quantitative data and to trust some of their answers. each interview had 42 questions and lasted approximately 90 minutes, which provided us sufficient information to make three different but similar approaches to work with the data. first, after discarding nonsensical or illogical answers we constructed tables of descriptive statistics. second, we created typologies for the galleries based on what we observed in the fieldwork and in the data gathered; we identified four types of galleries among the interviewees. finally, in order to analyze the large amount of textual data we had at hand, we applied the qualitative method of thematic networks. drawn from attride-stirling (2001), this method allows identification of the main themes addressed in the interviews and connections between them in order to recognize the issues covered by the gallerists in an abstract and grouped way. thematic networks “the procedure of thematic networks does not aim or pretend to discover the beginning of arguments or the end of rationalizations; it simply provides a technique for breaking up text and finding within it explicit rationalizations and their implicit signification” (attride-stirling, 2001, p. 388). this qualitative method, in short, consists in building a scheme that connects a set of themes extracted from the raw textual data. according to attride-stirling (2001), the first step is to reduce the data by fragmenting the text into “manageable and meaningful text segments.” then we must gather in groups those text fragments that have something in common with each other into a coding framework. this something may be a similar issue, a common keyword or a related explicit or implicit meaning. our coding framework consisted of 40 codes, which are listed in table 1, and was applied directly over a textual data of about 15,000 words. table 1. coding framework 1. property types features 21. pricing 2. administration 22. artwork's assessment 3. economic costs 23. transaction's process 4. team 24. difficulties 5. investments (on the gallery) 25. indulgences 6. collection 26. customer profile 7. marketing 27. competition 8. gallery's activities 28. seasonality 9. internet sales 29. conflicts 10. cultural incentive laws 30. art as an investment 11. gallery's origin 31. local market features 12. gallery specialty/focus 32. future expectations 13. picking up artists/artworks 33. art market features 14. owner/manager training 34. artists' submissions 15. number of artists 35. insertion of the artist in the market 16. contracts 36. sales flow 17. exclusivity 37. profit 18. unsold works 38. visits 19. rental of artworks 39. artists' profile 20. commission 40. current gallery situation macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 10 the second step is a purely interpretative effort. the text fragments are read within the context of their respective groups. thereafter, following this order, a list is made with the many issues addressed by collecting the text fragments and then synthetizing them into one or a few words. using these more pertinent groups, we discover and extract the most recurrent themes addressed by the reunited text fragments. the newly extracted themes are themselves the basic themes presented in this paper in figures 3 and 4. in the final step, the thematic networks are built, clustering the basic themes subsequently into more general and encompassing themes, done twice. to do so, it is necessary to group the basic themes by similarity, which is also an interpretative act. the reference points or common issues around which we organize the basic themes must guide the abstraction of the organizing themes, which must synthetize the main issues treated by the basic themes. having on hand such thematic clusters allowed us to deduce “global themes”, which are “the core, principal metaphor that encapsulates the main point in the text” (attride-stirling, 2001, p. 393). see figure 1 as an example. this is done through the same process that gave origin figure 1: structure of a thematic network from attride-stirling (2001, p. 388) to the organizing themes, that is, an abstraction of the main “claim, proposition, argument, assertion or assumption that the organizing themes are about” (attride-stirling, 2001, p. 392-393). these three levels of theme clustering should be understood in a web or network format, in a way that the hierarchies are clear and the different branches and clusters are well separated and organized. analysis of results the typology the typology that follows was built based on three pillars: (1) the personal impressions and observations of the interviewer; (2) the comparisons made using discrete data (e.g. the number of macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 11 exhibitions per year or whether the gallery is specialized in contemporary art or not, etc.); and (3) the qualitative interpretation of the discourse of each dealer. we have defined four types of art galleries based upon these criteria, although there may be overlaps between some of their characteristics. despite the fact that the galleries have shown the features of their own types in different degrees, we have classified each gallery in only one type. according to velthuis (2011b), the various general classifications of galleries proposed in the literature are similar and many of them served as an inspiration for our typology. the art galleries are subdivided into 2 major groups: a and b. group a comprises only commercial galleries, which are subdivided into three types (a1, a2 and a3). group b are the non-commercial galleries – or “institutional” – and it is comprised of only one type (b). thus, our analysis will be based in four types (a1, a2, a3 and b), as following: type a1 retail art galleries. these galleries are better defined by what they do not consist of. they drift apart from the “basis of the current system of galleries” (benhamou, 2001, p. 78). this means that they do not focus on the primary market, they do not enter into exclusivity agreements, and they do not invest in young artists to help them create a career in their activity (moulin, 2007; benhamou, 2001; towse, 2014; shubik, 2003; velthuis, 2011b). essentially, this type of gallery does not have a well-defined style and they instead look for different means to survive in belo horizonte’s art market. they make few investments, diversify their activities, avoid taking risks, and prefer artists and artworks that are more traditional and well-established in the market, therefore avoiding the uncertainties of contemporary art. when referring to eclectic brazilian galleries (from the 1950s) with no focus in any artistic style or movement, bulhões garcia states: “the lack of market segmentation was seen as an indicator of low risk-taking and high conservatism” (as cited in brandellero 2015, p. 221). this suggests that our type a1 galleries are a kind of lost-in-time gallery, indicating that the belo horizonte art market shares some of the characteristics of those in são paulo and rio de janeiro at the beginning of their development. more specifically, these galleries: (1) are marked by the absence of a defined style for their artworks, that is, they have no focus (they can eventually sell contemporary art, but none will work only with that); (2) prefer the security of well-established artists rather than risking themselves with the new ones; (3) do not work in an exclusive basis; (4) tend to work in the secondary art market with modern, academic or figurative art; (5) have a diversified business in that the gallery is not the unique or not the center of the activities of the dealer (for example, he or she can be an auctioneer, an artist, and a framer, among others); (6) do not intend to have a “white-cube” space; (7) have their business size ultimately determined by a complementary activity; and (8) are marked by the heterogeneity among galleries. type a2 contemporary art galleries. unlike the type a1 galleries, which seek to adapt to the local market, the type a2 galleries try to adjust themselves to the international standards of contemporary art galleries as much as possible. there are well-known international patterns of contemporary art galleries, which are the practices of the already mentioned currently dominant system of galleries (benhamou, 2001). type a2 galleries may incur important costs to be able to fit in the international profile. thus, while type a1 galleries have a heterogeneous, adapted, nonintentional and unplanned profile, this second type contains galleries with an intentional, homogeneous and well-defined profile. these are the galleries that: (1) have a focus, especially in contemporary art or in one of their niches: (2) are focused on the primary market: (3) are more or less willing to take risks, perhaps allowing unknown artists a chance to become well-established (as it will be further discussed on the thematic networks, we suspect that, on average, all the galleries from belo horizonte, including type a2 galleries, avoid risks and do less investments than the galleries from more developed markets); (4) work with exclusivity agreements based on macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 12 trust and cooperation; (5) are more open to innovations and to the discovery of new artists, renewing the supply side of the market (despite the already mentioned limitations of the local market); and (6) have an architecture close to the “white-cube” style. type a3 – alternative art galleries. few galleries of this type have been noted in belo horizonte. they are the “art entrepreneurs of the local market”, being innovative and offering disruptive proposals, which make them very different from all the other types. type a3 galleries: (1) act in the primary market with young artists; (2) do not work with exclusivity agreements; (3) have the objective of fostering art and culture, especially in the emergent artistic scene of belo horizonte; (4) operate in the vanguard environment; (5) criticize and offer an alternative to the “elite” of the high art market; and (6) diversify their activities in a more audacious way by, for instance, being attached to a bar, selling souvenirs, having online platforms, and sell broader art projects with their team of artists such as events, workshops, and urban interventions. these kinds of projects and services are innovative and disruptive ways for capturing value in the art market, signaling that some art entrepreneurs are finding new ways to sustain innovation. type b – institutional art galleries. these galleries take on the “discoverer” role and hence are less risk-averse than galleries type a1 and a2. although not being as disruptive as type a3, type b galleries take the responsibility to introduce young or unknown artists and in turn foster innovation on the art market, a function that is lacking in belo horizonte and that will be further discussed in the second thematic network. these galleries: (1) are attached to larger institutions or companies such as private, public, or private-public partnerships; (2) are not profitdriven and thus don’t sell art; (3) organize exhibitions of artists picked up by competitive selection processes and experts’ judgments; (4) enhance new local artists’ careers and hence also regional contemporary art; (5) are administered by the employees of the institutions of which they are part; (6) foster culture, their direct purpose, by helping artists who have difficulty gaining visibility; and (7) are noticed by other gallerists, especially type a2, as the major means of artists’ insertion into the professional market besides art salons, contests, and prizes. since they try to create new opportunities for local art, they can be considered nonprofit “institutional art entrepreneurs”, as denoted in white (2017). comparisons and observations. besides the characteristics of each type of gallery mentioned above, some observations and comparisons among them are necessary. type a1 galleries represent 42% of all galleries, type a2 galleries 31%, type a3 galleries 12%; and type b galleries 15%. furthermore, type a2 galleries have the most projects submitted for government funds (special tax incentives). some type a2 gallerists refer to the type a1 gallerists in a pejorative way, calling them mere “painting’s shops”, and the same type a2 interviewees indicated that the type b institutional galleries are one of the best ways for a new artist to enter the market and begin his or her career. type a1 gallerists did not make such comparisons but rather pointed out some generic qualities as the determinants for artists to be part of the market such as luck, talent, and marketing. table 2. average annual number of exhibitions per gallery type type frequency retail galleries (type a1) 2.2 contemporary art galleries (type a2) 4.3 alternative galleries (type a3) 8.7 institutional galleries (type b) 6.5 macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 13 we built an index of the number of yearly exhibitions per gallery, which is a proxy for the galleries’ willingness to promote art, take risks, and make investments. all else equal, a gallery with a larger number of yearly exhibitions is likely to be making more investments and efforts to promote its team of artists and hence to be riskier. thus, according to table 2, which contains the yearly exhibitions index, the typology seems to fit well. indeed, as can be seen, type a1 retail galleries are much less willing to spend money on exhibitions than the other types. type b and a3 produce more exhibitions, which reflects their idea of promoting art and culture as a public good. due to their objectives of creating a career for their team of artists, of bringing attention to their business, and of enhancing sales, type a2 contemporary art galleries promote a significant number of exhibitions. attending art fairs has similar implications as organizing exhibitions since it is a form of investment to increase the sales and the visibility of the artists. participation in art fairs also symbolizes the insertion of the gallery in the international contemporary art circuit. doing so follows one of the “best practices” of contemporary art galleries of the international elite, which corresponds to the profile that type a2 galleries seek to fit. thus, we created, for each type of gallery, an index calculated as the average attendance of a gallery at art fairs per year. this index shows, as expected, the tendency of type a2 galleries to frequent more art fairs. type a2 galleries attended on average 2.67 art fairs per year whereas other types of galleries attended virtually zero per year. another interesting issue concerning our typology is the different “reasons of creation” (why the gallery was created), which surfaced from each type of gallery. the results of table 3 align with the typology. first, it can be noted that the purposes of galleries of type b and a3, i.e. to promote arts, are very different from the other two types. second, type a1 galleries seek the continuation of another previously existent business, which is a more practical and professional connection to the art world rather than a sentimental one. in contrast, despite still having this business connection to the arts, type a2 galleries seem to exhibit more emotional and intimate motivations. moulin shows a clear distinction between contemporary art galleries and the traditional figurative art galleries, which are similar to our retail galleries. according to her, the latter “exclude the risk associated with innovation. the choice of artists is made in function of the expectations and the acquisition means of the clientele” (2007, p. 24). this adaptive character and subordination to demand is remarkable among our type a1 galleries. thematic networks using the thematic networks methodology, we determined two “global themes”, each of which is a “core, principal metaphor that encapsulates the main point in the text” (attride-stirling, table 3. what was the objective/reason for the creation of the gallery? answers frequency type a1 type a2 type a3 type b total continuation of another existent business* 5 2 0 0 7 previous professional experience in the sector 3 0 0 0 3 personal circle 2 2 0 0 4 interest in arts 0 3 1 0 4 fostering arts 0 0 2 4 6 did not answer 1 1 0 0 2 macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 14 2001, p. 393). the two global themes addressed by the art gallerists in our interviews are: (1) “the agents of the art market are subject to incentives and symbolic values, which cannot be translated into prices or pecuniary compensations”; and (2) “the functioning of the belo horizonte art market is disturbed by market failures and shortcomings caused by the absence of certain cultural habits and demand for artworks, which lead also the gallerists to avoid making investments and innovation efforts.” figures 2 and 3 should be read according to the scheme in figure 1, in which the basic themes are clustered around the organizing themes, which are, in their turn, clustered around one global theme. the first thematic network (figure 2). the first thematic network was built around the global theme 1 and it covers general theoretical subjects that can be related to every art market. it means that they are, theoretically, not exclusive of belo horizonte. figure 2: the first thematic network macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 15 in order to understand the first organizing theme 1.1, it is useful to recapitulate the findings of table 2. we can see that a previous related business, a previous experience in the field or previous contacts with insiders are the most important reasons for creation of the gallery. these are each a kind of previous “proximity” to art, that is, a previous personal link. further, all of the six answers in the “interest in the arts” motivation belong to type a3 and b galleries (i.e. alternative and institutional galleries). to become a dealer, there is no need to have a diploma or special licenses (velthuis, 2011b; shubik, 2003), and “the appellation of art dealer tends to be self-selected” (shubik, 2003, p. 194). in table 4, we can actually see that the proportion of interviewees who graduated in arts is the same as those who graduated in business and economics. thus, it seems that the “quasi-necessary” condition to become an art entrepreneur of type a1 and a2 is to have a previous life experience or personal connection to the art world, but not necessarily to graduate in an arts field. among our interviewees, almost all of them have at least one of the following links with the art world: close relationships (friends, relatives, or partners); have collected art before; or have had previous professional experience in the field (framer, critic, artist or gallery employee). furthermore, similarity to the results found by shubik & shubik (1992) reinforce ours. the next issue concerning the organizing theme 1.1 is the pleasure that gallerists draw from their jobs, which motivates them to become a gallerist and to remain in the profession. unlike an entrepreneur that seeks an industry that maximizes profit, a gallerist gains utility from other means than just monetary rewards. as velthuis stated, “even when their enterprise fails to make money by them, a partner’s income, pre-existing wealth or side jobs may allow art dealers to continue their business longer than would be the case with loss-leading firms in other markets” (velthuis, 2011b, p. 28). he also points out that some dealers treat their job more as a hobby or a “social pastime than as a rational means of making a living” (2011b, p. 28). additionally, plattner (1996) questions whether the dealers must be a priori wealthy in order to sustain their art gallery business. although some gallerists need to earn money for subsistence, the point is that the accumulation of capital may not be the main driving force in this business. instead, some of them would rather refer to their occupation as a “passion” driven by their taste for art. many of our respondents reportedly see the sale of an artwork as a celebration, stating that they do not treat their activity as a job obligation but rather as a form of leisure. the joy that gallerists feel from selling art is, according to them, derived from the amusing contact with artists and from the honor and recognition that come along with being an “insider” of the art world. table 4 exemplifies and reinforces the point that the financial return is of lesser importance for some art dealers, which is in accord with the extant literature on art entrepreneurship. table 4. in which fields did the gallery owners/administrators obtain their university degree? answers frequency arts 6 business/economics 6 none. just experience in the field 4 arts and business/economics 3 other 3 did not answer 4 macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 16 table 5. what is greatest return [from running an art gallery]? answers frequency pleasure 10 financial returns 5 other * 7 did not answer 8 * within "other" there were answers such as "a good and reliable team of employees"; "status"; "good clientele"; "media attention"; "promotion of new ideas" and so on. some cultural economists argue over the reasons for the excess supply of artistic labor, trying to explain why artists pursue such risky, unstable and, tough careers. menger (2006) defends the idea that some jobs may offer non-monetary rewards in addition to the monetary ones. what we propose is that this “pleasure payback” applies not only to artists but also to art gallerists. the next organizing theme 1.2, in short, brings to the fore the importance of trust among artists, clients, and dealers, an issue discussed by velthuis (2005), bianchi (2015) and santagata (1995). it covers matters such as the exclusivity agreements, distrust conflicts, intimate relationships, and artworks’ authenticity. since a high level of information asymmetry characterizes the art world, the abusive use of privileged information is an omnipresent hazard for uninformed agents. in our interviews it was very common to hear gallerists talking about the necessity of trust among one another and with the artists they represent. they have often complained about the artists’ reluctance to trust the gallery with respect to three issues: (1) the real price at which gallery was selling the artworks, which could be higher than the reported price used to calculate the artist’s ~50% share of the value; (2) the disrespect of the exclusivity agreement; and (3) the artists’ view of the galleries as “necessary enemies” rather than as important partners that create value on promoting their artwork. furthermore, some of our interviewees had straightforward strategies for creating intimate relationships with customers. they said, “we have no clients, but friends […] we are going to build a space to receive our friends so that we can meet again and so that they can bring their own friends to know the gallery and get closer to art. it’s a strategy.” from another point of view, this is rather a peculiarity of a “gift economy” – which is detached from conventional market logics – where the agents exchange conversation and build long-term relationships based on trust and friendship (velthuis, 2005). besides trustworthiness, reputation is also crucial for the relationships within the art market, as we can see in the organizing theme 1.3. specialized knowledge about art, endorsed by reputation, is a key “symbolic capital” for the art market entrepreneurs and experts. since they deal with very subjective qualities, i.e. values and judgments, it is hard to prove one’s qualifications to perform in these professions. thus, it is necessary to build a reputation over time to establish trust in an expert’s judgments. as one dealer states: “to attract clients, it is important to have word of mouth about quality, name, and recognition. a good service and its results are long-term, rational, slow, but assured investments.” whilst some of the dealers directly referred to the importance of having a good reputation, others indirectly assumed to invest in reputation by attending important art fairs, organizing good exhibitions, hiring esteemed critics, and so on. finally, the organizing theme 1.4 states that demand is associated to many subjective elements that are not scarcity problems as defined by mainstream economics. first, reducing prices is negative and doing that could hinder an artist’s reputation and “burn” him in the market. (many gallerists interviewed used the portuguese word queimar (meaning “to burn”) to refer to the effect of an action that marks negatively on artists’ reputation.) second, the importance to the opening macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 17 of inhotim, an outdoor art museum near belo horizonte, to create a taste for contemporary art on the local people was remarked upon by dealers. as we can see in table 6, many gallerists reported an increase on the publics’ interest, and they often related it to the opening of inhotim. third, a recurrent issue mentioned among the respondents was the importance of creating and showing the value of an artwork for the customers, which involves describing the career of its creator, the material, the historical and artistic context. in moulin’s (2007) words, their role is to fabricate the demand. lastly, when asked about selling on the internet, most dealers were welcoming of the advent of internet in the art world. however, they all showed some concerns over this unsolvable “need for physical contact,” which is, according to them, necessary to assess the subjective value and capture the complexity of an artwork. table 6. do you agree that the publics’ interest for the arts have increased? * answers frequency agree 17 disagree 2 do not know 1 did not answer 6 *the results of the latitude (2014) report, which indicate such increase in são paulo and rio de janeiro, were shown to the interviewees. the second thematic network (figure 3). the second thematic network, global theme 2, consolidates some problems of the local art market and tries to explain them through the entrepreneurs’ reasoning. the following arguments concern a specific local market. however, it is indeed expected that they shed some light over general problems that exist in other art markets as well. the local art entrepreneurs very often complain about having difficulties in generating business, prospect visits, and selling artworks. this could be due to an alleged structural backwardness of the local art market. in our interviews, it was very common to find such claims; table 6 summarizes their answers. it is also noteworthy that the dealers were inclined to make comparisons with são paulo, and sometimes rio de janeiro, as a way of showing the relative backwardness of the local market. plattner (1996) perceived the same issue in his remarkable study of the st. louis (us) art market. according to him, this hierarchy bothers the agents of the “down home” small market, since they are condemned to be “[…] forever ‘not in new york’” (plattner, 1996, p. 77) regarding the financial challenges galleries face, the most common explanation provided by gallerists is the weak demand in belo horizonte. dealers often blamed the ‘culture’ and the provincialism of the local people; or, sometimes absence of knowledge or shyness prevent them from visiting an art gallery. there were also complaints about the provinciality of some of the local collectors, which would lead them to seek status by making purchases outside of belo horizonte (e.g. in são paulo), even paying more for the same artwork. other gallerists also declared that buying art just for decorative or status motives – or just not enjoying art at all – are also harmful local customs. some gallery entrepreneurs complain about the excess of bargaining, or, in other words, the reluctance of buyers to spend large amounts of money in art, in comparison with other luxury goods – such as fancy clothes. macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 18 all these customs lead to the scarcity of serious collectors in comparison with other cities in and outside brazil. figure 3. the second thematic network. macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 19 organizing theme 2.2 states, “the gallerists tend to avoid risks and thus preclude innovation efforts and investments,” is an important characteristic of belo horizonte’s art market. from the point of view of innovation, the galleries act as its promoters, since one of their roles is the discovering of new artists and the creation of a market for them (moulin, 2002; santagata, 1995). within this organizing theme there are 4 basic themes that deal, in brief, with the following subjects: consignment; reluctance to accept the candidatures of emerging or unknown artists; and low levels of investments in the exclusivity/brokering relations. consignment, the predominant practice among art gallery entrepreneurs, is a way to reduce risk by eschewing capital commitment and transferring the risks of not selling to the artists. dealers usually have their own collections of more or less established artists, which they can use as an inventory for future sales. however, buying young artists’ artworks can also be seen as an investment. if an art gallery intends to promote an artist’s career, the success of this endeavor is ultimately the appreciation of this artist’s works. thus, the dealer can buy the early production of an artist at lower prices. then, after the whole process of creating a stable demand for the artist, the dealer can sell the products at higher prices and hence, make profits. this practice – common among “explorer galleries” (santagata, 1995) – is also a way of supporting the young artists in the early years of their careers. as we can see in table 8, most of belo horizonte’s galleries do not take the risk of such investments. table 8. do you consign or do you buy the artists’ works? answers frequency consignment 13 consignment and purchase 5 purchase 2 other 3 did not answer 3 art galleries’ innovation efforts can be undermined by the necessity of diminishing risks because, like in many other industries, such efforts require risky capital investment. due to the aforementioned deficiencies of the local market, which reinforce the needs for diminishing risks, it seems to be too difficult for the local galleries to focus on innovation. evidence of this is seen in how the local galleries deal with artists whose reputations are not yet solidified. the reluctance to prospect new artists leads the gatekeeping (bystryn, 1978) activity of the galleries to be much more restrictive in belo horizonte than elsewhere. table 7. what is the greatest difficulty in running an art gallery? answers frequency low sales or financial problems 7 getting good art or artists 3 taxes 3 having a good team of employees 2 other 3 did not answer 3 macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 20 another notable risk-evading practice that we found in the local market is the diversification of activities that we found in some galleries – especially those in types a1 and a3, the ones we called “retail galleries” and “alternative galleries.” one dealer in a gallery that also operates as a frame shop said: “it’s tough to run a gallery in belo horizonte; one should not depend on it as his [or her] only business.” it is also usual to see artists diversifying their work time in order to reduce their personal risks, which are inherent to their profession (menger, 2006). they do that principally as teachers or by undertaking other part-time jobs. menger (2006) calls artists “bayesian actors” in the sense that artists act rationally but face a high degree of uncertainty and information asymmetries. instead of being rational fools (sen, 1976), risk lovers or just working for love (freidson, 1990), they would rather act rationally with the information available and conscious of the risks involved (menger, 2006). in short, artists may diversify their working time in order to equalize the necessity for income with their desire of making art (referring to the ‘equalizing differences’ thesis from rosen, 1986). thus, it is interesting to see that this applies not only to the artists, but also to some art galleries (especially type a1 and a3 galleries). the side-activities that appeared in our interviews are diverse, with some gallerists working as artists, auctioneers, framers, bar-owners, and selling other products besides art, ranging from souvenirs to antiquities. also, some gallerists are retired from a previous profession, such as businessman, framer, critic, and so on. furthermore, we emphasize the distinct practices we observed in alternative galleries, which offered parallel products (t-shirts, various objects, prints, etc.) and services (painting commercial establishments, live painting during events) from the artists working with them. organizing theme 2.3 suggests that in comparison with the standard patterns of the international art market (including são paulo’s), belo horizonte’s is still “incomplete” or in its earlyor mid-development stage. thus, each of the basic themes in this section covers one of the “missing elements” of a more mature market. notice that the very existence of contemporary art galleries (type a2) – which deviates roughly from a mere “place that sells paintings” – is a feature of this international art market model. although we are not suggesting that this is an artificial model or that there may be alternatives to it, it is important to have in mind that this kind of market was exported to brazil by international agents, who virtually created an art market and its institutions in the country, mirroring their experiences abroad (brandellero, 2015). indeed, conflicts and misunderstandings between agents are not an exception in the art world, since many authors have already discussed problems of moral hazard and the necessity for confidence in art market relationships (e.g., shubik & shubik, 1992; velthuis, 2005; plattner, 1996). however, we note that the conflicts exacerbate the specific problems of incipient art markets. if agents face a higher pressure on their budgets due to the structural fragility of the market, it may be too demanding to follow “best practices,” since they are costly and require a high degree of risk-taking. for example, “art fairs are expensive, visibility is expensive,” in the words of one entrepreneur. our data indicated that financial problems and the need for cash flow make the relationships less “professional” and make the agreements more subject to moral hazards from the part of both artists and gallerists. it is noteworthy that, again, we have observed comparisons with são paulo, in the sense that the interviewees considered são paulo the professional market and belo horizonte the amateur one. on the other hand, the conflicts with customers are considered natural, and related to the dissatisfaction, on the part of gallerists, with some buyer’s habits and resistance to understanding the value of an artwork (see organizing theme 2.1). however, buyers can be even more problematic if a collector goes directly to an artist’s studio in order to contour the commission and spend less money. as an entrepreneur states, “[there are conflicts] such as if a client sees an macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 21 artwork in the gallery and then goes to the studio to buy it, there is no respect for the representation.” returning to conflicts with artists, many entrepreneurs complained about the artists’ nonrecognition of the high expenses that they have to carry in order to promote their career, such as art fairs, exhibitions, critics, invites, vernissages, etc. if an artist does not understand the role of a dealer and its presumed importance, it creates a discomfort in the relationship between them. “many artists tend to see the gallery as a ‘necessary enemy’ because of the commission.” we have also seen that some gallerists blame the local artists for these problems, alleging a lack of professionalism, since some of them compete with the galleries by selling directly through their studios. concluding, the exclusivity agreements and the substantial investments expected from brokering the artist are probably associated with the observed conflicts and “market failures.” indeed, it is not possible to suggest that these problems are a particularity of belo horizonte’s market or of equivalent peripheral markets, since the literature often mentions the same problems for central markets. that is, these conflicts seem to be inherent to trust relationships, which are common in every art market. however, the situation of the agents of this local market seems to be more problematic in comparison to more developed markets, where a better environment may be the consequence of a more active demand and fewer financial problems. conclusion this is a case study of a specific entity (the art market) of a certain place (belo horizonte). in contrast to evidence based on statistical significance, our paper offers to the literature a close example of how some of these theories happen in practice and how the agents deal with them in real life. both the thematic network analysis and the typology show that the innovation environment for art galleries in belo horizonte is still incipient, few galleries exhibit the entrepreneurial behaviors of taking risks, creating new opportunities for art, and launching innovations into the market. few gallerists allow themselves to partner with new artists or to sell contemporary art, which can be considered quite conservative for an art market, a typically innovation-intensive sector. however, the analysis also showed us that belo horizonte’s art market and art galleries present some interesting characteristics and attitudes. many of these features are already covered by the literature, and turn out to be evidence for some existing theories. for example, we showed what gallerists think about their own activity and how they claim to derive pleasure from it, rather than from ordinary pecuniary compensations. this is a relevant difference from ordinary entrepreneurship, and is in accord with some texts that discuss “arts entrepreneurship” (e.g., taylor et al, 2015; preece, 2011) and cultural economics (e.g., menger, 2006; rosen, 1986; sen, 1977; freidson, 1990). what can be called the “pleasure payback” is associated with some theories about artists’ incentives to keep working. this “pleasure payback” is seen by some cultural economists as evidence of how artists derive utility from their jobs – and, as we suggest, this applies to art entrepreneurs (especially gallerists), as well. in other words, it explains how they benefit from their jobs when the financial return is not enough. this idea serves to explain how the art market survives despite all the reported uncertainties, turbulences and risks. we also confirmed the existence of important social networks and long-term relationships among the local art market agents. together with confidence and reputation, these remarkable features of the art market are consequences of the nature of artworks as tradable goods. as we have seen, the nature of the artwork creates a market after its own image: uncertainty, risk, macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 22 innovation, subjective appraisals, confidence, symbolic values, and so on, are all crucial elements that mold agents’ attitudes. further research to reinforce and help understand these specific mechanisms operating in art markets is welcome and suggested. in addition to the thematic networks, we also designed a typology of the local art galleries. most importantly, when analyzed together, the results of these two outputs showed us what is probably our most important result: innovation can be undermined by the necessity of diminishing risks because, like many other industries, art requires a risky and costly capital investment. due to the alleged structural backwardness of the local market (especially demand), which reinforces the needs for diminishing risks, it seems to be too difficult for the local galleries to focus on innovation and to have an entrepreneurial risk-taking behavior. one evidence of this is in how the local galleries deal with artists whose reputations are still not solid. except for gallery types b and a3 (the smallest), very few gallerists assumed to be open to or to prefer emerging artists, and virtually none of the type a1 (retail galleries), which is the largest group. furthermore, the dealers pointed out other means for artists to enter the market for the first time. before being chosen by an art gallery, it was recommended that the artists already have an institutionally-based reputation – especially through exhibitions in type b galleries, earning prizes, and exposure in art salons. accordingly, the explorer role of avant-garde galleries seems to be lacking and delegated to the scarce type b and a3 galleries. the reluctance to prospect new artists leads the gatekeeping activity of the galleries (bystryn, 1978) to be much more restrictive in belo horizonte than elsewhere (in the sense that the gatekeeper is rigorous and lets just a few artists enter the market). one of the more relevant characteristics of an artistic good is innovation; thus, the alleged weakness of the innovation efforts in the belo horizonte art market may be its most troubling failure. although some of the contemporary art galleries (i.e. type a2) promote innovation, it is the galleries from type b and a3 that take most of the responsibility to discover new talent. since type b galleries are not profit-driven, they are more out than in the market. they would rather act as cultural development agents, given that in belo horizonte it is necessary for an outsider to fill up the “explorer” gap left by most of the commercial galleries. this gap was not created intentionally, however, but was rather a necessary condition for the survival of the businesses. as we have shown, given the local market conditions, some galleries cannot afford to invest themselves in such costly innovation investments. this is another evidence of the lack of entrepreneurial activity – that is, the absence of a “creation of opportunities” behavior. given the local market’s challenges, galleries type a1 and a2 do not undertake entrepreneurial behavior in order to create new opportunities to increase public contact with art. instead, they would rather limit their risks and preserve the status quo. although belo horizonte’s art market has many contemporary art galleries and although innovative types b and a3 galleries exist, the level of innovation seems to remain low and the local market is still considered incipient and provincial. the fact that most of the commercial art galleries mentioned the institutional ones as the major means of introducing new artists into the market indicates that there are agents whose role is to supplement a function that the market cannot cover alone, more specifically, the function of promoting and intermediating the contact between new artists and the public. both networks are hypotheses about how reality may work and differ from theory. we consider that one of the most important features of artwork is its innovative status, and we have shown how innovation can be inhibited by the specificities of a local market. for the art market, innovation is comprised of what is produced by new, unknown, or young artists whose capacities are still not tested or whose success is still not granted. as stated earlier, the first motivation for macedo rubião art entreprneurs in a peripheral market ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 7 (2) 23 this research was to discover the opportunities that the local art market had to offer for the young artists graduating from ufgm’s art school. in other words, we wanted to know how they could start their careers there, or how they could innovate there. the implications of our findings are especially relevant regarding this issue, making evident that most young artists may not be able to sell their work in belo horizonte. since they are “innovations,” they will find resistance from local dealers and buyers if they do not build a reputation beforehand. hence, the main implication is that there is a problem for these new artists in this market. in spite of this problem, we could also see that this same market is providing some seminal but interesting solutions, that is, the alternative and institutional galleries (type b and a3), which, however, still need much more dissemination and support. as brandellero (2015) states, “[p]ublic funds for the arts remain very limited” in brazil, and we must emphasize the importance of public funding for the arts, especially for those more vulnerable artists: the young and the unknown. we also found that disruptive contemporary art institutions like inhotim are crucial for the development of taste and for enhancing people’s contact with innovative art. since sound demand is fundamental for the development of a strong art scene, this kind of enterprise must also be encouraged. references agnello, r. j., & pierce, r. k. 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(2017). analyzing entrepreneurship in the us arts sector: identifying arts entrepreneurs’ demographics and shared characteristics. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 6(1). microsoft word 147-article text-578-2-11-20210414.docx vol. 10, no. 1 spring 2021 book review the entrepreneurial artist: lessons from highly successful creatives by aaron dworkin jessica voigt baylor university abstract: jessica voigt reviews aaron dworkin’s book the entrepreneurial artist: lessons from highly successful creatives published in 2019 by rowman & littlefield publishers. doi: 10.34053/artivate.10.1.147 aaron dworkin’s the entrepreneurial artist shares case studies of thirteen (fourteen if you include dworkin himself) artists who propelled their work to incredible heights. aptly subtitled “lessons from highly successful creatives,” this book serves as an enjoyable, elegantly written collection of stories, designed to inform and inspire its readers. in his introduction, dworkin shares the history around the formation of his renowned sphinx organization. from the outset, sphinx has existed to “motivate young musicians of color” (p. xii), evolving over the last twenty-four years from its origins as an annual concerto competition to become “the social justice organization dedicated to transforming lives through the power of diversity in the arts” (sphinx website). sphinx now sits as one of the world’s leading organizations on diversity and inclusion within the arts, having reached “more than , students and artists as well as live and broadcast audiences of more than two million annually.”1 through his own tale of determination, risk, and reward, dworkin sets the tone for a book 1 “about the sphinx organization.” sphinx, https://www.sphinxmusic.org/our-history/. accessed  february . artivate 10.1 2 that not only speaks of the steps an artist must take to reach their own goals but also lets readers peek behind the curtain. by sharing his remarkable journey at the very opening of the entrepreneurial artist, dworkin immediately demonstrates that the addition of entrepreneurship to the arts is not only valuable but serves to elevate an artist’s work and mission on a massive scale. in one illuminating example, dworkin— speaking of his early fundraising efforts—shares that he “would spend late nights at the computer lab” (p. xiii) in order to print and send fundraising requests. demonstrating his relentless passion to “make a difference no matter what” (p. xiii), dworkin’s bootstrapping, entrepreneurial spirit and his determination to “build [his] own network of fund-raisers” (p. xiii) resulted in a major contribution of ten thousand dollars to the sphinx competition.” to further evaluate the idea that applying entrepreneurial thinking to the arts can be beneficial and answer the question of what truly separates dreamers from doers, the entrepreneurial artist then offers thirteen truly fascinating and inspiring stories of artists who, in dworkin’s opinion, “exemplify the term creative entrepreneur” (p. xix). he identifies that all of these artists are “exceptional at three specific things: ideation, organization and communication” (p. xix), and further, that they are some of his own heroes. the artists featured, eleven of whom dworkin interviewed personally, include: jeff daniels, bill t. jones, lin-manuel miranda, rachel barton pine, damien sneed, lee greenwood, marin alsop, damon gupton, chip davis, midori, wynton marsalis, william shakespeare, and wolfgang amadeus mozart. quite often, when we think of the artists we admire, we have a vision of that person at their pinnacle. we see them through a lens showcasing their achievements, their highest accolades and all of their greatest successes. while an inspiring vision, if we only seek to view artists in those moments, we fail to see the twists and turns, the unexpected challenges, and the creative problem solving that they have faced in pursuit of their success: the entrepreneurial side of the artist. these steps along the journey are often the most valuable lessons we can glean from an artist’s story, and it is in this realm that the entrepreneurial artist truly shines. serving as both historian and arts-entrepreneurship scholar, dworkin masterfully tells the stories of each artivate 10.1 3 featured artist’s rise—highlighting moments in time in which an individual has used a new skill or overcame a new obstacle—which provides the reader the opportunity to understand how and why they became who we see today. not only does dworkin share remarkable stories of remarkable artists, he cultivates deep understanding for the ways in which each individual has created their own success. in the leading segment of each chapter, dworkin contextualizes each artist’s life, their trials and tribulations, their successes and failures. he then supplements this material with a short segment of “artist-entrepreneur takeaways” at the chapter’s conclusion. this segment serves as a scholarly guide to further highlight entrepreneurial components that each of the featured artists developed and harnessed in their careers long before they knew who they would become: valuable insight for many young artist-entrepreneurs who may be in the early stages of their own careers. one example of this insight is found in the chapter on lin-manuel miranda. dworkin turns the reader’s focus to identifying the ways miranda applied intentional ideation to his work in the heights by being “actively open to feedback” (p. ) and applying “discipline and rigor” (p. ) to the development of his ideas. through this discussion around miranda’s approach to his work on in the heights, readers are able to identify how he embraced entrepreneurship in his artistic creation (ideation), to generate his own incredible successes. in increasing numbers, artists are being taught to be entrepreneurial in their approach to their work. this is of course a wonderful thing, and the entrepreneurial artist can serve as a fantastic companion to supplement such training. through its encouraging case stories and clearly outlined artist-entrepreneur takeaways—which include, among other skills, trusting oneself, being “relentless in your passion” (p. ), developing determination, grit, and risk tolerance—an artist can find a plethora of examples of how to apply their training to cultivate success. the entrepreneurial artist is no doubt a valuable addition to the library of any artist seeking to pursue their own unique career. sharing stories of failure and of overcoming obstacles through grit and relentlessness, alongside victories and joys, the entrepreneurial artist not only asks “what truly separates dreamers from doers?” (p. xix), it guides readers toward some truly inspiring answers. the reader leaves knowing that success comes from a myriad of places, and that embracing entrepreneurship as artists can serve us in ways we can hardly even imagine. microsoft word 135-article text-572-1-11-20210409.docx vol. 10, no. 1 spring 2021 refining understandings of entrepreneurial artists valuing the creative incorporation of business and entrepreneurship into artistic practice megan robinson vanderbilt university jennifer novak-leonard university of illinois at urbana-champaign abstract: there is a disconnect between artists’ applications of entrepreneurial behavior in their practice and evaluations of artists as productive members of community. informed by interviews with nashville-based artists, this study investigates how artists understand their creativity, artistic practice, and approaches to entrepreneurship in the context of an artistically oriented community. the results demonstrate that artists engage in entrepreneurial behavior by deploying creativity in multiple domains, including art, business, and the social, with their skills in each being important in preserving the motives of their artistic practice. the findings highlight artists as multifaceted creatives capable of transforming their practices through entrepreneurial pursuits. keywords: entrepreneurial artists, arts entrepreneurship, domains of creativity, the business of art, artists in community. doi: 10.34053/artivate.10.1.135 introduction creativity and innovation are valuable assets for the development of communities, cities, and economies (borén & young, ; florida, ; jackson, ). though the concept of the city as a creative hub is not new to this decade, the full extent of the role of creativity in development processes is still being explored (krätke, ). psychological research has determined that creativity is not limited to the arts and is instead multifaceted (james & asmus, ). while creativity is no longer predicated on the idea of the “creative genius” or thought to be limited only artivate 10.1 2 to arts and culture, discourse around the most likely candidates to inject creativity into community development remains centered around artists. contemporary community-development practices often fix the role of placemaker on local artists, with guidelines for best practices in creative placemaking—the process of developing communities around arts and cultural activities—highlighting the importance of artist-led projects (markusen & gadwa, ; nicodemus, ). however, there is limited knowledge about how artists—especially artists engaged in arts entrepreneurship—understand their role, influence, and potential to expand their practices in their communities. placemaking, like creative city development, is a collaborative process predicated on hierarchical distributions of power, where the perceptions and interests of the institutional regime and other elites ultimately dictate the direction development projects will take (carr, ). while artists may be recruited or invited to lead community development initiatives, they are often only one actor working in collaboration with several other partners, including the community, local government, and various funding-support organizations. these arrangements may compromise the environmental stimulants, including agentic freedom, cooperation, and recognition, that factor into the ability of artists to exercise both their creativity and their entrepreneurship (amabile, ). the present study is an inquiry into artists’ applications of entrepreneurship within the contexts of independent, professional art practice, in order to better understand how businessminded artists or artists who have perceived a need for business skills deploy entrepreneurial behavior to impact their creative output. using community as a lens, we investigate the role of environmental and structural constraints in influencing the entrepreneurial decision-making of artists, where artists are defined as those working primarily in self-employed, small-business, or nonprofit capacities. where extant literature has focused on the self-actualization of communities through art (vazquez, ), this study examines how artists self-actualize their place in community through the vehicle of entrepreneurial training and arts entrepreneurship. we argue that there is a disconnect between artists’ applications of entrepreneurial behavior in their practice and evaluations of artists as productive members of their communities. in refining the definition of the entrepreneurial artist, we seek to reframe considerations of how artists, as multifaceted creatives, use entrepreneurialism to advance their practices and career trajectories. in doing so, our work seeks to interpret the decision-making logics of entrepreneurial pursuits that fall within two intersections noted in the taxonomy of arts entrepreneurship introduced by beckman and essig (): habits of mind and practice, and venture creation and practice. perspectives of entrepreneurship in and around artists arts entrepreneurship contemporary understandings of artistic process—specifically, how artists incorporate or perform entrepreneurship in their professional practice—have shifted to reflect new parameters of workforce participation and success in a cultural industry characterized by a nontraditional artivate 10.1 3 work structure. where entrepreneurialism was once defined as the undertaking of business activity in the face of uncertainty, contemporary definitions have expanded to include characteristics such as the ability to recombine disparate skills to navigate change and challenges (chang & wyszomirski, ; scherdin & zander, ; white, ). entrepreneurial behavior is an expectation for freelance workers and other individuals embedded in cultural industry (lingo & tepper, ; win, ). expectations of an artist’s ability to perform entrepreneurship necessitates new ventures into entrepreneurial training or skill development. arts entrepreneurship, specifically, has been defined as a process through which artists convert various means, such as resources and skills, to desirable ends (chang & wyszomirski, ; essig, ). a key differential of arts entrepreneurship from entrepreneurship in other sectors is the diversity of reasons that motivate its pursuit. motivations behind arts entrepreneurship may include the desire to profit off of talent or skill, to maintain creative control over the artistic process, to address perceived deficits in the cultural fabric of a community, or to involve community members in the creative process (essig, ; phillips, ). arts entrepreneurship may also be motivated by occupational or social precarity, causing artists to critically evaluate their location, their peers, and their own actions as resources towards stability and success (cornfield, ). training an entrepreneurial artist the practice of art is frequently associated with and characterized by precarity; a structurally determined condition that encourages the implementation of entrepreneurship as a means of helping artists navigate challenges associated with the business of artmaking for professionalpersonal or community-based practice. programs designed to train artists in the business of art and arts entrepreneurship strive to enable artists to self-intervene in “overcoming common challenges and historical barriers to the production, distribution, exhibition and preservation of art” (white, ). unlike training in non-arts entrepreneurship, which seeks to help participants transform business ideas into actionable ventures, arts entrepreneurship is pedagogically framed as a means of generating or supporting projects that sustain an artist’s practice and creativity. pedagogy on training artists to exercise their entrepreneurial capacity commonly accommodates what arts professionals consider to be the primary driver of arts entrepreneurship: the artist’s innate ability and willingness to engage with creative thinking and practices (pollard & wilson, ). entrepreneurial training programs developed for artists outside of the school context emphasize the importance of developing traditional business skills such as business planning, creating a marketing strategy, financial management, network building, and legal competency. examples of such programs include the arts & business council of greater nashville’s program periscope: artist entrepreneur training, the artist entrepreneur lab designed by catherine orer, the artist as an entrepreneur institute by artserve, and the center for cultural innovation’s series the business of art: entrepreneurial training for artists. training in arts entrepreneurship has been framed by several of these programs, including periscope, the lab, and artivate 10.1 4 the artist as an entrepreneur institute, as a fundamental piece of an artist’s considerable skillset, joining with artistic skill and creativity to transform practices, shift mindsets, and help artists make a living with their art. training programs and traditional classroom experiences in arts entrepreneurship emphasize an “arts entrepreneurial mindset” that is strongly aligned with elements of traditional business acumen: the ability to collaborate, possession of highly developed communication skills, and the ability to think strategically and analytically about one’s own creativity and creative products (pollard & wilson, , p. ). conceptualizing practices of arts entrepreneurship while the volume of literature on entrepreneurial training and skill provision for artists has been expanding, less is known about the ways in which artists actively perform and engage with entrepreneurship in their professional practices, or how artists creatively adopt or adapt entrepreneurial behavior to suit motivations unique to their personal careers. research into the translation of entrepreneurial mindsets into appropriate applications of hard and soft skills in the context of a professional arts practice aligns with the argument that “all members of an artworld utilize entrepreneurial thinking to guide diverse forms of entrepreneurial actions (or behavior)” (white, , p. ). artists have been framed as “bohemian entrepreneurs,” a conceptualization of artists that emphasizes individual performance, devotion to work, and freedom of production within the “entrepreneurial practice of risk taking, allocation of individual creative resources and self-marketing” (eikhof & haunschild, , p. ). as bohemian entrepreneurs, artists use their creativity to help them preserve the pursuit of art for art’s sake, without being made to feel as though they have mined their creativity in the interest of satisfying markets or clientele (eikhof & haunschild, ). the concept and practice of bohemian entrepreneurship neatly encapsulates three of the four primary motivations for engaging with arts entrepreneurship identified by toscher, dahle, and steinert (). these three motivations—to give, give something to society; to make, make a product independent of its reward; and to live, to provide one’s self with a good life—bring the character and practice of bohemian entrepreneurship into alignment with the description of professional artists presented by vazquez (, p. ): they demand the same things as all other businesses—ready access to consumers, suppliers and resources; a healthy, affordable climate for developing their goods and services; and connections to a supportive community of peers, other businesspeople and leaders. regardless of motivation, artists require tools and support, just like any other business venturers. still, the effectuating entrepreneur adopts a more intrinsic approach by using their skills to self-initiate entrepreneurial activity. where a traditional business may initiate with a process of tool-seeking, an effectuative entrepreneur in the arts may first engage in the identification and pursuit of opportunity, encouraged by their ability to create opportunity in the seeming absence artivate 10.1 5 of it (sarasvathy, ). in contrast to vazquez’s () conceptualization of professional artists, which celebrates the artist’s role in the business of art by recognizing that artist demands align with the conditional requirements of any business venture, effectuating approaches to arts entrepreneurship account for the artist’s above average creativity across multiple domains, including the arts, business and entrepreneurial pursuits, and civic and community engagement. the study and identification of arts entrepreneurship as an element of artistic practice partially depends on recognition of the ways in which individual artists engage in processes of selfmanagement and self-actualization while producing art (beckman & essig, ). as entrepreneurs, professional artists must reconcile their entrepreneurial identity with their artistic one by accepting that their creativity and skill in the production of art is intimately tied to feelings of satisfaction or fulfillment as an artist, as well as to professional and financial success (bass, milosevic, & eesley, ). the concept of the “artist-producer . . . an individual who makes her work and cultivates the conditions to bring her work to anticipated markets” (bonin-rodriguez, , p. ), synthesizes components of bohemian and effectuating entrepreneurship. it encapsulates a freedom of production in the organizational sense by asserting that artists have the capacity to outsource jobs as needed through their identity as producer hyphenates. at the same time, it recognizes that artists are often required to create their own opportunities. the possibilities of arts entrepreneurship, when executed within the specific context of a community or local practice, are amplified by the same decision-making process that characterizes effectuative entrepreneurship. while many artists have proven themselves capable of adopting new forms of practice to suit institutionalized requirements, a different approach, one informed by artists’ perceptions of available means and circumstances, the possibilities or constraints associated with a project’s execution, and risk calculation, opens up new possibilities for entrepreneurial skill recognition and development (sarasvathy, ). as such, we seek to refine past definitions of the artist-entrepreneur—“individuals that achieve artistic and financial success by creating their own business of selling their artwork” (bass et al., , p. )—by arguing that entrepreneurship is a creative domain that enhances an artist’s creative identity and activities once unlocked. we assert that being an entrepreneurial artist is less an exercise in identity management, and more a practice of amplifying secondary skillsets with the goal of preserving intrinsic motivations important to the spirit of the artist’s practice. applying arts entrepreneurship to community contexts arts entrepreneurship is motivated by a wide range of goals and environmental or organizational conditions (sarasvathy, ; toscher et al., ). however, the breadth of reasons artists have for engaging in entrepreneurial behavior, and how those reasons may or may not align with public conceptualizations about art production or occupations in the arts, contributes to public misconceptions about the motivations of artists and arts entrepreneurship in the context of community. a recent study of public perceptions of artists in communities found that over  percent of adults in the united states who reported having interacted with artists within their local communities saw artists as bringing attention to community concerns or causes, with artivate 10.1 6 roughly  percent describing artists as both finding new ways to solve problems and representing or serving as a spokesperson for the people, respectively (novak-leonard & skaggs, , p. ). these findings suggest that community members value artists for the same reasons that artists are considered irreplaceable partners in targeted community development initiatives. even so, when asked to provide a primary description of the artists they interacted with, the most common response given by survey respondents was that artists seek to earn money—a response that diminishes the contributions of artists to community by discounting the financial costs associated with the production of their work and value of their skillsets and labor (novakleonard & skaggs, ). the normalization of artists as “social entrepreneurs” who “revitalize cities not only through their bottom line but also through their social role” (stern & seifert, , p. ) is a potentially harmful reduction of the complex, entrepreneurial decision making that occurs when artists who are invested in community by virtue of being members of it integrate elements of community into their practice, whether to use their art as a tool for community development, or to use the community as a tool to amplify their art. the philosophy of art for art’s sake, which originated as an attempt to “insulate art from the demands that it be useful” (mccarthy, ondaatje, zakaras, & brooks, , p. ) is directly opposed to the demands placed on creative products either produced within or that have been influenced by the context of community. it also contradicts an important, perhaps secondary, function of art: its capacity to maintain, through its sale, an artist’s ability to sustain their life and their practice (scott & bruce, ). it is possible that the present conditions of contemporary artworlds necessitates that artists become increasingly comfortable with negotiating the creative use of entrepreneurial skills as a means of protecting themselves and their work from becoming defrauded by environmental conditions outside of their control. however, many independent arts practitioners operate without clear organizational structures, which limits their ability to attack (white, ) or change institutional circumstances, such as access to funds, that constrain or are counterintuitive to the goals of their artistic practice. though the value of art in community revitalization efforts has been increasingly recognized by government entities in recent years, the structure under which these efforts are carried out has raised questions about the ability of artists to successfully insert themselves into formalized community development processes, despite demonstrated interests in engaging in socially motivated work (jackson, ). artists made vulnerable by the conditions of their labor market but still desiring to produce large-scale works may find themselves overburdened by grant-funded projects like creative placemaking initiatives that require the use of their time, talent, and efforts, but misemploy their expertise during key moments of collaboration or negotiation between the artist and the institutional managers of grant funds (frenette, ). artivate 10.1 7 methodology the artists interviewed for this study are based in nashville, tennessee, which has a global reputation as the birthplace of country music and also provides context for capturing insights into artists’ approaches to their practice in response to steady, average growth as well as periods of rapid growth. neighborhood redevelopment and an influx of new residents have brought excitement and opportunity, as well as persistent challenges of affordability and preservation of place, to nashville. approximately eighty-four people moved to the area per day between july  and july  (reicher, ). the population of the nashville-davidson metropolitan statistical area (msa) was nearly two million in , comparable in size to the columbus and cleveland, ohio msas and the san jose msa in california (u.s. census bureau, ). nashville’s development trajectory has exerted a range of conditions upon the artists living and working in the city, and our respondents provide insight into how artists and their practices are affected by these changes. for example, artists in our study who are local to nashville or who have lived in nashville for many years cited concerns over the rising cost of living. artists newer to the nashville area recalled being drawn there by both the vibrant art scene and lower cost of living compared to art hubs such as new york, los angeles, or chicago. thus, the experiences of professional artists in nashville offer insights to the experiences of professional artists living across the country, be they in places of rapid growth or areas of relative stability. for its sample, this study looks at artists who participated in the arts & business council of greater nashville’s periscope: artist entrepreneur training program (periscope).1 periscope is a year-long professional development opportunity that provides eight weeks of intensive inclassroom training, one-on-one mentorship with a business mentor, and exposure opportunities—most notably through the culminating public event, the periscope pitch. the program was initiated in  and is ongoing. topics covered by periscope include learning to set achievable goals and project ideations, building and selling unique propositions using information gleaned from audience evaluations, framing concepts in a variety of contexts in order to maximize their potential, building marketing plans, understanding pricing strategies and developing long-term business plans, networking with audiences, investors, and other artists, and learning to pitch creative endeavors. periscope participants also benefit from opportunities to network and exchange ideas with peers in other disciplines. periscope cohorts range from nineteen to twentyfive participants in size, with the average cohort being twenty-one participants. program costs are subsidized by the arts & business council of greater nashville’s funders and program partners, with participants being responsible for two hundred and fifty dollars in attendance and material fees as of . scholarships to cover program fees are available. all past and thencurrent participants of the periscope program (n =  at time of study) were invited to participate in this study. periscope artists received an email from the arts & business council of greater nashville 1 more information about the periscope program can be found at the following link: https://abcnashville.org/periscope/ artivate 10.1 8 in mid-august of  introducing the study, followed by email correspondence and in-person communication with the research team at the arts & business council’s annual periscope pitch night event in september of . in total, thirty-seven periscope artists completed a preliminary online survey of creativity and personality indicators, as well as demographic information, for a . percent response rate. respondents received a twenty-dollar amazon voucher in compensation for their time. at the end of the survey, respondents were asked to indicate their willingness to participate in a one-hour, semi-structured interview. these interviews provided a closer look at how artists are shaping their careers and are the focus of this study. the nature of the periscope: artist entrepreneur training program uniquely enabled the study of artists post-receipt and in the process of utilizing their intensive entrepreneurial and business-driven training, thus enabling this study to build upon and contribute to existing literature on the practices and constraints of professional artists. in total, twenty-four semistructured interviews were conducted with artists who had completed the periscope program. interviews were conducted in nashville in semiprivate locations of the respondent’s choosing and were audio recorded with each subject’s written consent. interview and survey respondents practice a wide array of art forms, with some engaged in multiple forms. their practices span several genres of performance, visual, and craft art, including theater, painting, music, drawing or illustrating, pottery, d-making and sculpture, dance, poetry and spoken word, writing, photography, and film. a concerted effort was made to maximize the diversity of the interviewees based on demographic characteristics self-reported through the initial online survey. table  summarizes how study participants self-identified in terms of race and attained education; further details are not provided due to the limits of the sample size, in the interest of protecting participants’ identities. all were aged between twenty-four and sixty-four. interviews were conducted september through october of . interviews averaged . minutes in length, ranging from . to . minutes. interviewees were compensated for their time with a hundred-dollar visa gift card. transcribed interviews were initially coded in an open coding process, and then later coded line-by-line analytically in two separate rounds. thematic categories were added, refined, and discarded during the analytic coding process. table . summary of study participants’ demographic characteristics survey respondents (n=) interviewees (n=) race white  ()  () black  ()  () other race  (.)  (.) education graduate degree  (.)  (.) artivate 10.1 9 the semistructured interview guide is underpinned by three themes stemming from extant literature on conditions and relationships which motivate and effect arts entrepreneurship: ) relationship between practice and location, used to consider environmental conditions that may present as barriers, burdens, or benefits to an artist’s practice; ) relationship between self and other artists, used to investigate artists’ approaches to building and gaining connections to various types of networks; and ) relationship between self and success, intended to capture specific actions and reactions to self-perceived successes, failures, or setbacks. interviewees were also asked to define the entrepreneurial artist and explain the concept in their own words, for the purpose of helping us to develop a comprehensive understanding of how professional artists conceive of entrepreneurialism in their field. a cohesive definition of the entrepreneurial artist was constructed through an iterative coding process and refined over time, upon completion of the interviews. the complete semistructured interview guide is available upon request. creative approaches to arts entrepreneurship gaining knowledge around how artists conceive of the business of art was critical for prefacing our understanding of the relationship between artistic and entrepreneurial creativity. traditional business practices such as marketing, resource management, and product diversification are identifiable in the approaches taken by twenty-one out of twenty-four artists in our sample to building and sustaining their practice. defining the business of art, one respondent said: the business of art is invoicing, keeping track of your inventory, going through who owes you money, paying people, knowing how much you can pay someone before you have to give them a  [tax form]. social media, building a website, taking good images of the art that you’re making. learning, knowing how to apply for grants. grant cycles, when things are due. being really excellent at handling rejection. . . . and just being able to keep it all in perspective, in pursuit of a higher goal. despite listing the tasks associated with running her practice, this artist and others in our sample maintained that there is no singular business of art, just as there is no singular application of entrepreneurship to artistic practice. several artists pushed back against the complete intertwining of art with business, believing that profit motives—both in the interests of excess or just getting by—increase the potential of artists to compromise their artistic integrity and burden their art. at the same time, artists acknowledge that the pursuit of “art for art’s sake” is complicated by the reality of artmaking as an occupational choice, with the majority believing that art is feasible as a business if the intention remains grounded in the creative pursuit and meaning behind the work. artists utilize skills relevant to multiple domains of creativity, including art, business, and the social, to assist in their mobilization of entrepreneurial artistic endeavors. our findings suggest that artists identify and utilize approaches traditionally associated with entrepreneurship, with artists’ pursuits being limited only by the organizational deficits of the cultural industry artivate 10.1 10 and difficulty translating business-training pedagogy into actionable arts applications. interview participants relayed their ability to evaluate local arts markets for opportunities and recounted transforming their own practices to occupy market niches not just in products, but in sales strategies and pricing as well. after serving as an instructor for several community arts programs, one respondent noticed that the provided courses offered training only to an intermediate level, despite demand for advanced courses: nashville has an amazing number of community art programs but there’s not a lot of infrastructure or education to cater to them after they kind of hit the ceiling on those programs. which is one of my long-term goals. that building i said i bought, i bought to do that . . . i see that as being my next phase of investing in the nashville community. and also creating more sustainable business for me . . . do it in a really fair equitable way but the same prices as a community intro to pottery class. you know, have a new next level or a new place to go. this artist purchased a building where she intends to hold community classes for advanced students in order to meet a previously unfulfilled demand. in the interim, available rooms within the building are rented to other local artists as studio space, which defers the costs of ownership while simultaneously creating a new artist community and maximizing the potential of the building as a resource. our data suggest that the actions artists take to meet market demands for artistic products align with the actions one would take when seeking to expand their business. four primary means of business expansion emerged from our interviews. while the first two means, reframing mentality and creation of own opportunity, align with previous research and conceptualizations of arts entrepreneurship, the third and fourth, diversification and targeting, fall within the realm of traditional understandings of non-arts entrepreneurship. by reframing their mentality towards their practice and thinking of their art as more of an active business practice rather than as work that should, theoretically, be profitable, our respondents became more prone to seeking, being open to, or self-originating opportunities that might magnify their impact in the local artworld. seven respondents mentioned curating shows or performances as a means of highlighting their work in the context of other, similarly themed pieces, using curation as a means of growing their audience, building a more expansive market, and engendering goodwill between artist peers. one artist interviewee, a painter, described the thought process behind inviting other artists to join him in displaying work at what had originally been booked as a solo gallery show: two things were in play. they had—i’d met these artists, seen their work, and [was] just really enamored with the fact i get to work with them. . . . and so i thought, well, having my work up would be really cool, really gratifying, but i want other people to see their stuff too. and i think it would be a better, a really cool mix. it would be better than just me. the other aspect that was in play was i had already scheduled a solo show for the next month. and so i knew that making enough work to fill that space would have been a physical challenge that probably would have been beyond what i could have done. so i thought, well, two birds with one stone. artivate 10.1 11 this artist, like other interviewees in our sample, demonstrates that artists are multi-faceted creatives who engage in resource manipulation, marketing, sales, and workflow management to sustain their practices. in the case of the gallery show, the artist analyzed his resources and determined that he had insufficient time to make enough work for two solo gallery showings, which, along with his admiration for the work of peers in his network, motivated his decision to curate additional pieces for his show. another interviewee, a stage director, recalled coordinating a similarly rapid redistribution of resources after an injury prevented her from completing the staging and direction of her own show. she describes adapting to adversity and the actions which led to the creation of a new—now long-running—theater festival: we had a stage, it was booked, i knew that there were other women who had talent and things that they would like to share but they couldn’t afford to rent the theater, hire a lighting designer and—but we had all that. and so i sent out an email to a bunch of women that i knew, and we got like, fifty responses. and that year we did the first women’s work festival and we’ve been doing it ever since. . . . but it wasn’t like this opportunity just presented itself. i had to figure out what to do because we couldn’t do a show. stemming from the unforeseen circumstance of a sudden injury, this artist broadened the collective audience for her work by creating a new practice arm focused on curating and highlighting the works of her peers in addition to her own. under less-than-ideal circumstances, artmaking occurred and was multiplied as a direct result of the artist’s creativity in business and ability to recognize and create opportunity for others in the face of work-stopping injury. structural considerations and availability of resources presented other challenges for artists to creatively overcome. after losing access to production space and, consequently, the ability to engage in collaboration, a d-maker artist who specializes in glass blowing created a multipurposed initiative designed to take advantage of a public resource, sustain her creative spirit, and introduce local youth to the art of d-making: when i don’t have [large] studio access i don’t engage in those collaborations because it’s just, it’s not really possible. so. i can try to do things in other ways. i’m about to start hopefully launching a program through the library doing collaborations with their high school youth and their d-makers, d-printmaking space there. and we’ll print objects there and then we’ll come [to her smaller maker’s space] and i’ll teach them how to make molds and we’ll be doing some casting stuff here. so i’m really just kind of figuring out now how to get back into that space with what i have available to me here [in nashville]. teaching and diversifying approaches to artistic production were the only ways for this artist to continue any branch of her d-making practice upon losing access to the highly specialized production space required for her work. in the absence of affordable industrial space suited to the large scale of her productions, the artist utilized her entrepreneurial creativity to develop a practice more aligned to her circumstances: a teaching initiative that would grant both herself and her students access to a different tool and create new opportunities for making, artivate 10.1 12 demonstrating this artist’s entrepreneurial mentality around space, evaluation of resource availability, and diversification of practice. artist entrepreneurs in the context of community conceptualizing the role of art and of artists, specifically, in community was polarizing for our interviewees. when asked about the role of art and artists in community, the majority of our respondents focused on the intrinsic benefits of art rather than on specific, artist-led community projects or even artist capacities or desires to engage in community development initiatives. the sentiment of these respondents is encapsulated as: artists can help their communities to “process their own experiences as human beings,” with art as their medium for doing so. a fair number of artists in our sample cited concerns that prescribing roles to artists, be they real or imagined, puts an unfair burden and pressure on artistic creativity. one artist, a poet, expressed even further: with artists, don’t think there’s any prescribed role. and i would push really hard against there being any because once you define that or assign some sort of specific role, i think by nature artists should push against it. and i mean, if i can get anywhere near a role, i would say it’s to question, to change, and to offer alternatives. but even that feels kind of risky to assign a specific role. i think artists do a lot in a community. but i would not want to assign a role because that in itself would be antiartist in my mind. ultimately, the pushback we received from artists in our interview sample regarding the idea that artists have a “role” in or should be engaged directly with community through their practice is the nearest representation of “organizational attack” identified in our study (white, ). still, other artists in our interview sample demonstrate that community-engagement has the capacity to be a resource rich opportunity and creative approach to practice expansion. a quarter of our respondents were able to cite direct, intentional, and self-sought engagement with community via their artistic practice, with each project representing a different facet of entrepreneurial activity. the artists in our sample who chose to engage with community most commonly did so via community organizing, teaching, and partnering with nonprofits. the artist community organizer crafted a powerful tool from her writing practice and runs workshops designed to promote social cohesion and efficacy by bringing neighbors of different backgrounds together. four of the ten artists who teach spoke of teaching specifically as a means of furthering arts education, appreciation, and exposure in their communities. the stage director whose entrepreneurship initiated a women’s theater festival spoke of how the growth of the nashville immigrant population and resulting racial-ethnic tensions inspired her to stage a play centered on the lives and stories of characters from different cultural and demographic backgrounds, to remind the audience that every individual is, like them, just trying to live a fruitful life. another interviewee spoke of her work with various nonprofit organizations: artivate 10.1 13 i don’t think that handmade things should just be for rich people. . . . i’ve done a lot of work with the nashville [nonprofit organization]. i used to take my students to paint murals in their garden that was designed, they got grant money to have gardens for refugee families from agrarian societies . . . we did a lot of projects around that space. we created murals, we helped create this big learning felt diagram that they could take into schools and teach about nutrition. i’ve partnered with a lot of organizations like that. right now i'm working at [job training program]. this same artist, along with another artist in our sample and their craft artist collective, also organized a program where community members can check out pottery objects from their local library in the same way that one would check out a book, in order to make crafted objects more accessible to people with lower incomes. another artist, an illustrator, collaborated with a wellknown local songwriter to provide illustrations for a children’s book, the proceeds of which were donated to charity. to him, the opportunity was multipurposed; it expanded his audience and professional network while allowing him to engage in a morally fulfilling act of service. the artists in our interview sample frequently and creatively engage with business skills such as marketing, sales, and resource and workflow management to sustain their practice. their artist entrepreneurialism is motivated by the desire to create and monetize art on their own terms, regardless of their motivation for making it. by implementing business strategies in their artist practice, artists in our sample have positioned themselves to maintain control of their input—their creativity—and their output, the art. while it is likely that the vast majority of artists seek to retain creative control during their production process, entrepreneurial artists are better positioned to actually do so, provided that structures beyond their control maintain accessible pathways to success. one such pathway within the community context is monetary support. artists in our sample recognize their capacity to creatively apply traditional business strategies to entrepreneurial opportunities. but like other businesses, professional artists require capital and support in order to grow their practice, despite their demonstrated ability to recognize or create new opportunities. some of our respondents perceived funding opportunities contingent on the inclusion of “social good” or other community development components as limiting their artistic freedom and creative control—conditions not typically exerted on other private businesses. three artists elaborated on the impact of these conditions on their practices, stating that they would prefer to practice art for art’s sake and felt that funding contingencies influenced their practice and compromised artistic creativity: if i was successful eventually as a business then i would consider like, what is my obligation to pay back and help the community? but otherwise, i’m not going to behave in a self-sacrificing way, in any way that i don’t think other ordinary citizens should or would. so—and that’s probably, not everybody’s going to agree with me on that point. and i did make a great proposal about how to talk back to gentrification and i put it before the city and there was grant funding and they decided to put that funding elsewhere. and i have to make ends meet! so i’m going to spend my time on things that have to do with the vision that i’ve been developing throughout my life, my creative vision that i’ve been developing, and spend my money and time on things artivate 10.1 14 that i think can help support me if i’m successful. community-level constraints chafe against artists’ sense of ownership over the direction of their practice both as creatives, and as individuals deploying entrepreneurial skills as a means of gaining agency in the decision-making processes relevant to expanding their artistic practice. for the mixed-media artist quoted, entrepreneurship in the arts came down to points of decision-making within the context of opportunity recognition. having seen that his efforts at engaging with community development opportunities were rejected for funding, this artist pivoted to the expansion and development of opportunities in other realms of his practice, including interactive galleries, art book prints, and digital projects. other artists communicated similar desires to do public art, but cited restrictive and inflexible ordinances, concerns about their ability to maintain ownership of the work or idea—particularly in regard to large-scale works such as murals—and difficult entry into public art or creative placemaking grant awards as barriers to doing so. despite being inherently community-oriented in their practice—building interactive exhibits for galleries, researching ways to embed poetry into public sidewalks—the fact that these artists identified the goals of community development grant holders and other institutional barriers as being incompatible with their creative process indicates that, for some artists, the entrepreneurial behaviors of recognizing opportunity and engaging in resource management are deliberate acts of decision-making designed to protect the original goals of their artistic practice. another artist who expressed frustration with funding contingencies recalled an instance of decision-making during which her small performing ensemble was made to reevaluate their personal and professional resources before ultimately reframing a project to include the community outreach component required to secure support from available grants: everything i think in terms of art and artists is kind of seen for me through the lens of if i want to be an artist or if i want to be—if i want to make music in this ensemble, i have to have funding and support to make it happen. and sometimes, you know, you have to kind of scoot a little bit over to do things like outreach and things like that, that match up with the funders’ priorities. and i don’t—we don’t do it ever that its so far outside of what we do that feels not relevant, but it certainly does stretch our capacity. in instances such as this, where the artist reframed a project in order to meet funding conditions, artmaking happened not strictly because a nashville arts organization provided a grant, but rather because this artist was able to simultaneously draw upon skills in two domains of creativity, the arts and business, to reimagine her artistic vision into an entrepreneurial pursuit fitting available resources. as an arts entrepreneur, this artist, a small ensemble performer and private lessons instructor, recognized that her primary artistic pursuit was more intimately tied to the availability of grant funding than the pursuits of the mixed-media artist quoted above, which helped to motivate her decision. artivate 10.1 15 refining the definition of the entrepreneurial artist artists in the contemporary economy are hindered more than helped by persistent, popular notions of the artist as flighty, fanciful, and perhaps most damaging, destined to struggle financially for the sake of producing their art. these stereotypes contribute to the precarity by which artists have long been defined by creating a substantial barrier in artist-client relations, forcing artists to constantly negotiate the value of their labor and work. the situation is such that in the contemporary economy, a sustainable arts practice is indicative not just of artistic success, but of communicative and interpretative ability as well. post receipt of entrepreneurial training, the majority of our interviewees felt more confident in their work, that their work was improving, that they were making better choices with regards to their art, and that they were more effective at targeting their work to an audience. these benefits indicate the presence of an underlying mechanism within artists, namely, the unlocked ability to evaluate art production—a key element of arts entrepreneurship. artists describe using their creativity to drive their decisions and their business skills—considering art not just in terms of motivation, style, purpose, or intent but also in terms of time and cost—to elevate, rather than diminish, their creative practice. from our findings, we have derived a refinement of the term entrepreneurial artist by nuancing a new conceptualization of artist entrepreneurs developed to capture the mechanism and effects of interactions between creativity in art and creativity in business, specifically. our findings support the assertion that artists purposefully seek to develop practice models that fulfill their personal aspirations for success while accommodating their desires to protect their creativity and artistic products via maintaining control of the creative process. we have found that artists recombine their disparate creative abilities to navigate the challenges of their labor market (chang & wyszomirski, ; scherdin & zander, ; white, ). they produce their desired end, creative control, by converting their available means, a high propensity for creativity in multiple domains, through the mediating structure of their artistic practice (essig, ). we therefore assert that definitions of the entrepreneurial artist may be refined to include those who consider their artmaking to be their own micro or small business. we specifically claim that entrepreneurial artists should be defined as artists who are “doing the work”; striving for financial stability by conducting cost-benefit analysis to assign accurate value to their art and labor and help determine which projects to pursue, diversifying their artistic skillsets and creative products, and capitalizing on their available resources to develop cohesive collections. notably, the refined definition of entrepreneurial artists derived from this study of professional artists is not significantly different from definitions of entrepreneurship that could be applied to entrepreneurial members of other economic sectors not related to the arts. it serves to capture the breadth of artists’ experiences and abilities while validating their substantial efforts at restructuring the processes of their work (center for cultural innovation, ). limitations our sampling process excludes, by design, artists who had not expressed a formal interest in artivate 10.1 16 learning about entrepreneurial approaches to creating artistic outputs via the arts & business council of greater nashville’s periscope program at the time of study. as our respondents’ participation in the periscope program has the potential to induce selection bias, future research would benefit from an expansion of the sampling frame to encompass artists who have not yet received or who have no interest in receiving formal entrepreneurial training, as well as artists training and working in other contexts. further, while our results are likely generalizable to artists seeking to engage in individual creative pursuits, the findings may be less applicable to artists who are not engaged in independent profit-seeking within arts markets. still, while we may speculate that a broader sampling frame could lend a sense of balance or further nuance to our findings regarding the expectations and experiences of artists engaged in community-based work, that entrepreneurial artists with formal training in business continue to perceive of themselves as being cornered into undesirable scenarios in regards to their ability to exercise agency alongside their creativity is a significant finding with implications for grantand policy-making approaches. our findings indicate that entrepreneurial artists engaged in community-based work possess tools that help them to operate independently and profitably in their field. future research is well positioned to explore in greater depth how the presence or absence of entrepreneurial training in an artist’s skillset impacts their approach to or perceptions of opportunities for community-based work. though nashville offers the opportunity to study artists’ creative practices both in the context of steady and rapid growth, an additional limitation of this study is the inability of the midsize study environment to replicate the arts scenes of much larger cities such as los angeles or new york. despite these limitations, nashville is a suitable environment to derive insight on entrepreneurial artists given the competitive nature of its arts market. where artists in nashville benefit from the ability to test new work in the context of a critically developing arts scene, they suffer from the same issues of affordability and lack of space identified by artists in other cities. discussion entrepreneurial artists engage in business and entrepreneurial practices as a means of controlling their creative process and output. they use their skills and capacity for creativity to combat one of the most prevalent, damaging narratives facing artists in the market: the idea that their work does not have to be priced well enough to financially support them, because of the nature of their motivation for pursuing it. entrepreneurial artists have a mentality of “my art is my business,” and take several approaches towards achieving success, including: diversifying and taking advantage of the full range of their artistic skillsets, identifying and targeting audiences and later seeking opportunities to show directly to that audience, being open to opportunities that could enhance their practice or network, such as collaborations, and taking the initiative to create their own opportunities to help ensure practice longevity. compared to the general population, artists self-rate as possessing above average levels of creativity in the domains of math, science, and engineering, business and entrepreneurship, the artivate 10.1 17 social, civic and community pursuits, and everyday creativity, far beyond their traditional artistic pursuits.2 our respondents’ approaches to the business of art suggests that artists who have undergone entrepreneurial training are capable of exercising creativity in domains beyond their artistic practice. as such, we argue that creativity in art, business, and the social are neither perpendicular nor parallel to arts entrepreneurship, but instead comprise a helix structure of creative domains inhabited by the entrepreneurial artist. the resultant capacity of entrepreneurial artists to be involved with the construction of community—through intentional planning or just by the nature of their work—is limited only by the degree to which artists are supported in their pursuits. as a creative domain, arts entrepreneurship is a practice of self-preservation just as much as it is a process of self-management and self-actualization (beckman & essig, ). artists in our sample rejected the idea that a defined role of artists is to be engaged with or involved in their community, with conversations about available funding opportunities yielding frustration about community development contingencies embedded into grants. our findings indicate that entrepreneurial training empowered our respondents to initiate community-focused approaches to their work on their own terms, thus allowing them to maintain creative freedom and control over their artistic practice. artists, when inclined, can make powerful contributions to community development. but like those of other private citizens and businesses, the entrepreneurial pursuits of artists are driven by a diversity of motivations, and many of our respondents felt that being assigned a role of “placemaker” due to their artistic abilities limited their freedom to creatively pursue those motivations via their practice. while a quarter of our respondents reported engaging with community as a natural element of their practice, several others initiated loose attacks against funding structures that require artists to engage with community development, citing concerns about stretching their capacity, inequality of expectations between themselves and other entities also engaged in processes of community development, and burdening their creativity. where a healthy portion of extant research looks at entrepreneurial training as a means of furthering artists’ skills or abilities to contribute to community development, our findings suggest that where cities seek to embed artists into development practices via funding, artists, particularly entrepreneurial artists, can interpret the conditions of these funds as being asked to operate beyond the scope of their practice. our findings indicate that for many periscope participants, their entrepreneurial training has been conceptualized and implemented as a means of artist development and career making, directly, rather than it being fashioned into a backdoor for the development of community-based art. that entrepreneurial artists see opportunity in community beyond the scope of formalized placemaking activity is an indication of their ability to creatively and agentically redefine the social scope and impact of their practice. as is, formalized community development projects risk failing to provide adequate space for artists to flex their capacity for arts entrepreneurship within formal organizational structures (frenette, ). it is possible that, when embedded into 2 this study, available upon request. artivate 10.1 18 the organizational structures of community development initiatives, beliefs and stereotypes regarding artists’ abilities to engage in formalized work negatively impact the degree to which they are treated as experts, to the detriment of projects and communities that would benefit from their unique entrepreneurial perspective (frenette, ). the failure of communities, and specifically, funders, to recognize the primary entrepreneurial motivation of artists—a desire to maintain control of their creative process—while ignoring the considerable social good artists undertake in their practices, undermines the effort, training, skill, and labor involved in the production of art. investing in artists via entrepreneurial training has the potential to yield artist-led community benefits and projects similar in class to creative placemaking initiatives, while simultaneously honoring the desire of entrepreneurial artists to maintain control of their input and product. the entrepreneurial artists in our sample demonstrated an ability to see and act upon opportunities in community on their own terms. many went so far as to create and amplify opportunities for themselves and other artists, using their artistic, entrepreneurial, and social creativity to guide the stewardship of their practices in preservation of the motivation for pursuing it. in recognition of this, we assert that conversations about the role and character of artists in communities should be reframed to consider their proclivity for creativity not just in the artistic domain, but in the realms of business, entrepreneurship, and the social 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(2014). marketing the entrepreneurial artist in the innovation age: aesthetic labor, artistic subjectivity, and the creative industries. anthropology of work review, 35(1), 2–13. doi:10.1111/awr.12026. cover image: photo by tiffany bessire, used with permission from the arts & business council of greater nashville. https://bessirephotography.smugmug.com/arts-business-council/nmkb78m/periscope-pitch-/ this research was supported in part by an award from the national endowment for the arts (award#: dca 2017-05). thank you to the arts & business council of greater nashville for supporting our access to artists. microsoft word 111-article text-576-1-11-20210409.docx vol. 10, no. 1 spring 2021 building a “heavy metal world” cultural entrepreneurship in the polish people’s republic dominic athanassiou independent scholar george musgrave university of westminster / goldsmiths, university of london abstract: this paper explores how cultural entrepreneurs built a “heavy metal world” in the polish people’s republic (prl), focusing on the years 1980–89. by combining historical analysis with primary research to examine how both fans and artists alike acted together to overcome shortages, scarcity, and repression, this paper supports inclusive definitions of cultural entrepreneurship that go beyond an economic orientation, and acts as case study in an under-researched area to highlight the often uneasy coexistence between states and cultural production. keywords: cultural entrepreneurship, heavy metal, music industry, counterculture, social capital. doi: 10.34053/artivate.10.1.111 twoje życie jest heavy, twoje problemy są heavy miasto, w którym mieszkasz jest heavy metal! nigdzie nie znajdziesz ciszy . . . heavy metal świat! your life is heavy, your problems are heavy the city in which you live is heavy metal! you will never find peace . . . heavy metal world! “heavy metal world” by tsa (machel, s., rzehak, j. & piekarczyk, m, ) artivate 10.1 2 introduction entrepreneurship has become an endemic theme in studies of creative labor and there is today an idea of “music entrepreneurship” (dumbreck and mcpherson, ). many have conceptualized music-makers who behave entrepreneurially as “cultural entrepreneurs” (scott, , tschmuck, ). while the idea of musicians behaving as entrepreneurs is not necessarily new (blanning, ), it is uncommon for studies of cultural entrepreneurship to take place outside of market-based, capital-available, politically democratic contexts—also defined in psychological literature as western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (weird) societies (henrich et.al, ). cultural entrepreneurship in transition economies, such as those moving from state socialism or communism to capitalism, has indeed been explored, notably as a vehicle for change (runst, ; nicoara, ; draganova and draganova, ), but significantly less focus has been afforded to cultural entrepreneurialism in a state socialist or communist context. how do we understand cultural entrepreneurship under systems of state socialism or communism, and what does the nature of this entrepreneurial practice tell us about both the complex inter-relationship between the state and musical creativity, and about how we understand and define cultural entrepreneurship? this paper will explore how cultural entrepreneurs built a “heavy metal world” in the polish people’s republic (polska rzeczpospolita ludowa, or prl), in particular between the years  and . drawing on both primary interviews and historical textual analysis, this paper uses heavy metal under the prl as a case study on how processes of entrepreneurial fandom alongside artistic entrepreneurship allowed heavy metal fans and musicians to build a culture—to build a world—outside of the traditional parameters of a market economy and in the face of enormous resource constraints and political repression. in doing so, the findings of this paper problematize narrow economic conceptualizations of cultural entrepreneurship. we thus develop an alternative, inclusive, working definition of cultural entrepreneurship by highlighting entrepreneurial practices within a heavy metal subculture taking place both from the production side and also crucially from the consumption side too. we draw on becker’s () concept of collaborative art worlds and suggest that these practices represent what we term “worldbuilding” rooted in the development of a culture understood—drawing on the work of hall () and morley and chen ()—as “practices through which people create meaningful worlds in which to live” (negus, , p. ). finally, this paper presents an insight into a specific example of cultural production’s paradoxical relationship with the state whereby the polish state-sanctioned houses of culture—which sought to promote an ideological, hegemonic project of “cultural enlightenment”—inadvertently provided the vessel within which countercultural entrepreneurial practices were cultivated. conceptualizing cultural entrepreneurship while the definition of entrepreneurship is notoriously hard to pin down, many adopt an explicit market orientation, for example: “individuals who open businesses, that is, they become self-employed” (runst, , p. ). as explored by betzler and camina (, p. ), this is artivate 10.1 3 true for definitions of cultural entrepreneurship too, whereby understandings of these practices are often rooted in their contributions toward and within formal cultural or creative industries. as such, cultural entrepreneurship is often understood in the context of developing new markets (scott, ; acheson, maule, and filleul, ; dempster, ), or identifying and exploiting new sources of capital (wilson and stokes, ). definitions of this kind imply a “strict orientation towards the economic context, towards market logic, the relationship between supply and demand, price mechanisms, and monetary goals” (betzler and camina, , p. ). however, understanding cultural entrepreneurship within a narrow economic conceptualization problematizes how we might make sense of it taking place under authoritarian or even totalitarian contexts of state socialism or communism whereby a market logic is forbidden, and indeed—as per the work of marquis and qiao ()—wherein the socialization of citizens may lead to the internalization of this logic. that being said, case studies exploring the political economy of cultural production have done much to inform how we understand the relationship between authoritarian political regimes and cultural production in particular (see work by berezin () on production practices of state-subsidized theater in fascist italy, or monasteriobarso () on cultural entrepreneurship in havana). recent work by zhang and corse () on the chinese model opera during the cultural revolution importantly highlights the role these forms of political organization play not only in cultural production, but also in shaping processes of consumption. studies such as these point towards the importance of broadening our understanding of cultural entrepreneurship to move beyond an economic, marketized articulation, and one which broadens the range of actors within it. many of the more all-encompassing definitions of cultural entrepreneurship are still relatively narrow insofar as they center ideas of the personal, such as increasing levels of personal artistic recognition if not economic reward (behnke, ; klamer, ; scott, ; musgrave, ) often rooted in ideas around the accumulation and maximization of social and cultural capital (bourdieu, ). other definitions are somewhat broader, privileging the idea of creating social and cultural value (anheier and isar, ), while others are broader still, seeing cultural entrepreneurship as being driven by a cultural mission (rentschler, ). a broad definition of this kind has been developed in the work of essig (, p. ), who highlights that entrepreneurial practice in the cultural sector may occur in what she calls “extra-economic circumstances” where the aims and objectives cannot be understood within a narrow financial orientation. this work helpfully articulates the need to understand the means and ends of this particular kind of entrepreneurship by examining the arts and culture sector in the united states. however, as per the work of chang and wyszomirski (), the context within which entrepreneurial practice takes place is key. this therefore leads us to ask what cultural entrepreneurship understood in this way might look like in a radically different societal and political composition. methodology it is relevant at this juncture to outline why heavy metal in poland is such an apposite site of artivate 10.1 4 academic inquiry. while polish heavy metal is globally recognized and is known to have its own unique metal scene with a variety of bands and record labels, especially in the subgenres of death and black metal (patterson, , , ; page, ), the history and foundations of it have not been exhaustively analyzed. while scholars such as christe (), and to a certain extent mudrian (), acknowledge the role of heavy metal in poland during the prl and appreciate the potential for alternative subcultures to exist under authoritarian or totalitarian governments, they do not attempt to understand how that subculture worked, and in this sense their analysis does not sufficiently interrogate the uniqueness of the heavy metal identity that formed in poland at this time. as an argumentative paradigm, this is insufficient to understand polish heavy metal, and in this sense, we agree with weinstein (, p. ) that: “one cannot assume that the audience for heavy metal in england matches such audiences in the united states, japan or poland. the metal audience in the late s may not be the same as it was in the mids. . . . intelligent analysis demands an awareness of these and other distinctions within the audience, as well as a realization that these differences may be more or less significant.” it is this that we seek to do below. archival material on heavy metal music from the time of the prl, including zines, magazines, recordings, published interviews, written recollections in books—notably in jaskinia hałasu (lis and godlewski, , )—and other secondary sources were key. artist biographies were central to the analysis too, including vader: wojna totalna by jarosław szubrycht () about the band vader, and ten gitarowy huk: historia zespołu tsa by maciej nowak () about the band tsa. many important books, magazines, and dvds in the polish language are from athanassiou’s personal collection and translated into english, given polish fluency. dominic athanassiou (coauthor) developed the heavy metal website metal rescusants between the years  and , and has developed a wealth of archival data and an understanding of the cultural scene both as a fan of the genre and as a publicist for a polish record label. in addition, interviews were conducted with piotr wiwczarek (founding member of the band vader) in , as well as grzegorz fijałkowski and wojchiech lis both in  who were active in the polish heavy metal scene throughout the s. findings wszyscy żyliśmy w tym samym przeciętnie gównie i trzeba było we własnym zakresie kolorować co się da w naszym życiu, choć nie było za dużo kredek w zasięgu ręku. we all lived in the same shithole, so we had to color whatever we could on our own in our life, even if we did not have many crayons within the reach of our hands. —misterkiewicz in lis & godlewski, , p.  artivate 10.1 5 the findings below follow in four components. the first contextualizes heavy metal music production and consumption in poland by outlining some key features of the political infrastructure of the prl, focusing in particular on how the state understood its role in the production and consumption of culture. part two examines processes of entrepreneurial fandom, while part three looks at entrepreneurial practices among musicians, and part four looks at the key place where these two sides of the cultural entrepreneurial nexus combined for heavy metal under the prl: concerts. poland during the polish people’s republic (prl) poland was under the rule of the soviet union from  until . unlike most soviet satellite states, poland was, according to davies (, p. ), seen as different due to its “autonomous, national brand of communism,” conceptualizing poland as a “client state” rather than a “puppet state” mimicking the governance of the soviet union. this independent character might be understood as being driven by the tripartite interaction of fierce nationalism, polish catholicism, and cultural pride, which together provided hope and resolve to the population during the struggles of foreign occupation that had largely typified the national experience since . for many people living in poland during the era of the prl, everyday life was gray, bleak, and filled with boredom, where lived experience was “shaped by an internalization of the communist ideology, expressed through a denial of subjective agency in favor of an unconditional embrace of collectivist ideals” (giustino et.al , p. ). norman davies (, p. ) argues, in his multivolume history of poland, that the living standards were “austere” and that: alcoholism, bad drains, long queues, peeling plaster, overcrowded homes and buses, polluted air, heavy falls of soot and chemical dust, unmade pavements, sub-standard service, endless delays and arguments with petty officials, all had to be accepted as part of everyday life. heavy industry was prioritized over consumer goods and services in the prl’s economic goals. the majority ( percent) of government investment went into engineering, fuel, and energy, engendering what kamiński (, pp. -) described as “economic self-strangulation,” which manifested in increasing prices for basic consumer goods and widespread civic disillusionment and protestation. on september ,  these factors contributed to the birth of the popular movement solidarity, founded as a trade union and led by future polish president lech wałęsa. the movement promoted nonviolent action against the government to create an independent poland free from the soviet union. as a result of increasing protests and political activism, in  the government introduced martial law, which lasted for two years, allowing the authorities to impose even stricter control on its population through curfews, restrictions on travel, monitoring of phone calls, and strict punishment for “dissent” (davies , p. ). houses of culture and cultural enlightenment despite consumer goods shortages, bleak living conditions, and martial law, the prl experienced an influx of creativity during the s, whereby “polish literary culture was thriving” artivate 10.1 6 and “monumental sculpture, drama, graphics and instrumental music reached standards of international excellence” (davies, , pp. -). however, s poland was an authoritarian state with an official ideology and instructions on what form culture and music should take. this cultural ideology, known as cultural enlightenment, is described by white (, p. ) thus: the socialization of adults and children in their spare time through participation in non-professional arts and other cultural activities . . . inculcating values and mobilizing the population. . . . its three basic principles are belief in the need to equalize access to culture, belief that such access can change human behavior, and belief that the party can and must control the nature of the culture which is created or provided. this cultural policy had the aim, at least in part, of preventing the formation of subcultures and countercultures. to strengthen the implementation of this policy, the government introduced houses of culture in every region of the country to tighten its control outside of larger cities such as warsaw or krakow. these houses of culture were places where anyone could create, participate in, or just watch state-sanctioned art for free; whether it was music, dance, or theater, and were furnished with the necessary equipment for everyone to use (white ; patton, ). what went wrong for the government, particularly in the decade of the s, is that these official places of leisure and culture—along with state radio and state youth magazines—became a hotbed for up-and-coming and nonconformist talent of the s punk, rock, and heavy metal music boom, which would challenge the government, both directly (punk) and indirectly (heavy metal) (patton, ; lis and godlewski, , ; white, ). the paradox of heavy metal at least partly in response to civic activism, strikes, and widespread protests, general wojciech jaruzelski—the prl’s prime minister and head of state from  to , described by pelinka (, p. ) as a “general-dictator”—subsidized rock to win over the youth and keep them from joining political movements like solidarity, by “granting polish rock bands a virtual carte blanche on radio and in concert halls” (ryback, , p. ). this could perhaps explain why one of poland’s most successful heavy metal acts, tsa, was allowed (or perhaps more appropriately, ordered) to perform a concert upon the introduction of martial law on december , , and throughout the s performed concerts all over the country, one year during this period performing over three hundred times (nowak, ). or, as one polish official, quoted in the new york times () put it: “i prefer them to project their frustrations into bitter protest songs, than to go out into the streets with stones.” however, this early endorsement (whether tacit or explicit) was reversed by , with the state now seeing rock, punk, and heavy metal as responsible for increasing levels of violence and discontentment among polish youth, and as emblematic of western capitalist indulgence, and “not a polish invention” (ryback , pp. -). however, whether some politicians disliked such music or not, the government aided in funding and organizing some of the biggest events dedicated to alternative music in eastern europe, namely jarocin festival (founded in )— artivate 10.1 7 the biggest alternative music festival in eastern europe, which also received attention abroad from the bbc—and (in ) metalmania—the only heavy metal festival in eastern europe at that time to receive attention from publications abroad such as metal hammer and kerrang! (lis & godlewski, ; ). the work of patton () has been particularly helpful in untangling the complex and often paradoxical relationship between heavy metal music and the state in poland during the prl. focusing primarily on the post-martial law period (–) when solidarity was driven underground, he finds three contradictions within the state’s official music industry policies at this time: . the structure of the polish music industry under the division of culture within the polish communist party (polska zjednoczona partia robotnicza, or pzpr) central committee was so enormous and complex that formal oversight of its directives was difficult to coordinate and monitor. . the industry’s main goal was to deliver cultural goods and “cultural enlightenment,” but widespread scarcity of consumer goods problematized how citizens might, in fact, consume such culture. . while the polish music industry was profit-making, its financial motivations represented a conflict of interest with political ideology, leading to a tense interdependency whereby live performances were the central (often only) source of revenue. patton’s examination of the prl’s music business of the s offers an insightful economic conceptualization of the growth of live heavy metal in this period. however, he also acknowledges that the multiple bureaucratic branches of the state allowed gaps for “burgeoning entrepreneurs [to] pursue their own projects within the bounds of the system” (patton , p. ). this is exactly what happened to heavy metal; from the most commercial act to the most underground, you could read about them in state-funded youth magazines, hear them on state radio, watch their concerts in state-funded houses of culture, or even see their performances at state-funded festivals such as jarocin or metalmania. the paradox, however, is that while these artists were often not conforming to cultural enlightenment they were nonetheless occasionally promoted, even if inadvertently, through state media, and the promotion of these acts was cultivated by entrepreneurs seeking to overcome the intense resource constraints of the country. the following sections therefore will seek to offer detail to patton’s () economic architecture to enrich and supplement our understanding of heavy metal during this period. in doing so, we examine the ways in which heavy metal musicians and fans—who would later become renowned artists, journalists or editors, record label owners, or promoters—pursued entrepreneurial activities in a country where those might not normally be expected, and analyze the main factors that led to the development of this entrepreneurial subculture. artivate 10.1 8 entrepreneurial fandom tape trading and zines despite the aforementioned extreme consumer good scarcities, empty shops, and near total absence of music shops, the polish heavy metal music was booming in the s. reflecting the tension outlined by patton (), szubrycht (, p. ) notes that: “the hunger for new heavy metal and rock music in poland was huge but the access to music was minimal.” the central mechanisms through which consumers could access heavy metal were state-owned radio programs and state-owned youth magazines that operated in much the same way that we understand the traditional functions of cultural intermediaries today (bourdieu, ; negus, ). throughout the s, radio presenters aired albums of all types of music (including heavy metal) in their entirety and by the mid-s, radio programs started dedicating shows entirely to heavy metal due to its popularity. shows such as muzyka młodych (translated as youth music), metal top  or metalowe tortury (translated as metal tortures), were some of the most important shows through which young fans could discover new heavy metal music. heavy metal fans were so dedicated that they would record each show on cassettes so they could listen to them repeatedly (szubrycht, ; lis & godlewski, , ; lis ). at a time when purchasing tapes or cds was nearly impossible—and if they were available then they were equal to a monthly living wage—radio was the only place the heavy metal youth could listen to albums in their entirety (darski in weltrowski & azarewicz, ). the only other alternatives, recalled wiwczarek in an interview, were via records sent or smuggled by families living abroad, or through private markets where one could purchase or exchange records (wiwczarek, personal communication, ). the other important medium through which heavy metal fans could learn about new music was through state-owned youth magazines such as na przełaj or magazyn muzyczny. these were not specialist heavy metal music magazines but rather covered all kinds of music and youth interests (szubrycht, ; lis & godlewski, , ). for heavy metal fans, the importance of magazines such as na przełaj was its contact section. anyone could advertise themselves, their band, or share ideas with a full contact address. it is via these addresses that the heavy metal scene in the prl was allowed to network through the post, exchange cassettes recorded from state radio (called tape trading, a phenomenon that existed in the west as well), and get in touch with like-minded people throughout the country. acquiring these contacts would be the first steps for the heavy metal community in creating networks and cultivating crucial social capital, through which they would pursue entrepreneurial activities such as creating their own zines and organizing concerts. for fijałkowski (personal communication, ), the early tape trading initiatives were the beginning of community building, rooted in passion, where he saw his role as one of “organizer and promoter.” another key resource was the emergence of zines (or fanzines) created by the heavy metal fans themselves. these creations were the first publications entirely dedicated to heavy metal in all its forms—from classic heavy metal to the most extreme music—and would become a central source of new heavy metal music discovery (szubrycht, ; lis & godlewski, , ). artivate 10.1 9 these zines also contained addresses of people, bands, and other zine editors from all over the country who were willing to take part in tape trading. they were homemade magazines by dedicated heavy metal fans who would later become important figures of the heavy metal scene and the polish music industry. the process of creating a zine during the s was complex and rife with challenges and obstacles. firstly, editors had to seek out materials such as photographs, reviews, interviews and news. some of the reviews and interviews were original and typed on a typewriter while some were translated from western magazines such as metal hammer. photographs were usually photocopied from either original sources or other magazines. the logos in the magazines and overall visual design had to be drawn by hand. the reviews, interviews and photographs were then glued onto the designed zine page (lis & godlewski, , ; szubrycht, ). while this sounds relatively easy, the tools which were necessary for this process, such as glue or staples, were not always there. mariusz kmiołek, who is now the manager of the band vader and the owner of a heavy metal booking agency massive music, used an alternative to glue: he mixed flour and water and other ingredients to create a sticky spreadable substance for his magazine thrash ‘em all (lis & godlewski, , p. ). figure 1. kmiołek’s thrash ‘em all zine, found at www.deathmetal.org/zines artivate 10.1 10 tomasz krajewski—who ran a zine during the prl entitled holocaust which launched towards the end of the prl, and is the current owner of pagan records—claims that people had to have connections in order to own a typewriter because their ownership was monitored by the government. krajewski remembers that approval from the ministry of culture was needed in order to purchase one, and the cost was approximately equal to two computers today. therefore, they were reliant on networks of friends, family or colleagues who either already owned such machines or had them at work. social capital, thus, was of significant importance in an environment lacking in economic capital (krajewski in lis & godlewski, , pp. -). similarly, photocopying machines were not something everyone owned or had easy access to. there was usually only one photocopying machine or shop in every town or area, and even then the machines often did not work. wiwczarek recalled in an interview that many of those who created zines in this period travelled long distances to where using photocopying machines was cheaper or of better quality, or simply because their hometown may not have had one (wiwczarek, personal communication, ). as per the ownership of writing machines, the government had to issue photocopying permits which had to be obtained from the municipal office in the area one lived, and then from the censorship office. the owner of the photocopying center would then print out the number of copies which the permit allowed (kmiołek in lis & godlewski, ; davies , ). permits were also necessary for distribution of printed text and figure 2. front cover of metallian zine found at www.deathmetal.org/zines artivate 10.1 11 materials, a process which emerged partly in response to the distribution of literature by political groups such as solidarity. for this reason, printed zines may have had the title “for internal use” on the cover page, as seen in figure . passion, fashion, and zomo a key motivator of heavy metal fans at that time, according to wiwczarek (personal communication, ), was a passion and dedication that allowed them to creatively find ways around scarcities as seen in the production of zines. another element of the heavy metal subculture members approached passionately was the apparel, or heavy metal uniform, which usually included black t-shirts with band logos and artwork, studded belts, bracelets and accessories, leather jackets, boots, and long hair (walser, ; weinstein, ). in order to make band tshirts, which were nowhere to be found in shops, dedicated fans had to paint their favorite band logos on t-shirts themselves. likewise, accessories such as patches or studded bracelets all had to be created from scratch in the fan’s spare time (szubrycht, ; lis & godlewski, , ). piotr wiwczarek of the band vader explained that in order to create a cap similar to the one rob halford of judas priest used to wear, he modified a hat railway workers in poland used to wear. he decorated this black hat with chains he purchased at a metalwork shop and studs from a local sewing shop (szubrycht, ). similarly, guitar straps also had to be handmade. wiwczarek (personal communication, ) recollects that he had to spend a whole day in order to transform an army belt into a guitar strap, which he did by painting the belt black and hammering studs purchased from a sewing shop into it. on many occasions, the hard work and sacrifice put into creating clothes and accessories was ruined by the paramilitary police, zomo (zmotoryzowane odwody milicji obywatelskiej, which translates to: motorized reserves of the citizens’ militia). the zomo force was renowned for their brutal treatment of the youth in the s. wiwczarek (personal communication, ) told us in an interview that heavy metal fans often fell victim to such treatment and lost their homemade t-shirts, belts, or studs. on some occasions, he told us, the zomo would confiscate concert tickets or would take heavy metal fans for special interrogations and cut their long hair. similar stories can be found in the work of szubrycht () and lis & godlewski (;). still, heavy metal fans were mentally prepared for the risk of being caught by the zomo and losing a precious piece of clothing or artwork, and they did not give up. if they lost something, they created new versions, and sometimes even created backup versions for such occasions. this phenomenon offers evidence that the heavy metal subculture’s passion for their chosen lifestyle was strong enough that they were willing not only to sacrifice their time to create clothes and accessories from scratch, but also to face paramilitary forces as a consequence of their participation in the culture. entrepreneurial musicians during the s in the prl, even the most popular heavy metal bands hardly made a living out of their music. the members of tsa, whose songs were frequently aired on the radio and artivate 10.1 12 who performed hundreds of concerts each year, claimed that “every penny had to be saved in order to be a musician” (nowak , p. ), and if that meant that one had to work at a coal mine to get that money, then it had to be done. money was not a driver of cultural entrepreneurship during the era; heavy metal fans became entrepreneurs by using their networks and any materials around them in order to help them build an escapist “heavy metal world,” and the same was true of musicians. if money was not available to purchase instruments or equipment, then musicians built what they needed with alternative materials found at home or in the small number of shops that existed. rehearsal spaces the role of social capital in building a “heavy metal world” during the prl years was as central to the entrepreneurial fans as it was to the musicians. finding recording studios, rehearsal spaces, or even musical instruments and equipment was difficult. the band tsa commented in interviews that they had “eternal struggles” with rehearsal spaces. often, the directors of the houses of culture would prohibit heavy metal bands from practicing for various reasons: playing too loudly, the band members’ hair was too long, or simply because they were drinking beer (nowak, ). the band vader experienced similar problems with houses of culture in the s. piotr wiwczarek (personal communication, ), reflecting on the central role that personal connections played in the era, claimed that who the director was at a house of culture made a huge difference; one might be open-minded, wanting the youth to be engaged in arts, and therefore would allow bands to rehearse at the venue, while another might only be interested in “furthering his political career” (as wiwczarek put it) and therefore offer only paid-for dance and foreign language courses. when one rehearsal space was not available, a band had to go to the next one, whether it was in the same town or further afield. bands would often travel by train from one region to another so that they could find a place to rehearse (nowak, ). here again, we find evidence of the central role played by social capital. the band vader gained access to a club that had a music room with equipment to rehearse only because one of their members at the time, zbyszek wróblewski, worked as an archivist, and thanks to that role had access to this club. in exchange for using the room, the band had to “perform at a holiday resort during the summer” (wiwczarek, personal communication, ). the band’s connections also allowed them to use a polish radio olsztyn studio—the only studio in their hometown of olsztyn—to record their second demo, necrolust, in  (szubrycht, ). musical instruments musical instrument shops did not really exist and even if professional instruments were for sale, very few people could afford a guitar or amplifier. therefore, musicians had to find alternatives. the first instruments vader and several other bands used were handmade or remade; the amplifiers were built in their basements, the guitars (usually from the soviet union) were often rebuilt to try to improve them, while the drum sets were built from anything they could find (wiwczarek quoted in bałajan, ). even popular bands such as tsa had difficulties with equipment. bogusław dubiel—an electrician who helped bands by building equipment and artivate 10.1 13 worked as a technician at a house of culture—experimented with amplifiers after he received a broken marshall amplifier to fix. given that such amplifiers were prohibitively expensive and beyond the reach of the majority of consumers, dubiel built new amplifiers based on the marshall structure. spare parts for such equipment were not available on the market in the prl, and therefore these homemade amplifiers lacked longevity and burnt out after only a few uses. however, they were all young musicians needed and could afford during this time (nowak, ). concerts as per the work of patton (), live music was central to the polish music industry (and by extension for heavy metal) under the prl for economic reasons. however, the sociality of live music during this era also offers a sociological window into the multifaceted operation of cultural entrepreneurship by both producers and consumers. it was at live events where these two sides of cultural production came together. young cultural entrepreneurs—whether fans trading tapes and zines, or musicians with homemade instruments—networked and strengthened their relationships with their contacts from all over the country, and occasionally from abroad. moreover, these events were treated almost like religious pilgrimages; they offered a place for networking as well as an escape from everyday life (wiwczarek, personal correspondence, ; szubrycht ; fijałkowski, personal correspondence, ). however, those who took part in organizing these events had to face the challenges presented by scarcity and censorship. heavy metal cultural entrepreneurs organized both large and smaller-sized concerts and festivals by managing and cultivating relationships at houses of culture and student clubs. a central driver of these efforts was the fact that no individuals had their own equipment (other than the basic instruments) necessary for such an event, but houses of culture or clubs were already furnished with musical equipment for concerts (jaworowski in lis & godlewski, ). in addition, all public events during that time period had to be agreed to by the governing authorities, which included either the local authorities or the house of culture directors, in addition to censorship approvals. the team behind the metalmania festival, for example, had to convince the state authorities—especially the official state music booking agency pogart—that heavy metal was popular enough to warrant hosting a two-day event. in order to do that, the organizers asked during a music show on the radio whether people would like to attend an event or festival with heavy metal bands. this resulted in the radio show presenter receiving five thousand letters in the mail claiming that fans would want such an event. the letters were taken to the pogart offices, leading to the development of the metalmania festival (as well as other events), and to booking foreign heavy metal bands such as running wild (germany), kreator (germany), and overkill (usa) (lis & godlewski , ). this example highlights that it was not simple to obtain formal approval from the authorities in order to organize a concert. in cases like those above, it was necessary to have reasons supporting the logic for having an event at a given location, which required both entrepreneurial wit and the cooperation of cultural producers and consumers. a further obstacle in organizing concerts was censorship. depending on the political artivate 10.1 14 situation and the person on duty in the censorship office, the attitude on heavy metal music varied. the censorship office had to approve performances, and this included the approval of the lyrics to all the songs that were going to be performed at the concert. a censorship officer would be present at the concert, making sure that the lyrics submitted beforehand matched those sung at the concert. in order to overcome this, song lyrics often had to be changed or adjusted so that the bands received the necessary permit to perform. however, the censorship officer was regularly not present at the concerts (as per the findings of patton () regarding the unmanageable architecture of the state). additionally, officers often did not understand what was being sung because it was either in english or the lyrics were shouted and not clearly sung (krajewski in lis & godlewski, ; kim in lis & godlewski, ). a band that did encounter problems with the censorship office was tsa, because their lyrics were explicitly political, resulting in some of their songs being taken off radio rotation (nowak, ). however, the band members in tsa understood that if they managed to get their lyrics approved by the main censorship headquarters in warsaw, then no other censorship office in any other town would cause them trouble, meaning lyrics could be changed or masked later. as wiwczarek (personal correspondence, ) recalled: “when the more extreme versions arrived—growling—people were totally unable to understand any kind of phrase or sentence, so this was a certain security from polish censorship.” discussion what is perhaps most interesting about the entrepreneurship of heavy metal fans and musicians during the prl, is that the behavior of these entrepreneurs was, in many respects, classic and perhaps even typical when seen through the prism of nonmonetary definitions of cultural entrepreneurship. entrepreneurship always takes place within parameters and constraints—of resource, of opportunity, etc.—and in poland under the prl these heavy metal fans and musicians could be seen reflecting various dimensions of entrepreneurial practice: the displays of passion, the innovative circumnavigating of resource constraints, the cunning methods of promotion, the multifaceted exploitation and maximization of social capital when money is low, the desire to build a scene and express themselves in the face of great social challenges. in some figure 3. vader "necrolust" flyer (1986) found at www.demoarchives.org artivate 10.1 15 senses, these heavy metal entrepreneurs might be thought of as sharing some similarities with the kind of entrepreneurs seen coming from rap, hip-hop, and grime music in london today (white, ). however, it is the environment during the prl of “economic self-strangulation” (kamiński, , pp. –) and consumer good shortages, the culturally hegemonic project of cultural enlightenment, political repression from the zomo and censorship from the central committees of state, and a philosophical disavowal (in the main) of private property and private profit, which makes this case study such an interesting and special example of cultural entrepreneurship—one that seeks to contribute to that which verver et al. (, p. ) have described as “going beyond the persistent empirical focus on the west.” in the first instance, this case study highlights the complexity of cultural production under formalized regimes of political repression, but also more broadly speaks to the uneasy coexistence between governments and musical production. as per the work of cloonan (), this relationship can vary between being explicitly promotional, laissez-faire and market driven, or authoritarian as per the prl. states often try and shape culture—and music is no exception— but outcomes are hard to predict or even accidental, often acting as a form of indirect patronage. in the united kingdom, for example, the idea that social security payments, known colloquially as the dole, might in fact have been a source of income for creative workers during the s and s was not a conscious government decision (o’rorke, ), and indeed today council housing and youth clubs were both key incubators for the development of the grime scene in london (hancox, ). likewise, under the prl, while the state tried to tighten the apparatus of a dictatorial regime to formally direct and dictate cultural production, in the end they indirectly provided the vessel in the form of houses of culture, which allowed a countercultural movement to flourish. as per the work of dyer et al. (), innovative entrepreneurs are often motivated by a desire to challenge the status quo, and this is as true under the repressive forces of the prl as it is in other contexts within which entrepreneurship flourishes. secondly, the heavy metal entrepreneurship under the prl acts as an extreme example of the role that social and cultural capital play in cultural entrepreneurial practice in an environment where economic capital is almost entirely absent. this is, in many ways, similar to the work of mcrobbie (, ) on the fashion industry. the centrality of social capital in particular as a mechanism for the development of a “heavy metal world” reflects figure 4. vader live in decay 1986 demo found at www.demoarchives.org artivate 10.1 16 suggestions of bourdieu () that alternative forms of capital act as tools to mitigate economic disadvantage. in this sense, the findings here lend support to those who have sought to expand the way we understand and define cultural entrepreneurship as being driven by more than economic goals (rentschler, ; anheier and isar, ; behnke, ; klamer, ; musgrave, ), and is an example in extremis of what scott (, p. ) refers to as “entrepreneurship sans economic capital.” economic gain was almost entirely absent from the aims and ambitions of these entrepreneurs; but entrepreneurial they were nonetheless. conclusion: entrepreneurship as world-building the practices of the heavy metal entrepreneurs in poland under the prl enrich our understanding of what cultural entrepreneurialism is and how we define it. firstly, it demonstrates that both producers and consumers of music can be considered entrepreneurs. the heavy metal fans dedicated themselves to building their “heavy metal world” and put their hearts into it, and in many respects, there was no clear boundary between fan, artist, or music industry worker; they all united together to create their own world with whatever tools they had around them. this multidimensional nature of cultural entrepreneurship calls to mind becker’s (, pp. -) concept of art worlds, defined, at least in part, as “an established network of cooperative links among participants” wherein “the world exists in the cooperative activity of those people.” this idea is reflected in the practices of the heavy metal subculture of the prl in key roles that musicians, audiences, and intermediaries within it played in a collaborative capacity in order to build their art world. secondly, the practices examined in this paper support the development of more inclusive definitions of cultural entrepreneurship. what definition might we propose? building on becker (), we suggest that the practices of cultural entrepreneurship uncovered herein highlight the need to emphasize the cultural in cultural entrepreneurship, and in this sense, we have turned to definitions of culture. writers such as williams (, ) defined culture as a way of life, while hall () and morley and chen () understood cultural practices as being processes by which “people create meaningful worlds in which to live” (negus, , p. , emphasis added). it strikes us that this meaningfully chimes with the development of the art world—the “heavy metal world”—during the prl. in this sense, we might understand cultural entrepreneurship as being novel enterprises or behaviors that seek to maximize economic, cultural, or social capital in the desire to build (or contribute to) a cultural world or landscape by creating something new. that is, cultural entrepreneurship is world-building. certainly, this is a working definition, and the bridge we have sought to build here between entrepreneurship theory and cultural studies is not without limitations, not least that world-making in cultural studies is a cultural construction of individual and social identity, while entrepreneurship focuses on the creation of value within specific contexts. nonetheless, the findings in this paper suggest value in reemphasizing the cultural dimension of cultural entrepreneurship and we hope this idea might be engaged with further. finally, a crucial component in making sense of cultural entrepreneurship is not only artivate 10.1 17 observing and analyzing adopted behaviors and practices and/or orientations, but also understanding the emotional dimension of this work too. the entrepreneurial practices uncovered in this paper were driven by a passion for cultural expression and rooted in a struggle against extreme adversity. as recalled by wiwczarek (personal correspondence, ): “you had to earn this music. maybe that is why that passion was so strong. nothing was available. you had to fight for everything.” it is for this reason—drawing on both rentschler’s () view of cultural entrepreneurship as being driven by a cultural mission and the lyrics of the band tsa quoted at the beginning of this paper—that we have conceptualized this heavy metal cultural entrepreneurship as being rooted in what we call world-building. central to this project was the fact that both musicians and fans got involved with heavy metal because it made them feel better and more confident, and it created an escapist world for them (wiwczarek, personal correspondence, ; fijałkowski, personal correspondence, ). with the help of music, the youth in the prl could escape their everyday reality—such as the one so evocatively described by davies () and nowak (, p. )—and dream both about a different life; one in which they could become stronger people (krajewski in szubrycht, , p. ; wiwczarek, personal correspondence, ). by creating their own world and escaping everyday realities, they went counter to the government’s norms and ideologies and, thus, formed a strong counterculture. members of the polish heavy metal subculture in s poland were creating an escapist world for themselves by listening to records and the radio, creating their own magazines and concerts, and in doing so creating a tightly knit subculture in the beginnings of poland’s metal music industry. references acheson, k., maule, c. j., and filleul, e. 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(2016) urban music and entrepreneurship: beats, rhymes and young people’s enterprise, routledge. williams, r. (1961) culture and society, penguin. williams, r. (1965) the long revolution, penguin. zhang, h. & corse, s. m. (2019) staging communism: state control and the chinese model opera, american journal of cultural sociology, 7, pp. 79–100 cover image: “police action in poland during the martial law of 1981-1983,” hum images / alamy stock photo, https://www.alamy.com/police-action-in-poland-during-the-martial-law-of-1981-1983-image361368057.html microsoft word novak leonard skaggs redone final 092517.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts volume 6, issue 2 http://artivate.org pp. 5-22 pp. 8-32 _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ copyright © 2017, novak-leonard, skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities: a sign of changing times jennifer novak-leonard, northwestern university rachel skaggs, vanderbilt university abstract there is a growing recognition within the arts and cultural field that the public roles and work of artists are changing. within the field, artists are increasingly lauded for their work as entrepreneurs, civically-minded problem-solvers, and agents for social change. amid a shift away from the arts policy paradigm that has largely focused on nonprofit organizations over the last half-century within the united states, there is a hypothesis stemming from within the arts and cultural field that a policy paradigm focused on artists’ roles in community change, development, and placemaking will take hold. public opinion and perceptions have an important influence on the formation of public policies, yet whether and how artists’ roles in public life are perceived beyond the arts and cultural field is unknown. this lack of understanding impedes the arts and cultural field’s ability to monitor if such a policy paradigm shift is occurring and to develop policies to support artists’ work within and with communities. therefore, we developed and pilot tested survey indicators to gauge public perceptions of artists within communities. in this article, we describe the indicators, report on the national pilot test topline results, and discuss the indicators’ merits to be used over time drawing from the pilot test results. understanding public perceptions of artists within communities can inform and influence policies supporting artists’ work and offer a means to monitor shifts to the larger arts and cultural policy paradigm in the u.s. keywords: artists; entrepreneurs; public perception of artists there is a growing recognition—at least from within the cultural sector—that the role of the “artist” in contemporary society is shifting. the once commonplace understanding of an artist as a genius, often creating in isolation (kidd, 2012), is seemingly being replaced by one focused on artists’ roles in public and civic life. artists are predominantly being recognized as entrepreneurs and agents for social change, thus making these individuals integral to community change and development (bell & oakley, 2014; cornfield, 2015; jackson et al., 2003; lingo & tepper, 2013; markusen, 2014). highly visible creative placemaking initiatives, such as the national endowment for the arts’ (nea) our town program and artplace, are being recognized as aiding a paradigm change from artists being seen as seeking community support to one of artists contributing and leveraging their skills to support communities (bonin-rodriguez, 2015; markusen & gadwa, 2010; redaelli, 2016). art as a vehicle for social messages and societal critique is not a new idea, but increasingly the work of community development, civically-minded problem-solving, and entrepreneurship that is mindful to issues of equity, accessibility and empowerment is included in the repertoire of artistic process and practice (bedoya, 2013; center for cultural innovation, 2016; jackson et al., 2003; center for performance as civic practice, 2015). through a growing body of cases and qualitative research, we know that in some communities enterprising artists are creating and facilitating creative work in ways that contribute to the development of inclusive, expressive communities (cornfield, 2015; scott, 2012). in addition, expert cultural commentators have described current means by which artists are working in new contexts and with new approaches (center for cultural innovation, 2016; goethe institute, 2014; mcglone, 2017), suggesting a new epoch for how artists are perceived and how they are working in enterprise, in civic life, and within local communities. since the middle of the 20th-century, arts policies within the united states have largely focused on the non-profit infrastructure (kreidler, 2013; mulcahy, 2006; peters & cherbo, 1998; toepler, 2013; http://artivate.org novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 6 woronkowicz, nichols, & iyengar, 2012), but the policy paradigm for arts and culture within the united states is currently amidst dramatic change. shifts in demographics, advances in technology, and expectations for social interactions are contributing to the disruption of the extant paradigm (novak-leonard et al., 2014), and the policy paradigm for arts and culture that will emerge after this punctuated change remains to be seen (toepler, 2013). an important feature of this time of change, however, is the increased focus on arts and cultural policy decisions being made on the local level (markusen & gadwa, 2010; morley & winkler, 2014). given the current momentum and pervasiveness of creative placemaking, which values artists as vital community assets and provides them with catalyzing jurisdiction (bonin-rodriguez, 2015), there is a hypothesis stemming from within the arts and cultural field that a policy paradigm focused on artists’ roles in community change, development, and placemaking is taking hold. there has never been a singular norm or definition of “artist” (markusen, 2013b), but the term has been operationalized in particular ways to inform different facets of public policy discourse connecting with arts and culture over time. over the past 20 years, a dominant approach to researching artists has been discipline-based employment (jackson et al., 2003; menger, 1999), which has been used to monitor employment trends and to “counter misperceptions about artists not contributing to economic welfare” (iyengar, 2013, p. 498). for example, the nea has used eleven occupational categories employed by the u.s. census bureau, which has established a convention used in other research; alper and wassall (2006) is one key example. studies of artists from an occupational lens have a vast body of literature to build on, and operational indicators like income, employment status, educational credentials, and years of employment that make comparison between studies more direct. when it comes to data availability, an occupational operationalization of who counts as an artist intersects with economics and employment research more broadly, which facilitates partnerships with agencies that are concerned with the financial impacts of the arts and arts industries, such as the arts and cultural production satellite account from the bureau of economic analysis and nea (national endowment for the arts, 2017). however, the role of “artist” is not exclusively tied to any required credential, job, process, or place (lena & lindemann, 2014; markusen, 2013a; markusen, gilmore, johnson, levi, & martinez, 2006; menger, 1999), so the occupational framing of “artist” does not fully meet the needs of policymakers and researchers in the cultural field. while it is vital to have a discipline-based accounting of employment to inform trends in arts employment and the related economics, it represents a limited conception of artists and their possible impact. studies that select for artists occupationally may not generalize to artists more broadly and may miss important variations in artistic practice and needed refinements in the understanding of who artists are and the measures we need to inform policy. even among individuals who many would consider artists on the basis of earning a credential, it can be difficult to get a clear picture of who is or is not an artist depending on personal conceptions and definitions of what counts (lena & lindemann, 2014). in recent years, as policy matters related to concerns about equity and changing demographics within the u.s. have come to the fore, there has been a collective broadening in the understanding of what it means to be engaged with artistic participation and forms of expression, and advances in how to measure these activities beyond occupations (ivey, 2008; novak-leonard, reynolds, english, & bradburn, 2015b; tepper & gao, 2008). existing research about group formation and cohesion in social networks can be informative when considering the relationships and personal connections that constitute the social dynamics of creative placemaking in local communities. the propensity of people to know and interact with people who are like themselves is a strong social force that can make it less likely that people who are of a different race, class, occupation, or religion will meet or build personal relationships (mcpherson, smith-lovin, & cook, 2001). artists work in locales across the u.s in rural communities, small towns, suburbs, and cities (markusen, 2013a), but communities can contain many different cliques, groups, and factions (wimmer & lewis, novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 7 2010), which means that while some individuals may know or interact with artists in their communities, others do not. we also know that closeness of ties to others influence what resources individuals are able to access (lin, 2001; van der gaag & snijders, 2005), which raises questions about who interacts with artists, and how; who may be the beneficiaries of creative placemaking initiatives leveraging artists’ skills; and how policymakers might take into account issues of accessibility and equity in the distribution of their efforts and allocation of resources within communities. based on the collective actions and language being used by many within the arts and culture field, a vital notion of artist within policy discourse has shifted from one defined by a discipline-based occupation or product to one of processes and ways of working, thinking, and connecting with others within their communities. if this notion also resonates with the broader u.s. public, then this would be a pivotal change in public understanding of and attitudes towards artists from just over a decade ago (jackson et al., 2003). public opinion is an important factor in the formation of public policies (burstein, 2003), yet whether and how artists’ roles in public life are perceived beyond the arts and cultural field are unknown. therefore, we developed and pilot tested survey indicators to gauge public perceptions of artists within local communities and to assess the closeness of relationships between local community members and artists within the community. the findings of our pilot test provide foundational insights for monitoring the roles of artists in public life, which can inform art policies to evolve from the current period of punctuated change in the united states. methodology the aim of our study was to develop and test survey measures of public perceptions of artists in order to gauge how well they may serve as indicators to monitor potential changes in public perceptions. in this article, we develop the theoretical underpinnings for our survey measures, draw upon cognitive interviews conducted to test and refine the measures, and share the results of the pilot survey fielded with a national sample. in february 2017, we conducted cognitive interviews with ten adults identified through an intercept methodology in variety of public spaces, including a public library, cafes, and a college campus within the greater nashville area. each interviewee was paid a $10 incentive to participate, and each interview lasted approximately twenty minutes and was conducted in english. the interviews were semi-structured, including a general question about what the word ‘artist’ meant to each interviewee and how, or whether, that differed when asked to think about artists that the interviewee might see or interact with in their own local community; descriptions of artists’ activities; and the closeness of relationships the interviewee might have with any artists in their local community. concurrent probing techniques were primarily used. we aimed to cognitively test the questionnaire with demographically diverse adults. of the nine individuals who agreed to self-report their demographic information at the end of the interview, five were female and four were male. three respondents were between the ages of 18-24, three between the ages of 35-44, two between the ages of 45-54, and one between the ages of 65-74. regarding educational attainment, one had a high school diploma, two had associate’s degrees, one had completed some college, three had completed bachelor’s degrees, and two had graduate degrees. our interviewees were racially and ethnically more homogenous. seven interviewees identified as white, one identified as black or african american, one identified as american indian or alaska native, and one identified as pacific islander; interviewees had the option to identify as more than one race or ethnicity. we iteratively refined the pilot test questionnaire based on feedback and observations from the cognitive interviews. between march 23-27, 2017, the pilot test survey questions were fielded on the amerispeak® panel, a probability-based panel designed to be representative of the u.s. household population, which is novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 8 operated by norc at the university of chicago. the sample is comprised of 1,110 adults (age 18 and older) from across the u.s.; 954 respondents answered the questions online, and 156 completed the questions by phone. interviews were conducted in english and spanish. for our analyses, we apply sampling weights provided by amerispeak®, which account for age, gender, the nine census divisions, education, and race/ethnicity. the total survey margin of error is +/4.04.i indicator design and key insights from cognitive interviews indicators that capture public perceptions of artists and assess relationships between local community members and artists are the focus of our research. in order to understand public perceptions of artists within their own communities, a primary aim for the design of the indicators was to encourage respondents to think carefully and widely, but quickly, about identifying practices and activities that respondents may think of as artists doing, while simultaneously directing the survey respondent to focus exclusively on artists within their local geographic community. given the various ways artists and their work have been and can be viewed, our goals in developing indicators for this study were to focus on three key constructs: (a) what people identify artists doing within their community, (b) the closeness of social ties with artists within their community, and (c) opinions of how artists should be employed or funded within their community. the purpose of each indicator and insights garnered from the cognitive interviews are further explained and resulted in the pilot test indicators in figure 1. identifying artists in local communities given the various concepts of what an artist could be and the focus of our indicators, a critical aim in designing our indicators was to encourage survey respondents to think inclusively about the forms of artistic practices that respondents may identify artists as doing, while also directing the survey respondent to focus exclusively on artists within their local geographic community. one key hurdle to overcome in the design of our indicators is the common association with the general term ‘artist’ being taken to mean a painter or musician (urban institute, 2002). the results of our cognitive interviews underscored this challenge as eight out of ten interviewees referenced visual artists, primarily painters, when initially asked, “what comes to mind when you think of the word ‘artist’?” interviewees also referenced famous musicians and performing artists, such as van gogh, taylor swift, and kurt cobain. hence, a primary goal for the indicator design was to develop framing language to help respondents think more inclusively than these commonplace responses, but to also not exclude them. toward this goal, we included key elements into the framing language for the pilot test. first, in order to encourage respondents to think broadly about what they may consider artists to do and to encourage respondents to feel comfortable making their own choice about what they might include as an artist, we used a triangulation of terms to describe the types of activities artists might be involved “artistic, creative, and cultural activities” (novak-leonard, reynolds, english, and bradburn, 2015a, p. 15). we adapted this triangulation of terms from the california survey of arts and cultural participation, as this inclusive priming language encouraged respondents to think broadly and inclusively about the forms of their own participation. novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 9 figure 1 pilot survey questions novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 10 second, in order to help define the survey respondents’ frames of reference to focus exclusively on artists within their local geographic community, we next asked respondents to think about artists they “have seen or interacted with in their local community.” we used the cognitive interviews to probe interpretations of “community” to garner insight on the degree to which interviewees would develop a frame of reference for community defined by geography as opposed to personal interactions and relationships without regard to geography. seven out of nine interviewees understood community in terms of geography; two interpreted community as defined primarily by relationships. however, even among these latter two, the relationships they referenced were still seemingly anchored by geography, as opposed to online interactions or personal identity, such as identifying with the scientific community or lgbtq community. for example, one middle-aged woman referenced her crossfit exercise group, a bible study group, and her husband’s professional network at a local university as her community. while these are relationship-focused groups, they all still exist within the geographic limits of the town in which she lives. one interviewee described community as, “people and the space, ideally a space where people can come together.” while the chosen framing language is not exclusive to communities defined by geography, based on the cognitive interviews, the phrase “local community” adequately guides respondents to focus on their geographically local community. examining variations of the phrase “have seen or interacted with” revealed negligible differences in responses or provided examples. we included an open-ended priming question in the pilot test – “please describe examples of any artists you see or interact with in your community” – in part to assess the adequacy of the framing language. in addition, the open-ended question aims to elicit examples of respondents’ interactions and perceptions of artists in their local communities in their own words to examine against descriptions of artists’ roles in local communities used in the following close-ended indicators. describing artists’ roles in local communities within local communities, our key indicators seek to capture the various notions of how the general adult public may perceive artists and the dimensions of their work. in contrast to prior studies, we did not ask about artists’ discipline of practice; rather, the indicators collect opinions on five descriptions of artists’ behaviors in their local communities in effort to shed light on how the public interprets the motivations, goals, and purpose of their work. the five measures used in the pilot test draw from existing literature and significant refinement based on results of the cognitive interviews. we define the prior twelve months as the recall period, which has been a convention used in multiple general population surveys regarding arts and culture, including the survey of public participation in the arts (national endowment for the arts, 2015), american perception of artists survey (urban institute, 2015), california survey of arts and cultural participation (novak-leonard et al., 2015a), and the general social survey – arts supplement (smith, marsden, & hout, 2016). respondents are asked to choose from the following descriptions all that apply to their experiences, as well as which one best describes their perspectives. the descriptions are not mutually exclusive from one another, but rather emphasize different possible dimensions and perceptions of artists’ activities within communities. if none of these apply to the respondent’s experiences, the pilot test includes options for the respondent to report no interaction with artists as well as write in one’s own description of artists in their local community. the five substantive responses for this question are: “represent or serve as a spokesperson for the people who are part of your community.” as part of the paradigm shift in cultural policy, artists are increasingly being presented as individuals who serve as representatives for the communities they live in to “uniquely testify from and about a particular public” (bonin-rodriguez, 2015, p. 2). in the cognitive interviews, the examples that respondents generated in response to this prompt referenced artisan markets and shop owners who serve to represent the communities in which they are located and promote other local artists, artists who fill “ethnic and economic niche[s]”, an novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 11 artist whose local exhibit focused on drawing attention to understanding mental illness, and an artist friend who the respondent talks with about community issues. understanding a baseline measure and changes over time in whether artists are perceived as representatives or spokespersons in their communities would provide insight into artists’ levels of connection to and alignment with the communities in which they live. during cognitive interviews, respondents also cited examples such as a political dance group, the recent women’s march, and other political statements by artists, suggesting a varied response that describes artists’ roles as bringing attention to community concerns or causes. additionally, the creativity connects report indicates that artists, “[give] voice to community concerns and aspirations” (center for cultural innovation, 2016, p. 3). hence, in effort to capture this sentiment, we include, “bring attention to community concerns or causes,” to elicit whether individuals perceive artists who they see or interact with in their community to be involved in issues of concern in local communities. “collaborate with local individuals and organizations.” artists have always been involved in the fabric of their communities in addition to being members of their profession. the idea of the patterned cooperation (becker, 1984) that connects artists to one another is well-established, and artists are highly aware that their work exists in interconnected occupational communities in which connections to others and a good reputation are essential for their career (cornfield, 2015; dowd & pinheiro, 2013; gallelli, 2016; menger, 1999). when asked in cognitive interviews, individuals who perceive artists in their local community to collaborate with local individuals and organizations referenced a tea shop owner who collaborates with local chefs for special events; the community of makers and hackers who collaborate to bridge the gap between artistry and innovation; artists working with the red cross and other relief organizations when there are disasters and tragedies like the east tennessee wildfires in 2016 or a local shooting that targeted an army recruitment storefront in chattanooga, tn; opportunities for children to work with local artists through the school system; and numerous arts and music festivals or events. as networking, partnerships, opportunity recognition, and the ability to “recombine resources” are prominent characteristics of arts entrepreneurship in scholarly literature (chang and wyszomirski, 2015, p. 25), this measure offers a high-level indicator of the degree to which individuals perceive artists to be operating entrepreneurially in their communities. “think about new ways to solve problems.” artists have been described as, “thinkers, creators, and problem-solvers” (center for cultural innovation, 2016, p. 11), and this indicator is intended to capture entrepreneurialism in terms of innovative approaches and problem-solving. initially, we cognitively tested a phrase used in the 2015 strategic national arts alumni project (snaap) survey, which addresses “inventing new methods to arrive at unconventional solutions” (strategic national arts alumni project, 2015, p. 1); however we chose alternative language based on cognitive interviewees’ preference for easier interpretation. in the cognitive interviews, respondents said that “think[ing] about new ways to solve problems” is a sign of a good artist and that artists “should” do things differently than what we know works currently. one interviewee replied, “i hope so! that is what i want artists to do.” understanding whether individuals perceive artists in their communities as innovative problem solvers offers an additional indicator of understanding artists as entrepreneurs. “create or perform art as a way to earn money.” our study seeks to understand public perceptions of artists beyond the occupation-based definition of artist, as well as to understand perceptions of artists as primarily seeking to earn a livelihood and make money. one interviewee explained, “you’ve got to make a living or you can’t do it.” a few of the interviewees referenced artists who do not create or perform as a way to earn money; some artists, one respondent said, “give people voice,” and another said that he has seen some artists transition from pursuing art as a hobby, but gradually turning their practice into a moneymaking venture. lastly, one interviewee said that he thinks artists have to create or perform art as a way to novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 12 earn money more than ever at this point in time since he thinks people are less willing to have the government fund the arts and that artists have to raise their own money using kickstarter or other selfinitiated ways of earning money. social ties and financing artists in local communities lastly, we include indicators of social ties and of attitudes toward employment and funding for artists. to examine social ties between artists and community members at a high level, we include an indicator of one’s social proximity to artists. the response categories for this question stem from the resource generator tool (van der gaag & snijders, 2005), which is used to measure social capital in terms of the types of resources that individuals are able to access from within their personal social networks. our final indicator by and large replicates a measure used in the american perceptions of artists survey (urban institute, 2002) to measure opinions about funding and employment opportunities for artists. the 2002 survey revealed that people tended to be more supportive of individual and community-sponsorship than support from any level of government (princeton survey research associates, 2003, p. 16). to further inform hypotheses regarding a paradigm shift of artists’ work moving toward entrepreneurialism and away from subsidy and test to what degree the public perceives that artists should be self-reliant, we added the response category, “artists should be self-employed or self-funded.” reflection on cognitive interviews the aim of the cognitive interviews was to examine and refine language to develop survey indicators that would allow us to establish a baseline, and subsequently monitor changes, of how individuals perceive and relate to artists in their communities. we recognize that nashville’s concentration and visibility of artists, musicians in particular, creates a unique context for interviewees (peoples, 2013) and acknowledge that our cognitive interviewees likely provided examples from the city’s vibrant community of commercial music artists more so than would likely occur from many other communities. for example, one interviewee noted that his interactions with artists in his local community regularly included national and international music artists like elton john and jack white. this was the most striking example, but, on the whole, many respondents talked about seeing live music and interacting with professional musicians. in the cognitive interview process, we noted that at some points respondents might abstract the idea of ‘artist’ further out to the idea of ‘art’ and respond about art more generally rather than about artists. for example, interviewees referenced buying art from vendors in local markets, listening to punk music, and attending music festivals, but not interacting with musicians at the festival. overall, the cognitive interview process was iterative and led to many improvements toward reflecting language meaningful to the general public about their perceptions of artists. pilot test results the pilot test results provide initial insights on public perceptions of artists, establishing a baseline for monitoring the potentially changing roles of artists in public life and monitoring paradigm change within the united states. we also critically reflect on the results in effort to further improve the indicator measures for future use. identifying artists in local communities overall, 38.4% of the weighted sample reported having seen or interacted with artists in their local community within the prior year. men and adults without a four-year college degree reported significantly higher rates of not having seen or interacted with artists in their community than women and those with novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 13 degrees respectively. logistic regression analyses examining race/ethnicity and college education showed that having a college degree significantly predicts higher odds (exp(ß)=1.70, p=.003) of having seen or interacted with an artist, as does identifying as black (exp(ß)=1.62, p=.055) or as ‘other, non-hispanic’ (exp(ß)=2.14, p=.026); there were no significant interaction effects between having a college degree and race.ii while having a college education is a well-recognized determinant of participation in the arts, in general (mccarthy, ondaatje, & zakaras, 2001; rabkin & hedberg, 2011), typically rates of participation are highest for those identifying as white, non-hispanic according to findings from the survey of public participation in the arts (silber & triplett, 2015). while arts participation is not necessarily equivalent to having seen or interacted with artists in one’s community, the differing patterns of engagement by race/ ethnicity are relevant to artists’ practices and to supporting policies addressing matters of inclusion. of the 439 survey respondents (unweighted) who reported having seen or interacted with artists in their local community, almost half (202 survey respondents) provided substantive responses regarding who those artists were. we use these qualitative responses to gauge how well the priming language prompted and helped frame the type of artist the survey measures aim to understand. in total, 87 respondents 43% of those who described artists in open-ended responses identified a personal relationship with an artist; 22 identified themselves as an artist, 29 identified an artist by name, and 36 referenced friends and family members as artists. examples of relationship-based responses are: “friendship with a pianist”, “i work in the arts, so it is my daily job to interact with artists and artworks”, “my brother has had his paintings in the newspaper and on display. a friend, [first and last name of friend, blinded for privacy], is an artist and just published a book. my sister is an artist also.” other responses about artists were more generic, but still focused on the roles that artists have rather than on the art that they create. for example, respondents answered: “local theatre artists, actors, directors, designers, playwrights, etc.”, “artist from new zealand painting downtown”, “blues musicians.” while 202 respondents focused on artists, an additional 118 responses addressed art more generally. we observed a similar challenge in the cognitive interviews, wherein some respondents expanded the idea of ‘artist’ into one of seeing ‘art’ more generally. for some survey responses, it was difficult to make a distinction between a respondent’s characterization of art vs. artists, so we chose to code discussion of people, roles, or relationships as a response focusing on artists (e.g., “a double bass player in the tucson symphony orchestra is a good friend”; “a few friends who are artists”; “musicians”). if the respondent’s answer focused on objects, places, or events, we coded their response as focusing on art (e.g., “art is regularly displayed in the building where i work on a rotating basis by local artists.”; “i like to visit independent local craft shops.”; “painting, music, graffiti”). of the respondents who talked about art, but not about artists in their responses to this question, most listed types of art and locations or events where they view art in their community. for example: “richmond, va has lots of public murals in our city”, “walker sculpture garden, minneapolis institute of arts, guthrie theater, ordway theater, summer music festivals”, “live music.” describing artists’ roles in local communities most respondents (50.3%) who saw or interacted with artists in their local communities described the artists as creating or performing art to earn money. a large proportion of respondents would describe the artists who they see or interact with as bringing attention to community concerns or causes (43.3%) and collaborating with local individuals and organizations (46.5%). about a quarter of respondents describe artists in their community as thinking of new ways to solve problems (24.7%) or representing or serving as a novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 14 n weighted % of total sample [95% ci] did see or interact with artists in local community [95% ci] did not see or interact with artists in local community [95% ci] adults 1,110 38.4% 61.6% [.3462, .4231] [.5769, .6538] gender male 514 48.4% 36.2% 63.8% [.4447, .5234] [.3092, .4185] [.5815, .6908] female 596 51.6% 40.4% 59.6% [.4766, .5553] [.3517, .4594] [.5406, .6483] education earned ba or above 379 25.1% 47.8% 52.2% [.2218, .2836] [.412, .5448] [.4552, .588] earned high school degree or lower 731 74.9% 35.2% 64.8% [.7164, .7782] [.3075, .3999] [.6001, .6925] age 18-29 208 21.3% 42.3% 57.7% [.1809, .2499] [.3338, .5167] [.4833, .6662] 30-44 332 26.5% 34.7% 65.3% [.2329, .3004] [.2837, .4172] [.5828, .7163] 45-59 284 24.8% 40.8% 59.2% [.2166, .283] [.334, .4863] [.5137, .666] 60+ 286 27.3% 36.7% 63.3% [.2393, .3096] [.2974, .4432] [.5568, .7026] race/ethnicity white, non-hispanic 729 64.4% 37.2% 62.8% [.6054, .6803] [.3257, .4215] [.5785, 6.743] hispanic 174 15.8% 28.2% 71.8% [.1321, .1866] [.2095, .3676] [.6324, .7905] black, non-hispanic 135 11.8% 46.7% 53.3% [.0962, .1449] [.3614, .5762] [.4238, .6386] other, non-hispanic 72 8.0% 55.3% 44.7% [.0595, .1078] [.3983, .6987] [.3013, .6017] area metro 981 87.8% 37.6% 62.4% [.8467, .9029] [.3373, .4167] [.5833, .6627] non-metro 129 12.2% 43.9% 56.1% [.0971, .1533] [.3178, .5683] [.4317, .6822] table 1 sample demographics (total) & demographics of adults who did & did not see or interact with artists in their community novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 15 spokesperson for the people (25.8%). after respondents checked all descriptions that they felt applied, we asked them to choose which description best fit the artists who they see or interact with in their communities. of the 400 individuals who answered this question, the highest percentage (34.8%) describe artists as creating or performing art to earn money, yet nearly two thirds of respondents felt there were better ways to describe artists in their communities. the next most frequent responses describe artists as bringing attention to community concerns or injustices (20.7%) and as collaborating with local individuals and organizations (16.5%). the remaining respondents said that the best description of artists in their local communities were thinking about new ways to solve problems (9.4%), representing or serving as a spokesperson for the people (8.8%), or another response (9.8%), which they detailed in an open-ended text box. descriptions of artists' roles in local communities [95% ci] n=439 best description [95% ci] n=400 create or perform art as a way to earn money 50.3% 34.8% [.4384, .5672] [.2868, .4136] bring attention to community concerns or causes 43.3% 20.7% [.3704, .4972] [.1591, .2658] collaborate with local individuals and organizations 46.5% 16.5% [.4009, .5292] [.1206, .2209] other 11.7% 9.8% [.0804, .1666] [.0626, .151] think about new ways to solve problems 24.7% 9.4% [.1992, .3027] [.0623, .1404] represent or serve as a spokesperson for the 25.8% 8.8% people who are part of your community [.2059, .3178] [.0594, .1277] table 2 descriptions of artists, among adults who saw or interacted with artists in their communities applying simple logistic regression to the ‘best description’, we find that adults who identify as black, nonhispanic have significantly higher odds than white, non-hispanic adults (exp(ß)=2.88, p=.016) to choose “bring attention to community concerns or causes” as the best description for artists they see or with whom they interact in their local community. of the 439 respondents who had seen or interacted with artists in the past year, 47 chose to provide their own answer to this question after selecting the box “other, please explain.” we inductively coded and analyzed these open-ended responses to gain insight into where the descriptions of artists that we generated may be unclear or less inclusive than intended or if there were common perceptions of artists not included in the pilot test descriptions. while we would argue that about a quarter of these responses match the given closed-ended descriptions of artists, two emergent patterns of responses suggest the possible inclusion of additional descriptions for the future use of these indicators. seven responses talked about art as a hobby, a vocation, or unpaid activity. one respondent said, “create art for my own enjoyment,” and another said, “pursue art as a life long interest.” another said, “true artists don't care about the money. they care about novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 16 the art. they are in touch with their feelings.” this suggests that a description of artists that explicitly identifies individuals’ interests in creating or performing art as a personal interest, hobby, or unpaid activity, might also be useful. an additional seven respondents described artists as educators. five of the seven respondents specifically referenced artists’ role in youth development or teaching art to children (“provide educational resources and outlets for others in the community. especially young people”; “…to help young people develop and engage in the arts and get them off the streets.”). as many people come into contact with artists through education, it may be important for future indicators to include a response that allows respondents to indicate whether they see artists to be educators either in formal or informal capacities. in addition, seven responses divulged specific examples of artists or arts-related activities. of these, four talked about artists and two gave examples about art or spaces where art is made, displayed, or performed. for example, one respondent said, “a friend will be having readings on her book coming up next month,” and others referenced specific musicians in their town or particular art galleries, events, or organizations. only two respondents noted that they interact with or see artists and art online. on the whole, these results suggest additional descriptions of artists in communities that are meaningful to residents. social ties with artists in local communities in general, most respondents who interacted with artists know them as friends (33.5%), acquaintances (35.1%), or know of them but do not have a personal relationship with an artist (51.4%). just over one quarter of respondents have closer personal relationships with artists, as 14.2% of respondents have a family member who is an artist in their community, and 12.2% of respondents identify themselves artists. when asked to identify their primary relationship to artists in their community, respondents answered similarly with 45.0% reporting their primary relationship with artists they know of, but with whom they do not have a personal relationship. approximately a fifth reported a friend (22.1%), or an acquaintance (19.1%), and a lower overall percentage of respondents reported having familial ties (6.8%) to artists, or being an artist (7.1%). financing artists in local communities in line with the american perceptions of artists survey in 2002, we found that in general, respondents are more supportive of private, local organizations and entities employing or funding artists in comparison to government funding or employment. more than half of respondents felt that individual contributors or sponsors (54.8%) should fund or employ artists. likewise, slightly more than half of all respondents felt that artists should self-fund their endeavors or be self-employed (51.6%). fewer respondents felt that private organizations and entities, that is, community organizations or clubs (47.7%), charitable corporations (40.2%), and businesses or corporations (35.1%), should fund or employ artists. on the whole, government funding or employment of artists was the least popular set of responses. respondents were more supportive of more local forms of government funding or employing artists (local government 32.4%; state government 26.0%) than they were of federal government funding or employment of artists (21.5%). there are significant differences between who respondents felt should fund or employ artists based upon whether they had seen or interacted with artists in their local community in the past year. adults who did not interact with artists in the past year were generally more supportive of non-government entities, organizations, and individuals funding or employing artists. they were most in favor of artists self-funding their own work or being self-employed (57.4%) and least supportive of the federal government as a funder novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 17 relationships between adults and artists in their local community primary relationship [95% ci] [95% ci] n=408 n=402 myself 12.2% 7.1% [.0851, .1708] [.044, .114] family member 14.2% 6.8% [.1014, .1948] [.0417, .1081] friend 33.5% 22.1% [.2741, .4009] [.1698, .2818] acquaintance 35.1% 19.1% [.2871, .4196] [.1401, .2536] no personal relationship, but i know of them 51.4% 45.0% [.4477, .5795] [.3855, .5156] table 3 social ties to artists, among adults who saw or interacted with artists in their community or employer of artists (15.4%). adults who have interacted with artists in the past year are generally more supportive of both public and private funding and employment for artists. they are most in favor of individual contributors or sponsors (61.2%) and are also least supportive of federal government support for artists (31.4%), though they are far more supportive of the federal government as a source of funding and employment for artists than are those who have not interacted with artists. of note, adults who did not interact with artists are more in favor of artists self-funding their work or being self-employed (57.4%) than are those who did interact with artists (42.4%). reflections on effectiveness & limitations our goal in this study was to set baseline measures of perceptions of artists in hopes of establishing initial understandings of perceptions of artists that can, over time, be used to understand whether the public perceives the shifts identified and initiated at the policy level. this pilot test survey constitutes the first national study of perceptions of artists since the american perceptions of artists survey in 2002, and expands the understanding of artists beyond disciplinary-based occupations. we sought to establish baseline measures of individuals’ perceptions of artists in their local communities and to measure the closeness of relationships between individuals and the artists who they see or interact with in their communities. while the cognitive interview process helped us to make the survey indicators more parsimonious, the results of the pilot test provided insights on possible approaches to further increase the effectiveness of the survey items. an issue we anticipated was distinguishing between art and artists. this was a prevalent abstraction in the cognitive interviews and was also observed in the open-ended responses of the national survey, which captured this common mismatch between the intent and purpose of the survey and the respondents’ understanding of the questions. if respondents are expressing opinions about their perceptions of art, places where they view art, and art-focused events in their local community in the open-ended questions, it is novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 18 n=1,110 support for employment and funding sources for local artists (% of adults) [95% ci] did see or interact with artists in local community [95% ci] did not see or interact with artists in local community [95% ci] individual contributors or sponsors 54.8% 61.2% 50.8% [.5083, .5874] [.5462, .674] [.4585, .5579] self-employed or self-funded 51.6% 42.2% 57.4% [.4764, .5551] [.3601, .4868] [.5243, .6226] community organizations or clubs 47.7% 53.3% 44.2% [.4376, .516] [.4678, .596] [.3935, .4914] charitable corporations 40.2% 48.1% 35.3% [.3643, .4409] [.4171, .5455] [.3078, .4005] businesses or corporations 35.1% 43.3% 30.0% [.3146, .3888] [.3701, .4972] [.2575, .3459] local government 32.4% 45.6% 24.2% [.2887, .3617] [.3922, .5206] [.204, .2848] state government 26.0% 35.9% 19.8% [.2259, .2963] [.2984, .4235] [.1607, .2412] federal government 21.5% 31.4% 15.4% [.1837, .2509] [.2555, .3791] [.1209, .1941] table 4 financing artists possible that they may also be thinking of these examples instead of thinking of artists who they see or interact with in their local community when answering multiple choice questions. this insight reminds us to be especially careful with question and response item wording and to consider adding additional framing language that makes it clearer that the survey is about artists but not about art. we expect that this may be an ongoing challenge in this line of research. while possible additions for artist descriptions as educators or hobbyists were previously addressed, we also note the possibility to reduce or narrow the description of artists. of those who answered “bring attention to community concerns or causes” as a description of artists within their community, 44% also selected it as the best description; of those who answered “represent or serve as a spokesperson for the people” as a description of artists within their community, 30% selected “bring attention” as the best description. we suggest collapsing these two descriptions in the future. in the cognitive interviews, respondents tended to give different examples for these two items, with “bring attention” being more focused on philanthropic and charitable issues and “represent” more frequently eliciting examples of political or social issues, but the results of the national pilot test suggest that the potential differences between the two are not as empirically meaningful. discussion in light of the seeming paradigm shift underway that is hailing artists as entrepreneurs, agents for social change, and problem-solvrs in public life, the goal of our study was to gauge if this concept of artist is novak-leonard and skaggs public perceptions of artists in communities _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ artivate 6 (2) 19 meaningful to the general public and to understand public perceptions of artists. in this pilot study, we tested indicators of public perceptions of artists and community members’ closeness of relationships with artists as a means of monitoring potential paradigm change and informing public policies supporting artists’ work in civic and public life. our results highlight modest modifications for improving the exactness of the indicators and establish a baseline understanding of how communities see artists, the closeness of relationships between individuals and artists, levels of self-identification as an artist, and opinions of who should fund artists, including a measure of the expectation that artists act entrepreneurially in the form of self-financing or self-employment. the pilot test’s topline results suggest that public opinion data is an important complement to employment statics, case studies, and qualitative work in informing community development and arts policies. while approximately one-third (34.8%) of the pilot test respondents who had seen or interacted with artists in their local community described artists primarily as an occupation and seeking to earn a livelihood, nearly two-thirds of respondents felt there were better ways to describe artists in their communities. this suggests that segments of communities are aware of artists leveraging their skills to support their local community, and this in particular would be important to monitor over time, offering insights on the national level and, with appropriate samples and data collection means, to monitor potential change in public perceptions within specific communities. the indicators of public perceptions can also be used to inform arts policies at the local level. our results signal that the general public wants artists in their local community to be self-employed or self-funded, which dovetails with the artists working as entrepreneurs and civic problem-solvers. such information can inform conversation about decisions and policies regarding opportunities and efforts that can involve and benefit the community. deployed at the local level, these indicators offer insights into a community’s sense of understanding artists as community assets and can shed light on a community’s public readiness to engage or reaction to engaging with creative placemaking efforts. public opinion matters for taking stock of and informing public policies, at the national and local levels. beyond intermittent measures of opinions toward public funding for arts (dimaggio & pettit, 1998), the arts and cultural field has little systematic understanding of public perceptions, let alone how they may change over time. more than ever, as artists and the broader arts field seek to work within and with public life, understanding how the public may or may not connect with artists will be important for fostering supportive polices and to take stock of this unprecedented time of change for arts and cultural policies within the u.s. acknowledgement this work was supported by the curb center for art, enterprise & public policy, vanderbilt university. references alper, n.o., & wassall, g.h. 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(2012). how the united states funds the arts. retrieved from http://arts.gov/sites/default/files/how-the-us-funds-the-arts.pdf i additional technical documentation is available at http://amerispeak.norc.org/research [accessed april 18, 2017] ii complete regression results available from authors. http://www.billboard.com/biz/articles/5650624/want-a-job-in-the-music-business-these-are-the-cities-you-should-live-in-from http://www.billboard.com/biz/articles/5650624/want-a-job-in-the-music-business-these-are-the-cities-you-should-live-in-from http://k.web.umkc.edu/keltons/econ336public_perceptions.pdf http://arts.gov/sites/default/files/2012-sppa-feb2015.pdf http://doi.org/10.3886/icpsr35478.v4 http://snaap.iub.edu/pdf/snaap_admin/snaap_career_skills_module.pdf http://www.icpsr.umich.edu/icpsrweb/nadac/studies/35571 http://doi.org/10.3886/icpsr35571.v1 http://arts.gov/sites/default/files/how-the-us-funds-the-arts.pdf microsoft word 161_final.docx vol. 10, no. 2 fall 2021 editors’ introduction neville vakhariai drexel university paul bonin-rodriguez university of texas at austin welcome to artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts .. in this issue, we’re pleased to publish a broad range of articles that exemplify the breadth and depth of our growing field. no longer a nascent, specialized subject, arts entrepreneurship is maturing into a scholarly field of inquiry that examines the multitude of intersections between arts, artists, enterprise, and society. the articles in this issue investigate arts entrepreneurship through such diverse perspectives as community development, arts incubators, entrepreneurship theory, and policy frameworks. in “the network effect of arts incubators,” stan renard and gianluca zanella propose a new metric that can estimate the effectiveness of training programs of arts incubators based on the geospatial distribution of their participants. alistair campbell and helen rusak study the construct of entrepreneurial orientation of arts managers in australia in their article, “entrepreneurial orientation among arts managers in western australia,” finding that these managers prefer collaboration over the competitive aggressiveness common in other industries. in “universities as arts and cultural anchors,” amanda ashley and leslie durham identify a changing role for universities; no longer just traditional anchor institutions, they serve as catalysts for creative entrepreneurship and innovation. shoshanah goldberg-miller and rachel skaggs interrogate the true policy value of creative economy reports that many regions commonly produce. using a case study approach to a small arts enterprise, jonathan gangi’s “effectual entrepreneurship in the arts: the story of austin classical guitar,” delves into how the pivotal concept known as effectual entrepreneurship created a sustainable and successful organization. this issue also features reviews of two timely books, both reviewed by jonathan kuuskoski. william deresiewicz’ book, the death of the artist: how creators are struggling to survive in the age of billionaires and big tech, provides a sobering view of cultural production and lateartivate 10.2 2 stage capitalism, while sally anne gross and george musgrave's can music make you sick? measuring the price of musical ambition explores the harmful mental health issues experienced by music professionals seeking to build their careers. both books are cautionary tales but provide valuable insights into how artist entrepreneurs can navigate contemporary challenges. as artivate’s reach and impact continue to grow, we are currently accepting submissions on a rolling basis. we continue to seek peer reviewers who can provide the expertise, insights, and knowledge that will strengthen our work and benefit our field; we are also always seeing additional book reviewers. we encourage you to reach out and get involved. issue cover image: damir mijailovic, pexels microsoft word mbrector%2c+146_final.docx vol. 10, no. 2 fall 2021 the story and the data using narrative policy framework to analyze creative economy reports shoshanah b. d. goldbergmiller the ohio state university rachel skaggs the ohio state university abstract: creative economies are touted as engines for economic prosperity and social good in cities. the wide applicability and inclusive definition of what counts in creative economies means that conceptual definitions are not universal. studies on the promise of the creative economy have emerged, however, analyses of these reports and their policy value are scarce. we explore five creative economy reports, applying the narrative policy framework, a novel analytic lens for comparing policy documents according to “setting,” “characters,” “plot,” and “moral of the story.” key contributions of this research center the ways that reports use rhetorical devices and empirical data to support claims and recommendations, forwarding policy learning and adaptation as tools for building and sustaining creative city branding. keywords: economic development, creative enterprise, narrative policy framework, creative economy, municipal cultural planning, urban policy. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.10.2.146 introduction the creative economy has become an engine for economic prosperity and social good in urban areas. a combination of research, policy, and practice surrounding cultural industries, city branding, cultural tourism, and the creative class has focused attention on the creative economy, making the concept a flexible tool for municipal policymakers to foster city building. one oftencited aspect of the creative economy is its reliance on entrepreneurship as a tool for innovation and economic development, and cities themselves are entrepreneurial in their collective effort artivate 10.2 2 to compete for development resources, attract jobs, and attract people. municipal goals, like population growth and expanded economic prospects, put cities in competition with one another on local, national, and global scales, and they encourage entrepreneurial action (e.g., identifying and capitalizing on opportunity, capturing an audience, and building a recognizable brand identity). many cities and consulting entities have produced reports on the power and promise of the creative economy in terms of defining the scope of a local creative economy, measuring its economic output, creating a picture of the labor force, and contextualizing the value of artistic creativity. creative economy reports, on a national or international stage, are used to make the case that a city is an economic engine, that the city welcomes significant international relationships and partnerships, or that the city is a place that fosters entrepreneurship and innovation. these reports are documents produced by a city to highlight the scope of the creative sector, and they are written by in-house municipal actors, for-profit companies, nonprofit research organizations, or academic scholars. the creative sector landscape includes a wide variety of actors and entities, including nonprofit arts and culture institutions, creative economy businesses, microenterprises and cultural producers, and numerous demand-side members of the vast and multifaceted field known as the creative economy. the reports discussed here focus on the producers of creative and cultural goods and services in the five cities under study and include both the nonprofit and for-profit sectors. despite the proliferation of creative economy reports, as well as scholarly and policy attention on the value and challenges of urban creative economic development strategies, there have been few attempts to analyze these reports and their inherent policy value. cities with similar goals, including the goal of growing and sustaining the creative economy, might differ greatly in terms of their size, population, national legal context, or history, making it unwieldy to directly compare the a priori resources, ideologies, and other factors that might make them set and attempt to meet similar benchmarks. how then can we compare the motivations, justifications, and support for policy aims in disparate contexts? we seek to fill this gap by presenting a novel policy analytic framework, the narrative policy framework (npf), to allow for such analysis. the npf, a recently developed policy theory, is employed to examine policy processes through the use of a structure that looks at the various components as well as the actors involved in a given case. we have selected this theory to analyze creative city reports produced in five cities in order to gain an understanding of the ways that npf may be applied to the creative cities’ contexts. while cultural policy tools may be widely disparate worldwide, looking at the components of these reports through the lens of npf offers a new way to examine how cities position the creative economy, its producers, and its outputs in a new light. policymakers, policy entrepreneurs, urban planners, creative economy businesses, and nonprofits arts managers all could benefit from a more nuanced analysis of the ways that the reports could be of benefit when making strategic decisions, positioning npf as a potentially valuable tool for scholars and practitioners. in order to apply this framework to a test case, we set out in analyzing the ways that creative artivate 10.2 3 economy reports use evidence to make claims and recommendations. in short, we ask: how do creative economy reports construct an image of entrepreneurship in the arts and creative industries as an engine for economic development? this article examines five creative economy reports from cities in three continents (austin, adelaide, chicago, london, and new york) that were published between  and . despite these cities’ diverse profiles of geographic, population, and national legal and policy systems, we show how they make and support claims about the value of the creative economy by applying the npf to the cities’ creative economy reports. each of these reports focuses on issues that have been examined by scholars across a variety of disciplines, including economic development, management and entrepreneurship, social capital, cultural economics, and policy development and implementation. a city may describe ways that they foster temporary arts events such as festivals and fairs, encourage the clustering of creative industries, and value the presence of members of the creative class—all of which can contribute both to the economic prosperity and the vitality of life in urban areas (jackson et al., ). however, little analysis has considered the content and intended outcomes of these reports, specifically in light of understanding their cultural policy implications. the full scope of such reports is yet unknown, and we introduce these reports as an important tool for study in cultural policy and arts entrepreneurial research, particularly in the area of urban municipal entrepreneurship. key contributions of this article are introducing narrative policy framework (npf) for an initial analysis of city creative economy reports. cities are inherently entrepreneurial and compete among one another at local, national, and global scales for notoriety, resources, and populations. understanding how cities present the story and the data that represent their creative economies toward strategic ends will contribute to evaluating the structural underpinnings of the ways that cities are acting to mobilize their reputations, their resources, and their residents. these efforts are intended to forward the brand image of a municipality as a creative entrepreneurial locale. theoretical background in  less than one-third of the world’s population was living in urban areas, in  it had risen to more than fifty percent, and if the trend continues, in  two-thirds of the world’s population is projected to live in cities (united nations, ). the study of the creative economy in urban areas is interdisciplinary and has been taken up by many academics, resulting in a plethora of studies on the so-called, ‘creative city (florida, a, b; grodach, ; markusen, ; mulcahy, ; throsby, ; zukin, ). cities may focus on the value that cultural amenities can provide, which can include anchor cultural institutions, heritage sites, arts districts, and other opportunities focused on the demand side of urban life (nicodemus, ). this is distinct from the creative industries wherein policymakers wish to foster economic strength from options such as attracting creative workers, encouraging business development, and executing creative economy clusters including design districts and artivate 10.2 4 buildings targeted to cultural entrepreneurs or even large-scale entities like recording studios or film production facilities (goldberg-miller et al., ). planning for the attraction and retention of the creative class plays a pivotal role in contemporary post-industrial economic revitalization plans and policymaking (caust, ; scott & storper, ; mitra, ). the public views artists in their communities as individuals who are working to make money but also as community assets who contribute to problemsolving, as collaborators, and as voices promoting community causes (novak-leonard and skaggs, ). in attracting creatives, a city’s revitalization strategy through arts and culture should not only focus on formal cultural offerings, but also on the types of informal arts and cultural opportunities which occur within immersive creative districts (pappalepore et al., ; richards & raymond ). instituting successful policy change by driving arts and cultural institutions requires the successful integration both of hard and soft factors (sirkin et al., ) to promote sustainable creative districts (evans, ) that feel “authentic” to creatives to sustain the “cool factor” of the city (greenwald, ). there are continuous debates about how creative city policies lead to sustainable urban revitalization and at the same time serve to address demand-side preferences of the art and culture consumers (goldberg-miller, ; yeoman, ; zimmerman, ). a feeling of cocreation and immersion may instill a sense of connection towards artists and cultural institutions, and this affinity may also be fostered by temporal urban art offerings (choi & burnes, ; lee et al., ; polo, ). however, creative city policies must recognize the local milieu and the amenities desired by creatives within a specific city (beamish et al., ; duxbury et al., ; goodsell, ; greenwald, ). without such perspectives, creative economic policies may become a normative attempt to implement copy-and-paste strategies without incorporating the differentiation of the local creative class (ratiu, ). localized culture can drive and sustain needed urban development for creative revitalization (soini & birkeland, ). the sustainability of creative economic policies must strike a balance between two opposing forces: that of growth strategies, which can lead to untenable land speculation, and communal, identity-driven planning efforts, which can inhibit rapid change needed for the creative economy (kirchberg & kagan, ). the power of contextually specific strategies and policies is that they can address local needs and mobilize local strengths. regional specificity in creative economies worldwide interest in the study and utilization of the creative economy has intensified (wyszomirski, ). european studies focus on what is known as the “cultural and creative industries” (ccis), developed and approved by the european union (kea, ) and brought into the economic realm by the five principal un organizations: unctad, undp, unesco, wipo, and itc (dos santos duisenberg, ). they found direct links between the creative economy and economic development, including gdp, growth and employment, and indirect links between growth and the fields of creativity and innovation, such as connections with the technology sector and regional development. research has confirmed the very high rates of selfartivate 10.2 5 employment and the predominant micro-size (smaller than three persons) of creative enterprises (arezzo et al., ). the recommendation was that a region’s strong and attractive cultural assets, including for-profit and nonprofit entities, could become the basis of a viable and economically healthy creative economy. creative and critical thinking, and the appetite for taking risks and thinking entrepreneurially, may matter as much as technical skills and training (wipo, ). within ccis, there is fundamental engagement in innovation: pursuing new untapped markets, developing product innovations, recognizing economic opportunity, or the pursuit of change (roberts & woods, ). this may lead to fostering creative mindsets in seeking to attract residents, workers, and corporations to specific cities. this paper examines creative economy reports from cities within the countries of australia, england, and the united states, all of which could leverage different opportunities toward these goals. in australia, scholars have focused on exploring the economic power and efficacy of creative clusters (wood & dovey, ). recognizing that the synergy among members of the creative class can lead to innovation and vitalization of neighborhoods, research has investigated the confluence of arts and culture with higher education (bridgstock & cunningham, ). while australia has made a commitment to the creative economy as an economic development tool in the north of the country, little has been done to actualize these plans (daniel et al., ). these authors assert that australia suffers from a “relative policy vacuum” and call for action to leverage creative city building tools to harness the power of ccis. in england, discourse about the role of the creative economy includes developing an understanding of how workers in this sector impact economic development. often employed as a policy tool for regenerating decrepit urban centers, the creative industries are viewed as having spillover effects for a city, providing a draw to workers from other sectors who wish to take up cultural amenities (lee, ). the majority of the creative class in england is made up of freelance workers and micro-enterprises, neither of which have been studied sufficiently, making policy development for this facet of the sector a challenge (mould et al., ). this trend may signal an environment of employment precarity for creatives, resulting in a decreased interest in attending educational programs that focus on the arts and culture fields (comunian et al., ). some studies suggest rethinking the efficacy of cultural policy development and implementation, with the caveat that a more balanced, bespoke set of policy interventions could prove most effective (pratt ). in the united states, more than ten percent of national gdp belongs to the creative industries, meaning that the segment ranks in size with the country’s manufacturing sector (oxford economics ). to combat a lack of common definitions within the field and uneven quantitative analytical standards for measuring and defining data, harris et al. () call for a national standard for the analysis of the creative economy. the hardline delineation between the for-profit creative industries and the nonprofit sector in the united states has resulted in efforts to aggregate the two in order to produce data that reflects the economic strength of these combined areas (americans for the arts, ). while there may be a differentiation between the goals and structure of us economic development in general and the value of the cultural economy specifically, these can be seen as complimentary areas (hudson, ; wyszomirski artivate 10.2 6 & goldberg-miller, ). measuring and reporting on the creative economy despite differences in national goals, definitions, and strategies toward creative economy development, there are significant efforts to systematize reporting on the impact of creative economies in cities. the regional economic contribution of the creative sector generally is measured by totaling the revenue of larger arts organizations, associated expenditures by patrons, and multiplier effects (americans for the arts, ; markusen & gadwa, ). this may underestimate the contributions of artists to a regional economy due to high rates of selfemployment and direct export activity since artists’ work enhances the design, production, and marketing of products and services in other sectors and because artists induce innovation on the part of suppliers (markusen & schrock, ). florida points to the interaction between the economic processes and the cultural characteristics of a city (a; b), whereby the cultural capital accumulated by the urban creative class initiates new, innovative, and meaningful forms. the relationship between the creative sector and urban growth has been criticized, partly because of the inadequate concepts, definitions, and data used (markusen, ). the spatial distribution of creatives seems to be more a function of semi-autonomous personal migration decisions, local nurturing of artists in dedicated spaces and organizations, and the locus of artistemploying firms. pratt () advocates taking a policy perspective that aggregates the role of the creative industries in the areas of production, consumption, and service provision, as this will provide a more balanced perspective on the role of cultural outputs in urban areas. creative economy reports are used to market an urban area to the world. urban advocates, often called policy boosters, take up ideas representative of their city as solutions to urban challenges (mccann, ). they tout their municipality as the great hope for mastering these conundrums and, in so doing, compete with others for attention (peck, ; peck, ). positioning one’s city as creative can make a difference in realizing the image policy boosters are hoping to attain (goldberg-miller, ). customized strategies are shared globally via technology and worldwide communication (kingdon, ). this creative economy rationale incorporates economic growth as a goal for cities, putting forward the tool of arts and culture, as well as innovation, as a solution to the challenges of attracting residents, tourists, and businesses, resulting in a stronger tax base. studies and reports on creative economy interventions have been commissioned by foundations, municipal governments, and private entities that have called upon renowned researchers, prominent think tanks, and state and private-sector partners to support structures for studies and reports on the creative economy. the involvement of the state in authoring creative economy reports, which occurs often in europe and australia, would appear to be because of the state’s strong role in city planning, strategic development, and the existence of a welfare state and/or social market economy (jones & nfa, ). countries with a more liberal market-oriented profile, including the united states, draw upon private sector partners, like artivate 10.2 7 consulting firms and think tanks, that view the investigation of best practices and improvement of the quality of life for citizens as a key component of their leadership role to analyze and understand a city’s sectors. the five reports analyzed here examine successes and challenges in other cities, then they go on to cover a combination of images and identities from the arts and cultural field, which are combined with socio-economic indicators such as job creation and work force, production and trade figures, financial indicators (including turnover), and investment indicators. these elements are positioned within a geographical background on a neighborhood, municipal, or regional level. the reports assess authentic creative assets—including festivals and fairs, creative and cultural districts, the cultural built environment, branding initiatives, anchor cultural institutions, and artists’ live/work environments—by looking at the cultural ecosystem within their urban setting (goldberg-miller, ). they are able to evaluate hard factors, including the cultural built environment as well as soft factors, such as the access to entertainment and the arts amenities that bolster the cool factor of a city (goldberg-miller & heimlich, ). one of the results of this process can be the unification of the private, public, and non-profit thought leaders in the city by providing them with the common goal of incorporating creativity and innovation as a tool for city building. methods the narrative policy framework the narrative policy framework (npf) asserts that policy narratives contain strategies embedded within the discourse, designed to influence the policy beliefs of targeted advocacy coalitions. this theory is based upon long-established policy theory called advocacy coalition framework (acf), which was formulated to deal with “wicked problems” such as extreme poverty, contested land use, or pollution issues in which there are multiple actors, goal conflicts, or technical disputes (sabatier & jenkins-smith, ). the assumptions in acf include the premise that policymaking occurs in a subsystem among policy specialists (sabatier et al., ). acf describes the ways that beliefs can be impacted and changed through policy-oriented learning, which are influenced by these policy specialists. acf uses testable theory as a core concept. utilizing the powerful structure of the acf as its base, npf serves to focus attention on another aspect of policymaking and policy take-up (jones & mcbeth, ). npf advocates integrating the narrative of the policy process into an investigation that has analytic power (shanahan et al., ). proponents of npf acknowledge that “subjective and often ‘nonrational’ elements are the keystones to understanding public policy,” pointing to narratives as essential building blocks for the comprehension of public policy (shanahan et al., , p. ). while this framework has gained wide attention in the last decade, it has rarely been employed in analyzing cultural policy. a powerful tool in examining how narratives influence the process of policymaking (shanahan et al., ), our research focuses on creative economy artivate 10.2 8 reports as secondary, non-experimental sources of data. we use the reports’ data figures and tables, in addition to the narrative portions of the documents, to gain a wider perspective on the objects of study. we seek to identify and analyze such subjective aspects of creative economy reports through a coding process with the intent of showing how rhetorical structures and empirical evidence are used to link claims in creative industry policy documents. while the results of this study are not generalizable to all cultural policy or all creative economy reports, the analysis provides a roadmap for further study of the efficacy and applicability of npf to the analysis of cultural policy documents, particularly across documents that come from contexts that are difficult to compare on the basis of their geographic region, legislative and policy framework, population, or economic size. as scholars seek to employ emergent theories and frameworks, they may use the npf as a tool towards gaining a deeper understanding of creative economy reporting, an often-utilized municipal cultural policy intervention. data & analytic strategy we use the npf lens to structure a qualitative coding framework for creative economy reports. in our analysis, we attend to the kinds of data that are used in report narratives and to the core concepts that narratives structure within the reports. after we present these findings, we will discuss how the data, core concepts, and narratives point toward particular policy recommendations. we developed a coding scheme to count and detail the entrepreneurial narratives and use of data that reports employ in order to tout their resources and opportunities as creative cities. we provide an appendix for a full list of codes and operationalization or source of information needed for coding process. the specific codes for this analysis were generated to fit the npf more generally and to code for aspects of creative economy reports specifically. there were two distinct areas that we coded for in the reports. first, we coded for characteristics of “the story,” that is, narrative elements that tell the story of the creative economy in line with the npf. these are measured in four ways: setting, characters (with subsections for a narrative’s hero and villain), plot, and the outcomes or moral (with a subsection for specific policy recommendations). second, the remaining focus of the coding scheme is on the data. data-focused codes seek to identify the types of empirical data used as evidence to promote a city’s creative economy. we measure the data of reports using the following codes: proportion of report pages dedicated to a data appendix, number of tables, number of figures, number of interview quotes (not quoted material from other reports, articles, or news sources), references to other cities, and references to other creative economy reports. in order to assure empirical rigor in applying the npf to creative economy reports, both authors coded each report. in collaborative coding projects such as this one, it is imperative to come to high levels of agreement on what evidence must be present to support coding decisions. application of narrative codes requires strong textual evidence, so researchers must come to a artivate 10.2 9 consensus by identifying supporting quotes direct from the text of reports in order to justify coding decisions. based on this procedure, we came to consensus on each measure through two rounds of reconciliation. however, we dropped two codes from the analysis based on what we believe to be unclear definitions of codes (“social good” and “dark sides” of creative economies).though these topics are of interest to the authors, we did not find reliable textual evidence to support their inclusion as a focal area of analysis in these creative economy reports. we coded and analyzed five studies of the urban creative economy: the economic impact of the creative sector, austin, texas, usa (); measuring chicago’s (artistically) creative economy, chicago, illinois, usa (); creative city index adelaide, adelaide, australia (); creative new york, new york, new york, usa (); and the creative industries in london, london, england (october ). these were selected based upon their similar publication dates as well as their urban foci and global geographic variation. the municipal contexts of each report differ greatly; the cities differ in terms of their population, histories, national context and legal structures, and in the size and character of their creative economies. despite the differences in the five cities, their diversity means that some types of policy analysis would not be useful as a comparative analytic tool. however, through the framework we establish in this paper, we show that npf can be fruitfully applied to policy documents, such as creative economy reports, as a way to understand how arguments are made and supported by evidence toward stated goals. findings each of the five creative economy reports makes claims about the assets and needs of the city, supporting their claims with evidence in narrative form and/or with data about their city. at times they refer to other cities’ creative assets through narration and comparative quantitative data as a strategy for telling their own story. both the story and the data are aimed at identifying policy recommendations and for promoting the promise of the city’s creative economy. just as a good story relies on narrative tools to construct the story, so too do these reports. while our coding suggests that some rely primarily on narrative elements to point to the policy recommendations and the moral of the story, coding also reveals that other reports rely more heavily on data to serve as the signpost toward the moral and recommended outcomes. while we do not address the value, either positive or negative, of using narrative rhetoric or datadriven evidence in reports, we show that these two types of evidence are each mobilized toward describing and making arguments about the creative economy, allowing for comparison between cities’ strategic use of each type of evidence in their reports. the story our first coding category for rhetorical devices is the setting, which we defined as the framing issue that the city identifies as the most salient factor for instigating the report. each of the five reports we analyzed established the setting of the story within the first five pages of the report. artivate 10.2 10 each, perhaps unsurprisingly, set their story within the context of their city’s creative economy. however, the specific framing of the creative economy varied by city, with two emergent themes: the promise of the creative economy and measuring the creative economy. in austin’s report, the setting is the booming creative sector, with the report saying, “the role of the creative sector in austin’s economy has grown substantially, accounting in  for just over . billion in economic activity (about one-third more than the revised baseline figure for ), over  million in city tax revenues, and almost , jobs” (txp, , p.). new york’s setting was similar to austin’s, as its focus was on the for-profit and non-profit creative industries and those creative workers who are employed outside of the creative industries. london’s setting honed in on its promise and position as a global cultural city, saying, “it is not just famous for its museums, galleries, heritage and monuments but also for the dynamism and diversity of its commercial creative industries: the artists, businesses, entrepreneurs, writers, venue owners, festival organisers and retailers who make the city such an economically successful and exciting place to live” (togni, , p. ). the reports from adelaide and chicago focused on issues of measurement, with adelaide framing their report around the city’s initiative to take the “creative pulse” of the city through a study of the city in comparison to its global peer cities, and chicago’s work to “acknowledge the nuances in the evolving theoretical issues around measuring the creative economy generally, while making a best pragmatic attempt to identify reliable, replicable indictors that can inform an understanding of, and conversations about, chicago’s creative economy more specifically" (novak-leonard, , p. ). next, we attended to the characters of the report. within this category, we narrowed the focus to heroes and villains as rhetorical narrative strategies (table ). note that we segment the analyzed data into tables – to present the story, the data, and the reception (respectively) as exemplars for how to analyze documents according to the npf. future uses of this framework may find it more useful to present all analyses in one table for ease of comparing across policy document cases. table 1. the story—heroes and villains city austin adelaide chicago london new york hero creative workforce city’s willingness to adapt creative workforce creative workforce creative workforce villain paradox of city market growth and lagging job growth geographic isolation ambiguity in defining and measuring the creative workforce proximity to europe, the most competitive global tourism market rising rents and shortage of space push out creatives within the npf, characters do not have to be human actors, rather coding for this theme artivate 10.2 11 requires researchers to identify forces, people, or situations that serve as assets or problems within the city’s goal to foster a vibrant creative economy. four of the cities share the same narrative hero: the creative workforce. in austin, chicago, london, and new york, reports identify the cities’ greatest strengths as their creatives, artists, and employers. austin’s report boasts the promise of their city’s creative workers, “austin’s future continues to depend on a highly capable workforce, innovation, and entrepreneurship, clusters in knowledge industries, the presence of a world-class research university and other institutions of higher learning, and strong community institutions. this mix of assets prompted the atlantic to recently rank the austin area second among us regions on its index of ‘well-being,’ third in opportunities for recent college graduates, and eighth ‘most resilient’ city (txp, , p. ). other reports compare their proportion of creative workers to other cities (chicago, new york) and tout the relatively high wages of creative industry workers in their cities (london). adelaide stands apart from the other four reports in this regard. the report identifies adelaide’s willingness to examine itself and undergo the process of comparison to other cities. heroes, it seems, are a key rhetorical device for positioning and promoting a city as a place that is equipped to meet the challenges of creating and maintaining a creative economy. in opposition to the reports’ heroes are their narrative villains, those challenges against which the reports will ultimately pose policy recommendations or outcomes. while the hero in the majority of these five reports was the same (the city’s creative workforce), each of the cities reported a different villain. austin’s villain is the paradox of city market growth and lagging job growth in the creative sector. despite high-visibility cultural and creative events like sxsw and austin’s live music industry, “job growth remains below the historic trend, and many of the new jobs created recently are relatively low-paying. as a result, economic development continues to be a high priority” (txp, , p. ). new york’s villain is similar to austin’s as rising rents and shortage of space negatively impact the creative workforce despite continued economic growth. adelaide’s villain is its geographic isolation, which the report identifies as contributing to an “insufficient critical mass and scaling up will inevitably remain a problem. the small population and vast area that south australia covers means resources are always stretched and infrastructure costs take up a greater proportion of expenditures. being isolated means people are more likely to leave than to come and so the city feels less like a global hub” (landry et al., , p. ). london’s villain is the opposite of adelaide’s. its biggest villain is mainland europe, which the report identifies as the most competitive tourism market in the world. chicago’s villain is ambiguity and a lack of cohesive definitions of the creative workforce, and the report forwards measurement problems as an issue for galvanizing and supporting the creative economy. the comparison of similar heroes and disparate villains within these reports shows a strength of the npf for analyzing policy documents, showing how different villains or problems are approached given the particular settings and heroes that inhabit a city. once the setting and characters were identified, we coded for the plot. put simply, this category is meant to identify what happened in the report. each report focused on the city’s potential for developing or maintaining the creative economy. thematically, we coded  of the reports as focusing on both entrepreneurship (through narrative text describing artivate 10.2 12 entrepreneurial action in the city’s creative sector or through providing measurement strategies for collecting data on entrepreneurial workers in the creative sector) and on economic development. austin’s plot is an elaboration of the city’s creative sector growth. the plot of adelaide’s report is in the city’s results when compared to other peer cities; the city was rated as “good” and is noted to be “shifting positively” with an “awareness of the need to adapt to changing conditions” (landry et al., , p. ). the plots of chicago and london’s reports both center the data and presentation of quantitative facts as the key happening in their reports. centering data in the narrative in this way makes it clear that the story is the data for these cities. however, while chicago’s report centers the plot of the city in comparison to other peer cities in the united states, london focuses inward, plotting the narrative through repeated variations on maps and tables, reading much like a legal evidentiary brief that details the minutia of the city’s creative economy. lastly, the plot of new york’s report is the story of agglomeration and collaboration. the report positions new york as a creative economy magnet, saying, “the economic impact of all this innovation and growth is enormous. as creative workers multiply and experiment and their companies grow, they spend more on support services and suppliers. this benefits thousands of ancillary businesses across the city, including lumber, equipment, and catering companies, as well as manufacturers producing everything from clothing to furniture. new york’s creative industries are also the single biggest draw for tourists, and thus a critical catalyst for growth in the city’s hospitality sector” (forman, , p. ). in sum, the plot of the reports is the key narrative structure for linking the setting and the characters toward making the case that will ultimately be addressed in the outcomes or moral of the story. the final rhetorical strategy we coded for was the outcomes or the moral of the story. following identification of the setting, characters, and plot, the outcome is the call to action which should, in our study, clearly establish the link between entrepreneurial action, artists, and the creative economy to bolster municipal economic development. this section may also outline specific policy recommendations meant to use the city’s particular setting and hero to address the issues posed by the villain, thereby addressing the moral of the story. austin’s outcome was to recognize the engine of growth. their paradox—creative sector growth and the creative labor market not expanding—leads to a message of keeping an eye on what is generating the growth and making sure that it is supported by policy aimed at the creative economy. the report states: "as austin looks to its economic development future, creativity is a fundamental comparative advantage—the goal is to identify the key investments, policies, and regulatory changes that can support the infrastructure necessary for sustainability and growth" (txp, , p. ). for adelaide, the moral is: if you want to be a creative hub, you have to foster the creative city. if you are isolated, you must know that you need to attract creatives. it is not an issue of intrinsic assets; they have to develop assets through policy learning and adaptation. chicago’s outcome is to see where you are as a city in comparison to other cities using standardized measurements. the moral of london’s report is underlining the creative competitiveness by casting it as an engine city rather than an arts city. lastly, new york’s outcome is that cultural policy is the only thing that can put the brakes artivate 10.2 13 on the unfettered growth and high rents that are pushing their creative workforce to move to less expensive cities. their story’s moral speaks to the opportunity costs of maintaining global creative status. "after an unprecedented investment in cultural capital projects and a strong emphasis on promoting tourism during the bloomberg administration, mayor de blasio is taking steps to ensure that opportunities to produce and consume culture in new york are broadly shared and that working artists and creative professionals can afford to live and work here. but there is a lot more to be done. to that end, we propose more than  steps that the de blasio administration can take to address and ultimately overcome the chief obstacles documented in this report” (forman, , p. ). the data just as the reports use narrative elements as evidence to support their recommendations, they rely on other kinds of data to support their claims. three of the five reports have data appendix sections, and of these reports, the proportion of the report made up of the data section varies widely. of austin’s report pages,  are part of data appendixes,  of the london report pages are part of an appendix, and  of the chicago report pages are part of an appendix. the appendices are primarily made up of additional figures and tables, though each report uses tabled numerical data and figures to represent their findings. as is apparent in table , london uses tables and figures most frequently and adelaide least frequently, though adelaide’s ratio of using tables (.) and figures (.) is the same as the new york report (.) and the austin report (.), respectively (table ). table 2. numerical data from creative cities reports in addition to numerical data presented in tables and figures, the reports each rely on some categories of qualitative data or commonly referenced qualitative information that is not part of a narrative construction of evidence. each report referenced other cities to place the focal city within an array of aspirational or peer municipalities. table  shows the frequency with which each city used this referential strategy, with london only referring to one city at the low end, austin, adelaide, and chicago each referencing around  other cities, and new york austin adelaide chicago london new york number of pages      data appendix pages      tables      figures      other cities listed in the report      references      artivate 10.2 14 referencing the most at  cities. reports used municipal references in different ways. for example, while london’s reference to san francisco was only in passing, adelaide structured much of their report as a comparison of the city to their identified city peers: helsinki, bilbao, and ghent. their engagement with these three cities served to place the ways in which their creative economy is doing well and the areas where they require significant growth. their comparisons are divided into sections (e.g., openness, tolerance, accessibility, and participation; talent development and learning landscape; strategic agility and vision) and compare adelaide to the other three cities with quantitative measures meant to score each city and qualitative descriptions of each city’s strengths and weaknesses compared to adelaide. as an example, the report claims that adelaide scores a  on strategic leadership, agility, and vision, which is lower when compared to bilbao (), ghent (), and helsinki (.). each comparison score also includes a short explanation of why the cities score the way they do, and adelaide’s score is elaborated upon in five paragraphs. three of the five reports also rely on heavy use of citations from other creative city reports, policy literature, and academic literature to support their claims and recommendations. adelaide does not cite any other literature, and austin only cites one other source, but each of the other reports relies on referencing others in the field to make their claims. perhaps unsurprisingly, two of the reports cite richard florida, and every report mentions another creative city report (though adelaide mentions another report, they do not cite it in footnotes, endnotes, or a references section). two reports also rely on interview data, though their use is in no way comparable. while the austin report is partially constructed based on stakeholder interviews, they only use one direct quote from a participant in their report. new york quotes nearly  individuals in their report (mostly executive-level arts organization managers) to help build their narrative and support their claims. the author and the reception though not presented as evidence within the framework of the story or the data, we also coded information about each report’s author and the reception of the report in terms of citations on google scholar, elaborated in table . in addition to the evidence that matters for telling the narrative and supporting the arguments of creative city reports, the storyteller matters as well. all reports, except for austin, list the individual author(s) who conducted the research and wrote the reports, but the “storyteller” we identify as most relevant within the npf is the organizational storyteller and their relationship to the story and the city. whether the storyteller is a municipal insider, a hired problem solver from the outside, or a non-governmental entity, it has an important impact on how the story is told and what kind of evidence is mobilized in support of their report’s claims. reception of the reports is measured roughly using google scholar citations. we use this measure because it is an external measure that is easily accessible. this is not a perfect tool and is arguably inappropriate for understanding the reception of the reports in their municipal contexts, as the primary audience for creative economy reports are not scholars. however, we include this measure as an initial indication of potentially meaningful artivate 10.2 15 ways of assessing data about reception of policy documents. table 3. creative economy report organizational authors and citations on google scholar austin adelaide chicago london new york organization responsible for report txp, inc. comedia the cultural policy center at the university of chicago gla economics (greater london authority) center for an urban future type of organization consulting consulting academic municipal think tank google scholar citations      discussion there are numerous reasons cities prepare creative economy reports: to gather the data, measure the creative sector, create a picture of the labor force, or understand artistic creativity through an analytical framework. exogenous and endogenous shocks often are the sparks that motivate the creation of analytical reports and studies. financial challenges, changes in neighborhood composition, and the exodus of creatives from a city due to escalating urban cost of living, rising density, and a dearth of affordable creative spaces are all factors leading to the call for analysis. some cities may produce these creative sector profiles to inspire the acceptance of this arena as an economic engine, encouraging policymakers to compete on the international stage as a creative force. factors such as the fostering of innovation, the development and continuation of significant relationships and partnerships on international levels, and the question of sustaining demand for the outputs of the creative economy all are of concern and have led to the research and publication of creative city reports. how do creative economy reports construct an image of entrepreneurship in the arts and creative industries as an engine for economic development? centering the city as the boundary that surrounds the creative economy is a rhetorical tool that cities cultivate and deploy toward strategic entrepreneurial ends as they compete for resources on a regional, national, and international scale. this rhetorical tool is mobilized in a variety of ways, but it is most legibly codified in rhetorical narrative devices and through the use of empirical facts. in short, our findings support the idea that, in these reports, cities make the case that entrepreneurial action, artists, the creative economy, and economic development are linked through strategic deployment of “the story” and “the data.” this article mobilizes the narrative policy framework (npf) to examine how creative city reports use rhetorical devices and empirical data to establish a link between entrepreneurship, artists, creative economies, and municipal economic development. we find that narrative rhetorical devices structure a clear path for analyzing the structure of cities’ arguments for their potential to attract and maintain an entrepreneurial creative sector, the evidence supporting their arguments, and the policy recommendations or outcomes and implications to take from artivate 10.2 16 the reports. despite variation in the local contexts of the cities, each one uses a combination of narration and empirical data to make and support claims about their creative economy, the potential and promises for entrepreneurial action within the creative sector, and in supporting any policy recommendations or conclusions. adelaide and new york weave together the story and the data quite adeptly. adelaide’s comparative percentage scores against other peer cities (and elaborated information about scoring effectively) use a novel measurement tool to frame specific recommendations for developing new opportunities as a creative city while identifying areas of strength. new york’s report does not segment out the data into an appendix section separate from the report narrative, rather it combines a relatively large number of tables, figures, quotes with interviewees, and references to other creative sector publications to create a comprehensive account of the challenges and promises of the city’s creative economy. three of five reports elaborated policy recommendations (austin, adelaide, new york), while the two reports whose story was the presentation of the data itself (chicago, london) did not offer any specific policy recommendations. relatedly, this divide in the reports also maps onto the reports’ organizational authorship. while the austin, adelaide, and new york reports were written by consulting firms (austin, adelaide) and a think tank (new york), chicago’s report was written by an academic research center, and london’s report was written by a division of the city’s municipal government. this structure does affect the story and the degree to which their report connects entrepreneurship, artists, and the creative sector to municipal economic development. the reports that use narrative structure and conclude with policy recommendations mobilize evidence and end on clear outcomes, while the reports that rely primarily on data, and which do not make policy recommendations, leave the data to tell the story. without directives stemming from an elaboration on the data, these reports rely on presenting a clear account of the facts as the key strategy for drawing conclusions about the creative economy in the report’s municipal context. conclusion our key contribution, in the case of entrepreneurship in the creative economy, provides an empirical example of how npf can be a tool for linking data, core concepts, and narrative toward policy recommendations. ongoing critiques of research in the creative sector cite measurement as a challenge for the field. our study illuminates one strategy for systematically analyzing policy documents, reports, and other sector-specific literature in a way that allows for flexible coding and attention to both rhetorical evidence and empirical evidence. this study is not meant to empirically generalize all cities or all creative reports, and it is not a comparative case study, rather it is meant to serve as an inductive beginning for applying npf to cultural policy and incorporating the literature on narrative in entrepreneurship to the municipal level, thus bringing additional connection between levels of analysis that are, at times, difficult to unite. though each city relies on contextually specific accounts and evidence, the analytic tools of npf and the coding scheme allows us to compare how claims are made and supported toward artivate 10.2 17 policy goals. together with initiatives (including policy learning and adaptation, the development of more manageable methods of data gathering and evaluation, and the sharing of knowledge on a global basis), this knowledge can empower policymakers, the creative industries, and the cultural community. based upon the explicit challenges presented, the data gathered, and the policy argumentation provided, the assumption of the reports is that one can tackle the problems in an efficient, practical way. however, clear strategies based upon policy learning are essential in ensuring that the reports provide worthwhile content. involving powerful multi-sector stakeholders in the creation and dissemination of the reports, together with the provision of actionable cultural policy solutions, will ensure that the reports are not shelved and ignored. future research should begin considering how the context within which a report is created affects its use of evidence and its impact on policy decisions. for example, it may examine how the commissioning agency or report author impacts the framing of that narrative’s heroes and villains. future research also may examine how cities use creative economy reports and related documents to frame the social good and so-called “dark side” of the creative economy as well as the city’s associated economic development. unless the focus on creative cities’ options also includes the public-good side of this conversation, there is a danger that any interventions may be tied to the private sector with exogenous economic shocks as a threat to sustainability. leveraging the popularity, power, and prestige of creative city policy options that are promulgated by policy boosters is an attractive concept, one that has a wide appeal to policy entrepreneurs, policymakers, and the public. a focus on brand building in cities may obfuscate the true nature of growing an arts and culture base within an urban environment. it is a limitation of the current study that we were unable to develop a coding framework for these concepts, and future efforts should work toward establishing theoretically motivated empirical codes that would measure these concepts. it is important to find reliable ways to operationalize and code these types of important textual evidence toward scholarly analysis and practitioner utility. the narrative policy framework can be employed in conjunction with other theories popular in cultural policy creation—such as multiple streams, rational choice, or network theory—as a way to enhance the understanding of the efficacy of policy interventions. fieldwork using epistemic communities of stakeholders, including members of the creative class as well as the numerous demand-side users of cultural outputs, could lead to a richer cache of data (jones & radaelli, ). numerous cities worldwide have utilized creative class strategies to revitalize their urban cores (mccann, ). public good, social benefit, and the creative economy all are areas that can be integrated into the economic development lexicon in order to address the plethora of challenges that exist in cities today. regeneration must include attention to so-called “wicked problems”, issues that are extremely difficult to resolve due to incompatible goals, factors in flux, or lack of information (rittel & webber, ). addressing key concerns such as housing affordability, workforce development, service provision, and livability can increase the possibility of sustainability in the creative cities’ movement. for many, the arts are a matter of enlightenment or entertainment. that leads to the artivate 10.2 18 perception that arts and culture are marginal in terms of economic contribution and should therefore be confined to the realms of public intervention. this may explain to a large extent the lack of analytic tools available to measure the contribution of the cultural sector to the economy. scholars need to investigate the policy subsystem within the creative economy—as well as that of the creatives themselves—in addition to urban actors concerned with creative economy interventions. policymakers are motivated to form creative city coalitions, but the narrative could be a temporary one as other issues, such as the sustainability discussion, the idea of being a tech hub, an economic downturn, or the healthcare debate, all compete for their attention. the npf and similar policy-analytic approaches can begin to do the work of examining how cities and other policymaking bodies use written documents to make claims and provide evidence in pursuit of new initiatives. policy development reflects a society, and at the same time it works to set 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(2008). consuming authenticity. cultural studies 22(5), 724–748. artivate 10.2 21 coding appendix coding category operationalization and source of code report title text as reported year published text as reported national context text as reported setting (text/quote) specific quote(s) from reports setting page number page numbers where each setting quote could be found characters hero (text/quote) specific quote(s) from reports characters hero page number page numbers where each setting quote could be found characters villain (text/quote) specific quote(s) from reports characters villain page number page numbers where each setting quote could be found plot what happened (text/quote) specific quote(s) from reports plot what happened page number page numbers where each setting quote could be found outcomes/moral result of what happened (text/quote) specific quote(s) from reports outcomes/moral result of what happened page number page numbers where each setting quote could be found number of recommendations/policy implications count number of pages count number of data appendix pages count number of tables (tabled display of numerical data) count number of figures (chart, graph, map, or infographic representing data) count number of images (photograph or animation that conveys an idea but does not represent data) count number of individuals quoted count titles/occupations/roles of individuals quoted list based on information given in report number of other cities listed in the report by name count list of other cities listed in the report by name count mentions richard florida indicator variable (=yes) number of references count cites any other creative cities/creative economy report indicator variable (=yes); taken from intext or bibliographic citations author (narrator; name) text as reported author occupation (title) text as reported organization responsible for report (narrator; name) text as reported artivate 10.2 22 sector/type of organization (e.g., academic, municipal, consulting) text as reported or obtain from online search funding for the report (funder) text as reported number of citations on google scholar count; based on google scholar citation count at time of analysis what are they counting? focus on entrepreneurship? (=yes) indicator variable (=yes); based on content of report focus on economic development? (=yes) indicator variable (=yes); based on content of report 103-article text-327-3-11-20200511 vol. 9, no. 1 spring 2020 editorial arts entrepreneurship internationally and in the age of covid- paul bonin-rodriguez university of texas at austin neville vakharia drexel university what brings the two halves of our expanded, double issue together, other than rigorous scholarship and shared commitment to our growing field, is this moment of crisis and change. during our editorial process, the world went into quarantine, and like many arts scholars we found ourselves asking how the journal’s field-building aims would contribute to the resilience of arts organizations facing unparalleled crisis. dance studies and arts policy scholar sarah wilbur writes eloquently of the challenges facing her as a professor for in an op-ed for duke university arts1: my biggest challenge, honestly, was trying to avoid showing my own sense of devastation in seminar about the dire and still-changing statistics on the us cultural workforce under covid19. we already know: 30 percent of museums that have closed will not reopen2; a projected $4.5 1 wilbur, s. (2020). "it's hard to stay optimistic." duke arts. https://arts.duke.edu/news/sarah-wilbur-it-ishard-to-stay-optimistic/. 2 merritt, elizabeth (2020). “three new scenarios for financial survival in 2020.” center for the future of museums blog. https://www.aam-us.org/2020/04/13/three-new-scenarios-for-financial-survival-in-2020/. artivate 9.1 4 billion in losses among arts nonprofits is expected in the next fiscal year3; and institutions are laying off cultural workers4 and implementing pay cuts. in the performing arts, widespread cancellations, residency deferrals, and contractual defaults are leaving the majority of gigging artists more unemployed than ever. wilbur continues by offering caution towards “a celebratory stance toward the adaptive resiliency of artists amidst the mass estrangement and economic losses of the present” and credits her concern to the high risk of exploitation of creative resilience at play right now under covid conditions of production. arts entrepreneurship has been written about in this journal as a source of resilience, optimization, and opportunity creation in its winter 2015, summer 2015, and summer 2016 issues. wilbur’s ambivalence points to tasks remaining before us, tasks that span a broad variety of practices and interdisciplinary fields. seeking to gain timely responses to the current crisis, we reached out to a variety of scholars working in the arts and arts entrepreneurship and asked them to comment on the future of our field. in a piece that she posted on her blog, creative infrastructure (“a covid-19 prompt from artivate”)5, founding editor linda essig, dean of arts and letters at california state, los angeles, observes that the current rescue efforts being made by the us government—”direct payments; expanded unemployment insurance; and paid sick leave”—offer clear testimony that “collective social action is a more effective and efficient way to achieve human well-being than marketbased exchanges.” speaking specifically to the arts, essig continues with a hopeful note with respect to equity in the cultural economy: the other thing we see happening in the short term is a reliance on artists and their irreplaceable unique creative products to help humanity through this crisis through music, media streaming, literary arts, and online galleries. we are living without sports but not without the content available on netflix or hulu. if my first hope is fulfilled, my second hope is that people will connect the value they are finding in the arts with the value they are finding in collective social action to build economic and social structures that support the arts and artists. we need to heed arlene goldbard’s (and others’) calls for a “works progress administration for the arts,”6 but in a way that does not take us back to the 1930s but instead moves us forward to the other side of neoliberal capitalism. i don’t presume to know what that will look like, but i am hopeful that it will look better for artists tomorrow than it did yesterday. 3 dafoe, taylor (2020). “the coronavirus pandemic has costs american arts organizations an estimated $4.5 billion so far, a new study claims.” artnet news. https://news.artnet.com/art-world/arts-organizations-lost-45-billion-pandemic-says-ambitious-new-study-1829262. 4 jacobs, julia (2020), “natural history museum slashing staff with layoffs and furloughs. the new york times. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/05/06/arts/design/natural-history-layoffs-virus.html. 5 essig, linda (2020). “a covid prompt from artivate.” creative infrastructure. https://creativeinfrastructure.org/2020/04/04/a-covid-19-prompt-from-artivate/. 6 essig, linda (2011). “what paul krugman and arlene goldbard have in common.” creative infrastructure. https://creativeinfrastructure.org/2011/01/04/what-paul-krugman-and-arlene-goldbard-have-in-common/. artivate 9.1 5 in “the unspoken cost and future loss of quarantainment,” scott blackshire, curator for the tobin collection of theater arts at the mcnay art museum, uses a portmanteau to describe, like essig, the avidness with which performers have stepped up to maintain content, even before the details are worked out: social distancing—the current hallmark of good citizenship—positions artists to utilize technology to reach audiences that are clamoring en masse, searching the web for their quarantainment. artists respond to their deafening demands, and work—mostly for free—to present captivating, profound, and hilarious performances that exude emotional complexity in spite of stark online environments—like that of the dafne string quartet broadcast from an empty teatro la fenice in venice; or an actor’s short-form, improvised performance/online birthday party; or the #stayathome edition of saturday night live. pandemic notwithstanding, working for free is not sustainable. messages supporting professional artists heard above the louder-thanusual online din during this crisis are buoyed by values and beliefs that mirror artists’ needs. cindy sadler, a classical vocalist, teacher, and entrepreneurship mentor, reminds clients and social media followers that artists need money. she urges audiences to offer donations for the ever-growing number of free online performances. professor, author, and playwright lisa b. thompson is a supporter of artists’ unions. her work reminds artists to question social and institutional values and be mindful of economic inequities. a more spirited perspective on the covid-19 state of the arts comes from actor and graduate student roberto di donato. he gives a cerebral take. “i’ve fully dove into chaotic thinking, and i feel more drawn to alternative thought,” he shared. also, “i started giving less shits.” assuredly spoken, but despite giving less shits he’ll still need money. so, less shits/more money—a roadmap, for all in need of a new, postpandemic path, worth consideration. diane ragsdale, assistant professor and program director for arts management and entrepreneurship in the college of performing arts at the new school, titles her piece “what are we noticing?” to introduce a mindful entrepreneurial mindset to guide our way forward: in a short video, “atlas of creative tools”7, made available online in late march 2020, choreographer, educator, and sage liz lerman discusses cultivating what she calls a “toolbox mentality”—your own set of ways of working. she differentiates two approaches to building a toolbox using a swimming metaphor: i can teach you how to swim. we can walk slowly into the pool. and we can start practicing our breathing. and then we can practice our arm movements and practice our kicking. we do all the stuff to become good swimmers. working from the shallow end into a point where you’re suddenly in the deep end and you’re swimming. that’s one way to think about a toolbox. but a toolbox mentality would be something like this. i’d throw you in the deep end. and you don’t know how to swim. you would start thrashing around. you might notice 7 lerman, liz. “an atlas of creative tools: 3 samples.” https://vimeo.com/300088026. artivate 9.1 6 that if you cup your hands you can keep your head up longer. . . . you might notice if you add your legs you can keep your head above water. you might even notice that keeping your head above water is a good idea. this is really how the toolbox mentality works. it’s you noticing. you’re in the deep end. things are happening. you’re surviving. how is that possible? lerman’s point: it’s the noticing that is important. in response to covid-19 already one can see different toolboxes emerging—different survival strategies that expose not only radically different value systems and purposes but radically different proximity to extinction. this crisis is giving us the opportunity to see our sector with new eyes. as rebecca solnit wrote in an article for the guardian published on april 7, 2020: a disaster (which originally meant “ill-starred”, or “under a bad star”) changes the world and our view of it. our focus shifts, and what matters shifts. what is weak breaks under new pressure, what is strong holds, and what was hidden emerges.8 over the coming days, weeks, and months, this pandemic will reveal the weak, strong, and hidden in our arts and culture ecosystems. moreover, in the struggle to survive, we are likely going to see hundreds if not thousands of different toolboxes emerge—from artists, organizations, funders, cities, service organizations, and states. if we are courageous and smart, we are going to notice: • what is collapsing, what has structural integrity, and what invisible beauty or harm is being revealed? • who or what are we stewarding and protecting? who or what are we leaving behind? • which newly emerging practices and structures are keeping us alive for now but are not sustainable? and which hold the potential to make us far more resilient and relevant in the future? ragsdale’s call is ultimately optimistic with respect to resilience and capacity of arts entrepreneurs to build a new future. at the university of michigan ashley lucas, associate professor of theatre arts and drama and director of the prison creative arts project (pcap), points to the challenges remaining for artists working at the intersection of arts and prison abolition and social justice more broadly. while not explicitly about the field of arts entrepreneurship, her work points to the once-vibrant and still-vital projects where artists, both leading and participating, have been transformative 8 solnit, rebecca (2020). “the impossible has already happened: what coronavirus can teach us about hope.” the guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/apr/07/what-coronavirus-can-teach-usabout-hope-rebecca-solnit. artivate 9.1 7 and are still very much needed: i spent the last seven years traveling to ten different countries to see as much theatre in prisons as i could. my forthcoming book prison theatre and the global crisis of incarceration (methuen drama, september 2020) describes the remarkable, diverse, and inspiring work that i witnessed inside places that are meant to flatten out people’s individuality and free will. in spite of the myriad and overwhelming challenges that they faced, the incarcerated people that i met found ways to make really great performances. they also used the theatre as a means to accomplish other things, like building community, developing professional skills, creating social change, and maintaining hope as a means of survival. now in the covid-19 pandemic, incarcerated theatre makers face new and even more daunting challenges. prisons throughout the us and many other parts of the world are quarantined. all programming inside the walls has ceased. even so, social distancing in prisons is impossible. testing for the virus happens sporadically and in limited numbers. in all prisons—especially those with severe overcrowding—the disease spreads like wildfire, killing prison staff and incarcerated people alike. no one is allowed to make theatre under the present conditions, and when the prisons are closed to outsiders, most of us who offer programming in prisons have either very limited or no contact with the incarcerated folks with whom we work. no one knows when we might be able to enter the prisons again, much less restart rehearsals and theatre workshops. like people with incarcerated loved ones all over the world, we wait and pray. those who survive will have much to say about what the pandemic has taught us. this crisis makes plain things we already knew—that prisons have always been public health disasters, that caging people diminishes public safety, that concentrating things like disease and violence on a captive population inevitably results in those things radiating out into the rest of society. the cook county jail in chicago and parnall correctional facility in jackson, michigan, have now been cited as the two largest institutional epicenters for covid-19 in the us, as the disease ravages the incarcerated populations and travels outside the walls on the backs of the staff who enter and leave daily. we in the theatre—incarcerated or not—have been trained to bear witness and to tell stories of what we know and what we hope the world could be. the theatre makers trapped inside the walls during this pandemic nightmare have much to teach us, and those of us who are their allies in the free world must do all we can to make sure that others can see and hear what the folks inside have to offer to all humanity. when at last the gates open again, we should be standing at the ready to welcome our sisters and brothers home or to go inside and begin devising new plays. as boal taught us, we should begin rehearsing for a better future, yet again. as all of these responses indicate, our way forward will be complex. much remains to be witnessed and experienced, theorized and researched, organized and advocated for, as well as reflected upon and written about, and we remain committed to interrogating how arts entrepreneurship can better serve its vast field. 8 microsoft word 119-article text-487-1-11-20200914.docx vol. 9, no. 2 fall 2020 special issue: arts entrepreneurship education self-directed learning on the runway to crafts entrepreneurship achieving product–market fit through learning cycles with self-management and self-control aparna katre university of minnesota duluth abstract: many artisans practice self-directed learning to gain crafts expertise in non-academic settings. they can apply this skill for crafts entrepreneurship. a preliminary exploratory study supported by three crafts entrepreneurs’ cases explored their transition from artisanship to entrepreneurship. it begins to address the lack of literature at the nexus of crafts entrepreneurship and self-directed learning. findings suggest artisans develop their product–market fit and solve business-related issues in self-directed learning cycles, exercising self-management at each step, and selfmonitoring the outcomes. with profound implications to promote crafts entrepreneurship in resource-strapped small legacy cities, we present guidance for future research to develop this field. keywords: crafts entrepreneurship, self-directed learning cycles, legacy cities, self-management, self-monitoring, creative industries. doi: 10.34053/artivate.9.2.119 crafts entrepreneurship creative industries, of which crafts is a dynamic sector, are gaining attention due to their resilience to economic downturns, the ability to promote inclusive development and overall community well-being, and for stimulating growth in other industries such as telecom. crafts products are “those produced by artisans either completely by hand or with the help of hand tools or even mechanical means as long as the direct manual contribution of the artisan remains the most substantial component of the finished product” (unctad, , p. ). crafts products artivate 1.1 46 differ from visual, performing, and literary art products in that they operate in a more functional commercial mode in the marketplace. examples include products involving fiber, leather, metal, wood, pottery, textiles, and first-hand visual-arts and design products. these are among the most traditional expressions of creativity, leveraging local cultures, traditions, and built and natural assets of their place of origin. global crafts industries contributed  billion in international trade in  and exhibited a growth rate of . percent from  to  (unctad, ). crafts industries have the potential for job creation and serve as possible tools for poverty alleviation while simultaneously promoting cultural diversity and inclusivity. artisan or crafts entrepreneurship is an emerging field of study due to its role in revitalizing economies while emphasizing cultures, traditions, and the historic architecture of a place (ratten, costa, & bogers, ). although scholars have been studying crafts entrepreneurship, pret and cogan (), in their systematic literature review, highlight a dearth of conceptual papers and recommend theoretical discussions to provide conceptual guidance for empirical research. to advance this conversation, we focus on learning theories, as successful entrepreneurs demonstrate strong learning abilities (minniti & bygrave, ; neck & corbett, ). of various learning theories, we examine the practice of self-directed learning (sdl), defined as a process where individuals are responsible for planning, carrying out, and evaluating their own learning experiences (knowles, ; merriam & caffarella, , p. ). in a review of the scholarship on entrepreneurship teaching and learning, neck and corbett () emphasize the need to develop theoretical understanding using adult learning theories, including sdl. artisans who become entrepreneurs, especially in challenging contexts, have to exercise agency and direct their skill development, and like other nascent entrepreneurs, can take responsibility for their learning (post, ). these conditions make sdl a suitable frame for the study. a growing and significant share of adults use sdl as a way of life (owen, ), to transition to self-employment (fenwick, ) often found among artisans, and to acquire new knowledge and skills for social action or to drive change (baumgartner, lee, birden, & flowers, ). however, studies examining entrepreneurial learning using sdl, particularly in nonacademic contexts, to date are few; exceptions include tseng (), carwile (), and howard (). given that artisans frequently self-direct learning the craft, we contemplate that they have the advantage to practice sdl for entrepreneurship. crafts products’ project-based nature and multifaceted values, such as utilitarian, aesthetic, artistic, creative, culturally attached, decorative, functional, and traditional (unctad, ), can present unique challenges during entrepreneurial opportunity creation or discovery. we focus our inquiry on if and how crafts entrepreneurs practice sdl, especially in determining the fit between their products and the market needs, developing a new customer base, and acquiring business skills. given the nascence of sdl for entrepreneurship and craft entrepreneurship in particular, and as suggested by pret and cogan (), we focus on an initial conceptual exploration of the topic supported by specific cases. next, we discuss the potential of crafts entrepreneurship in the context of small legacy cities and present an argument to select cases from such a city in the united states for the conceptual development of the topic. legacy cities are places that once thrived economically and culturally, but since the midto artivate 1.1 47 late-s have experienced sustained population loss and economic contraction (tighe & ryberg-webster, ). these cities were once the powerhouses of industrial production, their growth fueled by waves of immigration and migration, their heydays characterized by robust infrastructure, downtown centers, arts and cultural facilities, and diverse neighborhoods. after decades of decline, disinvestment, and population and job losses, many legacy cities are confronting the issue of revitalizing and reshaping their communities both economically and culturally. however, quintessential features of traditional american culture found in legacy cities, such as working hard and seeking to excel in one’s craft, (berube & murray, ) offer an opportunity. people celebrate the craft products as diy (do-it-yourself) creations and the makers for shaping their unique identities and those of their towns (berube & murray, ), while simultaneously offering consumers the option to participate in ethical purchasing behaviors (luckman, ). in “crafted places/places for craft,” harris () highlights the growing intersection of craft and pop-up cultures where the emphasis is on transforming the urban fabric through oneoff handmade production. the main streets of america movement (https://www.mainstreet.org/home) has more than eight hundred nationally accredited programs, many in small legacy cities, emphasizing the value of handmade artisanal businesses for their revitalization. artisanal works include craft brewing, works of metal, wood, clay, and stone, quilting, fashion, and jewelry. among the growing artisanal entrepreneurship centers in the main streets of america is, for example, milwaukee, wi, which is revitalizing itself with a number of artisanal crafts businesses, including scathian, a design and build firm; our daily salt, which produces handcrafted kitchen goods; sparrow, a metal etching store; wild haven, a yarn shop focusing on unique fibers; and several craft breweries, as well as culinary craft businesses. the share of ceramics, fiber, and woodcraft is high in western north carolina cities (stoddard, davé, & evans, ). in contrast, in peoria, illinois, the laid-off workforce from the large manufacturing firm caterpillar leveraged their industry expertise to create smaller companies using an artisanal approach for their products (kapp, ). the cities of paducah, kentucky and santa fe, new mexico in the united states are recognized as cities of crafts and folk art. the television network pbs has documented several more examples of this phenomenon in its crafts in america series. although small legacy cities have significant opportunities for the crafts economy, there are several issues. first, even though this sector is a genuine component of the creative economy and offers a vector for job creation, it is often disregarded and disconnected from public policy (unctad, ), and small legacy cities lack the necessary support to enable its growth. second, in national discussions on postindustrial revitalization strategies, small legacy cities fall under the shadow of larger cities like detroit and cleveland (hollingsworth & goebel, ). as an example, these authors cite that there are twenty small legacy cities in ohio alone, accounting for a third of its population and a third of the state’s gdp, which nevertheless are falling further and further behind. the well-being of these small legacy cities is essential for the prosperity of the state and the country. superficially, the challenges faced by small legacy cities artivate 1.1 48 might be comparable to those of the neighborhoods in larger legacy cities. however, the solutions of the latter are not readily adaptable to small legacy cities due to lack of resources and access to economic activities of larger cities. third, entrepreneurial ecosystems consisting of incubators, investors, training, and mentoring for any kind of entrepreneurship is lacking in small legacy cities. should cities decide to develop them, it not only takes time (roundy, ), but the crafts are often an afterthought. the growing phenomenon of crafts entrepreneurship in small legacy cities despite these adversities further emphasizes the significance of sdl, motivating us to engage in a conceptual exploration of the topic. next, we visit the literature on sdl. self-directed learning although sdl has been around for a long time (houle, ; tough, ), its scholarship was not taken seriously until recently, as examining learning that happens in the daily lives of individuals was considered neither worthwhile nor possible (merriam & caffarella, , p. ). the concept that adults do learn deliberately on their own has since gained momentum, and theory-building in the area of sdl continues to draw interest (merriam & baumgartner, ). in a comprehensive review of sdl literature, merriam and caffarella (, pp. –) summarize sdl models as: • linear and instructional: often teacher-led in academic or classroom settings • interactive: often learner-led, where it is less planned and structured figure 1. self-directed learning conceptual model. reproduced from garrison (1997). artivate 1.1 49 the context for our study is artisans in legacy cities embarking on an entrepreneurial journey. consequently, we are interested in cases where sdl is learner-led, interactive, less structured, and takes place in non-academic settings. in this mode, learning episodes occur from the interaction of environmental factors, the personality characteristics of the learner, their cognitive processes, and the contexts in which they are operating. garrison (, p. ) defines a comprehensive model for sdl with a balanced integration of cognitive and collaborative learning processes (figure ). self-management, one of the three dimensions garrison describes, represents the collaborative component for external or contextual task control specific to the management of learning activities. it does not indicate freedom from external influence. in an interactive model, the learner collaboratively shapes the environment in support of goal-directed actions. learner proficiency, resources for learning, and interdependence capturing the norms, standards, and learner choice determine self-management. increased learner control brings increased responsibility, and therefore, the need for the second dimension, self-monitoring. primarily cognitive, this dimension represents a commitment to learning, whereby the learner takes responsibility to integrate new and existing knowledge structures to construct meaning. at the metacognitive level, it requires the learner to reflect and think critically, assess outcomes, and develop new strategies to achieve intended outcomes. motivation, the third dimension, is the coming together of attitudes, feelings, and goals, and is necessary for the initiation and maintenance of efforts towards learning. although there is an increasing call to advance the scholarship of learning theories for entrepreneurship (neck & corbett, ; wang & chugh, ), the exploration of sdl for entrepreneurship is still nascent. studies have looked at sdl readiness of entrepreneurs and found that it positively correlates with superior entrepreneurial performance (guglielmino & klatt, ). another study found that entrepreneurs from individualistic cultures rank higher on sdl readiness (guglielmino & guglielmino, ; oliveira, silva, guglielmino, & guglielmino, ). only a few scholars have explored aspects other than sdl readiness, and fewer have used qualitative, descriptive, or mixed-methods to study sdl for entrepreneurship. in a conceptual analysis, tseng () suggests that exercising self-monitoring to learn about oneself, and selfmanagement to learn about the business enable entrepreneurial learning. additionally, developing self-monitoring and self-management skills helps individuals to self-direct their learning efforts. carwile () investigated the experiences of eight women during their first four years of business ownership and found that most learning was in-the-moment rather than preplanned, relied heavily on the involvement of others, and exhibited varying levels of motivation for learning. the study emphasizes the need for aspiring entrepreneurs to “know how to learn” in order to improve entrepreneurial performance. in a study of nascent entrepreneurs’ participation and discontinuance in a formal entrepreneurial extension education program, post () found that they have a strong desire to be in control of and be responsible for their learning goals. in a qualitative study of eleven nascent entrepreneurs in the services industry, o’shea and buckley () highlight that entrepreneurs self-regulate their learning through interactions with various individuals, groups, and organizations. artivate 1.1 50 crafts opportunity and new venture creation nuances artisan products and businesses, like most other creative works, exhibit characteristics that differentiate them from the rest. drawing from the broad list of characteristics of creative enterprises provided by pratt (), we highlight those that are significant for our discussion: • they prioritize the realization of intrinsic values from the craft alongside considerations for financial sustainability of the business • the work processes are project-based, catering to a short life with a rapid turnover of the products • they tend to have porous boundaries and mutually dependent relationships between o nonprofit, for-profit and public entities o their production and consumption processes o formal and informal economies • their products are highly competitive with small temporal and quality differentiation • the majority of the organizations are micro, comprised of self-employed or two to threeperson businesses these characteristics call for higher tolerance of the uncertainty of demand, expertise in risk and failure management, willingness to honor the entrepreneur’s deep connection with the product, greater creative autonomy, and ability to work in a fast-moving, competitive environment (saintilan & schreiber, , pp. –). luckman () argues that the small size of the businesses requires entrepreneurs to collaborate within and outside their companies rather than work as solo individuals. recognizing a market opportunity assumes an idea that is either an innovation, an invention, or an improvement—one that people need, desire, or find useful and valuable (neck, ). in the case of crafts products, several factors challenge the concept of an entrepreneurial idea and its categorization as invention, innovation, or improvement, as well as the notion of product–market fit. these include their project-based nature, their multifaceted values, and a deep sense of connection of the artisan with the product. the entrepreneurial learning for idea generation and validation for market need or desire must, therefore, need changes. similarly, we see challenges with rational and deterministic methods, or the lean startup-based methods for customer segmentation and discovery. in our analysis, we pay attention to these aspects when artisans develop products, acquire new customers, and use their knowledge and skills for new venture creation. methods to contribute to sdl research, caffarella and o’donnell () suggest descriptive investigations of learning projects, whereas brockett and hiemstra () propose qualitative studies to investigate self-direction in adult learning. qualitative research methods are best suited when studying questions of the “how” and “why” aspects of a phenomenon as they allow researchers to capture thick descriptions of the responses and facilitate generating a deeper understanding artivate 1.1 51 of the phenomenon (stake, ). sdl-related qualitative studies, for example, were able to reveal the reasons why some learners do not make a conscious effort to pre-plan learning activities (carwile, ; spear & mocker, ). given the nascence of sdl in the context of entrepreneurship in general and crafts entrepreneurship in particular, babbie () and pret and cogan () recommend a conceptual exploration to guide future empirical research. this study focuses on only three cases to conduct a preliminary examination of the applicability of sdl to crafts entrepreneurship and recommend research for the theoretical development of this topic. sample and data collection duluth, minnesota, in the united states, is a small legacy city with a population of about , and a thriving crafts sector. duluth boasts the only united states port accessing both atlantic and pacific oceans, making it easy for the rest of the nation to tap into the area’s abundant lumber, ample wheat, and expansive ore-mining opportunities (see reference list for downtown duluth article). in , it was the fastest-growing city in the united states. however, like other small cities, duluth had transformed from a thriving community to one where the blue-collar industry started to fade. the town’s economy became stale. in , a blueprint created by local leaders with support from knight foundation tried to preserve what citizens loved most about the city’s character and its past while enabling new development to sensitively blend in and enhance the community’s personality and sense of place (bohl & bixby, ). among many initiatives, a crafts economy has gained roots with lincoln park crafts district that houses manufacturing for the outdoors, a craft-brewing ecosystem, and repurposing industrial structures to promote a maker culture (commission, ). several media reports highlight the craft district’s characteristics (see reference list for articles from tcb magazine, thomson house, and lisc). the fieldwork involved three entrepreneurs in the areas of art, fashion and jewelry, and coffee roasting. the sample was purposeful as the intent was to cover diverse and complementary aspects of the phenomenon in this study rather than look for theoretical saturation (eisenhardt, ). the sample comprised a variety of crafts, and the entrepreneurs varied in age, gender, and education. table  summarizes the demographic and business information of the study participants, whose identifying information is masked (creswell, ) by generic names and descriptions of their companies. at the time of this study, all three participants were entirely dependent on the business as the primary source of income, had both full-time and part-time employees, and for this study were termed as successful entrepreneurs. semi-structured open-ended interviews guided by an interview protocol supported the exploratory nature of the study (yin, ). interview questions included, but were not limited to, the following: • tell me a bit about your background, experience and your cultural identity o probe as to how the participant got involved in the craft artivate 1.1 52 • share with me your journey of going from an interest in [the craft] to trying out different things with it o for the turning points mentioned, probe to understand the motivations, actions, and learning • describe how you gained business-related expertise, especially knowing that [mention their specific background] o probe to understand the choices they made along the way, actions and learning interviews with founders occurred at a mutually convenient time and place. since individuals might have difficulty recollecting and describing their learning practices (rae, ), the questions focused on helping participants trace and reconstruct their developmental pathway from artisan to becoming an entrepreneur, eliciting stories of subjective experiences. thus, questions flowed from conversations rather than from a specific set of questions and answers (corbin & strauss, ). table 1. participants and business information name demographics initial expertise profile jeff male, age in the s, some college education some professional experience, high expertise in visual arts and tattoo craft tattoo studio, retail rental space, has been in business for two years mary female, age in the s, bachelor’s degree event management industry experience, jewelry making and upcycled women’s clothing as a hobby retail stores selling handmade women’s jewelry and upcycled fashion products, retail rental space in two locations, has been in business for eight years george male, age in the s, bachelor’s degree some unrelated work experience and few years at coffee shops, coffee roasting as a hobby retail coffee shop and wholesale coffee roasterie, retail rental space, has been in business for three years data analysis we developed individual case studies for the three study informants. each participant’s interview was a window into the learning journey. we began our analysis by documenting the narratives describing the areas of learning (consciously chosen or otherwise), the approaches to learning (planned or otherwise), the actions to acquire new knowledge and skills, and their motivations for these activities. while doing this, we focused on specific areas of transitioning from artisanship to starting a new venture, namely developing products and acquiring new customers and business knowledge. we attempted to uncover the reasons to prioritize specific actions and learning goals over others. such narratives—fragments of text—were highlighted and studied with the sdl conceptual model (figure ) to uncover specifics for each dimension in the model. iterating between the model and the narratives helped to draw out categorizes in the operationalization of the sdl model. such analyses resulted in the creation of the individual case studies artivate 1.1 53 presented below. a discussion of the findings from these cases follows. case : jeff jeff’s passion for drawing, painting, and art in general dates back to his childhood. as a young adult, he was able to present his art at local coffee shops and galleries. describing his continued motivation for the art, jeff emphasized the fun and play aspects of making art. he said, “i would spend a lot of time [producing art, drawing portraiture, graphite stuff] . . . i enjoy it . . . it’s fun, it’s like an outlet for me.” two years into making art as an adult, through his networks, jeff learned of an opportunity to do some mural work at a tattoo studio in utah. this opportunity motivated him to sell some of his work and make a bit of money. he did not use any explicit principles to price the product. observing the dynamics at the studio, jeff realized an opportunity for his art, but more importantly, noted how others were using their creativity to fulfill it. he narrated it this way, “here i was saving money to give [the art] to other people . . . these guys were making money right now doing what i wanted to do ultimately, making tattoos.” using his knowledge of the craft, where one learns as an apprentice, he was able to transition from drawing to tattooing, learning the right way, the wrong way, the new way, and what he should and should not do. jeff described learning from experts and his involvement in the community of tattoo artists sharing work, lending each other help when needed. during this time, his craft was a side gig. he worked as a contractor but kept an eye on the income from it. reflecting on the side gig, jeff learned to understand his customers, their opinions about his work, the price they were willing to pay, and about the equipment, materials, and related costs. it gave him the confidence that even if he tried something else in his life, the gig could be a fallback option should the need arise. he described an ongoing market need, “you get all these projects that aren’t done on people out there, and they want you to finish it. they are willing to pay you  an hour to tattoo them.” personal factors motivated jeff to reflect and evaluate options when he decided to venture into entrepreneurship. while he knew a few business basics, particularly on pricing, inventory management, and customer service, jeff narrated several problems he faced beginning with finding affordable rental space, and weaknesses related to business operations. each situation involved trying out approaches and learning. about sales, he said, “basically, nobody is going to babysit me. i wake up every morning unemployed. if nothing happens that day, it’s because i didn’t make it happen.” many times, recognizing his strengths to be hands-on, jeff did tasks, such as painting and flooring to make his rental space launch-ready, himself. on other occasions, identifying his weaknesses, jeff hired an accountant, set-up a pointof-sale system, and said, “the more i can delegate away, the more i can focus on my art that brings me money.” sharing the knowledge he had acquired about customers and markets and his business operations, jeff said, “you get the housewives and kids that never would have thought about getting tattoos done that are interested. that’s the kind of market i am shooting for . . . on top of charging less than other shops, the free touch-ups for life are unheard of because we want [the tattoo] to look good and the clients want it to look good. it gets them back into the shop too.” artivate 1.1 54 jeff shared his attitude towards failure: “i’d rather try something and fail than to never have tried at all. you know, because i can live with failing and knowing that i at least tried. but i can’t really live with never doing it.” the above narratives suggest jeff is a reflective learner, assessing each situation with intrinsic motivation to excel at his craft and his business, which in turn informs his actions. case : mary mary’s craft of making jewelry and later upcycling women’s clothing to make one-off fashion wear was a hobby for a short duration, kept to herself. her first external recognition for the craft happened at a camping event when strangers who saw her handmade jewelry were impressed, requesting her to make some for them. she described the cascading demand that followed, saying, “one was from washington dc, somebody from chicago, a girl from minneapolis. they took it back and wore it. and then their friends wanted what i had created.” realizing her gift, she started making jewelry for sale. mary and her partner were both artists but were working unrelated full-time jobs. during their vacation trips to new mexico, both would make art. mary described how a business idea arose during one such trip, when her partner suggested opening an art gallery even though neither knew anything about art galleries. she said, “while i’m nodding, i’m asking all these questions in my head. where to open? how to open? with what? what do you put in the art gallery? how do you afford it? what kind of finances does it take?” she then reached out to people in her networks, ask, learn, and decide the actions. her partner started a ceramics studio, and she sold beads and jewelry while still working her job. this approach continued for a short while, during which mary built a small customer base. an external circumstance—being laid off from her job—motivated mary to venture into entrepreneurship. from this point on, mary cites action orientation and attempting a variety of strategies until she figured out her products, customers, and financially viable operations. she describes several learning episodes arising from strategic choices, such as the kind of business and business model, and from operational issues, like attracting customers to her store during a brutal winter. the reflection and evaluation were intrinsically motivated. mary described a situation where she evaluated her options to continue with the jewelry store or teach classes, and said, “teaching is fine, and i like it. it’s lucrative. i am good at it, but i don’t love it. do what you love. let the rest go. so i really learned and massaged [to be a women’s upcycled clothing and jewelry store].” another situation illuminates a learning episode when mary had to solve a business problem: she says, “it snowed two feet on december fifth, the parking meters were buried in the snow drift. it was cold and icy. it is my biggest month for sales. although we managed to pay bills, there was no money to put in the bank. and then january, february, and march were even colder. it was tough.” reflecting, exploring scenarios and options available, mary said, “they’re things i cannot control. as an entrepreneur, control what you can. i just went to my happy place, made a bunch of stuff.” assessing the entire situation, she said, “i learned that there should be a plan b, plan c, to not let the fear set in.” while her daily actions after opening the business were reflected the value of artivate 1.1 55 doing everything one can to stay afloat, mary embraced reflectivity and constant assessment of situations, and derived motivation from overcoming adversity. case : george george, who grew up in a small town, described his inspiration for his craft and the first making and sharing process as, “there was nothing else you could do really [in the town]. i remember having that first specialty coffee and liking the taste. [my brother and i] had a small home espresso machine and turned our basement into a coffee shop with syrups and stuff for like when friends would come over. we called it the last portage. i feel like i fell in love with that process.” intrigued by specialty coffee, he would listen to podcasts about coffee while mowing his lawn. driven by curiosity and play, he and his roommate, who was a chemistry major, experimented with roasting coffee, exploring hundreds of blends, the chemistry behind them, and the tastes. he developed a broad and in-depth knowledge of coffee roasting and as he shared the coffee with friends, he learned about their likes and dislikes. george and his roommate purchased an at-home roaster, hooked up a popcorn popper to it, and developed a sophisticated setup that would log all roasting details to a computer. describing the experiments, george said, “we would take little sheets of paper with different roasts, tape them on the wall, and try to figure out what makes a roast good and what doesn’t.” towards the end of such experiments, he continued, “we tasted thirty-two different coffees multiple times. for me, it totally defined the way we roast coffee. so much to the point that i felt an authority on it.” reflecting on the process and the learning, he said, “we roasted away and taught ourselves in that experience.” he shared the coffee he roasted with friends and family. george described the growing demand: “i finally bought one of those  in-house roasters, and i started selling bagged coffee to family and friends.” by this time, he had developed networks of people in the coffee business through his work, began to write about articles for roast magazine, and developed an expanding customer base. reflecting on his unhappiness with his jobs at coffee shops and family pressure to pursue a real career, george began to contemplate the idea of starting a business. the combination of intrinsic and extrinsic motivations led him to develop a business plan with help from his brother, and george began to look for angel investors through his networks. while one was taking shape, for personal reasons, he moved to duluth and had to call off the investor relationship. once again working an unrelated job, george focused on expanding his home roasting jobs. he said, “i got to the point where i’d buy one full bag of coffee, like those -pound and needed a larger roaster. all of a sudden i sold this one account, eighty bucks a week, and realized i should do something.” faced with an operational issue, the need for a much larger roaster, he tapped into his knowledge base of a local organization that supported startups. he was still operating from his home at a facility that did not meet food safety standards, attempting to solve one problem after another that came with growing demand. he said, “all of the sudden [my coffee] was out there. all i was doing is i had these bags, and i was stamping them, i had a laser printer in my garage. it was hodge-podge, i didn’t have a permit.” reflecting and assessing the artivate 1.1 56 situation, he realized it was not the right thing to do. he decided to launch a venture and evaluated alternatives to determine the business model. he said, “are we just going to be a roasterie or a café? what type of company do i want to be? what type of job do i want to have?” his past knowledge and learning from relationships in the coffee business were useful in answering these questions and making business decisions. driven by curiosity and the desire to tinker and play, george collaborated with his colleagues to engage in cycles of experimentation to get better at the craft, and publishing in industry magazines and the invitation to judge competitions was a testimonial to the expertise he achieved. simultaneously, motivated to solve problems while growing his customer base, george used his prior knowledge and networks and took actions to acquire business-related knowledge. discussion a narrative story form facilitated the study informants’ recollections of their early days from tinkering with their craft to starting their venture. a thematic analysis of their stories against a conceptual sdl model revealed the operationalization of each dimension in the model. based on the findings, we propose that artisans exploit the attitudes and skills involved in making craft for entrepreneurship. artisanship requires the physical realization of a model or a concept by hand, through iterative exploration and refinement, which offers immediate tactile feedback, and provides insights into improving the product (luckman, ). making craft is a way to exercise our agency in the physical world. as was observed in the cases, the artisans-turnedentrepreneurs extended their agency for entrepreneurial activities, by being action-oriented, repeating cycles of making products, and sharing them with prospective customers. on the other hand, the desire to excel or master the craft motivates artisans to act on tactile feedback. it requires reflecting and self-assessing the tactile feedback, and from that, sharing their products with others to make meaning and to learn. the study suggests that artisans-turned-entrepreneurs extend these reflective practices for entrepreneurial learning, demonstrating constructivism, a core principle of sdl. artisans combined a dual action orientation and reflective practices into sdl cycles of “make—share—listen—learn—adapt” (figure ) and “assess knowledge gaps—choose actions—act—review outcomes—learn” (figure ) on their path to entrepreneurship. through the first learning cycle, artisans create products that customers want and help customers develop a taste for the products they make, shuttling between the two to generate a product–market fit. more importantly, this dynamic makes space to integrate their artistic and creative desires. the second learning cycle is triggered when problems occur and results in acquiring business knowledge. the discussion below about the findings in these two areas reinforces the highly integrated nature of the three dimensions in the sdl model, as also suggested by garrison (). artivate 1.1 57 sdl for product–market fit and developing new customers adults prefer sdl when they volunteer to learn or are forced to learn (howard, ; owen, ). play makes people happy and prepares them for the unique challenges and the ambiguities they face in their daily lives (brown, ; thwaits, ). with intrinsic motivation, artisans leverage the play aspect of making and tinkering to create craft products and share their creations with friends and family, sometimes strangers too. by doing this, the artisans collaboratively construct meaning from the actions they share with the world (garrison, ). the play element also creates the desire to gain mastery of the craft skills, motivating the artisans to listen to the reactions of others, even when critical, and to learn, try variations, and improve the products. here, the artisan manages the tasks, exercises control over the subsequent iterations of the products, and decides the resources to leverage, and with whom to share. the cases suggest that these cycles enable the creation of a base of patrons, however small or large, and gives artisans the confidence that they can exert some control over their environment through artisanship (baumgartner et al., ; thwaits, ). the cases suggest that a perception of market opportunity (as in george’s case) or an external factor such as a life situation (as in jeff and mary’s cases) when coupled with the acquired self-efficacy catalyzes the transition of artisans into entrepreneurship. once into entrepreneurship, artisans shape their contextual conditions (garrison, ) by paying more attention to product–market fit, acting with a sense of urgency on the feedback of their patrons and customers, and, more generally, on the market needs. the only shift that occurs in the “make–share–listen–learn–adapt” cycle is where “sharing” happens more often through “selling.” the cognitive components of sdl require the learner to take responsibility to construct personal meaning, integrating new ideas with previous knowledge (garrison, ). the cases figure 2. sdl dimensions for product–market fit and developing patrons. artivate 1.1 58 suggest that artisans who become successful entrepreneurs regularly evaluate their work products not only against their creative desires but also for the feedback received from the patrons. the assessment occurs for new craft skills acquired and to develop an understanding of the market needs. per our findings, pragmatism drives artisans to reflect in the moment to guide future actions and adaptations, occasionally upon the achievement of business or career milestones. all informants provided examples where they assessed multiple alternatives to guide decisions about which products to make. assuming cognitive responsibility to self-monitor the learning process (garrison, ; merriam & baumgartner, ), artisans leveraged one or more of the following factors to guide future actions: • their prior knowledge • what they did well • their patrons’ desires • their own creative interests • financial viability. constant reflection and evaluation of their skills demonstrate responsibility while exercising control on the actions artisans take, paying attention to their unique contexts. artisans’ constant reflection and evaluation of their skills demonstrate responsibility and control over the actions they take within a given context. sdl to acquire business-related knowledge and skills learning by solving problems is the characteristic of constructivist learning theories (merriam & baumgartner, ), and self-directed learners perform extraordinarily well in environments that require problem-solving, innovation, and change (guglielmino & klatt, ). acts of solving business-related problems are learning episodes. congruent with the observations made by figure 3. sdl dimensions to acquire business-related knowledge and skills. artivate 1.1 59 brown (), our study findings suggest that artisans who object play with hands are good at solving problems of all kinds. artisans who successfully transition to entrepreneurship look at startup problems and failures as opportunities to learn and grow, and are motivated to take action. faced with difficulties, artisans initiate learning by first reviewing what they know and identifying the gaps, then reaching out and tapping into the knowledge of people in their networks for new knowledge. artisans control the nature of such learning with regards to the pace, the timing, the location, and the modes. for example, a sudden increase in the demand for his product necessitated that george purchase a large roaster. george had known a local organization working with startups, and decided to secure funding through them. he chose not to explore alternate paths, such as crowdfunding, and through his actions and decisions shaped the contextual factors, for example, the relationship with the funding organization. as in other entrepreneurial contexts (carwile, ), our study suggests that craft entrepreneurs leverage the trial-and-error approach, a core capability of artisans who tinker with their hands (mason, garber, hochtritt, & sharma, ), to direct learning in the areas of business operations and marketing. when faced with externalities that artisans cannot control, a strategy can be to rely on making craft, to handle the stress, and to enable clear thinking. another motivating factor for business-related sdl is about trying to operate within one’s means (often financial). successful craft entrepreneurs demonstrate a willingness to self-monitor the learning process by reflecting on the strategies used to solve problems (garrison, ; merriam & baumgartner, ). although the procedures used to address business issues and critical decisions are founded on the principles of self-management to gain mastery in the craft, entrepreneurs take responsibility to evaluate the effectiveness of these procedures. they can clearly articulate the skills acquired, especially relating to business operations, marketing, and finances. the study shows that overcoming adversity and solving business issues increases an entrepreneur’s self-confidence, further motivating them and demonstrating the interdependence of selfmonitoring and motivation (garrison, ). conclusions we began with the opportunity to revitalize the small legacy cities using economic activities in the crafts sector, and the role sdl can play to foster crafts entrepreneurship in the craft community in these cities. studying sdl of three artisans from legacy city duluth, minnesota who became successful craft entrepreneurs, we found that artisans are well-positioned to pursue craft entrepreneurship. the transferability of sdl frequently found among artisans is an advantage for craft entrepreneurship. the sdl on the runway to entrepreneurship for the three artisans had many commonalities. two models (figures  and  above) capture specific details about three critical dimensions of sdl as individuals transition from artisanship to entrepreneurship. the findings from the study are promising, and further research is necessary to develop sdl theories for crafts entrepreneurship. we discuss the limitations of the study first, followed by implications for practice and theory. the study is exploratory, examining the nature of sdl among artisans who were able to artivate 1.1 60 launch craft businesses and survived the first few years of operations. first, due to the study’s conceptual nature aimed at guiding future empirical research, scholars must exercise caution when generalizing the findings. second, there is the potential for recall bias, especially when discussing learning that occurred some time ago. future research can examine sdl through real-time and longitudinal studies. third, the sample was purposive, small, and covered only successful cases, and while the research provides a window into sdl among craft entrepreneurs, empirical qualitative studies with broader and larger samples are necessary for theory building. finally, the study was at a legacy city that already has a thriving craft entrepreneurial community, and the sdl dynamics can be different if the contextual factors are changed. the research has several implications for practice. first, the path to entrepreneurship can begin with an active pursuit of craft as a hobby or a side gig using sdl to develop patrons or customers and using intrinsic motivations to increase commitment to the craft. the perception of a market opportunity or external factors can help pivot to entrepreneurship. second, sdl stories of entrepreneurs such as those in this study, not the heroic ones, can raise artisans’ confidence. homophily among artisans suggests the possible effect that, “if she can do it, so can i.” third, a personal coach can guide artisans and heighten their awareness of sdl and its transferability to business aspects. finally, small legacy cities can establish co-working spaces with a focus on helping artisans operationalize the self-directed learning cycles to develop patrons, as observed in this study. this implication is particularly profound as small legacy cities have a thriving artisan community. sdl theories for entrepreneurship, particularly for the context of craft entrepreneurship and small legacy cities, are in nascence. however, the research provides preliminary evidence for exploring this topic using empirical methods. future research should use a grounded theory approach by expanding the sample and focusing on theoretical saturation to develop testable propositions. such research can build on the sdl cycles as well as the specific self-management and self-monitoring processes uncovered in this study. further, comparative studies examining the sdl among artisans who have attempted to be entrepreneurial but did not succeed and those who were successful, i.e., where the craft-business became their primary source of income, can help to develop a robust conceptual model. studies can also focus on the inhibitors to sdl among artisans. similarly, quantitative comparative studies measuring sdl-readiness of artisans and others can further (in)validate the preliminary findings of this study. finally, future research can compare sdl among craft entrepreneurs from different legacy cities, small and large, to study the influence of contextual factors on sdl for crafts entrepreneurship. artivate 1.1 61 references a. g. thompson house. 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(2010). qualitative research from start to finish. guilford press. cover image: glassmaker creating a glass animal by ellenm1, cc by-nc 2.0, https://www.flickr.com/photos/ellenm1/3685165761/in/photostream/. special thanks to mr. john forsman, b.a. in cultural entrepreneurship who assisted in the data collection phase in duluth, mn. he was instrumental in securing participants, scheduling and participating in the interviews, and in helping with a preliminary analysis of the data. microsoft word 158 final.docx vol. 10, no. 2 fall 2021 book review can music make you sick? measuring the price of musical ambition by sally anne gross and george musgrave jonathan kuuskoski university of michigan abstract: jonathan kuuskoski reviews can music make you sick? measuring the price of musical ambition by sally anne gross & george musgrave. doi: doi.org/artivate.10.2.158 instability for musicians transcends financial precariousness; the industry itself seems predicated on blurred lines and perennial uncertainty (p. ). we all know that making a career in music isn’t easy. the field is hypercompetitive, full of uncertainty, and high-risk. a common principle in the work of mentoring aspiring professionals, then, is to reinforce the idea that they must dream big and stay the course. achieving success requires diversifying capabilities, hustling through the early years, and maintaining an open mind to every potential opportunity. disappointments are inevitable, we tell our mentees, and carving out a satisfying, sustainable, and impactful career will demand grit, creativity, and an unwavering belief in yourself. sure, that might seem hard, but we hope each new musician we work with will look back one day and say, “yeah, that was worth it. i’m a stronger artist and human being having gone through those early struggles. thank goodness i went for it.” we want to believe that they all have a fair chance at finding individual pathways to success. artivate 10.2 2 but what if our understanding about the potential payoff of a music career is askew? what if an artist’s commitment to the hustle has ramifications that could undermine their mental health and wellbeing? what if the price of ambition is higher than we think, regardless of how successful we become? these are the compelling questions at the heart of the very wellresearched new book can music make you sick? measuring the price of musical ambition by sally anne gross and george musgrave (university of westminster press, ). the book tackles three goals—an empirically-driven understanding of how artists today experience their career development, an interrogation of the conditions within the industry and how they impact aspiring artists, and a critical evaluation of how those realities may impact our professional training of future artists and music workers. the book takes a two-part, methodological approach to the analysis of these complex, interrelated questions. the authors’ initial study of , professionals across the uk represents the largest survey of its kind ever conducted. executed in partnership with musicians help uk, gross and musgrave sought to understand the degree to which music workers experience mental health conditions, specifically anxiety and depression. the results were staggering. according to their findings, music workers are three times more likely to have experienced anxiety and/or depression than the general public. digging down into more specific detail, musical artists are roughly  percent more likely to experience depression and anxiety versus other music industry workers, in particular younger artists (under the age of thirty-five). women reported  percent higher rates of anxiety and depression than men—approximately three-quarters of the female population in the survey experienced these conditions. for the authors, uncovering the dire realities facing music professionals led to a second line of inquiry that in many ways drives the central thrust of this book. gross and musgrave augmented the survey findings with forty qualitative interviews featuring a variety of music professionals—from performers to producers and educators, as well as with industry executives, medical professionals, and even addiction treatment specialists. rather than settling on some generalized observations about how industry forces might influence the ways consumers perceive and define artistic success, these interviews aimed to understand how musicians themselves actually feel about the work they do. this dive into prevalent perceptions of artists on their own circumstances, and the resultant impact on their emotional well-being as they navigate a difficult (sometimes unforgiving) profession, is the dimension that sets this book apart from other research studies. while not aimed at the casual reader, each chapter of the book functions as a self-contained treatise on one element of the ecology that is under consideration. the density of the prose is counterbalanced by a detailed table of contents, with subsections listed for every topic, which proves immensely helpful for the reader. this text can thus function as a reference document for specific topics as much as it serves as a detailed research analysis. this reviewer especially appreciated how the authors incorporated information relevant to our covid- context— presumably just before the book went to press, given the publication timeline. the book is one of the most up-to-date resources available on an essential subject and should be required reading for all music business programs. artivate 10.2 3 divided into six chapters, the core pillars of gross and musgrave’s investigation are their questions of assessment: how do artists evaluate the status of their labor, of their personal and professional value, and of their relationships? what do they value, and why, across those three dimensions, and what do the findings reveal about the realities of making music a career? naturally the resulting analyses are complex, and—this reviewer believes—provoke essential questions about the future of arts entrepreneurship education and research. the most omnipresent revelation is that musicians pursuing a career in the field process their efforts through a combination of internal and external filters that are contaminated by two neoliberal, techno-positivist mythologies. the first of these mythologies has to do with the way the economics of the twenty-first century music industries impact our consumption of music. we often hear, in general terms, how the transition into a digitized music culture has democratized the creation and distribution of music. there is undoubtedly more music being created than ever before, and more flexibility for listeners to follow their curiosity within the endless song databases proliferated by today’s streaming giants. but as consumers gain, producers and creators of content feel the pain. gross and musgrave spend a considerable amount of time unpacking the contrary forces that are inevitably coupled with our overabundance. as it turns out, more isn’t necessarily better. for example, abundance is symptomatic of overproduction, which reflects both an intuitive understanding that the supply for music laborers greatly outsizes demand in essentially every type of job, and results in an ongoing depreciative pressure on prices. the challenges of monetizing music in a digitized consumption landscape, then, are paradoxically revealed to be both democratic and darwinian. everyone has access to distribution platforms, but it’s now up to each individual artist to carve out an audience. it makes sense in most contexts to expect that oversupply, coupled with nearly free access to a product, would drive down the price of consumption, leading to increased competition, and (likely) industry consolidation. the authors deftly critique the consequences of this hypercompetition, and the precarity it fosters across the board. our music industry infrastructure, which has bowed to the digital consumer’s expectations, poses an immense burden that “plays out on the bodies and in the minds of musicians and music producers” (p. ). artists bear this pressure in a variety of ways, and many feel both personally responsible for their failures and powerless to shift the industry itself. but how is an artist even supposed to figure out whether they are doing well or poorly? how should they feel about their careers? today, artists are asked to reconcile a commitment to “utmost self-belief” with “conscious but controlled self-doubt” (p. ). one can’t help but sense that many artists in this study felt burned by the false promises of our industry and paid mental and physical prices along the way. this second mythology, that success is tied to exceptionalism, comes crashing down under the weight of gross and musgrave’s analysis, which draws richly from cultural economics, the psychology of creativity, and the media theory of communicative capitalism. take, for example, the observation that subjects in the study regularly reported feelings of inadequacy or failure, regardless of their levels of objectively measurable achievement. even incremental successes, the status quo of any arts career, are often perceived as missed opportunities. as it turns out, the precarity of pursuing music makes it very difficult artivate 10.2 4 to relish the day-to-day process of building a musical career. in that context, artists are undermining their own sense of worth. this gap between expectation and achievement throws music workers into a cycle of disempowerment over their futures, and the sense that they need to keep hustling at all costs. these findings turn on their heads some of our most prevalent assumptions in the field of arts entrepreneurship. in our work we often propagate the notion that if an artist is talented, hard-working, and savvy enough, they will “figure it out.” they might just need a few extramusical tools to do so. in failing to define success in more grounded ways, because we are steeped in the dominant fantasy of meritocracy, we may advance the toxic concept that individual artists are in full control of their destinies. one powerful assertion of this book is that the “successes (and failures) of musicians are not isolated incidents of genius rising to the top” (p. ). in contrast, the interviews consistently highlight the complexity of what it means to even define success, and how one’s race, social class, access to capital, and preexisting connectivity to the industry bolsters incredible advantages. the implication is not that entrepreneurship training is worthless—rather that we must more fully account for these other factors, which often supersede even the savviest application of entrepreneurial tools and tactics. as an example, gross and musgrave posit that career training norms at present may be feeding the idea that creating content trumps all other priorities. their research has found that falling into that trap not only erodes one’s sense of self-worth, it also often strains every personal relationship in a musician’s life. artists fail to break that cycle of diminishing returns because, while the entry costs to making music have lowered (thanks to the rise of the internet), exit costs remain extremely high. why? because musical and personal identities are intertwined. as they say, “[music workers] can’t quit because making music ‘is’ them” (p. ). what might happen if we questioned the assumption that the comingling of these identities is essential for finding artistic satisfaction and sustenance? the conclusion of the book focuses on answers to these questions, presenting ideas for how we might manifest a more equitable and sustainable music infrastructure and reverse the dominant, negative pressures that are harming music workers. it seems clear that the nature of the industries as a complex adaptive system makes a one-shot solution impossible. while gross and musgrave readily admit that simple infrastructure solutions are difficult to realize, they do introduce points of entry for further investigation that span personal wellness tactics, public policy strategy, and even legislation. each of these warrants further investigation. in particular, the miniature case study on lil peep and the debate surrounding “duty of care”—the degree to which managers, labels, and other support players should be held responsible for individual artists’ behavior and its consequences—is fascinating and deserves a more fully-fledged analysis. the authors ultimately circle back to discuss their roles as educators and examine how tertiary training programs can make a difference. this book asks professionals in arts mentorship and education—the so-called keepers of the faith—to become seekers of the truth. in doing so, perhaps we will realize that the limitations of our music economy shouldn’t be viewed as weaknesses. in fact, reevaluating our own attitudes toward the status quo could begin to reflect more critical metrics around professional success, and might be essential to developing artivate 10.2 5 the kind of pedagogy that would prepare our students more realistically for their futures. that work will also challenge us to design a more ethical professional development training pipeline, and to reject the mythologies interrogated in this book. after all, if the three most important relationships in an artist’s professional life (to their own status, to their creative work, and to other individuals) are all in peril, the final question for us is fairly simple. can we, as the stewards of tomorrow’s changemakers, do better? if we care about the future of the performing arts, the answer must be yes. vol. 11, no. 2 fall 2022 book review innovation in the arts: concepts, theories, and practices kathryn l. brown north carolina state university abstract: an arts entrepreneurship professor reviews jason white’s innovation in the arts: concepts, theories, and practices. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.11.2.184 with innovation in the arts: concepts, theories, and practices, jason white has thoughtfully distilled the critical concept of arts innovation into its fundamental parts. as a result, artists, arts students, educators, researchers, arts administrators, and entrepreneurs all stand to benefit from the book’s precise explication of concepts, theories, and practices. in the “introduction,” white takes the time to construct contextual frames around his theories, providing the audience with a primer on his approach. briefly, he discusses the need for more representation of arts-specific innovation within general entrepreneurship and business management scholarship. i appreciated his awareness that “art” and “innovation” can potentially mean very different things to different readers. he ends his introduction by defining his key themes, preparing the reader for the book’s primary content. the “introduction” and “conclusions and suggested directions” sections also explore why innovation is an essential topic. essentially, he argues, identifying and understanding patterns of innovation within the arts helps us to research, teach, and strategically utilize innovations in ways that are more sustainable, impactful, and rewarding. in my own experiences teaching arts entrepreneurship, i find that taking the time to discuss the benefits of innovation to arts entrepreneurs—and the various ways in which it may not artivate 11.2 2 be beneficial—typically results in lively, engaging conversation. within entrepreneurship circles, “innovation” and “entrepreneurship” often appear so tightly interwoven as to be almost synonymous. however, entrepreneurship can be effective without innovation, and innovation often does not result in effective entrepreneurship. additionally, both artists and entrepreneurs often feel pressured to innovate for the sake of innovating rather than because it makes for compelling art and/or entrepreneurship. white’s deeper dive into the usefulness of his topic encourages his audience to explore the relationships and differences between entrepreneurship and innovation. white further defines his terms in the second chapter, “key terms for mutual understanding.” although this chapter is necessary, i predict it may prove challenging for some readers, especially students, because it is heavy on definitions. should this book be used in a classroom setting, it may need to be prefaced through some exploratory conversations. for researchers, however, this chapter is essential in guiding scholars from business-oriented disciplines and arts-oriented disciplines through the distinctions between our respective fields and the nature of the “products” (often utilitarian vs. aesthetic) with which we work. white’s primary chapters outline three theories of innovation in the arts: 1. a theory of art innovation: the creation, diffusion, and widespread endorsement of a new form of art in the art world. 2. a theory of art movement innovation: the introduction, diffusion, and widespread acceptance of a guiding ideology for a new art movement. 3. a theory of audience experience innovation: the development, diffusion, and widespread integration of a structured experience design for visual, literary, or performing arts audiences. beginning each chapter with a succinct definition, white then describes each theoretical framework in more detail, identifying and discussing the appropriate scholarly support for the theory. more in-depth discussion follows as he describes each theory’s unique characteristics, potential risks and challenges, strategies for gaining momentum and legitimacy within the desired art world, and desired outcomes. each of these three chapters closes with concrete examples drawn from a wide variety of case studies in art history. the chapters are well organized with subheadings to help the reader navigate the underlying pattern in each type of innovation, which i found particularly helpful. i also appreciated white’s attention to how each movement gains momentum, establishes legitimacy, and overcomes challenges; it is here that i see the most potential for classroom exercises in strategic arts innovation. for example, one might ask students to design a strategic plan for legitimizing a new art form (art innovation), generate ideas for diffusing a desired artistic reform/desired social reform via art (art movement innovation), or design a distinctively new aesthetic experience with strategic plans for gaining acceptance among arts administrators (an identified challenge inherent to this form of art innovation). along the lines of business school pedagogy, instructors may artivate 11.2 3 generate discussion questions and short exercises designed to put the student in the role of ceo/artist/arts administrator of the artists and organizations profiled, generating alternative strategies. as for arts administrators, practicing artists, and researchers, the descriptions of each theory help the reader understand the typical patterns of innovation within the arts. of course, there are always exceptions to these patterns, which beg further research exploring why these exceptions exist. white concludes the book with suggestions for further research, providing inspiration for researchers seeking new projects. overall, innovation in the arts offers a thorough yet efficient exploration of how innovation is cultivated within arts contexts. white’s ability to thoughtfully distill a vast and elusive topic into a concise text is impressive considering the amount of content and research he shares. although white’s primary audience would appear to be fellow researchers, this book is also beneficial to those working with artists in educational settings, as it can inform pedagogy. by bringing together concepts, theories, and practices in arts innovation, white has provided students, scholars, and practitioners with a timely and relevant text to inform their work and shape the future of innovation in the arts. microsoft word 106-article text-574-1-11-20210409.docx vol. 10, no. 1 spring 2021 entrepreneurial pathways in art an introductory course for undergraduate students in arts entrepreneurship scott benzenberg tampere university of applied sciences kaisu tuominiemi university of mondragon abstract: arts entrepreneurship is an emerging discipline in post-secondary education which aims to help student artists design the future of their own work (beckman, 2011). in this discipline, artists learn to extend the scope of their work by connecting the creative product with value streams such as cultural funds and new business ventures. while pedagogical strategies are defined in literature (beckman, 2007; essig, 2013; hong et al., 2012), the work here seeks to extend the conceptualization of arts entrepreneurship as a distinct discipline by establishing materials and teaching units that might introduce first-year undergraduates to the field of arts entrepreneurship. the work here reflects findings about both the pedagogical aims of arts entrepreneurship as well as instructional strategies focused on the entrepreneurial process. rather than a curriculum borrowed from other domains, the course proposal aims to formulate an instructional program for arts entrepreneurs from the ground up. keywords: arts entrepreneurship, pedagogy, course design, instruction. doi: 10.34053/artivate.10.1.106 background art programs at the university level are often designed in a studio-based model where the curriculum objective is “high-levels of disciplinary expertise” (hong et al., ). these programs graduate artists who, while highly proficient in creation and performance, must navigate a career market that is limited and highly competitive. many arts programs at the university level are now beginning to offer educational opportunities to help student artists as they navigate the artivate 10.1 2 business of the art world, but many of these are offered as standalone courses or units rather than integrated into the curriculum of a wider degree program. where these courses are offered, they often rely on approaches and content borrowed from the domain of business schools (beckman, ) rather than the specific types of employment and venture creation common in the creative industries. arts entrepreneurship is an emerging discipline in postsecondary education. this field responds to the needs of student artists by extending beyond the studio art model of arts education and aims to help students “understand how they might create value in society with their art” (beckman, , p. ). in this discipline, artists learn to extend the scope of their work by connecting the creative product with value streams such as cultural funds and new business ventures. arts entrepreneurship programs aim to develop student artists who can pursue meaningful employment and orient themselves towards new venture creation. as a discipline, arts entrepreneurship seeks to train students to be able to design the future of their own work. the pedagogical focus of arts entrepreneurship is therefore linked to three broad aims. the first aim (more generally linked to entrepreneurship education) is focused on the development of skills and knowledge for business startup and new venture creation and management. the second broad aim (more generally linked to enterprise education and employability) is focused on the development of skills and knowledge necessary to engage proactively and effectively in the process of career self-management and to add value through work (hong et al., ). these two aims, new venture creation and employability, are critical for artists who wish to have viable careers in the art world, but we argue the value of arts entrepreneurship education extends beyond learning how to profit from art. bridgstock () offers a third key aim of the discipline: being enterprising. this third aim provides a way forward for artists seeking to maintain financial viability and extend the impact of their work. impact here refers not only to commercial but also social and cultural impacts—constructs not featured in mainstream entrepreneurial courses. while integrated programs or even full degrees in arts entrepreneurship are beginning to appear and practitioners build a body of pedagogical aims, there is still a need to develop meaningful course content and instructional materials which ground content from the domain of entrepreneurship with the orientations and needs of the creative professional. particularly in our european context, much of the entrepreneurial content available to student artists is heavily borrowed from business schools and emphasizes management of cultural institutions rather than individual enterprise (essig, ). this borrowing—either from existing arts management programs or mainstream entrepreneurial courses—can fail to capture the motivation, dispositions, and needs of the student artist (roberts, ). rather than borrow from existing programs, this course proposal aims to introduce the student artist to entrepreneurialism for the artist. we seek to extend the conceptualization of arts entrepreneurship as a distinct discipline into materials and teaching units which might introduce and frame the discipline of arts entrepreneurship in a way that is both salient and relevant for the student artist. artivate 10.1 3 an introductory course for art entrepreneurship: scope and pedagogy context the course proposal below is designed to meet the needs of incoming, first-year students in an undergraduate degree program titled entrepreneurial leadership and innovation with projects focused on the domain of arts and the creative industries, which began in fall . this course proposal would serve as an introductory course for degree students interested in exploring the intersection of entrepreneurship and arts. defining features entrepreneurship for the artist for the artist in this discipline, entrepreneurship extends far beyond the ideas of for-profit enterprise. we refer to entrepreneurship in this content more broadly a "seeing the potential for something to exist in the future that does not exist in the present” (essig, ). this definition is critical because it establishes that at the core of entrepreneurial activities lies the spirit of creativity and vision. the domain of entrepreneurship in this sense is very much also the domain of the artist (gettings, ). the first stages of this introductory course will be to draw the student artist’s attention to the connection between ways conceptualizing creative work with the outcomes or aims of entrepreneurship. much of the language which describes desired attributes of the entrepreneur might be interchangeable with descriptions of the studio artist (brice heath, ). the curriculum here seeks to draw the artist’s attention towards wider possibilities of self-concept and future work. the scope of the student artist’s future work is central to this curriculum. career opportunities as presented in the traditional studio art model are limited, competitive, and rely on the existing marketplace. artists, even after years of training, too often approach the world of work without the tools necessary to financially sustain their work or to see different contexts and ways to apply their talent in the work world. the studio habits of mind are ways of thinking and approaching artistic work in the studio. at the bachelor level, artists—both studio and performance—will be familiar with these habits of mind for the studio artist (hetland et al., ). research has shown that these studio habits of mind can be applied across disciplines. more critically, these habits of mind can be neatly mapped to the entrepreneurial habits already established in mainstream entrepreneurship programs: the four fundamental entrepreneurial actions elucidated in the literature: opportunity recognition/discovery; creation (the novel); innovation; and equilibration (of an imbalanced market) are actions as applicable to the arts disciplines and trans-disciplines as to any (essig, , p. ). artivate 10.1 4 these studio habits of mind offer a salient way for arts students to understand how their own ways of thinking and working in the arts disciplines can be readily extended to these entrepreneurial actions. the studio habits of mind framework structure the course as well as the scope of each weekly unit. adapted from “studio thinking” (hetland et al., ) each lesson is structured in three parts: . demonstration—introductory session and key information from instructor . challenge—scaffolded assignments to test understanding . “students at work” —learning by creating making—either individually or collaboratively—is at the center of learning. process-based assessment because the scope and central aims of this course focus on the artist extending habits of mind into entrepreneurship, the focus of assessment will be according to the process of work as well as final outcomes. the key assessment task for the course will be a concept creation for an arts venture. this venture might take the shape of a small business concept, artistic platform, or a nonprofit work for the public good. the concept must include early visioning within the framework of the course content, peer assessment and interaction with the project, third-party feedback (detailed below), and, finally, a self-reflection which compares the original venture concept with the final proposal after feedback and trials. this assessment is designed to encourage students to incorporate entrepreneurial strategies to update and revise initial thinking to include external feedback. impact measurement and social entrepreneurship a defining feature of the course proposal here is that student artists will gain practical tools and strategies to design and create for positive change through their work and further the impact of their work. the key to this approach is that students define an external party, develop work which responds to a particular need or issue, and then learn to measure to what extent their work had on the external party based on a measurement response. students may well use these measurements to design work which responds to a market for future profitability as an artist, but the core intention is that student artists in this course think of entrepreneurship and their own potential for social impact more broadly. social entrepreneurs are individuals with innovative solutions to society’s most pressing social, cultural, and environmental challenges. they are ambitious and persistent — tackling major issues and offering new ideas for systems-level change (ashoka, n.d.). experiential and collaborative learning the eight-week course has both individual and teamwork elements, with the aim to begin exploring entrepreneurial action in art. throughout the eight-week course, different teamwork activities take place, and, at the end of the course, the students demonstrate their capacity to artivate 10.1 5 behave in an entrepreneurial manner by presenting their project proposal, gaining feedback from the peers and mentors, and showing their action and engagement with external parties thus far. we have structured the course delivery to correspond to an online platform where students can further gather resources and participate in a community of peers. this platform provides a space where students and instructors can collaborate and problem-solve in a virtual space. the online platform also provides a space where content can easily be managed, modified, and generated with learners. the online platform can also be integrated as an ongoing tool for learners pursuing the wider dual-degree program. the decision to design the initial modules through an online platform also takes advantage of the ability to provide course content in a variety of mediums and offers ways to collaborate beyond the scope of the eight weeks. this collaborative learning is vital: “collaborative learning processes help students achieve deeper levels of knowledge generation through the creation of shared goals, shared exploration, and a shared process of meaning making”(palloff & pratt, ). we intend that course participants extend thinking and ways of working from one domain where they are familiar into a new domain where collaborative work is the norm. for the course to provide opportunities for deeper learning, the online platform offers ways for course participants to collaborate in meaningful ways. the course: entrepreneurial pathways in art the course is designed to introduce and prepare those in the creative disciplines for entrepreneurship. ways of working, mental models, and tools from the art world provide relevant frameworks that can be extended into entrepreneurship. this course seeks to inspire and equip participants to use art as a tool for problem solving and creating solutions to current global needs. the aim is that learners and instructors use this space as a springboard for future collaborative projects beyond the scope of the eight-week modules. this path is for you, if you are looking • to make meaning, • to contribute, • to impact others, • to develop solutions for societies, • to design your own future in the working world through your art. let the journey begin. the objectives of teaching and learning in entrepreneurial pathways in art are that the learner: • understands the wider contexts of arts entrepreneurship and uses entrepreneurial practices artivate 10.1 6 for both opportunity and future job creation; • identifies and utilizes entrepreneurial habits of mind such as resiliency, design-thinking, alertness to opportunity and risk-taking; • deepens understanding of creativity, pattern finding, and generative thinking as these relate to arts entrepreneurship; • can recognize and act on patterns of opportunity; • gains practical competencies such as understanding forms of finance, marketing and cultivating human networks; • recognizes art as a tool for social change making; • develops attitudes and habits as change leader gaining understanding on how art ventures can impact societies in a positive way. week : in the domain of arts and entrepreneurship description: understanding the art world as it relates to social innovation, here is the first week where we set the scene and establish the connections between the studio habits of mind and the "world" that our course examines—the space between social entrepreneurship and art—and start seeing opportunities and sense of purpose in connection with other artists and broader society. the objective of the unit is that the learner: • broadens understanding about the entrepreneurial world and its relationship to the artist, considering also its different role in europe compared to the us; • explores potential of entrepreneurship and art as a means to impact cities and societies; • can make connections between artistic and entrepreneurial habits of mind; • recognizes a personal potential for impact as a global changemaker; • starts building a set of personal learning goals and habits; • visualizes different stakeholders from the art field of their own natural environment; • builds collaboration skills with other artists. building blocks for learning: • different concepts of entrepreneurship and examples of their intersection with art • the role of the student's own view and new construction of entrepreneurship, leadership, and artistry • means of leading one's own learning process by creating a learning compass for the eightweek course • role and opportunities of art in the future of work and seeing different disciplines that relate to art (film making, architecture, design, music, visual arts, performative arts) • understanding the entrepreneurial world (what it means and different ways of artivate 10.1 7 understanding) • how can art and entrepreneurship interconnect, what opportunities does this create? • engage & inspire, building the bigger picture • building connections, networking, entrepreneurship for good, collaboration skills, social innovation during the first week, the main goal is to set the common ground for the course by creating a common consensus through dialogue and debate on how arts entrepreneurship operates as a discipline. the course participants gather insights from art council uk´s infographic regarding the value of arts and culture to society and continue by sharing concrete examples and inspiring stories of different creative entrepreneur stories. an example of such stories is mel zukernik of fauna querida, who uses illustration and children's books to create awareness regarding animal rights. participants then gather and debate more generally known examples, such as andy warhol or jeff koons, and investigate ashoka social entrepreneurs connected to arts. what makes an artist entrepreneurial? after setting the common ground, the course participants are invited to inner inquiry of their own journey as artists and, potentially, artist-entrepreneurs through the learning compass tool (mta-ta), where one is invited to reflect: where have i been? where am i now? where do i want to go? how will i get there? how will i know i´ve reached my goal? by sharing the results in teams, collective understanding and peer support is created to enable one's goals and dreams. the first module offers a framework for the entire course and enables the participant to work on building their own goals and visions according to the course theme. concrete deliverables and key activities of this unit: • dialogue—defining arts entrepreneurship • reflection paper—what is my definition of arts entrepreneurship? • learning compass—my journey as artist, my potential as an arts entrepreneur, how this relates to the coming eight weeks, and which skills i want to develop • visualizing the outline for the whole course readings that explore the definition of art from different viewpoints—that can be of vasili kandinski, dadaism, ernst gombrich, pierre bourdieu, arthur danto, oxford/cambridge dictionaries etc. creating a dynamic with the students where they write, “art is . . . ,” building dialogue of what art means for them in order to extend that dialogue towards arts entrepreneurship. week : key ingredients of art ventures description: after building common ground for arts entrepreneurship, we can understand and withdraw key artivate 10.1 8 ingredients of arts entrepreneurship in more detail. when adding the layer of entrepreneurship to art, there is always third party involved, someone we are creating value for, making feel something, or taking to new scenarios. that is why in this second unit we create understanding of the importance of audience or user, how other artists have impact through their work, and what models already exist that can inspire and enable. another key ingredient this week is to work further to map out opportunities of finance to make the artist’s work sustainable. the objective of the unit is that the learner: • gains understanding of third-party involvement and value creation through art, • builds opportunity seeking and creation abilities in collaboration with others, • understands basic tools and contents of entrepreneurship in a practical sense, • understands an art venture through someone else's lens. building blocks for learning: • examples and means of art turned into a concept and value creation • basic tools regarding entrepreneurship and understanding money as enabling force • understanding the role of the user or third party impacted through art • how can art ventures be financed? • case studies of artist-entrepreneurs and inspirational concepts the second week encourages participants to understand the key ingredients of arts ventures and arts entrepreneurship in a more practical sense. first, students map potential means of finance— from artist residences and funds to tools and platforms used by artists in terms of resources such as artist share. in this process, students gain understanding of different means of financing future work. by investigating art venture case studies through teams, the participants gain understanding of the key ingredients and challenges behind their creation. the second key ingredient is to understand the role of the third party in venture creation. an example of this approach might be to view the role of the audience in theatre arts in the creation of set design and performance. concrete deliverables and key activities of this unit: • reading materials of different finance opportunities in the field of arts as a base to build a collective visual mapping of opportunities in teams of six people • case study of an art-venture in teams, withdrawing key ingredients of the venture and understanding its model of finance and relation to an audience/user • observing a chosen artist-entrepreneur (individual work)—why they do what they do, which are the key ingredients behind their venture, who is their third party involved artivate 10.1 9 week : seeing beyond the ordinary—connecting craft to purpose description: there is no change without empathy, no desired response without understanding the responder. by observing, we see beyond the ordinary, find new perspectives to our own work, find areas of interest and purpose to our creation. this week is about observation in a wide sense—observing your own portfolio craft and values, observing to learn from others, observing to find meaning and purpose for your creation. the objective of the unit is that the learner: • develops the ability to see new angles in own work and others, • builds empathy through observation and learns to identify needs that could be approached through art, • discovers possible causes and connects with personal values, • defines an area of social engagement to investigate, • finds meaningful causes and points of attention, building project ideas based on discovering needs and opportunities. building blocks for learning: • the role of observation in entrepreneurship, arts, and making meaning • concepts of building empathy as a part of design process and venture creation • means of observing and interpreting one’s own work as well as the work of others • benchmark as a tool of inspiration, opportunity, creation, and identifying patterns, through shadowing the artist-entrepreneur at work and other methods • self-observation: tools to find another way to look at things • examining one’s own technique and sees that it may be employed for social good and turned to a venture week three focuses on the student artists’ own individuality. through self-observation, one reflects: what are my values? what can i use my art for? which causes are meaningful for me and why? another angle on this inquiry comes from looking to one's own craft through examining an artist portfolio or previous artwork: what are my skills as an artist? what am i good at? this is combined with observation, feedback, and brainstorming how your craft can be turned into a venture with a peer. the second ingredient of this week is observing your area / world needs. the participants investigate areas to impact through art and note the needs they have observed on a collective board with links to references that that about the need (news, articles, data), connecting to one of the courses core intentions—the student artist thinking of entrepreneurship and their own potential for social impact more broadly. artivate 10.1 10 concrete deliverables and key activities of this unit: • examining one's artist portfolio or previous work • observation and shared brainstorming session with a peer • possibilities to build an art venture through craft • building a statement as an artist—declaration of intentions • collective board of needs identification in teams of six—needs and causes that matter week : envision description: to envision means learning to picture mentally what cannot be directly observed and imagine possible next steps in making a piece. envisioning phase takes us beyond observing. at this phase, we can put whole creative capacities in use to collaboratively build ways of engagement to the chosen area. the objectives of the unit are that the student: • explores ways of engagement to the chosen area, • can identify the aims and final goals for the venture, • understands ways of measuring engagement and uses these in making decisions about scope of their own work, • develops innovation skills while collaboratively brainstorming solutions and opportunities, • uses artistic thinking skills to imagine ways for the work to come alive, • understands and builds timeframes and scenarios for a piece in mind, • engages in real life challenges and visioning ways to impact through art. building blocks for learning: • concepts of chaordic design in two phases: opening (idea creation, visioning, big lines) and converging (narrowing down to most interesting concepts to explore in the feasible timeframe of eight weeks) • visioning, forecasting, building scenarios, and understanding timeframes • concepts, tools, and methods for collaborative idea creation and future forecasting • means of building future scenarios and time bound planning through building first vision board for the bigger concept in mind (eight week timeframe & contrasted in the final assessment) week four is focused on application with an aim of building the concept idea used in the key assessed task. the participants choose an area they want to impact and use the collaborative force of the team of six to brainstorm ideas to give solutions through one's craft. by defining the artivate 10.1 11 need and the area of impact, students are more able to start defining their audience and build a concrete work plan in a timeline to be ready to present their art venture concept idea during week seven. personal goals and aims are made visible through writing a short arts venture concept description as an outcome of the week. concrete deliverables and key activities of this unit: • participants choose an area/need in which they want to work and investigate it further • collective brainstorming session in teams to come up with raw ideas of venture creation matching the need and one's craft • building first vision board for the bigger concept in mind, including timeline and small concept description with one's personal goals and aims for the creation week : stretch and explore—beyond the familiar description: learning to reach beyond one’s capacities, to explore playfully without a preconceived plan, and to embrace the opportunity to learn from mistakes and accidents. what would you do if you weren’t afraid? this week we freeze time for a moment. we take a beat for collaborative exploration and creation and focus on solution building in teams. inspired by stories of failure from artist-entrepreneurs we create our safe space to explore and discover, to build and destroy. we'll let the collective creativity at play show how it can take us further. the objectives of the unit are that the student • solves problems by using teamwork flexibility and creativity; • experiments boldly different possible solutions for the design challenge; • explores failure as ingredient of growth in a creative process; • prototypes ways for expression of the artistic venture; • stretches beyond the original ideas and concepts, finding new elements, angles, and ingredients to test; • recognizes own strengths and weaknesses and how they can play role in teamwork; • navigates chaos by working in uncomfort zone; • explores freedom of creation; • expands thinking—brings new layers to the creation. building blocks for learning: • concepts of collaborative problem solving and design challenges • fail forward stories where mistakes have turned into learning opportunities • play and prototype artivate 10.1 12 the main goal of this week is to take concept idea further in a way that enables trying and prototyping. for this, first the participants expand their thinking and bring new layers to the creation through building a mood board connected to the art venture idea chosen, and gathering one hundred references/sources of inspiration to support the venture creation. they finish the week with a rapid prototype connected to their concept (radio podcast, and so on). peer feedback is given according to the prototypes and the venture idea, and the participant lists strengths as well as challenges and needs they should consider for the final concept. concrete deliverables and key activities of this unit: • distilling the key ingredients of one's concept and building a small prototype • building a rapid prototype of how the concept could look (a fraction piece) • creation of a mood board connected to the art venture idea chosen and one hundred references to support the venture creation • peer feedback and list possible challenges that should be taken into consideration in the following week creation week : engage and persist description: this unit focuses on learning to embrace problems of relevance within the art world and/or of personal importance, to develop focus and other mental states conducive to working and persevering at art tasks. with the last two weeks in horizon, this week is the most important to bring everything imagined so far to life. “engage and persist” is about learning to manage time pressure, building resiliency to get things done, and to ensure that artistic creation and making meaning with a third party is coming to shape. the objectives of the unit are that the student: • defines final cause, user and artform to express, • builds engagement through clarifying purpose, • develops resiliency by taking the concept work further. building blocks for learning: • learn to manage frustration, time pressure/deadline, persistency to keep going • from teaching point of view—encouragement, building a safe environment, sometimes pushing to persist, sometimes helping to loosen up, keeping track of student progress. • concepts of experience economy can be offered to help the student with the preparation work for the art venture fair. artivate 10.1 13 this week is the most important for creation, in which previous ideation mood boards and prototypes elevate into the art venture concept creation. the key ingredients from before should take form on the final concept presentation—cause or need, the user, one's craft, sustainability of the idea, and so on. a simple template and concepts of lean canvas or business model canvas may be considered from the educator’s side to introduce and support venture creation. concepts of experience economy may be added to support the creation for art venture fair and another peer feedback session is encouraged before the final version is created. concrete deliverables and key activities of this unit: • individual work on the key assessed task • introducing the concepts of lean canvas and experience economy • final description of the art venture and deciding the forms to present • peer feedback to support final version creation of the kat (key assessed task) week : express—finding personal vision description: learning to create works that convey an idea, a feeling, or a personal meaning “express” is the week to showcase the concepts of the art ventures with social entrepreneurship concepts in mind. be it through a showroom, social media, art gallery, or experience of some sort, this is the week art for the cause really comes to life and is tested, exposing art concepts connected with a cause and personal significance aimed to impact. feedback from the interaction and impact measurement is in place for further reflection. the objectives of the unit are that the student: • showcases a prototype venture and receiving feedback accordingly, • evaluates the potential impact of the art connected to the original aim, • records useful content for further reflection, • builds confidence through showcasing work. building blocks for learning: • the role of external insights in an art venture • means of interaction and showcase of an art venture • the role of artist as a producer • participants pitch their concept idea in a creative format in an art venture fair organized by the program the creation of the course culminates in the presentation of the key assessed task in which the artivate 10.1 14 participants present their concept idea for an art venture in a creative format. the criteria of the presentation include all the key ingredients from the course, as well as the participants own aims defined on the art venture description. ideally the concept ideas reflect the participants craft and values, and show means of impact in a sustainable manner. in case the course would be carried out in a physical format, the artist could also be challenged to bring the public to a physical fair and, therefore, add user insights as part of their feedback. concrete deliverables and key activities of this unit: • final work for presenting at art venture fair with mentors organized by the program • showcasing one's work • harvesting feedback from peers and from the mentors week : reflect—building the future description: question and explain: learning to think and talk with others about an aspect of one’s work or working process. evaluate: learning to judge one’s own work and working process, and the work of others in relation to standards of the field. the last part of the journey is built around construction of meaning. the core of the process is to reflect on work process and outcomes, understanding patterns, strengths, and weaknesses, and building good habits for future through recognizing progress. the objectives of the unit are that the student: • reflects on work process and outcomes and identifies impact of decisions techniques and final outcomes, • harvests key learning individually and collectively, • recognizes strengths and weaknesses in oneself and others and can give feedback constructively, • evaluates own work and progress and visualize next steps. building blocks for learning: • means of reflecting and analyzing process what, why, how, and outcomes • means of mirroring aims and planning with the final outcomes • collective dialogue to construct meaning (open ended questions) • concepts of constructive critique and feed forward potentially in a  setting • reverse engineering technique as means to understand how something was made; identify the effects of different decisions, marks, and techniques; and imagine how the work could have been made differently artivate 10.1 15 • measuring feedback and results of impact of the art-venture showcased • combining self-evaluation with art, through illustrating learned strengths and weaknesses the last week is important as a means of reflecting on both the presented art venture concept as well as learning from the process as a whole. each participant gives and receives feedback from three peers from the course according to the final key-assessed task and uses the gathered feedback together with that of the mentors of the previous week’s showcase to build a swot analysis of the art venture concept—what should be considered to make this real, what is good with how its already constructed. the reverse engineering exercise is used as a means to analyze the process, not only the outcome. the final step of the course is a written self-reflection of the student’s own work, artistic expression connected to one's craft, and sharing that through a dialogue in teams of six. concrete deliverables and key activities of this unit: • give and receive feedback from three peers • swot of the art venture concept using the received feedback • reverse engineering exercise of the process and self-reflection of one's own work written and through artistic expression discussion in the course outlined above, we have proposed an instructional program aimed at introducing first-year undergraduates to the field of arts entrepreneurship. the materials here reflect our own findings about the pedagogical aims of arts entrepreneurship. rather than a curriculum borrowed from other domains, we attempted here to formulate a purpose-built course from the ground up. while we hope that instructors might find practical value in the instructional materials presented here, it is also our intention that the course proposal might offer a starting place for further empirical research about the learning impacts of instructional strategies such as these. essig () highlights the need for this type of empirical research about the field: arts entrepreneurship seems to be still firmly located in the conceptual phase. more practical research is needed before entering the theoretical phase. although there have been some attempts at theory development based on empirical observations (e.g. essig, ), there needs to be a more robust body of empirical research from which to develop a consistent and solid framework (essig, ). we are interested in the extent to which these pedagogical interventions are able to achieve the intended aims. further research is needed to determine which of these interventions, if any, might develop student artists’ ability to design the future of their own work. practical research such as this will be essential to establish a firm theoretical framework for arts entrepreneurship pedagogy. artivate 10.1 16 finally, we recognize the course itself is one iteration of an ongoing development process. we would like to explore how to instruct student artists to collaborate in wider networks, create more authentic assessments, and establish ways of working within the course that might be of value to student artists throughout their career. more than anything, we hope to facilitate a wider conversation with researchers, practitioners, and artists to continue to develop instructional strategies and materials in the domain of arts entrepreneurship. references ashoka. (n.d.). social entrepreneurship. retrieved january 15, 2021, from https://www.ashoka.org/en/focus/social-entrepreneurship beckman, g. d. (2010). so what’s the point? an introductory discussion on the desired outcomes of arts entrepreneurship education. in g. d. beckman (ed.), disciplining the arts: teaching entrepreneurship in context (pp 177–184). lanham, md: r&l education. beckman, g. d. (2007). “adventuring” arts entrepreneurship curricula in higher education: an examination of present efforts, obstacles, and best practices. journal of arts management law and society, 37(2), 87–112. https://doi.org/10.3200/jaml.37.2.87-112 bridgstock, r. (2013). not a dirty word: arts entrepreneurship and higher education. arts and humanities in higher education, 12(2–3), 122–137. https://doi.org/10.1177/1474022212465725 essig, l. (2012). frameworks for educating the artist of the future: teaching habits of mind for arts entrepreneurship. artivate: a journal of entrepre-neurship in the arts, 1(2), 65–77. essig, l. (2015). means and ends: a theory framework for understanding entrepreneurship in the us arts and culture sector. journal of arts management law and society, 45(4), 227–246. https://doi.org/10.1080/10632921.2015.1103673 essig, l. (2017). same or different? the “cultural entrepreneurship” and “arts entrepreneurship” constructs in european and us higher education. cultural trends, 26(2), 125–137. https://doi.org/10.1080/09548963.2017.1323842 gettings, m. (2016). putting it all together: steam, pbl, scientific method, and the studio habits of mind. art education, 69(4), 10–11. https://doi.org/10.1080/00043125.2016.1176472 hetland, l., winner, e., veenema, s., & sheridan, k. (2007). studio thinking: the real benefits of visual arts education. teachers college press. hong, c., essig, l., & bridgstock, r. (2012). the enterprising artist and the arts entrepreneur: emergent pedagogies for new disciplinary habits of mind. in n. chick, a. haynie, & r. a. . gurung (eds.), exploring more signature pedagogies: approaches to teaching disciplinary habits of mind. sterling stylus publishing. palloff, r., & pratt, k. (2013). lessons from the virtual classroom the realities of online teaching. in lessons from the virtual classroom the realities of online teaching (2nd ed.). jossey-bass. roberts, j. s. (2012). infusing entrepreneurship within non-business discipline: preparing artists and others for self-employment and entrepreneurship. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 1(2), 53. cover image: "graffiti on wall during daytime" by nathana rebouças, https://unsplash.com/photos/g3_wcloqcg.. microsoft word 175 dewhatley final.docx vol. 11, no. 1 spring 2022 book review the artful manager: field notes on the business of arts and culture by e. andrew taylor michael dewhatley university of texas at austin abstract: michael dewhatley reviews the artful manager: field notes on the business of arts and culture by e. andrew taylor. keywords: arts management, advice, management techniques, organizational purpose, mission statement, values statement, structure and strategy, innovation, nonprofit management, aesthetic practice, book review, review. doi:doi.org/10.34053/artivate.11.1.175 in striving to express who we are and what we see, we learn who we are and what we see. and through creative expression and experience, we have an astounding opportunity to share that vision and effort with each other (p. ). the multidimensional challenges arts managers have faced in the last two years—and continue to encounter—including not only the covid- pandemic but also the necessary struggle for racial justice, are immense. in times like these, we are all in need of inspiration and new ideas for how we may adapt or cope with our shifting reality. e. andrew taylor’s book, the artful manager: field notes on the business of arts and culture (arts axis press, ), provides that necessary inspiration in the course of its chapters, though the work is considerably broader than it is deep. artivate 11.1 2 the artful manager is a curated compilation of fifty excerpts from taylor’s blog of the same name.1 these blog entries have been updated and organized into three sections as taylor explores management techniques, organizational purpose, and structures and strategies for arts groups. most of these chapters are quite short, two or three pages, and for the most part they represent the author’s philosophies rather than data-driven reports or deeply cited theory. however, these entries come from the voice and experience of an industry expert. despite their brevity, taylor’s entries have something to say. the first section contains eighteen chapters focused on management practice and, taken as a whole, it seems to call for a revitalization of arts management as an aesthetic practice. taylor asks managers to resist classical forms of tension with artists in organizational environments. instead, many of these chapters call for arts managers to develop some form of “aesthetic attention” or to be in some way partners in artistic experience with everyone involved in their organization (p. ). these first eighteen chapters present portals to new ways of thinking that develop managers with creative expression as part of their vocabulary and intentionality. taylor’s second collection of fifteen chapters is also focused on intention, but at an organizational and field level as opposed to the individual. titled “purpose and value,” this section investigates basic components of nonprofit management. with a nominal focus, this section gives an overview of perceived and literal ownership in the arts. of the three, this section also feels the most scattered. for instance, one chapter reflects a sardonic hope for the time spent in academic conferences, with the next offering a eulogy for the late al prieve, who was the chair of the management department at the university of wisconsin madison as well as the founder of the bolz center for arts administration. connecting the content of these chapters to the section’s titular theme is a bit of a literary stretch. the final section of the book revolves around “structure and strategy,” with taylor calling for increased flexibility in how artistic organizations are formed and sustained over time. for instance, the chapter “a hammer or a sponge?” invites arts managers to investigate more meaningfully what their organizations are trying to achieve; metaphorically, are they striving to drive in a nail or soak up water? the focus in these chapters seems to be more entrepreneurial than managerial. taylor asks questions that are more relevant to people looking to begin artistic enterprises than those who are already working at established institutions. these chapters, when given space for reflection, can lead readers to a contemplative mindset in which they might apply taylor’s insights to their own work, like an intellectual devotional. the book tightly compresses ideas from organizational theorists, philosophers, economists, and others into bite-sized chunks, which is especially useful as a primer on their overall bodies of work. rich in metaphor, the artful manager borrows liberally from an extensive archive of thinkers, poets, and even arts managers; and it often extends the initial thought to a new level. indeed, part of taylor’s intention with this book, revealed in his 1 https://www.artsjournal.com/artfulmanager/ artivate 11.1 3 prologue, is a desire to shift the “language, lenses and assumptions of arts management” with new metaphor and conceptual illustration (p. ix). to that end, this book does present the reader with a codex of both established concepts and potential new avenues of thought. for nonacademic readers or audiences who are looking for practical and insightful entries on topics related to artistic management and entrepreneurship, the artful manager is the book they have been waiting for. at the same time, this book lacks cohesion or an editorial voice that might otherwise give it a more intentional throughline. while the artful manager has an introduction in the form of a prologue, it is less than two full pages and contains three paragraphs that are also stated verbatim in chapter . perhaps new material—not available online—that could introduce the concepts and selections found in each section would have helped codify the artful manager and given greater weight to its relatively light chapters. additionally, and perhaps related to its publishing timeline, this  book offers no insights or guidance that speak directly to our continuing realities around the covid- pandemic. more problematically, none of the chapters meaningfully deal with the subject of racial equity. in chapter , taylor speaks to bias in terms of individuals prioritizing the mind over the body, but he does not have anything to say in fifty chapters regarding the fact that arts entrepreneurship and management privileges some bodies more than others. the artful manager can move from innovative to outdated by refusing to engage in topics of arts management that feel most pressing at the time of its publication as a whole book rather than a series of online essays that began in . as field notes go, these re-published blog posts represent the conversational style of the internet, a place where no one has the final word but where there are many first words. perhaps that is taylor’s true gift in these pages: the beginning of fifty important conversations. there is certainly value in taylor’s new metaphors and the introduction of ideas from other fields into arts entrepreneurship that may prove useful to managers seeking to be artful. indeed, the endnotes section at the end of the book could provide a reading list for anyone who wants to get an mba in arts administration without paying tuition. casual readers—or anyone interested in primers on arts management topics, debates, and continuing explorations—will find this book helpful and illuminating. disclosure notice: e. andrew taylor, the author of the artful manager, is also a member of artivate’s editorial board. vol. 11, no. 2 fall 2022 meta-analysis on the importance of entrepreneurship in canada’s music industry charlie wall-andrews toronto metropolitan university abstract: this article draws on research to evaluate the skills and traits required to be a successful music entrepreneur and canadian musician in the face of digitalization. theoretical and empirical studies emphasize entrepreneurship in every career. researchers found that successful businessmen had unique skills that helped them achieve their goals faster. creativity, timing, resource management, and opportunity awareness are connected to career success. this research explores academic entrepreneurs’ best practices. entrepreneurship is varied; therefore, the study found comparable effects and distinct conflict causes. comparing general commercial success determinants to the skills musicians need to succeed in canada and abroad generated four surprising findings: 1. musicians require entrepreneurial skills. musicians need skills to succeed and make money. 2. to capitalize on music industry digitalization, canadian artists must strengthen their business skills. 3. canadian artists need digital distribution and copyright skills to succeed in the internet era. 4. entrepreneurship may be taught. empirical research shows that entrepreneurs can learn better via experience than didactic training. these findings should support earlier research and assist policymakers develop “industry-specific” entrepreneurship tools for canadian music practitioners. keywords: canada, entrepreneurship, creative industries, music, music industry, musicians, literature review. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.11.2.162 1. introduction considering the challenges presented by the digitalization of the music industry, this study draws on original qualitative and quantitative research to investigate the skills and traits required to be a successful entrepreneur using the music industry and musicians, particularly in the context of canada. citing theoretical and empirical studies of entrepreneurship, this article highlights artivate 11.2 2 the skills that foster entrepreneurship in any professional field. although several entrepreneurs believe that having industry experience and creative talent determine their level of success in their niche area, researchers have found that the most successful businesspersons exhibit certain skill sets. these aid career success and enable them to achieve their goals faster than other businesspersons; for instance, these skill sets include the ability to think innovatively, to determine the right time to enter a market, to organize monetary resources, and to recognize opportunities. this review explores the top entrepreneurial skills proposed by different scholars, focusing on best practices. unsurprisingly, the literature has both common results and multiple points of conflict that reflect the heterogeneity of entrepreneurship. comparing the general entrepreneurial success factors to the skills required for artists to succeed in the music industry in the domestic (canada) and international markets revealed four interesting findings: 1. the essential skills that precede entrepreneurial success in any field are relevant to music artists. however, there are other skills workers in the music sector must add to their repertoire if they want to achieve fame, success, and money in the industry. 2. although artists in canada exhibit some critical essential entrepreneurial skills, there is a need for them to enhance these skills to effectively tap into opportunities provided by the digitalization of the music industry. 3. canadian artists need a solid grounding of industry-specific skills (e.g., digital distribution and copyright issues) that will enable them to match and surpass their competitors in this new era of digital platforms and internet technology. 4. research suggests that entrepreneurship skills are innate, natural, and can be taught, contrary to some opinions. additionally, empirical findings (wardana et al., 2020; white, 2020; zupan, 2018; toscher, 2019; 2020) show that entrepreneurial skills can be taught and learned. however, for students to absorb disseminated knowledge, teaching strategies should be based on experiential learning rather than on the conventional didactic approach commonly used by educational institutions. these findings provide additional support for existing literature and enable policymakers in the industry to develop better tools to promote “industry-specific” entrepreneurial skills among music professionals in canada. 1.1. background the turn of the 21st century brought about immense change in the music industry. rapid technological evolution fueled the growth and development of the internet and resulted in a dramatic shift from an analog economy to a digital one. additionally, higher consumer artivate 11.2 3 preferences for digital streaming services led to the complete dematerialization of physical music formats. subsequently, traditional marketing and selling strategies declined, giving way to new business models and revenue streams. global sales of recorded and licensed music dropped as the internet made access to creative content ubiquitous and unpreventable (nordga rd, 2018:16). these revenue cuts contributed to many record labels going out of business, while labels that survived had to downsize. now, more than ever, it has become imperative for musicians and other players in the sector to build self-sustaining careers that do not rely solely on album sales or the backing of a record company. to accomplish this, higher levels of drive and entrepreneurial mindsets are needed compared to what was required before the digitalization era. artists who aspire to be successful and effectively monetize their work must (at the very least) develop essential business skills and are willing to approach doing business like entrepreneurs. in canada, the music industry is beset with various challenges and opportunities. on the one hand, new platforms and new technologies have almost eroded traditional revenue drivers that rely heavily on cd and lp/vinyl record sales. on the other hand, however, technology has created a new channel for canadian artists. in the past, artists needed a record deal to launch into the industry, but now they can self-produce and break into the international scene at little to no cost. thus, esoteric music genres with less mass appeal that were historically constrained to smaller markets can now reach bigger audiences worldwide. while this new frontier presents fruitful opportunities that promote a lucrative career and business in music, tapping into it requires the acquisition and development of vital business skills that include rights management—a good understanding of basic legal principles relating to contracts and partnerships. there is also a need for emerging and even established acts to have a working knowledge of cultural and business standards in foreign markets if they want to function effectively and be relevant in today’s entertainment scene (chrc: “the business of music,” 2008:11). 1.2. problem statement research has shown that artistic talent is not enough to guarantee a successful career in the art/music field. coupled with this, artists face the issue of few job openings for fulltime and permanent positions in music and art. therefore, most artists that choose to remain in the field have to go either the freelancing or self-employed route. this challenge and others introduced by digitalization have created a pressing need for artists to build entrepreneurial skills and start operating like entrepreneurs to successfully address the multifaceted economic challenge ahead of them. consequently, the effect of digitalization on the production, distribution, and consumption of music and on music industry workers has been the subject of many artivate 11.2 4 studies. researchers seek to understand the impact of internet technologies on the industry and how to adjust to the new business climate. many academic studies have focused on the global music industry. however, the specific impact on different regions and the qualities required to succeed in those terrains are yet to be extensively researched. considering this, this study reviewed research literature to identify key strengths that recording artists, producers, songwriters, publishers, and labels in canada lack and should develop for sustaining a successful career in a constantly evolving market. 1.3. research questions as stated previously, extensive research has been conducted on the ways digital platforms and technology are impacting workers in the music business—albeit on the global level— and the need for them to develop entrepreneurial knowledge and the vital skills to learn. the questions this review seeks to answer will provide deeper insights into the entrepreneurial skills canadian artists need to tap into to benefit from the ever-evolving revenue streams created by the internet and digital technologies. not only does this indepth exploration build upon existing ideas and literature, but it also has the advantage of guiding canadian industry personnel at all levels—entry-, mid-, and executive-level—on how to match/surpass their competitors in a rapidly expanding and extremely competitive marketplace. 1.4. aims and objectives this study aims to distill from existing academic literature the essential skills required to be an entrepreneur and an artist entrepreneur. the objective is to determine if these skills are reflected in skills canadian music creators have and to identify gaps that need to be filled with additional research. modern-day technology tools and platforms have drastically changed the path through which professionals in art and music deliver value compared to what was observed 30−40 years ago. that is why research into this subject is an essential “facts provider” for professionals in the field. it offers vital insights into which knowledge and skills are crucial to becoming successful in the new era—the overall objective of this study. in conclusion, the primary aims and objectives of this study are to: • critically review academic studies on entrepreneurship to identify which skills are relevant in today’s business climate. • extract from those studies the key entrepreneurship skills that show a strong positive association with success in the music business. • identify which of these critical entrepreneurship skills canadian artists need to develop to compete favorably both in the domestic and the international market. artivate 11.2 5 1.5. methodology/approach this review examines the existing literature regarding the skills needed by entrepreneurs to succeed. the objective was to identify key factors that support entrepreneurship regardless of the field and note the skills musicians in particular need to navigate their “digitalized” industry. in total, forty-two papers were reviewed. first, this review provides the background of the study (above), the problem area, and the questions it attempts to answer. below, it explains the terms “entrepreneur” and “entrepreneurship” and provides a theoretical and empirical explanation of the skills that are required by all entrepreneurs. the next core section identifies seven skills that show strong positive correlations with business success, outlines the challenging tensions and some fundamental issues relating to the topic, and evaluates the effectiveness of the stated skills. this review further examines the specific knowledge musicians in canada and other parts of the world need to acquire for significant career development. it concludes by discussing areas that would benefit from further research to guide interventions that would grow entrepreneurial abilities among musicians. 1.6. key findings given the enormous changes in cost, supply chain marketing, revenue creation, and methods of production, the need to acquire the right skills to adapt to the new normal has become a top priority for music professionals. the findings of this review support the ideas of existing literature that certain business skills can be classified into a group called “entrepreneurship skills.” there is evidence suggesting that various skills can contribute toward achieving some degree of success in business. these include opportunity recognition, assessment, and realization; idea generation and creativity; strategic thinking and planning; networking; sales and marketing; finance; and leadership and managerial capabilities. in the music sector, an industry survey suggests that having a good understanding of the following specific areas is a high success factor: • recorded music production • music publishing • music artist management • live music production • development, marketing, and distribution (chrc, “the business of music: a national training strategy for business skills in the music industry”, 2008) in canada, available evidence shows that the entrepreneurial skills of a significant number of artists are relatively underdeveloped and there is potential for this group to improve substantially on their performance. according to the cultural human resources artivate 11.2 6 council (chrc)—an ngo that looks after the welfare of artists and cultural workers in canada—musicians need to acquire extra knowledge in rights management, cultural trends, and business standards in foreign markets as well as a basic legal understanding of contracts and partnerships. having these skills will prepare musicians to successfully adapt and navigate the rapidly changing entertainment industry. lastly, the review shows that there are serious gaps between the entrepreneurial courses taught by music training schools and colleges in canada and what industry professionals identified as their needs. to resolve this, professional music organizations in the country like the chrc held national roundtable talks with educators, industry representatives, and practicing musicians. the aim of the discussion was to identify the training gaps and the necessary intervention strategies to be applied. 2. overview of the current analytic approach this section discusses the research methodology. first, it elaborates on the approach adopted for the review. secondly, it discusses the criteria applied for inclusion and exclusion of article. lastly, it provides a brief discussion on the search strategy and method employed to extract and analyze data. 2.1. method the current article combines the use of systematic literature review (slr) and metaanalytic methods to provide a more comprehensive review that includes all relevant studies that might be excluded by the requirement of each individual method. while the slr method was used to answer the research questions, the meta-analytic procedure was applied to establish themes within the study. to tap into the benefits provided by the two aforementioned methods, this study was conducted using the prisma (preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses), which allows the researcher to tap into the advantages of slr and metaanalytic review. meta-analysis, due to strictly following a qualitative process, is prone to flaws. slr (the traditional form of reviewing literature) likewise, due to employing quantitative techniques, is also less than perfect. thus, by using the prisma technique, which utilizes the two methods, the researcher seeks to ensure greater precision, greater thoroughness, and greater objectivity (page et al., 2021, citing moher et al., 2015). 2.2. inclusion and exclusion criteria studies that were included in this review consist of case studies, longitudinal studies, and discussions of the crucial skills required for the entrepreneurial success of artists. the included papers were peer-reviewed and written in the english language. although google scholar was the prominent platform used to source for literature, the search artivate 11.2 7 results were checked against specific compliance standards (stated in the table) to remove lower-quality reports and ensure this review has the most recent findings from extant literature. 2.3. search strategy in the first phase, at least a hundred and two documents comprising journal articles and books relating to entrepreneurship and entrepreneurial skills in the arts were analyzed in order to identify key themes and facts. as the body of literature was gradually investigated, certain key themes emerged, which were organized into nine broad groups. the second phase involved the meta-analytic procedure which was used to synthesize the emerging sub-themes and the sub-themes with the highest agreement levels presented in the table. 2.4. data extraction as mentioned earlier, this study was conducted through prisma—a system used for reporting systematic reviews and meta-analyses. where the initial first stage of search yielded 102 papers from google scholar, sciencedirect, and springer link, the final filtering stage eventually produced only forty-two papers. the papers were passed through four filtering processes which include: 1. the first investigation, wherein a large proportion of relevant texts were collected. 2. the duplication removal stage where duplicate papers were removed. 3. the third selection process where articles were chosen based on their title and abstract. 4. the last stage where all selected papers were checked against the inclusion and exclusion criteria. 2.5. data analysis after the selection processes, the researcher established a framework for the extraction and synthesis data. following the implementation, data were extracted from the forty-two articles and synthesized. the table shows the content as well as its form. 3. skills that promote entrepreneurship—a theoretical and empirical perspective this section uses a theoretical perspective and empirical evidence to familiarize readers with artivate 11.2 8 the terms entrepreneur, entrepreneurship, and entrepreneurial skills; to explain why it is important for entrepreneurs to possess a variety of essential skills; and to provide the research evidence according to this view. 3.1. theoretical foundation entrepreneurship is vital to every field. it equips people and businesses with the skills and knowledge to build value around their idea or exploit market opportunities for monetary rewards or some other benefits (bygrave and hofer, 1999; schumpeter, 1965). the music world has come to realize that it stands to gain much by incorporating the study of entrepreneurship into its knowledge base (rabideau, 2008). with the recent upheaval the industry experienced as a result of the covid-19 pandemic coupled with existing challenges, learning skills that promote career sustainability has become more important now than ever. however, gaining a clearer understanding of entrepreneurship and entrepreneurship skills requires knowing who an entrepreneur is. 3.1.1. who is an entrepreneur? lazear (2003) posits that an entrepreneur is a person who conceives an idea for a product, hires the initial team, and obtains some of the early funding to kick-start the business. rauch and frese (2000), on the other hand, define an entrepreneur as an individual who shows the need for achievement and exhibits traits such as innovation, risking-taking, strategic planning, and environmental adaption and is capable of deploying resources for maximum returns. the schumpeterian definition is quite similar to that of rauch and frese. schumpeter explains that entrepreneurs are people who exploit opportunities in the market through technical and organizational innovation (toscher and bjørnø, 2019). further, according to kirzner (1985), the entrepreneur perceives profit opportunities and initiates actions to meet their existing unmet needs. simplifying these definitions, it is clear that entrepreneurs are similar to artists in many ways. professional artists aim to monetize their work just like an entrepreneur. additionally, they organize and invest resources to push forward the production process with the goal of a specified reward (lindqvist, 2011). 3.1.2. what defines entrepreneurship? according to gartner (1985), entrepreneurship involves creating new business entities and organizations. similarly, barot (2015) posits that entrepreneurship entails creating something that provides value and is different. other researchers define the term as going after opportunities regardless of the resources at hand (jarillo, 1990), taking risks (drucker, 1970), and revitalizing mature firms (onuoha, 2007). 3.1.3. what are entrepreneurial skills? the term “skill” means translating knowledge into action (wickham, 1998), and artivate 11.2 9 “entrepreneurial skills” in its simplest form refers to the know-how to operate a business successfully (linan et al., 2009; bellotti et al., 2014; dewi et al., 2019). a more comprehensive definition of entrepreneurial skills was proposed by hisrich and peters (2002), who defined the term as the knowledge to create something new and valuable that will bring value to the user/buyer and generate wealth for the entrepreneur. several factors make up entrepreneurial skills including boldness, risk-taking, empathy, resilience, flexibility, and critical thinking (linton et al., 2019; lo bler, h. 2006). regarding what level of knowledge best promotes entrepreneurship, lazear (2004) holds the view that individuals who possess a balanced set of skills have higher chances of becoming successful in their business pursuits, proposing a “jack-of-all-trades” hypothesis that argues that entrepreneurs, unlike employees, need to gain sufficient knowledge of the many fields that affect their business to succeed. in contrast, paid employees will benefit from becoming experts in a given area with high demand in the labor market. several studies (stuetzer, et al., 2012; wagner, 2006, 2009; silva, 2017) confirm lazear’s theory and support the idea that multi-skilled musicians with varied professional and educational backgrounds stand a better chance of building a sustainable career (murzynkupisz and działek, 2019). 3.2. empirical perspective there is sufficient evidence showing that entrepreneurs who possess the right combination of skills, knowledge, and competence experience more business success than those lacking in these areas (fadzil et al., 2019; metzeger, 2006; frese, 2014; neneh, 2012; jabeen et al., 2017; thom, 2016). thom (2016) conducted an online survey involving 652 fine arts lecturers (who are also working artists) from germany and the uk. the aim was to discover what this group thinks about the importance of skills in overcoming market challenges. the participants’ responses show that a certain set of business skills such as networking, communication, finance, art-specific skills, creativity, opportunity recognition, and selling/marketing are linked to the economic success of artists. due to the difficulty artists in the uk experience in finding viable employment or transitioning to self-employment, lee, fraser, and fillis (2018) set out to identify the definitive reason behind this and provide a way forward for the industry. besides analyzing various reports and literature, the researchers interviewed 20 new graduates who also worked as artists while in school. overall, their findings revealed that most emerging artists struggle after school partly because of their antientrepreneurial mindset, lack of interest in developing the necessary commercial skills, and lack of opportunities. these same reasons were identified as the root cause of why many artistic enterprises in the country remain small and unprofitable. the researchers mentioned that skills such as motivation, enhanced ambition, marketing, artivate 11.2 10 sales, and opportunity recognition would play a vital role in boosting the artistic confidence of artists and the growth of art businesses in the country. fadzil et al. (2019) studied twelve ecommerce entrepreneurs in malaysia for 18 months to identify the role that motivation and competencies play in launching ecommerce ventures. their results show that work and business skills (e.g., motivation, finance, strategic thinking, computer, and communication skills) are two of the biggest factors that led to the creation of these online companies. in south africa, neneh (2012) analyzed data from 86 entrepreneurs. the study found that a lack of entrepreneurial competencies contributes to the phenomenally high failure of smes in south africa. additional studies by the researcher also show that those entrepreneurs whose smes performed well exhibited factors like creativity, growth mindset, and risk-taking. in summary, the review identifies that the success of businesses notwithstanding the sector is tied to the presence of specific business skills such as finance, sales, strategic planning, marketing, communication, and networking. 4. essential skill sets for entrepreneurial success this section identifies the skill set that is responsible for the success of business enterprises. it examines empirical evidence from different fields such as education, art and music, engineering, technology, and agriculture. it also looks at research on small firms (smes) and large organizations and their leaders. this section concludes by identifying nine skills that are crucial to the success of any entrepreneurial venture. lazear (2005) proposed a “jack-of-all-trades” theory, which explains that generalists who are endowed with a broad set of skills and have diverse professional experience fare better than those with narrower specializations. empirical evidence has shown that this theory holds for all entrepreneurs (including artist entrepreneurs) in today’s digital world (kurczewska and mackiewicz, 2020; silva, 2006; lechmann, 2011). baron (2000) and poorsoltan (2012) also observed that an entrepreneur’s capability to learn all skills pertaining to entrepreneurship is an important success factor in the business world. baron (2008) and usenitz and barney (1997) further added that some entrepreneurs became more successful because they “show overconfidence in self-abilities, think differently from other people, adapt better to new social situations,” and “are better at interacting effectively with others”. every study agrees that some competencies favor business success more than others, so what special skills or abilities should a person have to attain the top echelon in their field? dyer, gregersen, and christensen (2009) interviewed 72 successful and unsuccessful entrepreneurs and 310 executives of large companies. some of their high-profile respondents include jeff bezos (amazon), peter thiel (paypal), herb artivate 11.2 11 kelleher (southwest), pierre omidyar (ebay), and michael dell (dell). the participants were asked questions to determine the traits that separate innovative, successful entrepreneurs from typical entrepreneurs. the reports collected point to four major differences between the two groups of entrepreneurs/ceos. executives who succeeded showed high creativity in generating novel ideas, were engaged in something called idea networking(that is, they actively generated and tested ideas with others), were strategic thinkers, and were deep observers possessing opportunity recognition skills. scherdin and zander’s (2011:2−7) analysis of artist entrepreneurs found that artists who had the capability to create/recognize and seize new opportunities fared better in their careers than those who did not. the two professors of entrepreneurship also identified creativity, finance, marketing and sales, idea generation, risk-taking, and managerial and communication skills as vital to developing and sustaining the entrepreneurial ventures of artists. ucbasaran et al. (2003) analyze data on entrepreneurial capabilities and conclude that although managerial (or leadership) capabilities are important factors influencing the economic success of firms, the ability to “identify and pursue better quality opportunities with greater wealth-creating potential is the most important skill any entrepreneur could have.” wasdani and manimala’s (2015) investigation of 279 sme firms highlights creativity and innovation, alertness or opportunity recognition, strategic thinking and planning, and market knowledge as prerequisites to successful entrepreneurship. other studies (barron, 2000; bellotti et al., 2014; cui et al., 2019, davis et al., 2016) identify a combination of creativity, timing, leadership, finance and cash management, sales, accounting, and effective communication skills as crucial to entrepreneurial success. zhou and george (2001) analyzed a survey sample consisting of 149 employees and noted lower levels of creativity as one of the main determinants present in struggling businesses. yadav and bansal (2020) reviewed 82 research papers related to entrepreneurial marketing in an attempt to unify extant literature and suggest the best directions for future research. their research shows that the majority of business failures in both developing and developed nations can be attributed to low managerial and accounting experience, ineffective planning, meager partnerships, and poor timing in taking products to the market. fillis (2004:9) in his book the entrepreneurial artist as marketer: drawing from the smaller-firm literature identifies creativity, commerce-related skills (marketing, sales, and finance), art-specific skills, risk-taking, and self-management as some of the dominant traits in artist entrepreneurs. the significance of strategic planning and communication skills was also confirmed by zupan et al. (2018) after an experiment artivate 11.2 12 on entrepreneurial mindset involving 146 students and 20 teachers in 10 schools in slovenia. ven (1993) examined the issues and events that promoted and constrained entrepreneurship. he observed that poor business management abilities especially in areas like marketing, finance, innovation, and research and development had high constraints on entrepreneurial progress. broeck et al. (2008) mentioned that good leadership and managerial knowledge are essential to the success of any firm. toscher (2020) emphasized that knowledge of sales and marketing, finance, social media, business planning, and art-specific knowledge is important to the career success of artists, especially musicians. in an empirical study performed by groves, vance, and choi (2011) surveying art and technology students, they linked six factors to business failures. the respondents, which comprise 33 professional actors, 31 accountants, 77 frontline managers, and 39 senior executives, unanimously mentioned the following shortcomings in failed or nonprofitable companies: inability to think strategically; not taking risks and communicating through the right channels; not meeting and exchanging ideas or experiences with likeminded peers (networking); poor technical/market knowledge of the industry; not being proactive in validating ideas quickly; and little understanding of one’s weak areas and areas of expertise. these responses were consistent with the findings of two other studies (chen & hu, 2020; ibrahim et al., 2016). ibrahim and masud (2016) propose that people with exceptional business, relationships, and opportunity recognition skills have a higher chance of thriving in business. the pair identified additional key characteristics for business success such as risk-taking, self-belief, tenacity, readiness, and leadership capabilities. chen and hu (2020) embarked on a review of the causal effect of lazear’s balanced skills through a study on the entrepreneurial activities of farmers in rural china. their findings, in a way similar to those of groves et al. (2011), show that managerial skills (which include business planning, opportunity recognition, and especially technical industry know-how) foster entrepreneurship. in conclusion, even though the review of extant literature reveals various factors explaining why entrepreneurs fail and succeed in business, nine skills and competencies appear more often and were ranked higher in importance by researchers. the skills (in no particular order) and how researchers view them are as follows: 1. creativity: ability to unlock the entrepreneurial potential of individuals, entrepreneurs, and organizations (ngek, 2012). 2. opportunity recognition: ability to look at the world in new ways and notice ideas, applications, and markets that others have not noticed or that may be served in ways not currently thought of (hayton and cholakova, 2011). 3. sales and marketing: ability to sell, attract new customers, and manage artivate 11.2 13 customer relationships profitably (armstrong and kotler, 2007:5). 4. finance: ability to understand and manage financial products and concepts (mitchell and lusardi, 2007b:36). 5. leadership: ability to influence others to manage resources strategically to emphasize both opportunity-seeking and advantage-seeking behaviors (ireland et al., 2003). 6. strategic thinking and planning: ability to apply one’s critical thinking capabilities to resolve problems and develop a blueprint for the future (mintzerberg, 1994). 7. communication: ability to effectively present your ideas verbally, non-verbally, or in written form (iksan et al., 2011). 8. networking: ability to cultivate relationships with others based on mutual interest and to develop a strategic competitive advantage (klerk, 2010). 9. risk-taking: ability to go ahead with a plan with an uncertain outcome to achieve a goal (kahneman and lovello, 1993). 5. impact of essential entrepreneurial skills on business success this section shares empirical proof showing the effectiveness of four of the key entrepreneurial skills in growing a business. entrepreneurship is a multidimensional and hard-to-define term like other social science variables (ibrahim & masud, 2016), so it is complicated to empirically determine the impact of entrepreneurial skills and activities on the performance of a business. this is not to say there have been no studies done on the subject. definitive evidence might be limited (astuti et al., 2019); however, several studies have shown that the presence of key entrepreneurial skills contributes positively to the growth ambition and success of entrepreneurs. due to the need for more empirical proof of the impact of skills on the entrepreneurial process, indriati et al. (2020) suggest that the area will benefit from further research. 5.1. the influence of managerial/leadership skills on entrepreneurial success one of the top and possibly the most taxing jobs of an entrepreneur is that of the managerial function. the entrepreneur has to manage employees, financial and material resources, sales, customers, and every other business element (ireland et al., 2003). managerial functions further extend to the daily running of the business and hiring artivate 11.2 14 decisions. these crucial managerial functions inform arasti’s (2014) analysis of the “role of managerial skills of entrepreneurship in business success,” where she concludes that good leadership/managerial behavior is a prerequisite to the success of entrepreneurs. asieba and nmadu’s (2018) study of 30 community pharmacies revealed that successful companies mostly owe their success to good management on the part of the owner who is usually the manager. even startups that had impressive growth rates were found to have capable leaders who have balanced managerial and entrepreneurial behavior (gakure et al., 2013). 5.2. strategic thinking and planning according to dushkov (2018), strategic thinking and planning capabilities are the main competencies that rarely fail to create sustainable competitive advantages for entrepreneurs. these give individual entrepreneurs the ability to scrutinize their external environment and extract viable information that can enhance their knowledge which can, in turn, result in an organization’s success (dunhaime et al., 2012). heracleous (1998) provides another perspective to this explanation, stating that the ability to think and plan strategically is what helps entrepreneurs tackle challenges they might encounter in their careers or when running their businesses. he adds that, in cases where this skill is lacking, there is a high probability of the business failing. veskaisri, chan, and pollard (2007) studied 656 smallto medium-sized smes in thailand to evaluate whether strategic planning has any link to sme success. they conclude that analytical thinking competencies have a positive effect on a company’s performance. richardson (2010) argued that strategic capability not only allows business owners to extract vital information from around them, but it also creates opportunities and aids in the effective exploitation of these opportunities, which in turn affects business performance. robinson et al. (1984), in their study of 51 small businesses in the united states, also provided empirical proof that strategic planning is positively correlated to the success of a business. 5.3. creativity/innovativeness creativity and innovativeness are often the bedrock upon which new developments are born and are crucial elements in the economic success of an individual or business entity (herzig, 2020). creativity gives rise to new products, new solutions, and novel ways of doing things and tackling problems, which can give a company a distinct edge over others. amabile (2018:19) agrees with this and even goes further to explain that creativity is the “... production of some novel results, that [are] useful, tenable or satisfying and represent a real leap away from what has previously existed.” to illustrate how significant creativity and innovation are to business growth, consider the next study. in their study of nine moroccan firms, elbaz, binkkour, and majdouline (2013) found artivate 11.2 15 that smes with smaller overall resources were able to compete effectively against bigger rivals as a result of their innovative culture and climate. another study highlighted the importance of these two qualities to businesses and especially to entrepreneurs. ojo et al. (2017) observed that, unlike conservative thinkers, creative and innovative individuals developed a higher number of novel solutions, readily embraced new ideas, and were quick to improvise. they further add that creativity and innovation are big drivers of revenue growth in any organization. 5.4. risk-taking propensity risk-taking might have its downsides, but there is evidence that it is one of the key traits displayed by successful entrepreneurs. in a business, there are many times when entrepreneurs will have to take the proverbial leap of faith in the absence of concrete proof or guiding data. the key, however, to increasing the odds of success is to take wellseasoned risks (jemal, 2020). from research, taking well-seasoned or calculated risks involves two strategies: first, deciding to take the risk and, second, having a plan to minimize the risk (memili et al., 2010). wang and poutziouris (2010) studied 236 family firms in the uk to determine the impact of risk-taking on the performance of businesses, especially smes. their findings confirm that the risk-taking propensity of leaders correlates with the success of their business. 6. fundamental career skills for the modern music industry this section identifies the industry-specific competencies that are vital to the success of artists in the music industry as well as the skills and knowledge gap in the industry. music industry entrepreneurs might share several similar skills with regular entrepreneurs, but they also have art-sectoral-specific skills (beckman, 2005). here, entrepreneurship in music (including the other art fields)—as much as it needs the general business fundamentals—has its own set of unique capabilities. bridgestock (2013) attributes this to various distinctive factors in the industry like the nature of the market, product/service diversity, regulatory mechanisms, labor processes, value chains, and demand for products and services. while it is understandable that every industry has specific competencies, a general misconception about the music industry is that it is solely focused on the record business (williamson and cloonan, 2007:305−322). this means people and, unfortunately, some artists place a greater significance on recording skills over other core music business competencies. fran healy, a band member and director at the featured artists coalition (fac), addressed this misunderstanding during an industry meeting with uk’s digital, culture, media and sport committee in 2012 (nordga rd, 2018:5−7). artivate 11.2 16 the artist stressed that contrary to what the outside world thinks, the record business is only one of four distinct industries that comprise the music economy (nordga rd, 2018). the other three are music publishing, live music, and the merchandise business. since digital streaming took over at the turn of the millennium, there has been a considerable demand and financial shift from recorded music to live music, which has caused the recording sector to dramatically decrease in size, while the size of the live industry continues to increase. currently, the record business is estimated to be about 25% of the entire sector with the other three areas making up the remaining 75%. this clarification makes it easy to understand why knowledge about live music production (alongside recorded music production) has suddenly become a must-have for the modern artist. besides live music production, the review of extant literature uncovered seven core areas whose proficiencies are extremely vital in developing the careers and building the fan bases of artists and other professionals in music. according to research and an industry report (chrc, 2018), some of these areas have been nonexistent or of lesser importance in the past. however, they rose to prominence recently due to technological developments and changes in culture and market dynamics. these include live music production, recorded music production, music publishing, music artist management, rights management, social media networking, and basic legal knowledge of contracts and partnerships (walzer, 2016; burgess, 2013):“the demise of traditional recording studios now demands the rise of an intelligent, confident, media-literate, and self-directed community of producers who take it upon themselves to learn how to create their idea” (walzer, 2016). in other words, artists who are equipped with the know-how to create highquality sounds by themselves can function autonomously. with the aid of a laptop/phone and free digital workstations, artists can create and distribute their work and generate (at least) a modest living wage without the support of a record label. proficiency in rights management is important for every artist who wants to stay ahead of the intellectual property and copyright game (vernic et al., 2011; gammons, 2011). of all the core competencies studied by researchers in this internet age, social networking skills were considered a non-negotiable skill all artists need to hone and develop. 6.1. skills and knowledge gaps in the music and art industry even with the high awareness of the importance of entrepreneurial skills in successfully starting and growing a business, there is still a wide chasm between the skills artists currently have and what they ought to have. rodriguez (2012) in his paper, “what’s in a name? typifying artist artivate 11.2 17 entrepreneurship in community-based training,” identified the resistance of some artists to developing an entrepreneurial mindset as one of the gaps affecting people’s careers in the industry. rodriguez also identified the anti-commercial stance and unwillingness of others towards learning skills like business planning and budgeting as one of the reasons why many artists have challenges with growing their careers. toscher (2020) conducted an online survey of over 700 students in five music institutes in norway to determine the knowledge gap within this group of emerging artists. his findings revealed that of all the fifteen skills students were questioned about, the largest gaps were found in sales and marketing, financial literacy, market and industry knowledge, business planning, and social media networking. bridgstock (2013) stressed the need for financial literacy, opportunity recognition, risk-taking, and self-management skills among artists, while nordga rd (2018) inquired into why artists are having difficulties adapting to a digital economy and found that artists need to acquire industry-specific skills such as basic legal knowledge on copyright issues and music production skills (both live and recorded segments). in canada, industry reports revealed knowledge gaps in the following areas: recorded music production, music publishing, music artist management, live music production, development, marketing, and distribution (chrc, 2008). 7. conclusion 7.1. concluding remarks this review’s findings support the ideas proposed by existing literature that a certain set of business skills can be classified into a group called “entrepreneurship skills.” there is evidence suggesting that these skills—which include opportunity recognition, assessment, and realization; idea generation and creativity; strategic thinking and planning; networking; sales and marketing; finance; and leadership and managerial capabilities—bring some degree of success in business. in the music sector, an industry survey suggests that having a good understanding of the following specific areas is a high success factor: recorded music production, music publishing, music artist management, live music production, development, marketing, and distribution. in canada, evidence shows that the entrepreneurial skills of a significant number of artists are relatively underdeveloped and there is potential for this group to improve substantially on their performance. according to the cultural human resources council (chrc), musicians must acquire extra knowledge in rights management, cultural trends and business standards in foreign markets, and basic legal understanding of contracts and partnerships. having these skills will prepare musicians to successfully adapt to and navigate the rapidly changing entertainment artivate 11.2 18 industry. 7.2. limitations as with every study, this current review also has several limitations that warrant consideration. to begin with, the main limitation of this critique is that since it uses data from various contexts, countries, and art sectors, it may be hard to generalize it to canadian musical artists as environment also plays a great role in determining what business skills within the region are needed to succeed. a second challenge to the validity of this research is that the study may not have discovered some relevant sources due to the research sample size. using a substantial number of articles and across many databases may have helped to eliminate this challenge. associated and unpublished works not obtained in the selected database pose a potential threat to the internal validity of this research. further, when undertaking a study of this nature, an extensive search for relevant information and research may be impossible. although the researcher carried out the investigation using several search parameters and logical operators to eliminate this threat, the review could still contain some margin of error due to the original sample size. lastly, entrepreneurial success is a complex phenomenon and occurs due to several reasons. as a result, although the comprehensive review of existing literature uncovers a wide range of entrepreneurial skills affecting the economic success of musical artists, there is still no evidence and consensus of which skill sets are essential for these professionals. hence, there is no clear and direct evidence that the entrepreneurial skills outlined in this study are the predominant factors responsible for the success of professional working or self-employed musician entrepreneurs. 7.3. further research as the literature shows, most musical artists utilize the connections within their social circles network to improve their career success and to cope better with their economic status. on this subject matter, more research effort is recommended for effective intervention by practitioners and policymakers. it was stated earlier that there is a lack of consensus in the literature on the definitive skill sets needed for the entrepreneurial success of working musicians. more survey findings and longitudinal studies are required in this area to provide deeper insights. a comprehensive analysis of the impact of entrepreneurial competencies on the economic dealings of this group is also important to reveal opportunities for better sustainable strategies, and further critical approaches to understanding the role of entrepreneurship to support equity-seeking artists are essential. artivate 11.2 19 references acs, z. j., autio, e., & szerb, l. 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(2018). the development of an entrepreneurial mindset in primary education. european journal of education, 53 (3), 427-439. cover image: photo by segun jana, www.pexels.com/photo/close-up-of-buttonson-a-dj-console-7517028/ 1. introduction 1.1. background 1.2. problem statement 1.3. research questions 1.4. aims and objectives 1.5. methodology/approach 1.6. key findings 2. overview of the current analytic approach 2.1. method 2.2. inclusion and exclusion criteria 2.3. search strategy 2.4. data extraction 2.5. data analysis 3. skills that promote entrepreneurship—a theoretical and empirical perspective 3.1. theoretical foundation 3.1.1. who is an entrepreneur? 3.1.2. what defines entrepreneurship? 3.1.3. what are entrepreneurial skills? 3.2. empirical perspective 4. essential skill sets for entrepreneurial success 5. impact of essential entrepreneurial skills on business success 5.1. the influence of managerial/leadership skills on entrepreneurial success 5.2. strategic thinking and planning 5.3. creativity/innovativeness 5.4. risk-taking propensity 6. fundamental career skills for the modern music industry 6.1. skills and knowledge gaps in the music and art industry 7. conclusion 7.1. concluding remarks 7.2. limitations 7.3. further research vol. 12 2023-2024 editorial editorial perspectives what’s past is prologue to launch volume 12 of artivate and mark the editorial team transition, we offer the following set of editorial essays to help catalyze conversations and contributions on the past and future of the field. the first is by outgoing coeditors paul bonin-rodriguez and neville vakharia, who reflect on the field-building focus of their tenure and some of their key accomplishments. their excellent retrospective is followed by essays from each of the new coeditors, exploring the origins and nature of their relationship to the field of arts entrepreneurship as well as the evolving topics those origins inspire. we hope that these essays encourage a similar reflection among our community and foster a more expansive conversation and examination of entrepreneurship in the arts. artivate: a field-building project paul bonin-rodriguez university of texas at austin neville vakharia drexel university we write at this moment of transition as outgoing editors not just to capture some of the institutional history of artivate but also to articulate the goal we pursued during our terms. from the beginning of our service, we agreed that artivate is a field-building project that supports not only the study and practice of arts entrepreneurship but also the increased number of faculty at universities pursuing this topic and a mix of practitioners and scholars. we became coeditors of artivate in the fall of 2018, taking the reins from linda essig, who had invited us to serve together. we both agreed that serving as coeditors was an essential condition of our acceptance. we would soon recognize that linda had chosen us artivate 12 2 well. our scholarship and backgrounds are complementary. paul is the head of performance as public practice, a performance studies ma, mfa, and phd program at the university of texas at austin. his scholarship draws from performance studies methodologies and considers the social sciences. neville is the associate dean of research and planning at drexel university and brings an analytical and quantitative approach to understanding entrepreneurship, innovation, and organizational change. linda essig co-founded the journal with gary d. beckman, and the two served as coeditors for the first four issues. joseph roberts stepped in as coeditor and editor, respectively, for the following two issues. then linda served as the sole editor for the following eight issues, with one of those issues (6.2 summer 2017) being guest edited by maria rosario jackson (now chair of the nea) and greg esser (now working at the intersection of community development and arts and culture). under linda’s visionary and enduring leadership, artivate emerged as the first peer-reviewed journal dedicated solely to arts entrepreneurship. most of the journal’s editorial board appeared as journal authors for scholarly articles and/or editorials as well as book reviews in artivate’s first seven years. during that time, artivate produced thirteen issues and published forty articles, nine book reviews, and a four-part series of editorials on the definition of arts entrepreneurship. between the winter of 2019 and the spring of 2023, we produced nine issues and published thirty-three articles, ten book reviews, and one editorial series. we have hosted three guest edited volumes with mark clague and susan badger booth; monika herzig; and adrienne callander and johanna k. taylor. our first issue as coeditors was published at arizona state university, where linda had been a professor. after linda’s departure from arizona state, we found a new home at the university of arkansas with linda’s guidance. reaching a deal for us to become the university’s first free, open-access journal, under the prestigious university of arkansas press artivate moved past its initial ad hoc approach—no more writing on shared drives, sending endless emails between authors and peer reviewers, while carefully checking to ensure anonymity was maintained. our second issue was published on the open journal systems (ojs) journal management and publishing platform, automating our workflows and improving the quality of communications among editors, authors, and reviewers. this significant step also enhanced the legitimacy and reach of artivate. assessing what we published, and categorizing the articles on discrete terms, we note that artivate focused heavily on the education of arts entrepreneurs (ten articles). some of these included “the great generalization: organizational adaptation strategies as entrepreneurship in higher music education” (spring 2022), by jacob hertzog; “universities as cultural anchors: moving beyond bricks and mortar to entrepreneurship, workforce, and community development approaches” (fall 2021), by amanda ashley and leslie durham; and “entrepreneurial pathways in art” (spring 2021), by kaisu tuominiemi and scott benzenberg. drawing on two domains from “investing in creativity” (jackson, et. al. 2003), we note artivate 12 3 that we also devoted considerable space to the influence of arts entrepreneurs in particular “communities and networks” (nine articles). some of these examples include “the network effect of arts incubators” (fall 2021), by stan renard and gianluca zanella; “advancing equity in arts entrepreneurship” (spring 2022), by charlie wall-andrews and mary elizabeth luka; and “effectual entrepreneurship in the arts: the story of austin classical guitar” (fall 2021), by jonathan gangi. broadly, we devoted slightly less space to the same study’s category of “markets and demands” (eight articles). half focus on particular markets, such as “meta-analysis on the importance of entrepreneurship in canada’s music industry” (fall 2022), by charlie wallandrew; “measuring arts markets: the colorado art market in 2017” (summer 2019), by jeffrey taylor, mayela cardenas, and stephanie edwards; and “building a heavy metal world: entrepreneurship in the polish people’s republic” (spring 2021), by dominic athanassiou and george musgrave. about half of the articles in this category focus on issues of individual and organized labor as opposed to the greater systemic forces or concerns. these articles include “making detroit sound great: the detroit symphony orchestra and its post-strike transformations” (spring 2020), by nathinee chucerdwatanasak; and “motivations and intentionality in the arts portfolio career” (spring 2022), by karen munnelly. to a lesser extent, we focused on arts policy and entrepreneurship (three articles), theory (two articles), and technology (one), with articles such as “learning from negative space: categorizing success in arts policy entrepreneurship” (winter 2019), by brea heidelberg; “a theory of arts entrepreneurship as organizational attack” (summer 2019), by jason c. white; and “art and the blockchain: a primer, history, and taxonomy of blockchain use cases in the arts” (winter 2019), by amy whitaker, respectively. finally, seven of these articles raised arts entrepreneurship in international contexts in africa, europe, poland, and canada. when we compare our article publishing details with usage data, we note that our editorial choices, determined by the submissions we received, demonstrate a marginal, even ambivalent, relationship to the information our readers sought. during our tenure, the most viewed and downloaded article was amy whitaker’s “art and the blockchain,” with five hundred eighty-nine document accesses of the whole article (i.e., five hundred eighty-nine pdf downloads). however, running a close second is “the great generalization: organizational adaptation strategies as entrepreneurship in higher music education” by jacob herzog (five hundred seventy-one pdf downloads), followed closely by “universities as cultural anchors: moving beyond bricks and mortar to entrepreneurship, workforce, and community development approaches,” by amanda ashley and leslie durham (499 pdf downloads). the truth is that artivate’s articles regularly defied strict categorization. entrepreneurial effectuation is a market and labor concern as much as an opportunity to recognize and engage the community. arts entrepreneurship education tethers theory to practice in artivate 12 4 local contexts. social and digital technologies are an omnipresent part of our lives. what we gain from the assessment is an understanding of how our field continues to build itself through the engagement of its scholars, artists, and activists. we offer this information to our successors to guide and support their efforts going forward as they continue cultivating and growing artivate’s field-building successes. metallica, molson, and (too) much music: a call for traumainformed arts entrepreneurship olaf kuhlke minneapolis college of art and design labor day weekend in canada. the year was 1995. the place was tuktoyaktuk, northwest territories, canada. an invited crowd of five hundred visitors from across north america, plus the local inhabitants of this small inuvialuit hamlet, entered a sizable igloo-shaped tent to enjoy the sounds of four iconic 90s bands, including the headlining act—metallica. promoted by the canadian beer company molson, this ice polar beach party, as it was called, was created as a new way to advertise a brand-new beverage—molson ice beer— and the company’s promoters worked for months to secure this remote location. in tuk, the event was both welcomed as an opportunity to boost the local economy and feared because it promoted the consumption of alcohol in an otherwise dry community that suffered for years from extremely high rates of substance abuse and fetal alcohol syndrome. a cbc video report and a subsequent documentary film, “the invasion of the beer people” (neerenberg, 2006), portrayed the complex cultural, social, and environmental aspects of this event, showcasing how even the most well-intended corporate support and strategy can produce culturally problematic and insensitive experiences and events. as a young exchange student at the university of alberta, i heard and read about the above event. reflecting on this event twenty-eight years later, i have realized how much it shaped my research interests and, ultimately, my thinking about arts entrepreneurship, its trajectory as a discipline, and its many potential futures. as one of the three new coeditors of artivate, i would like to take this opportunity to illustrate how contested cultural events such as the one i just described can help us shape our thinking as arts entrepreneurs and scholars and what possible directions i see for future work in our developing discipline. i came to arts and creative entrepreneurship in a roundabout way. i was originally trained as a cultural geographer and studied how space and place are often infused with historically contested meanings. what fascinated me about the polar ice beach party was both the corporate-community collaboration initiated by molson and the multifaceted meanings of this event. on the one hand, it was a celebration of and for the community of tuktoyaktuk, with eager youth flocking to the event to see their rock and heavy metal heroes, from courtney artivate 12 5 love of the band hole to james hetfield of metallica. on the other hand, there was a fear of the elders that only the positive aspects of beer and partying were highlighted, not the devastating effects of this drug on indigenous and first nation canadians. historically, tuktoyaktuk as a community had experienced its fair share of trauma, much of which was brought to it by outsiders, from whalers establishing camps at the turn of the 20th century to the military installations of the cold war. as this event illustrated, cultural festivals never occur in “innocent space,” to paraphrase henri lefebvre (1991). space and place are always somehow, somewhere, and somewhat produced by someone and thus not free of value judgments, historical context, cultural traditions, ideological frameworks, or economic inequities. many spaces represent landscapes of visible and invisible trauma. this focus on culturally embedded value creation and trauma-informed care eventually brought me to study entrepreneurship in the creative industries. i had studied the spatial significance of music and dance for community development (kuhlke, 2004; kuhlke & pine, 2014) and was fascinated with how complex, singular cultural events or celebrations can create multifaceted cultural, economic, and social landscapes. still, about ten years ago, my attention turned away from the communities experiencing these events to the actual producers of artistic experiences. for example, together with forty scholars from across the globe, i examined in 2015 how arts, cultural entrepreneurship, and creative entrepreneurship are taught, practiced, and influenced by policy (kuhlke et al., 2015). again, my critical insight from this collaborative work was that no entrepreneurial activity happens in a moral vacuum. what we make and produce can impact people positively and cause trauma—often simultaneously. as entrepreneurs in the creative fields, we need to pay close attention to our consumers’ collective and individual identities, from their nationality to their gender to the detailed cultural context of their communities. if arts entrepreneurship is to be beneficial for individuals, companies, and communities, the ideation and planning process of such business must be conducted through a cultural lens. if the products we make, the services we offer, and the events we put on are to benefit consumers and communities, then the context, consumption, and profit-creation must be aligned, and what we make and experience must be meaningful and beneficial in the long run. suppose we were to avoid another molson polar ice beach party, with its rowdy, drunken musicians and guests “invading” an indigenous community, entertaining the youth, disrupting its way of life, and worrying elders. how do we need to train and prepare future generations of arts entrepreneurs? the arts entrepreneurship i envision for the future is both cultural entrepreneurship and trauma-informed entrepreneurship. here are some of the critical questions that i would like to put out there as conversation items for future scholarly work in arts entrepreneurship: artivate 12 6 1. when working in and with any community in creating for-profit and nonprofit cultural products, services, or experiences, what do arts entrepreneurs need to consider when developing their value propositions and business models? 2. what constitutes cultural appropriation or commodification? where do the moral and ethical boundaries of art production lie? 3. how have these moral and ethical boundaries shifted or been blurred in our globalizing society? 4. what should arts entrepreneurs know about trauma and trauma-informed care, and how can it help us create better relationships with customers and communities? 5. how can we minimize the harm of what we produce? 6. what constitutes culturally “safe” production? 7. who gets to be at the table talking about what is safe, appropriate, and beneficial? 8. what exactly does trauma-informed arts entrepreneurship look like? do we need more art in arts entrepreneurship? diane ragsdale minneapolis college of art and design i began thinking about entrepreneurship in the context of the arts when i worked as a philanthropoid for the mellon foundation in the first decade of this century. in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis a grand narrative emerged in the us arts and culture sector: the business model for the arts was broken—new models were needed along with the development of new sources of earned revenues, new industry-nonprofit collaborations, and partnerships. this discourse was fueled by the need to mitigate the loss of both endowment income and contributed income in the arts sector more generally. put another way, it was fueled by the need for funders and donors to feel less on the hook. importantly, nudging organizations to cultivate earned revenue streams or to partner with industry or to explore real estate ventures, e.g., was separate from nudging them to become commercial enterprises. the implicit and rather impossible entrepreneurial directive to arts nonprofits seemed to be, “earn your way; but do not lose your way.” when i returned to graduate school a couple of years later, my thinking was influenced by select literature in cultural economics (e.g., richard caves, tyler cowen, alan freeman, bruno frey, arjo klamer, david throsby, ruth towse, olav velthuis, burton weisbrod, amy whitaker) and cultural sociology (e.g., howard s. becker, pierre bourdieu, paul dimaggio, stuart hall, walter w. powell, patricia thornton, max weber, and viviana zelizer). i also began teaching courses on the creative economy. i became deeply curious about “earn your way, but do not lose your way” and questions about markets, missions, and morals in organizational contexts. these dynamics inspired much of my research into artivate 12 7 the relationship between nonprofit and commercial theater in the us and, in particular, on the influence of partnerships between the two on the aesthetics of the american stage (see, e.g., ragsdale, 2012; ragsdale, 2017; ragsdale, 2021; and ragsdale, 2023). had it not been for the opportunity to be a visiting guest lecturer at the university of wisconsin-madison in 2015, commercialism and values erosion in the nonprofit arts might have continued to be my primary focus, as well as tensions between the publicness required of the nonprofit form and the ownership and autonomy that can be quite important to artists and entrepreneurs (see, e.g., ragsdale, 2017). however, when invited to propose a course i might like to teach within the aegis of the wisconsin school of business, i ultimately proposed to teach a course on beauty and aesthetics. i was inspired at the time by having recently read howard gardner’s book truth, beauty and goodness revisited. as someone consumed with the effects of business thinking on nonprofit leaders, i became interested in the opposite question: how do artistic practices and experiences affect business leaders? in particular, i was interested in how approaching beauty—i.e., looking at the world through an aesthetic rather than economic lens—might be a pathway for teaching something akin to business ethics. in preparing my course i began reading texts by an entirely new group of scholars, philosophers, and essayists (e.g., russell ackoff, nancy adler, john dewey, ellen dissanayake, john dobson, maxine greene, mark johnson, iris murdoch, elaine scarry, bill sharpe, steven s. taylor, sandra waddock, joe winston, and jeanette winterson). i eventually came to understand that there was a burgeoning field interested in my driving question: neuroaesthetics, which has been introduced to many by the recently released, excellent book by susan magsamen, your brain on art: how the arts transform us. i remain interested in (1) the influence of entrepreneurial methods and thinking on the outputs and values of artists/art firms and (2) the influence of an aesthetic orientation or mindset on human development and organizational ethics. moreover, in the past handful of years, the latter has evolved and expanded to include a whole other set of questions: the value of the often undervalued methods and practices of artists and designers on the cultivation of a range of relational capacities (empathy, emergence, meaning making, cultural competence and humility, cultural identity and expression, ecosystems thinking, comfort with discomfort, transcending boundaries, collaboration across difference) necessary to imagine and collectively realize politically pluralistic, environmentally sustainable, and socially just worlds. i entered this arena largely due to the influence of ongoing conversations with my research partner shannon litzenberger (dancer, choreographer, and embodiment practitioner), as well as with robert ransick, the vice president of academic affairs at the minneapolis college of art and design, where i now run an ma in creative leadership. this inquiry has been fertilized by an entirely other group of scholars (e.g., vanessa andreotti, kenneth bailey, arturo escobar, jason frasca, tony fry, nelson goodman, mark johnson, iain kerr, susan magsamen, iain mcgilchrest, and john vervaeke). https://howlround.com/intersection artivate 12 8 in a nutshell: my current interest in arts entrepreneurship is largely the methods, practices, processes, and capacities of artists and art firms and how these, as well as the transformative power of art, might have a greater influence on the means and ends of entrepreneurship. furthermore, here are some enduring questions with which i continue to be engaged: 1. following natalie loveless (2019, how to make art at the end of the world), are we overdue to embrace “research-creation” (i.e., the ways that artistic practices are or might be understood as both method and output in higher education) for the sake of both arts entrepreneurship scholarship and pedagogy? 2. building on my contribution to the futurecasting glossary edited for vol. 11 issue 3 of artivate, how might the creation/worldmaking methods, practices, and processes inherent to artmaking and artfirm-making contribute to an understanding of how to collectively imagine/make new worlds—i.e., ways of relating to ourselves, each other, our built and natural worlds, history, the present, and the future? 3. building on my contribution to vol. 6 issue 1 of artivate, is there an inherent, underexamined, and perhaps necessarily unresolvable conflict between the autonomy or authority often required (or desired) by the artist/entrepreneur and the publicness required of the 501c3 charitable nonprofit? does each potentially prevent the other from effectively fulfilling their respective roles vis-à-vis society? art works and art worlds e. andrew taylor american university my first job out of undergraduate studies was in journalism, at the intersection of music and technology. i had a ba in english literature with a passion for music, musicians, and all things digital. so, a managing editor role at a small consumer digital audio magazine in peterborough, new hampshire, seemed an interesting fit. when i started at digital audio & compact disc review in 1986, compact discs were on the rise as a consumer media format. by 1988, cd sales surpassed vinyl lps. by 1991, they overtook pre-recorded cassette tapes (lee, 2023). the cd format was reshaping the way music was recorded, encoded, and distributed, offering new revenue streams to musicians and record labels, new opportunities for a mainstream market to experience audiophile-quality audio, and a new life for back catalogs as classic albums in all genres were remastered and re-released. writing and editing for the magazine offered my first front-row seat to an “art world” in transition, although i did not know howard becker’s framing then. an art world, as i https://artivate.org/index.php/artivate/article/view/197/167 https://www.artivate.org/index.php/artivate/article/view/58/50 https://www.artivate.org/index.php/artivate/article/view/58/50 artivate 12 9 would later learn, includes not only the artist and the artwork but also “all the activities that must be carried out for any work of art to appear as it finally does”—all the “patterns of collective activity” between inspiration and living practice (becker, 1982). as the cd format altered the terrain of recorded music, i started to notice how the expressive work of artists is shaped, channeled, amplified, and dampened by a full ecology of factors including available technology, channels of distribution, consumer and community aesthetic preferences, financial interests, social trends, conventions of creative practice, and even the shape and nature of the built environment. artistic vision and voice were central to these worlds and their evolution, of course. however, so were social, technological, environmental, ecological, and political actions and actors. just as a musical ensemble continually interrogates and adapts to the acoustics of their performance space, artists and others in an art world are in dialogue with the resonances, dissonances, and dead zones of their changing contexts. i left peterborough for boston in 1989 to lead the development and publication of a new alumni music magazine for berklee college of music. and again, i witnessed the interplay of artists, artworks, and art worlds. i continued to write feature interviews with amazing musicians or producers who had just completed beautiful and compelling things. furthermore, i started to wonder what happened upstream from that public, polished expression. what ecology (or acoustic) of people, stuff, and money made such profound creative projects possible and helped them thrive? that led me to graduate study in arts administration at the university of wisconsin, madison, and almost 30 years of teaching, researching, consulting, and supporting arts management practice. my dominant focus over most of those three decades has been on formal, incorporated, not-for-profit enterprises—how they are made, how they are managed, how they wither, dither, or thrive. nevertheless, arts entrepreneurship has always been entangled with that exploration, if not by name then by nature. established arts nonprofits were once entrepreneurial ventures, after all. the whole concept of a nonprofit arts organization was an adaptation to a changing world. further, tomorrow’s conventions of arts management practice are always under construction today. even becker touched on arts entrepreneurship back in 1982, although he did not call it that: the history of art deals with innovators and innovations that won organizational victories, succeeding in creating around themselves the apparatus of an art world, mobilizing enough people to cooperate in regular ways that sustained and furthered their idea. only changes that succeed in capturing existing cooperative networks or developing new ones survive (becker, 1982). i have defined arts management as “the practice of aggregating and animating people, stuff, and money toward expressive ends” (taylor, 2023). managers tend to realize and artivate 12 10 optimize this practice through established and conventional forms of collective action. entrepreneurs tend to find, forge, or connect new patterns of people, stuff, and money. all of them are adaptive agents in a constellation of adaptive systems. that framing is pulling my focus now and moving forward. emerging biophysics and cognitive science theories suggest that any adaptive system has two ways to advance its fitness within its environment: it can shape its internal state or its external reality. in other words, it can change its thinking or its world (friston, 2010; sterling et al., 1988). arts entrepreneurship can be viewed as the process and practice of doing both—making sense and taking action in new ways to advance creative expression and experience. this framing opens an array of explorations around arts entrepreneurship, including the following ones: 1. how do the language and conventions of business shape or limit how we make sense of and take action in art worlds? 2. what other lexicons or cultural traditions—beyond a dominant north american economic lens—might inform and illuminate entrepreneurial practice in the arts? 3. how can we capture, interrogate, and analyze arts entrepreneurship initiatives from the collective or plural perspective rather than as individualistic pursuits? 4. what research or narrative methods can reveal the “patterns of collective activity” that becker described as art worlds? 5. how might we observe and understand the evolving landscapes now shaping art worlds—inclusive and just practice, generative ai, finance and funding pathways, and others—as collective and adaptive systems? it is an honor to work among this amazing team of coeditors to encourage these conversations and others around arts entrepreneurship. references becker, h. s. (1982). art worlds. university of california press. friston, k. (2010). the free-energy principle: a unified brain theory? nature reviews neuroscience, 11(2), article 2. https://www.doi.org/10.1038/nrn2787 kuhlke, o. (2004). representing german identity in the new berlin republic: body, nation, and place. mellen press. kuhlke, o., schramme, a., & kooyman, r. (2015). creating cultural capital: cultural entrepreneurship in theory, pedagogy, and practice. eburon uitgeverij bv. lee, y. h. (2023). the audio compact disc: a business history case. essays in economic & business history, 41(1), article 1. lefebvre, h., & nicholson-smith, d. (1991). the production of space (vol. 142). blackwell: oxford. neerenberg, a. et al. (2006). invasion of the beer people. nutaaq media. pine a. & kuhlke o. (2014). geographies of dance: body movement and corporeal negotiations. lexington books. ragsdale, d. (2023). margo jones: bridging divides to craft a hybrid logic for theater in the us. in m. tonelli & a. heise (eds.), cases on arts entrepreneurship (pp. 56–79). edward elgar publishing. ragsdale, d. (2021). report on research examining the ford foundation’s influence on the producing model of us regional theaters. rockefeller archive center. https://rockarch.issuelab.org/resource/report-on-research-examining-the-fordfoundation-s-influence-on-the-producing-model-of-us-regional-theaters.html ragsdale, d. (2017). on entrepreneurialism and publicness (or, whose theatre is it really)? artivate, 6(1), winter 2017, 3-7. https://www.doi.org/10.1353/artv.2017.0008 ragsdale, d. (2012). in the intersection: partnerships in the new play sector. howlround, inc. https://howlround.com/intersection sterling, p., eyer, j., fisher, s., & reason, j. (1988). allostasis; a new paradigm to explain arousal pathology. in handbook of life stress, cognition and health (pp. 629–649). wiley. taylor, e. a. (2023). what is arts management? artsmanaged field guide. https://www.guide.artsmanaged.org/1_fundamentals/what+is+arts+management%3f photo by wim arys, https://unsplash.com/es/fotos/un-grupomuy-grande-de-estructuras-de-piedra-en-un-parquegdlpmyinsak https://www.doi.org/10.1038/nrn2787 https://rockarch.issuelab.org/resource/report-on-research-examining-the-ford-foundation-s-influence-on-the-producing-model-of-us-regional-theaters.html https://rockarch.issuelab.org/resource/report-on-research-examining-the-ford-foundation-s-influence-on-the-producing-model-of-us-regional-theaters.html https://rockarch.issuelab.org/resource/report-on-research-examining-the-ford-foundation-s-influence-on-the-producing-model-of-us-regional-theaters.html https://rockarch.issuelab.org/resource/report-on-research-examining-the-ford-foundation-s-influence-on-the-producing-model-of-us-regional-theaters.html https://www.doi.org/10.1353/artv.2017.0008 https://howlround.com/intersection https://howlround.com/intersection https://www.guide.artsmanaged.org/1_fundamentals/what+is+arts+management%3f https://www.guide.artsmanaged.org/1_fundamentals/what+is+arts+management%3f https://unsplash.com/es/fotos/un-grupo-muy-grande-de-estructuras-de-piedra-en-un-parque-gdlpmyinsak https://unsplash.com/es/fotos/un-grupo-muy-grande-de-estructuras-de-piedra-en-un-parque-gdlpmyinsak https://unsplash.com/es/fotos/un-grupo-muy-grande-de-estructuras-de-piedra-en-un-parque-gdlpmyinsak vol. 11, no. 3 spring 2023 special issue: the expanded field of arts entrepreneurship guest editors’ introduction adrienne callander university of arkansas johanna k. taylor arizona state university artivate is a living archive capturing a global view of the past, present, and future of arts entrepreneurship. for this special issue, we invited scholars to participate in a collective activity of futurecasting by contributing research that advances ideas that should be central to our field. arts entrepreneurs are continuously reinventing their creative practice, the spaces in which that practice happens, and the types of collaborators they engage along the way. not only are arts entrepreneurs expanding platforms of connection with consumers and audiences; they are also innovating new ways of working that impact larger social, economic, and political environments. as we collectively navigate the postpandemic era and the pressing need to critique, challenge, and change existing social structures, artist leadership is in demand across sectors and institutions. this issue explores how and where arts entrepreneurship happens in our contemporary society beyond expected models and recognizes the breadth of contexts where artists are already embedded and the systems through which they are building new pathways. as arts entrepreneurship is still speculating itself, we continue to navigate how it is implemented, taught, and studied. to that end, the contributors to this issue look across our expanded field to introduce new ways of framing arts entrepreneurship. they call our attention to both emergent ways artists are impacting systems and the work that has been long happening at the margins of the field. in this issue to assist in the effort to gain insight into the key ideas shaping the field today, we invited past, present, and future artivate editors to submit their thinking around concepts they artivate 11.3 2 see as pivotal in driving the field forward. the resulting editorial perspectives presents a futurecasting glossary that explores the multiple realities facing collaborative work (paul bonin-rodriguez on the entrepreneurial “we”; andrew taylor on the plural sector; neville vakharia on collaborative organizational culture); suggests how we can meet and participate in our rapidly changing world (diane ragsdale on worldmaking; jose ruizresto on entrepreneurial futures); and invites us to return to basics and strengthen our foundations of teaching, scholarship, and practice (gary beckman on pace; linda essig on uniqueness and originality). the three articles included here explore the overlaps that arts entrepreneurship touches from policy to activism to philanthropy through new organizational modeling, structural transformation, and cross-sector collaboration. amy whitaker’s “the rise of hybrid practice: creative institutional design as arts entrepreneurship” introduces hybrid practice as the blurring of traditional nonprofit and for-profit forms to build more flexible and adaptable arts entrepreneurial models. whitaker presents hybrid practice as a mode of institutional entrepreneurship that opens up new ways of navigating and impacting social, political, and economic structures. she further proposes that this approach to organizing ultimately constitutes a creative act extending artistic practice to systems-level design. megan jordan’s “artist activism as arts entrepreneurship: artists disrupting social structures and changing the future” makes the case for artist activism as a form of arts entrepreneurship. through an in-depth study of twenty-seven artists embedded in activist work, jordan focuses on the critical moment of the covid-19 pandemic and its coinciding with the trump presidency to explore the entrepreneurial practices found in the ways that artist activists navigated their work while striving for social and political change. in “new ways of supporting arts entrepreneurship: a case study on maniobra,” javier hernandez shares his personal experience building an organization that provides direct funding to puerto rican artists in the form of salary, fringe benefits, and healthcare that enable them to sustain their art practice and daily lives. intertwined with an analysis of the artists’ experiences, hernandez presents the social, personal, and economic implications of this innovative funding model for other communities and the role philanthropy can play in the reimagining of artist support services. expanding on hernandez’s article, artivate is launching a new section with this issue called galleries. the inauguration of this section spotlights some of maniobra’s participating artists. concluding futures contributors to this futurecasting issue call our attention to new ways of framing arts entrepreneurship that highlight hybridity, structural change, and sector spanning. they artivate 11.3 3 expand our field beyond its more prevalent categorization as a sub-discipline of business venturing to that of vanguard arts practice. this trajectory points us towards institutional entrepreneurship studies and its focus on the tension between agency and social structuration as an important path forward for inquiry and discovery in arts entrepreneurship practice, scholarship, and teaching. as practitioners, scholars, and educators, we concern ourselves with how best to prepare present and future generations of arts entrepreneurs to lead and what knowledge we are producing that connects expanded audiences and collaborators to broad forms of arts work. to that end, the peripheries captured here aim for the horizon. photo by ben mack, www.pexels.com/photo/magnificent-view-of-ocean-beneath-light-pink-sky-5326901/ in this issue concluding futures microsoft word mbrector,+151_final.docx vol. 10, no. 2 fall 2021 entrepreneurial orientation among arts managers in western australia alistair campbell edith cowan university helen rusak edith cowan university abstract: as a region, western australia is the largest and most isolated state in australia, and supports a community of vibrant arts organizations. the arts is widely recognized for its creativity and innovation, but what about the managers of these organizations, are they equally innovative, or entrepreneurial? rusak (2016) explored this question and found that their entrepreneurial orientation (eo) matched the three core dimensions of innovativeness, proactiveness, and risk-taking, but the study did not include the other two eo dimensions of autonomy and competitive aggressiveness. it did however observe that “arts companies don't generally try to take offensive postures or aggressive responses to competitive threats and rather work collaboratively.” there are at least two possibilities here: it could be a passive aversion to competitive aggression, or a more deliberate counterbehavior of collaboration. either of these would appear to contradict the eo construct, in particular the expectation that all eo dimensions covary, which makes it interesting from a theory perspective. this paper explores this challenge to the eo theory in some detail, using software-aided analysis to tease out the finer nuances in this dimension of competitive aggressiveness. while the sample size and its geographical confines limit the generalizations that can be made, there is evidence that in this sample of arts managers, the arts could be a powerful contextual modifier to the expectations of eo theory. in this context, the dimension of competitive aggressiveness has not simply been altered or toned-down, it has been replaced by a polar opposite. keywords: entrepreneurial orientation, corporate entrepreneurship, arts management, collaboration, western australia. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.10.2.151 artivate 10.2 2 introduction this article follows on from a previous study focused on western australia which found that arts managers exhibit many of the traits of entrepreneurial managers (rusak, ). this pilot study used the established construct of entrepreneurial orientation (eo) but explored only the three most salient dimensions of innovativeness, risk-taking, and proactiveness, given the context of corporate entrepreneurship (rauch et al., ), and found clear indications of entrepreneurship among arts managers. while this result would not surprise those who are familiar with arts managers and their organizations, the article also suggested that unlike entrepreneurs, managers in the arts are more likely to collaborate instead of competing with each other. collaboration, however, runs counter to the fuller eo construct, which expects that entrepreneurial companies will compete aggressively to win their space in the market. lumpkin & dess () express it as: “the distinct idea of ‘beating competitors to the punch,’ suggested by miller's () definition of an entrepreneurial firm.” they also note that this eo dimension “was highly correlated with entrepreneurship across all levels of risk.” rusak's () article sought to identify the presence and extent of entrepreneurship, but the suggestion of cooperation rather than competition challenges the eo theory—a challenge that remains untested, since this was outside the focus of that study. this research will therefore extend to all five dimensions of eo to get a better overall perspective, and to identify whether certain of these eo dimensions stand out or are perhaps less frequently observed in the specific context of arts management. in particular, competitive behavior will be explored in more detail (hughes-morgan, kolev, mcnamara, ), as will its possible contrast with collaboration. to increase the depth and rigor of this study, a softwarebased thematic analysis (campbell, ) will be employed to help tease out the finer details in the data. research aim and objectives the aim of this research can therefore be stated as: to explore the behavior of arts managers in established arts organizations in terms of the five dimensions of entrepreneurial orientation as well as the extent to which this behavior agrees with the conventional expectations of an entrepreneurial orientation. the objectives are then: • to examine all five dimensions of eo in the context of arts organizations using software-based thematic analysis • to determine the relative presence of each of the five eo dimensions • to examine the eo dimension of competitive aggressiveness among arts managers, in particular its substitution with collaboration as suggested in previous research • to compare the behavior of arts managers with the expectations of the eo theory before continuing to the analysis section of the article, the following sections provide some artivate 10.2 3 contextual background to the research project. entrepreneurial orientation in the field of entrepreneurship, entrepreneurial orientation (eo) has become a useful and well-established construct. anderson, et al. () summarize it thus: entrepreneurial orientation (eo)—a firm’s strategic posture towards entrepreneurship—has become the predominant construct of interest in strategic entrepreneurship research. eo has been used to identify entrepreneurial activity across a range of contexts (dess & lumpkin, ; lumpkin & dess, , ), and its underpinning construct has five dimensions: autonomy, innovativeness, risk-taking, proactiveness, and competitive aggressiveness (covin, green, & slevin, ; dess & lumpkin, ; morris et al., ; rauch, wiklund, lumpkin, & frese, ). within these five dimensions are three core dimensions originally posited by miller (): innovativeness, risk-taking, and proactiveness. these three dimensions were later extended (clarified) by lumpkin & dess () to include the dimensions of autonomy and competitive aggressiveness. arts management and cultural entrepreneurship arts management and cultural entrepreneurship are different in that the latter creates new businesses that are centered around art and culture, while the former begins to emerge as the organizations grow and mature. the two concepts, however, start to overlap when considering the entrepreneurial orientation of arts managers. rather than focusing on the artists being managed (who are undoubtedly innovative and creative), the focus of this research is on the managers themselves and the ways in which they are creative and innovative as they manage and grow the organization. corporate entrepreneurship (ce) is also known as intrapreneurship or corporate venturing and differs only in the organizational context where managerial innovation and creativity are observed. while entrepreneurship typically refers to the creation of a new venture or startup, ce involves innovating within the strictures of an established organization (morris, kuratko, & covin, ). it therefore provides a bridging framework within which to investigate these twin concepts of arts management and cultural entrepreneurship. this echoes the observation by konrad, et al. that “it may be necessary to act managerially to overcome established structures in an arts organization, whether new or old, or in a small or mediumsized enterprise. . . [which] calls for integration of entrepreneurial and managerial thinking in the context of arts and culture” (, p. ). in this study, the aim is to examine the management of established arts organizations and to explore the extent to which arts managers display an entrepreneurial flair in their management style. the aspect of entrepreneurship is certainly in focus, but the topic is also firmly located in management. this is distinct from either the creative startup arts company or artivate 10.2 4 the creativity and innovation that is evident in a range of art forms, not least in the performing arts. introducing the concept of entrepreneurship is not new in the arts, as the creation of art is an act of innovation in itself. a new work of art or even the remounting of an old work in a new context is an act of “creative destruction” (schumpeter, ) and while artists may not be thinking in an economic paradigm, arts managers, in bringing the work to public attention, may well be. discussions of entrepreneurship have entered the arts marketing discourse with a focus upon the role of creativity and innovation (fillis & rentschler, ; konrad et al., ; rentschler, , , ; rentschler, radbourne, carr, & rickard, ). throsby () highlights the importance of entrepreneurial rhetoric associated with the economies of the creative industries, and the economies of creative industries have become the focus of arts policies, with the emphasis on new technologies, creativity, and innovation (aageson, ; charles & franco, ; florida, , , , ; landry, ; leadbeater, ). arts entrepreneurship literature and courses on how to promote oneself as an artist are abundant (beckman & essig, ; hausmann, ; henry, ) with the entire journal artivate and associated conferences dedicated to entrepreneurial theory and practice. thus, while the role of entrepreneurship is becoming increasingly important in the discussion of arts leadership and strategy (bilton & cummings, ; brown & palantine, ; colbert, ; hagoort, ; hagoort & kooyman, ; preece, ), the concept of entrepreneurship within the arts is still ubiquitous and colloquially understood, and to focus it academically, it is important to use well-established theoretical frameworks. eo and ce are therefore useful extant constructs in the literature that help delimit the research boundaries effectively. context of the research in addition to introducing the terms cultural entrepreneurship and arts management as defined above, the context of this research is more clearly delineated by separating out the management functions in arts organizations and disaggregating them from the more creative or entrepreneurial functions that are also found in arts organizations. arts entrepreneurship can be considered as consisting of four main functions: • the creation of a work of art o this requires creativity, skill, talent, practice, dedication, insight, and many other things; incorporates collective activity (becker, ) • the creation of a new business venture in the arts o this is entrepreneurship, also termed new venture creation o particularly in the arts, this could include social or cultural entrepreneurship, where value creation and business success are not simply measured in dollar-terms • the management of an established arts organization o requires experience and training in traditional management skills artivate 10.2 5 o management skills: accounting, marketing, economics, legal, organizational behavior, funding, communication, digital skills, management theory, etc. o this function also requires an appreciation of (passion for) the arts • an entrepreneurial orientation to the management of an established arts organization o this goes beyond good management, and requires innovative approaches o it requires entrepreneurial management approaches, but within the confines of an established organization o this the field of corporate entrepreneurship (intrapreneurship) o only this function is the focus of this research the term established arts organization locates this paper firmly in the field of corporate entrepreneurship and also helps to place the creation of either a new arts venture or the creation of a new work of art outside the research focus. the research sample the organizations for this research were chosen using purposive sampling, to select expert views across the diversity of arts management activity in western australia (wa), with a range in size and role to reflect the cultural landscape of this state. those selected for the study were senior managers of established companies in wa who had held influential positions in the arts for more than two decades. being key arts managers, these subjects not only contribute the richness of their own personal experiences, but their outlooks are also to some extent an aggregate of the views of the many organizations, roles, and stakeholders with whom they interact. the leaders represented have considerable influence within the wa arts scene, and their years of national and international experience in major arts roles range from twenty to thirty years. a fuller description of the research cohort is provided in the appendix at the end of the article. prior to working in the organizations mentioned in the appendix, members of the sample group have also had previous experience in a range of other organizations including: perth festival, west australian symphony orchestra, state government of wa, australia council for the arts, ausdance, australian business arts foundation, australian, and yirra yaakin, to name a few. they have worked as arts-industry leaders in the areas of management, advocacy, business development, corporate relations, cultural policy, and orchestra experience. the longstanding nature of the arts organizations above also fits within the context of corporate entrepreneurship for this study. the in-depth interviews were semistructured and lasted thirty to forty minutes each. ethics approval for the research was provided by ecu ethics committee and the participants were required to provide informed consent. information provided to interviewees outlined the process and topic of the research, which was defined as corporate entrepreneurship in wa arts organizations. it also outlined the research aim, which was to identify what innovations may be occurring in arts management in wa to overcome challenges faced by arts managers. the artivate 10.2 6 participants were offered the opportunity to review transcripts for accuracy and ultimately provided only minor corrections. they were also offered the opportunity to remain anonymous or to withdraw at any stage; all agreed to be identified with no participant withdrawing. the data was gathered for a conference paper and publication, and the participants were informed that the data would provide the basis for future research. at this stage, it is important to reiterate that it is the creativity and innovation of arts managers being explored, as distinct from the creativity and innovation of the performers they manage. again, the focus of this study is the entrepreneurial behavior of the managers, which needs to be clearly delineated from the artistic process inherent in the arts. analysis the researchers created a searchable database containing full transcripts of the in-depth interviews, for a total of thirty-seven pages of transcripts and nearly twenty thousand words. using nvivo® software, they analyzed the database for the presence of the five eo dimensions, also using the software to assess the extent to which each dimension was represented in the text.. to properly identify the dimensions of eo, clear and unambiguous definitions of each are required. these are summarized in table . table 1. dimensions of entrepreneurial orientation dimension definition autonomy independent action by an individual or team aimed at bringing forth a business concept or vision and carrying it through to completion. innovativeness a willingness to introduce newness and novelty through experimentation and creative processes aimed at developing new products and services, as well as new processes. proactiveness a forward-looking perspective characteristic of a marketplace leader that has the foresight to seize opportunities in anticipation of future demand. competitive aggressiveness an intense effort to outperform industry rivals. it is characterized by a combative posture or an aggressive response aimed at improving position or overcoming a threat in a competitive marketplace. risk-taking making decisions and taking action without certain knowledge of probable outcomes; some undertakings may also involve making substantial resource commitments in the process of venturing forward. sources: covin, j. g. & slevin, d. p. 1991. a conceptual model of entrepreneurship as firm behavior. entrepreneurship theory and practice 16(1): 7–24; lumpkin, g. t. & dess, g. g. 1996. clarifying the entrepreneurial orientation construct and linking it to performance. academy of management review 21(1): 133–172; miller, d. 1983. the correlates of entrepreneurship in three types of firms. management science 29: 770–791. during the analysis itself, more complete explications, which have several paragraphs on each eo dimension, were used to calibrate each meaning more rigorously. based on the founding eo literature (lumpkin & dess, , ; miller ; covin, green, & slevin, ; dess & lumpkin, ; morris et al., ; rauch, wiklund, lumpkin, & frese, ), artivate 10.2 7 short summary descriptions of each eo dimension are extracted below. the five eo dimensions autonomy the freedom of individuals and teams to exercise their creativity and explore promising ideas. it is the independent action that is key here, which includes the ability and the will to be selfdirected. these are actions that are free of stifling organizational constraints and show an independent spirit that drives initiatives through to completion. sometimes it can be observed as organizational support for new ideas or just the freedom to think and do things differently without undue organizational intrusion. innovativeness: innovativeness engages in and supports new ideas, novelty, experimentation, and creative processes that may result in new products or services. innovations can be quite radical, or less so, but all innovations embody a departure from existing practices and transcend the current state of the art. risk-taking risk has various meanings, such as: venturing into the unknown, committing assets, or borrowing heavily. all of these embody a sense of uncertainty and could be personal risk, social risk, or psychological risk. the essence of this eo dimension is that one is taking action, seizing an opportunity, despite the very real possibility that the outcome will not be successful, but always with the entrepreneurial hope that it will in fact succeed. proactiveness the focus here is on taking initiative and anticipating future trends and developments. it is useful to consider the opposite behavior, being reactive, where only when things change does the manager take action. in contrast, entrepreneurial proactiveness looks at the future of the organization and its environment, and then puts in plans and actions to reduce potential risks and, more importantly, take advantage of anticipated future developments. competitive aggressiveness this eo dimension describes an aggressive stance and intense competition. competitive aggressiveness means intensely challenging competitors in order to outperform industry rivals. this may be head-to-head confrontation, entering a market that a competitor has identified, or lowering prices as a competitive challenge. there is also a willingness to use unconventional methods of competing, such as analyzing and targeting a competitor's weaknesses. artivate 10.2 8 identifying eo dimensions in the data the detailed definitions of the five eo dimensions (lumpkin & dess, , ; rauch et al., ) were used to identify possible passages that matched the theme of the particular eo dimension being sought. once nvivo® had identified all potential passages associated with a particular dimension, the researchers then sifted through all the identified passages to determine whether the software had properly identified an appropriate passage. this involved careful checking of the context of the passage in the transcript and critically examining the meaning against the applicable eo definition (campbell, ). if the passage was found to be a match with the eo dimension being sought, it was coded (marked) within the document and stored in what nvivo® identifies as nodes (or themes). while this approach to thematic analysis is simpler than other forms, the convenience and efficiency of software markup does not affect the rigor of thematic analysis since the researcher's critical judgement is still central to the process. after all the applicable passages had been identified and coded, five nodes were thus created from the data, each containing a number of passages that aligned with the five individual dimensions of entrepreneurial orientation. relative significance of each eo dimension shortly after the paradigmatic article on eo was published (miller ), it was generally accepted that the dimensions of eo would covary—so in a given context, all dimensions would be observed as equally high, or all would be low (stetz, howell, stewart, blair, & fottler, ). however, rauch et al. () later highlighted the possibility that contextual factors may modify the relative significance of specific eo dimensions. in that paper ,they examined firm size, industry context, and national culture in an attempt to identify possible contexts that might modify individual eo dimensions. given the possibility of contextual modifiers, the relative significance of the  nodes identifying the various eo dimensions in this qualitative database is now examined. the results are shown in table  below. table 2. the five dimensions of entrepreneurial orientation node passages interviewees autonomy   less significant innovativeness   very significant risk-taking   significant proactiveness   significant competitive aggressiveness   not significant the column labeled “passages” indicates the number of passages that fit the definition of each eo dimension. as it shows, competitive aggressiveness is very much less prevalent than artivate 10.2 9 any of the other eo dimensions. this result is in strong agreement with notions suggested by rusak's () research and is a compelling indicator that the arts-management context modifies the eo landscape quite significantly. autonomy is the next-least prevalent dimension, and the restrictive nature of a corporate entrepreneurship environment would be a contributor to this result. both of these findings will be discussed in more detail later. the next column labeled “interviewees” indicates how many of the interviewees mentioned that particular eo dimension. so, for example, four of the interviews mentioned the eo dimension of risk-taking across a total of twenty-one passages. this provides a further indicator of the relative significance of the eo dimensions. graphing the two columns in table  helps to illustrate the significance of all the eo dimensions relative to each other, as shown in chart . the bottom left corner of the chart shows few passages and few interviewees mentioning the eo dimension and therefore represents weak support from the database. in contrast, those in the top right corner show strong representation from the data—there are many passages representing those eo dimensions and many of interviewees have mentioned them. relative significance therefore increases diagonally from bottom-left (lesser significance) to top-right (higher significance) on the chart (campbell, ). from the compact representation of the results in chart  it is clear that competitive aggressiveness is not well represented when compared to the other eo dimensions. in contrast, innovativeness is unmistakably a dimension that stands out from the rest, showing a strong prevalence among these arts managers. overall, most of the eo dimensions are prevalent in this database, and importantly the core three—innovativeness, proactiveness and risk-taking—are clearly observed. it is therefore evident that the arts organizations represented by the interviewees display a strong and widespread entrepreneurial orientation. artivate 10.2 10 competitiveness versus collaboration chart  indicates that competitiveness appears to be an insignificant factor in managing arts organizations. at first glance, one might be tempted to think that perhaps a number of industries rely on collaboration, which seems to be more prevalent within the arts and finds expression in the many associations, advocacy councils, and affiliations in the arts, especially in the creation of works of art (becker, ). however, collaboration among competitors does not accord with normal models of management or entrepreneurship, particularly within the extant construct of eo. trying to imagine any sort of cooperation and mutual support in the fast-food industry, for instance, quickly makes it clear that arts companies are in a very different relationship with each other. whereas a ballet company and a nearby theatre company would likely try and coordinate their individual events to avoid a clash, in contrast to this, fast-food outlets would typically go out of their way to compete head-on by co-locating, staging price wars, and generally trying to convince customers that their offering is better than anyone else's. rusak () observed this difference as “arts companies don't generally try to take offensive postures or aggressive responses to competitive threats and rather work collaboratively.” many authors in the arts have referred to the presence of collaboration in the arts (becker , colbert , konrad et al ) but this is typically during the creation of art, rather than in the management style of organizations. it is also important to point out that the type of collaboration typically examined occurs among arts companies trying to attract the same kind of customer—someone with an interest in the arts. so this collaboration happens despite them being in competition for the arts-lovers' custom. however, the view appears to be that if someone can be attracted to attending, for instance, a baroque music concert on one evening, they will be more likely (not less) to visit an art gallery on another occasion. additional analysis—collaboration within the arts in order to explore this atypical collaborative behavior a bit further, a second phase of thematic analysis was conducted on the same qualitative database. this time it was to discover whether there was empirical evidence that the interviewees directly mentioned this sort of collaborative practice, or whether it was simply that competitiveness was very seldom mentioned. in other words, was there simply a passive absence of competitive aggression, or was there a more active presence of collaboration? it is important to make this distinction, as active collaboration would indicate a significant difference between arts organizations and the expectations of conventional competitive entrepreneurship. to reexamine the qualitative database, the researchers again selected suitable search words that might identify passages in the transcripts that indicated collaborative behavior specifically. while examining possible passages for collaborative activity, it quickly became apparent that there was a lot of collaboration going on, but that some of it concerned collaboration with corporate donors and private sponsors. this sort of collaboration with funding organizations, artivate 10.2 11 banks, and so on is typical of any business, and this is not the sort of collaboration that is of interest for this specific aspect of the research. it therefore became necessary to narrow the concept of collaboration so that it made sense in this particular research context. the rationale for seeking out collaborative activity here, was to contrast it with the eo dimension of competitive aggressiveness (hughes-morgan, kolev, and mcnamara ) to determine whether this dimension would set arts organizations apart from the rest. the focus in this second part of the analysis, however, was to contrast collaborative behavior with the eo dimension of competitive aggressiveness and to seek out possible evidence of collaboration among arts companies competing for the same customers. as explained above, in essence, these arts companies are competing for the same dollar from someone interested in the arts. the evidence being sought, is that they choose to collaborate, rather than to compete aggressively against each other for that dollar (as eo theory expects). with this definitional distinction clarified, the search for collaborative activity among arts companies in the database resumed. as before, each passage identified by nvivo® was critically examined to see if it matched the meaning—in this case “collaboration among competing arts companies.” those that matched were coded into a new node called collaboration. in all, twenty-one passages identified the type of collaboration among arts companies that was being sought. significantly, all the interviewees mentioned this theme as well, and the previous chart is now redrawn to include this second-phase result. as is evident in chart  below, this places the new node, collaboration, on par with all of the eo dimensions that were found to be significant, and even ahead of some. in the context of the eo construct, this is an unusual finding, and one that therefore differentiates these entrepreneurial arts managers from entrepreneurial managers found in other industries, so a careful examination and discussion is called for. artivate 10.2 12 discussion of results in analyzing the question of an overall entrepreneurial orientation among arts managers in western australia, the resounding verdict is yes—there is a distinct entrepreneurial flavor to the way these arts managers operate their established organizations. they are innovative, proactive, and autonomous risk-takers. the results showed a pervasive confirmation of the eo construct among the interviewees, albeit some dimensions of eo were less significantly represented than others. eo itself is a robust construct, tried-and-tested over decades of research in diverse contexts, and therefore a reliable instrument on which to base this positive verdict (rauch et al., , anderson, et al ). governments at all levels—local, state, and federal—go to great lengths to support entrepreneurial activity in their regions, and the benefits are widely acknowledged (e.g. luke, verreynne, & kearnis ). the economic benefits are readily observed in two broad areas, namely wealth-creation and growth (throsby ). wealth-creation results in employment and increased living standards, and this applies to arts organizations as much as any other business context. however, for arts organizations, the concept of growth goes beyond the financial aspects such as revenue and profit and includes a range of nonfinancial or social benefits. the arts industry is well-recognized for the value it brings to society (e.g. florida, , , , ) and in terms of growth this could be growing the audience for that artform into a new sector, targeting a new demographic, or increasing customer engagement. however, what is not so well-recognized is that arts companies also have the potential to stimulate economic growth in financial terms. particularly in the economic recovery efforts after the covid- pandemic, governments are looking for ways to stimulate growth and employment, and entrepreneurship is one of the major solutions that has a track record of successful economic growth (aageson , throsby , luke, verreynne & kearnis ). while it is not possible to infer from our geographically limited sample that all arts managers are entrepreneurial, casual observation at both national and international levels suggests this may well be true. what we can say, however, is that the findings of this research present the western australian government with an opportunity to grow the economy by investing in and supporting the arts in this state. these wa arts organizations are entrepreneurial, and nurturing them would encourage economic growth, bringing with it not only wealth-creation but also growth in nonfinancial societal benefits. in the context of a postpandemic recovery, it could be argued that the social benefits are in fact more important than the financial benefits. future research will be required to confirm if this entrepreneurial orientation is more widespread among arts managers. if that is true, then arts organizations could present all levels of government with an opportunity to simultaneously grow the economy and repair the societal damage resulting from the covid- pandemic. finding that these arts managers are entrepreneurial affects both the practicing arts managers and their boards alike. for the boards who oversee and authorize these creative and innovative advances, this is a confirmation that the risks are paying off in new interventions which are keeping the organization viable and in the public eye. for the arts managers, it is a artivate 10.2 13 validation that they are doing admirably in innovating and managing their organizations creatively, and their skillsets are up there with the world of wealth-creating entrepreneurs. it appears that managing creative people in turn requires a creative and innovative management style—intuitively understandable, and, more importantly, empirically evidenced in this research sample. it was previously noticed that autonomy has a lower significance when compared to the other eo dimensions, which can be confirmed by looking at the charts. this result can be explained by the corporate context of entrepreneurship in arts management. as noted by morris, et al. () the corporate environment of an established organization is not always receptive to new creative ideas or innovative changes to the way things are done. despite these arts managers fitting the entrepreneurial profile exceptionally well, there is one particular aspect that sets them apart from the mainstream entrepreneurial manager—they collaborate with organizations that could be regarded as their competitors. this is certainly not a trait found among entrepreneurial management styles at all (kuratko, ). there are of course many approaches that encourage collaboration within one particular organization, but collaboration with rivals is certainly not the norm in traditional management or even mainstream entrepreneurship (dess & lumpkin, ; lumpkin & dess, ; rauch et al., ). returning to the four functions of arts managers introduced earlier is useful in this discussion. these functions are: • the creation of a work of art • the creation of a new business venture in the arts • the management of an established arts organization • an entrepreneurial orientation to the management of an established arts organization this paper focuses on the last of these functions, namely introducing the concept of entrepreneurship into the way an established arts organization is managed, involving risktaking, being proactive, and innovative. the presence of collaboration among arts companies is however a differentiator from the norms of an entrepreneurial orientation and the eo construct. in contrast to the entrepreneurship literature, authors who explore the concepts of arts management and cultural entrepreneurship have long embraced collaboration as part-andparcel of the culture within arts organizations. becker () laid the groundwork for this, and many authors have since fleshed out these concepts (e.g., colbert, ; hagoort, ; aageson, ; chong, ). this type of collaboration in arts organizations originates as part of the creative functions—those that first create the artform and then the new business venture that will convey the value of the art to the consumer. this concerns the first two functions of arts managers listed above. the particular focus of this paper is however the business-development function that renews and invigorates the management of established arts organizations. while it is true that in smaller arts organizations these functions may reside in one person (albinsson, ), it is nonetheless helpful to separate them out as distinct functions for the purposes of this discussion, artivate 10.2 14 in the context of established arts organizations. further examining this focus on the entrepreneurially driven collaboration among competing arts organizations, loots, et al. () also finds that arts managers collaborate more than their peers in other industries. their article examines the creative industries in general, and from an economic perspective, but the conclusions are quite similar in many ways to the findings of this research. first, managers in the creative industries certainly do not regard competitive aggressiveness as the only option, with cooperation seen as an equally viable option. second, the article identifies a plausible link between cooperation and a sense of selfconfidence, while a sense of superiority is less likely to be associated with collaboration. the arts industry is very much a community, and being creative people, arts workers are more inclined to be egalitarian rather than hierarchical (becker, , shaw, ). placing this egalitarian milieu within the findings of loots, et al. () could help explain the preference of arts managers for collaboration rather than competition. in an egalitarian environment, success is more likely to come to those who are self-confident and collaborative, rather than to those with an air of superiority and who choose not to cooperate. contextual modifiers were mentioned earlier (rauch, et al., ) and the results of this research find a behavior of collaboration, which is an antithesis to eo’s competitive aggressiveness. in this way the behavior of these arts managers is a powerful challenge to the theoretical expectations of eo. rauch, et al. () explored the role of national culture as a possible contextual modifier but did not find this to be significant. they comment that: “specific eo dimensions (such as competitive aggressiveness) may be less valid in certain cultural contexts that frown upon high competitiveness“ (rauch, et al., , p. ). the findings of our research suggest that it could be the culture within the arts that is the contextual modifier of eo rather than a national culture. also, the research by loots, et al. () raises the possibility of extending this eo modifier to encompass the broader context of the creative industries as a whole. the same article identified two other contextual modifiers that affect the dimensions of eo. they found that nontechnical firms were less likely to display competitive aggressiveness than were technology-based firms. they also found that competitive aggressiveness was less prevalent in micro-organizations, which they defined as having fewer than fifty employees. while arts organizations of course use technology in many ways, they could certainly not be classified with firms that are technology-based, typified by those originating in silicon valley. most arts organizations are also a far cry from the large bureaucratic firms that are typically the site of corporate entrepreneurship, such as microsoft or google. so, arts organizations would appear to match both of these contextual modifiers as well. the diminished presence of competitive aggression among the arts managers interviewed for this research therefore fits well with the findings of rauch, et al. (). moreover, the antithetic concept of collaboration (with competitors) was found to be a much more prevalent behavior among the arts managers surveyed for this research. finally, while collaboration certainly differentiates these arts managers in many ways, it is important to reiterate that the core eo construct is very strongly represented in this cohort. so, despite this difference, the overall organizational culture is still artivate 10.2 15 fundamentally entrepreneurial. there are key benefits and significant implications of the entrepreneurial orientation among arts managers in this sample from western australia, which the authors argue might be applied to general management in any arts organization. such an orientation goes beyond good management and initiates significant benefits such as business development, economic growth, and wealth-creation. this proactive, initiative-driven, risk-taking approach has an impact on the arts organizations themselves, requiring commitment from the managing boards to uncertain outcomes of creative projects. in terms of the overall concept of entrepreneurial orientation, this small sample demonstrates key traits typical of the theoretical construct developed and tested by a significant body of entrepreneurship scholars cited in this paper. however, the one exception in their entrepreneurial behavior was their inclination to collaborate with one another, despite competing for the same scarce dollar. this tendency was found among all of those surveyed, and thus presents a fundamental challenge to one of the key five dimensions of eo, namely competitive aggressiveness. this is a significant finding and a clear distinction from the paradigm of the commercial entrepreneur whose motive is profitdriven, and for whom the literature on eo has identified the centrality of competitive aggressiveness. the fact that this dimension is missing from the analysis of this sample warrants further investigation on whether this is unique to the sample or a more general feature of eo in the arts and creative sector. questions surrounding the collaborative nature of the industry despite the scarcity of resources, particularly in a society after covid—which has ravaged the industry—require further investigation. conclusion this article has explored the presence of an entrepreneurial orientation among arts managers in western australia and found it to be a well-embedded behavior among the key arts managers polled for this research. so, alongside the creativity and innovation evident in the people they manage, these arts managers display, to a high degree, a distinct form of creativity and innovation in their management style. the added dimension of collaboration within the arts managers' skillset is a novel and differentiating behavior, and one that could be valuable in managing the arts and perhaps other industries. while the sample size and its geographical confines limit the generalizations that can be made, there is solid evidence that in this sample of arts managers, the extant theory of entrepreneurial orientation is presented with a fundamental challenge to one of its key five dimensions. specifically, we found that the dimension of competitive aggressiveness has not simply been altered or toned-down in this context, it has been replaced by a polar opposite— collaboration among competitors in the arts space. the presence of collaborative behavior by arts managers could be important for a range of stakeholders. for arts organizations, their managers, and their boards, it is useful to know that while this does not fit the typical entrepreneurial profile of competitiveness, in the arts this is not only acceptable but an important behavior in driving the success of an organization. to artivate 10.2 16 management and entrepreneurship scholars, collaboration among competitors in the same industry is likely to be an interesting quirk at least, and possibly worthy of further research and investigation. the low prevalence of autonomy is perhaps also something for arts organizations to consider. after all, this result is somewhat expected in an environment of corporate entrepreneurship, which is typified by long-standing policies, procedures, and habits (morris, et al., ). so, are the current policies and procedures still valid, or do they need to move on with the times? does the arts manager have sufficient autonomy and organizational support when new initiatives are floated? is the board itself being proactive in generating new ideas, or suggesting novel means of delivering their art form? these sorts of forward-looking questions will support the entrepreneurial arts manager in achieving success for the organization to the benefit of all concerned. there is certainly scope for future research, first in extending this study beyond its geographical context, second in expanding the study to other creative industries, and third to increase the scope of factors that are distinctive to the management of the arts. overall, the results provide useful insights for both academics and practitioners who inform and support the arts organizations that so enrich and inspire cultural environments. these arts managers and their organizations are entrepreneurial and therefore help to grow economies. this is a valuable contribution by the arts not often recognized as part of the innovation and entrepreneurship that creates wealth and adds new employment to the economic landscape. so while this is certainly a case of entrepreneurial orientation being identified in arts management, rather than finding the competitive aggression expected by extant models of entrepreneurship, there is a twist—we find a culture of collaboration among arts organizations, despite competing for the same arts-lover's dollar. references aageson, t. h. 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(2010). the economics of cultural policy. cambridge university press. cover image credit: photo by werner du plessis on unsplash. artivate 10.2 18 appendix : interviewees: some background the bios below are provided to give the reader a better understanding of the senior arts managers who informed this research. the organizations chosen for the interviews represented a range in size and role to reflect the cultural landscape of western australia. the leaders represented here have considerable influence within the wa arts scene, and each has experience ranging from twenty to thirty years in major arts roles. peter kift is general manager of a small-to-medium indigenous theatre company, yirra yaakin. he comes from a background as an accountant and musician and has had deep involvement with the arts. some of his previous roles include: state finance director, ymca victoria; business manager, film and television institute; finance and business manager, department of economic development; and president of kulcha multicultural arts wa. james boyd is state manager wa and sa for creative partnerships australia, a service organization for arts business development through sponsorship and philanthropy. his experience spans member programs, philanthropic giving, sponsorship, public relations, marketing and managing the arts. some of his previous roles include australia councils arts support officer, and executive manager of development at the west australian symphony orchestra. he is a graduate of western australian academy of performing arts (waapa; arts management) and stanford university executive program for nonprofit leaders, a bhp biliton postgraduate scholar, and holds a graduate certificate in social impact from university of wa. paul macphail is executive director of the state government statutory authority for regional arts development, country arts wa. he has provided leadership in companies and projects in wa for over thirty years in youth, regional, and indigenous performing arts. jenny simpson is general manager for a small-to-medium youth theatre company, awesome youth arts. she has extensive experience as business manager, festival director, performer, and teacher. prior to joining ayt, she was director of the national folk festival, act. she has been treasurer of canberra arts marketing, president of kulcha multicultural arts wa, and musical director of choir mighty camelot in mosman park, wa. for many years shane colquhoun am managed the black swan state theatre company. during that time, he was responsible for its transformation from a small-to-medium company to a state theatre company and member of the australian major performing arts group. following an international career as a professional ballet dancer, he turned to arts management after graduating with a degree in arts management from waapa over thirty years ago. he has since held positions as director of arts funding wa department for culture, wa government policy advisor, and general manager at west australian ballet. henry boston was executive director of the industry advocacy organization for cultural policy, business development and research, chamber of arts and culture wa. he had previously been general manager for the perth festival, director of the australia business arts foundation, and wa director of creative partnerships australia. 103-article text-327-3-11-20200511 vol. 9, no. 1 spring 2020 special issue: detroit cultural and social mecca entrepreneurial action and venue agglomeration in detroit’s paradise valley and black bottom neighborhoods jeremy peters wayne state university abstract: detroit’s black bottom and paradise valley were african-american neighborhoods that housed a vibrant and active popular music scene between world war i and the 1960s. they were home to a dense network of music venues, many of which were owned or managed by african-americans. urban renewal projects during the late-1950s destroyed much of the heart of these places. unfortunately, discussion of this activity is largely missing from the academic literature on placemaking, cultural entrepreneurship, and music scenes in detroit. to address this gap, i propose a solution that marries discussion of these neighborhoods with a method to measure and compare entrepreneurial activity in a music scene using venue density as a construct. this article examines the nature of entrepreneurial action in the collection of music venues that supported jazz musicians in detroit’s black bottom and paradise valley neighborhoods during the period of strong african-american business ownership between world war i and the 1960s. aspects of entrepreneurial agglomeration and placemaking as they relate to musicianship are discussed. this discussion leads toward a methodology of measuring the vibrancy of a scene. specific attention is paid to the creation of musical venues in the paradise valley and black bottom neighborhoods in detroit before destructive urban-renewal projects took place in the early 1960s. these two neighborhoods are viewed using the lens of a modern-day music scene, oft described as vibrant and active. the relative density of music venues as a proxy for their activity is used as a method to compare the historical vibrancy of paradise valley and black bottom with a well-known contemporary american popular music scene in austin, texas. artivate 9.1 21 included in the investigation is a commentary on the nature of government support for music venues, and in the case of black bottom and paradise valley, a particular lack thereof in the 1960s. over time, detroit’s black music venues organized, dissolved, and re-organized during cycles of growth and struggle in the city’s history. much of the narrative that discusses placemaking, cultural entrepreneurship, and the nature of music scenes in detroit covers the motown-era forward, and this article focuses on an era of strong musical scene-making which pre-dates this time. this article focuses on a cross-section of those venues (jazz, blues and jump venues) to chart the density of entrepreneurship during a period of detroit’s musical history, from just after wwi to the early 1980s, and also makes clear the impact of race-based redlining and the governmentally-mandated destruction of the historic homes of african-american musical entrepreneurship in the city of detroit. placemaking and the narratives of revival in detroit today (and yesterday there is a tradition in both academic and popular discussions of the roles artists play in the city’s revival. darroch discusses and takes to task the ability of “scattered hip enclaves” of culture in detroit to change “acres of abandoned buildings and vacant lots” (darroch 2015). this discussion attacks what seems to be a consistent theme in the popular press, which darroch quotes as an exemplar: “detroit is attracting artists in numbers large enough to earn it a designation as another berlin: a city with a struggling economy where creative types can live and work cheaply” (yablonsky 2011). siobhan gregory, in her discussion of the language on artistic entrepreneurship in the city of detroit, agrees with darroch, stating that “if detroit is out-of-place, then many of the detroiters who have occupied and sustained the city for decades are thus considered irrelevant, indefinable, or, at worse, deviant” (gregory 2012). while there is discussion in academic literature about the cause of detroit’s decline, and an overwhelming number of popular news articles about the causes (alexander 2013; beachy 2013; beyer 2018; block 2013; bomey & gallagher 2013; chait 2013; fernholz 2013; graham 2013; kurtzleben 2014; mandell 2013; niquette 2013; oosting 2013; salenger 2013; the economist 2013; uberti 2014; wayland 2013; weber 2013), discussion about how the city is wide open for outside artists to move in seems rampant. the size of the problem has even been picked up by recent work of academic researchers in the arts (cappuccitti 2019; pincus & christian 2017). during the height of detroit’s 2013 bankruptcy declaration, journalistic narratives seemed to focus on how detroit is inexpensive yet cool (ager 2015; nelson 2009), a burgeoning home for creative new yorkers priced out of town (conlin 2015), a place for budding artists from the west coast (mudede 2019), a drawing place for creatives (ryzik 2010; wheeler 2019) and mural artists (sargent 2017), with a “wide-open” canvas (archambault 2010). these artists, some claim, will transform the city anew (yablonsky 2010, 2011). in context, journalism by local detroiters, angry about their absence in this narrative, makes sense. by way of example, discussion of the “cheapness” of the city for artists is questioned (kerschen-sheppard 2014). others write to dispel statements that the city is an excellent place for artists to live (abbey-lambertz 2016; devito 2014, 2015; voon 2019), while artivate 9.1 22 trying to uncover the sustained work of residents who were there before any newfound interest in the city as a home for nondomestic creatives (mavros 2010). many of the same artists who operated there before the bankruptcy now deal with pressures that may marginalize their existence (spinelli 2017). furthermore, space is becoming increasingly difficult for creators to maintain (fournier & aguilar 2017; kurth 2019; neavling 2019). artistic gentrification and the response of native detroiters are directly discussed, with filmmaker noah stephens quoted by wasacz as stating: the city is “not a blank canvas, there are pre-existing conditions. newcomers can contribute with their drive and their income” (wasacz 2011) when speaking about how detroiters may not be as welcoming to outsiders as the ‘come to detroit’ articles purport. those articles, as gregory points out, “illustrate how language that makes up the public narrative of urban neighborhood identity can lead to negative feelings and resentment” (gregory 2012). yet, this same rhetorical anger is tied, necessarily, to the placemaking work (both intentional and unintentional) in which the artist-entrepreneurs have participated. this making of a place where creatives have thrived enables journalists to market the city to entrepreneurial creatives who see detroit within a causal lens: the city has vacant space, inexpensive rent, and therefore it should be easy to move there and set up shop. these outsiders are then taking part in the process of entrepreneurial agglomeration (holcombe 2011): they buy-in to the narrative of a scene (arnaud 2017; marotta 2011; millar 2018; silver & miller 2013; woo et al. 2018), and therefore create a density of creatives that might not have otherwise existed. furthermore, it is essential to note that even though emotions run strongly in the rhetorical battles in the popular press, it is not possible to state that the development of a neo-art scene or the work of entertainers did not have any role to play in the long post-industrial (and postbankruptcy) rebirth of the city. such action is noted in research on the role of sports and entertainment in detroit directly (che 2008; davies 1997; mccarthy 2002), not to mention an ethnographic study of entrepreneurial communities in the post-industrial city (rencher 2012). the destruction of paradise valley and black bottom in s detroit while detroit’s recent bankruptcy comes to mind, it is not the first time that cultural entrepreneurs in the city have faced existential threat. many studies of detroit’s music history discuss the nature of popular music-making at specific points along the historical arc. these can be roughly grouped into a few distinct eras across a handful of historiographies. the first grouping covers discussions of pre-jazz age popular music history (bjorn & gallert 2001f; boyd figure 1. a map of the boundaries of the paradise valley (gray) and black bottom (red) neighborhoods in the city of detroit1. artivate 9.1 23 1984b) as well as the early jazz age and the growth of the paradise valley and black bottom neighborhoods (bjorn 1984; bjorn & gallert 2001c, 2001d). the second narrative places music in relation to the 1940s rebellions, the post-war industrial revolution, and the precursors to the urban renewal projects of the 1960s which destroyed paradise valley and black bottom (bjorn & gallert 2001b, 2001g, 2001e; bond & boland 2002; boyd, 1984a). other narratives cover the industrial era and renewal (bjorn & gallert 2016a; macías 2010; s. e. smith 2009), or focus mainly on the time period and after-effects of the 1963 and 1967 rebellions, (cosgrove 2017; early 2016; gholz 2011; music et al. 2018; quispel 2005; sicko 2010) as well as post-industrialization (albiez 2005; che 2016). more recently, a number have discussed the recent bankruptcy and post-bankruptcy renewal (gholz 2009; mccarthy 2002; mccollum 2019a; steinberg 2016; vecchiola 2006, 2011) and how it relates to musicianship in detroit additionally, a few address specific genres such as jazz in an extended form (stryker 2019) or individual stories1 (bjorn & gallert 2016a, 2016b; carner 2016; gabriel 2016; harris 2016b; heron 2016; sinclair 2016d; young 2016), detroit blues (jones, sr. 2016; music 2008, 2016; sinclair 2016b, 2016c; spangler 2016), motown & soul (benjaminson 2016a, 2016b, 2016c; boland 2016a, 2016b; edmonds 2016; graff 2016d; harris 2016a; hurtt 2016; jordan 2016b, 2016c, 2016a; martin 2016; m. smith 2016a, 2016b; s. e. smith 2009; thomas 2016; whitall 2016), detroit rock (bangs 2016; blackwell 2016; carson 2006; derminer 2016; dewitt 2016; dutkewych 2016; graff 2016a, 2016b, 2016c; kroha 2016; mccollum 2016; miller 2013; morgan 2016; moseman 2016; rodwan jr. 2016; sinclair 2016a; spodark 2016; trimble 2016; uhelski 2016; wilson 2016), hip-hop (deapo 2016; holdship 2016; s. m. liebler 2016; marcus 2016), country and western (maki 2016; maki & cady 2013), electronic music (dalphond 2014; echlin 2016; hanf 2010; d. jones 2016; mueller 2007), or weave a narrative of the whole (slobin 2019). to this end, the historical discussion of means and changing opportunity aligns with the discussion of place-based entrepreneurial activity within the city of detroit. this paper cannot 1 the exact boundaries of these neighborhoods are oft contested. the boundary lines shown in figure 1 are an approximation of the boundary lines of the paradise valley and black bottom neighborhoods. see borden, 2003; kutil, n.d.; mcgraw, 2017; williams, 2009; zoghb, 2018 for further context and discussion. figure 2. generalized overview of time periods and social movements in detroit music historiography. artivate 9.1 24 attempt to uncover the nature of activity in all of these historiographies and time-periods but must choose a specific point in detroit’s musical-time in order to compare the nature of entrepreneurship against the placemaking and agglomeration that is taking place today. by extending the work of preece’s in-depth study of entrepreneurial bricolage activity in the development of the grand river jazz society in kitchener-waterloo, canada (preece 2014) to look at entrepreneurial agglomeration, we can explore the narratives of musical-entrepreneurship documented in detroit jazz: who’s who (boyd & bjorn 1984) and beyond motown: a history of jazz in detroit, 1920-60 (bjorn & gallert 2001a), supplanted by further narratives in heaven was detroit: from jazz to hop-hop and beyond (m. l. liebler 2016). these sources serve as case studies that the author can use to look at the density of venues and the entrepreneurial action of venue owners in the city. seeing jazz venue agglomeration in the paradise valley neighborhood before urban renewal projects tore numerous venues to the ground (detroit historical society n.d.-b) the paradise valley and black bottom neighborhoods “served as a cultural and social mecca for detroit’s black community from the 1920s through the 1950s,” (borden 2003) and was “the go-to” location to hear blues and jazz in the city (zoghb 2018). the nature of this neighborhood, and the number of venues operating in the area or nearby in the accounts by boyd & bjorn, bjorn & gallert, and liebler et al. (fifty-two by the author’s count), makes a strong argument for the owners of these music performance venues benefitting from the kind of entrepreneurial agglomeration spillovers during the boom period of the black bottom and paradise valley era. if one were to go just past the boundaries of black bottom and paradise valley, northward to new center and the north end, or eastward to virginia park, another thirteen venues were close by. to that end bjorn & gallert make a strong point about the nature of venue concentration, stating “detroit had grown into a ‘nite club mecca’ starting with the opening of sportree’s bar in 1946.” they went on to note that: “detroit’s black musical community was booming during the last part of the 1940s. from 1945 thru 1949, venues for black music were opening up at a rate faster than ever, and the largest and most numerous venues were within the black community or within reach on woodward ave.” (bjorn & gallert 2001a, 74) one such venue was the legendary flame show bar on john r street, dubbed the “street of figure 3. detroit venues in the paradise valley and black bottom neighborhoods. compiled from narratives in boyd & bjorn 1984; bjorn & gallert 2001; liebler et al. 2016 and plotted by the author on google maps. artivate 9.1 25 music” by detroit’s african-american press, (gallert & bjorn 2004) which opened in 1949 and presented shows until 1963. in bjorn & gallert’s account, baritone saxophone player thomas “beans” bowles was quoted talking about the effervescence of that scene: “on the weekends the traffic would line up; you could not drive down canfield or john r. that was hustle night. . . . it was like las vegas. people would come out from everywhere. it was the center of entertainment. there was no entertainment like that in the city at that time. we called it sugar hill really. everything there was just poppin’. lights and glitter, valet parking. . . . nobody bother you or nothing. white people would come from all over to come to the flame, because we had all the top shows” (bjorn & gallert 2001b, 72)2. figure 3 displays a list of jazz venues in the paradise valley and black bottom neighborhoods culled from the boyd, bjorn, gallert, and liebler et al. mentioned above. the mapped representation shows a dense collection of performance venues operating at nearly the same time in detroit. for comparison, figure 4 maps the entire collection of venues compiled 2 of note, the founder of motown records, berry gordy, hung out often at the flame, and is quoted as saying “john r street was jumping with clubs” and is connected with the flame in many other ways. gordy met many motown musicians thru gwen, his sister, who worked there. see gordy (1995) for more information. figure 4. detroit venues in the paradise valley and black bottom neighborhoods, in context of detroit venues on the whole. compiled from narratives in boyd & bjorn 1984; bjorn & gallert 2001; liebler et al. 2016 and plotted by the author on google maps. artivate 9.1 26 from boyd, bjorn, gallert, and liebler et al. a rough estimate of the density of venues is approximately 30 venues per square mile. by the author’s count there were 52 venues in a 1.71 square mile area. the calculation of square mileage was done using the polygon tool in google maps. comparatively, figure 5 shows that the well-known dense collection of music venues of downtown austin, tx (compiled from a list provided by austin’s convention & visitor’s bureau in 2019 [austin convention & visitor’s bureau n.d.]) is not significantly more dense than detroit, with 36 venues in an area google maps calculated to be .948 square miles. sadly this density is not recognized in music scenes, a multi-author book covering the nature of music scenes (bennett & peterson 2004), and the tendency seems for this to be the case, having surveyed other books and papers on the topic. florida’s work on music scenes and clusters, and the book the rise of the creative class talk about detroit, for instance, but only mention the motown-era forward and the detroit electronic music festival, respectively (r. florida et al. 2010; r. florida & jackson 2010; r. l. florida 2006). quispel’s article in built environment does better in discussing some of the precedent, but still heavily focuses on motown (2005). when we look at the entirety of black bottom and paradise valley venues compiled together as a table (table 1), the venues which came into existence from just before 1920 through 1950 comprise the majority of the list. surely, jazz venues continue to exist in detroit to this day, with baker’s keyboard lounge operating continuously since 1934. significantly, baker’s is the subject of a long running argument with new york’s village vanguard and chicago’s green mill about which is the longest running jazz club (bjorn & gallert 2001a). baker’s is, however, on the edge of detroit’s north central border, just south of the city of oak park. entrepreneur bert dearing ran a number of jazz venues in the late 1960s and opened up a sprawling performance venue in eastern market called bert’s marketplace in 1987 at 2727 russell (stitt 2018). otherwise, cliff bell’s has now re-opened and hosting jazz performances. furthermore, cliff bell’s is somewhat significant, in that the location is essentially just past the southwest border of the area that was traditionally known as paradise valley. another original paradise valley venue, the willis show bar, was opened in 1949 and continued operations into 1978. the space was recently reopened as a jazz venue once again in 2018 (kurlyandchik 2017; willis show bar n.d.). entrepreneurial action and placemaking figure 5. austin, texas music venues in the entertainment district near 6th street. compiled from a list supplied by the austin convention and visitor’s bureau (2019) and plotted by the author on google maps. artivate 9.1 27 a growing line of research on the role of creator-artists bolsters the claim that creators are both influenced by and supported by their proximity to available resources (fuller & ren 2019; hearn et al. 2007; voss & voss 2008). following that logic, the closer a creator-artist is to the resources they need to create, the more able they are to develop their work. this proximity to resources can result in a density of creator-artists as well as providers of the necessary resources to make art. additionally, investigators of arts-entrepreneurship have discussed the role of artists in placemaking, noting the “seminal role” they play by creating places where residents feel welcomed, and “belong” (kuhlke et al. 2015). this research is supported by urban studies and planning theorists in a growing body of research, which attempts to inform institutional actors of ways to not “squander” relevant opportunities to engage with artists (markusen & gadwa 2010b). on the whole, this research claims that artists have the potential to affect communities (andersson et al. 2011; r. l. florida 2005, 2005; r. l. florida et al. 2015; schneekloth & shibley 1995), and have done so historically and for extended periods (cottrell 2017; stewart 2019) across the world (attali 1985; bader & scharenberg 2010; johansson & bell 2016; bishop 2005; cannady 2014; connell et al. 2003; r. florida & jackson 2010; mayor’s office of media and entertainment & boston consulting group n.d.; watson 2008). furthermore, the nature of placemaking leads artists to develop ties to non-arts sector employers “who employ artists to design products” and “improve work processes” (markusen & gadwa 2010a), both of which businesses highly value (austin & devin 2003; schiuma 2012). indeed, arts-entrepreneurship researchers are looking at the nature of placemaking, and a significant research symposium in this field focused explicitly on the nature of artistic “entrepreneurship in, with, and for communities” (arizona state university 2017). importantly, there has been some work to bridge gaps in terminology between the ideas of how scene-making occurs and how placemaking happens. scenes have been generally defined as locations renowned for a form of creative expression (peterson & bennett 2004; straw 1991). placemaking and place-keeping are, on the other hand, borne from a line of thinking that argues that it is important to save, protect, or support that which makes a geographic area distinctive (jacobs 1961). while this gap in terminology has existed for a while, the gap has closed thanks to research on the intersection of arts-entrepreneurship and place. these investigations have looked at the role that music scenes play in the rebirth, growth, and change of cities (bennett et al. 2018; krims 2007), the role of social equity in the process (webb 2014), whether or not artsentrepreneurship in the context of creative placemaking is scalable (arroyo 2017) and, even how large locales such as toronto can move toward a future as being thought of as a “creative city“ (goldberg-miller 2015). meanwhile, seman’s research is particularly insightful as it relates to the idea of the built environment, particularly music venues, and how they contribute to the notion of scene making in a geographic area. his discussion of the building of the slowdown (a venue in omaha, nebraska) adds to an already active line of discussion about the relationship of music performance in a city. furthermore, seman actively questions how an entrepreneur opening a music venue in a certain place and at a certain time relates to whether or not that city becomes artivate 9.1 28 a known-entity, or music scene (seman 2010). on the whole, the two separate notions of entrepreneurial action, placemaking, and scene-making are tied up together in a number of accounts that seman builds upon (bennett & peterson 2004; hesmondhalgh 2005; o’connor 2002; straw 2004). in short, a musical scene cannot exist without those entrepreneurs willing to open up venues for musicians to play at and audiences to congregate within. conversely, a known music scene helps bring more attention to the venues and musicians that operate within or nearby that known location. entrepreneurial action and placemaking in paradise valley and black bottom the owners of these venues in the heyday of paradise valley and black bottom did not necessarily know that they were contributing to an economic pattern which would benefit entrepreneurs outside of these two neighborhoods. the agglomeration economy created by the venue owners who chose to locate in paradise valley and black bottom participated in a scenemaking process which led to positive external benefits for entrepreneurs who chose to start venues outside of these two culturally dense locations. the density of venues in paradise valley and black bottom, thus, created a “boom of new jazz venues in white neighborhoods” outside of the traditionally african-american neighborhoods that are the subject of this paper. according to boyd & bjorn, “most of these new venues were located on the west side of detroit, that is, west of woodward avenue” (bjorn & gallert 2001a). among these venues which benefitted from the agglomerative and scene-making effects was the blue bird inn (1501 tireman), which hosted numerous performances by national touring musicians such as miles davis, cannonball adderley, john coltrane, sonny stitt, max roach, and others (bjorn & gallert 2001g, 2016a). the blue bird inn still stands, and was recently acquired by the detroit sound conservancy as they hope to preserve a part of this era in physical form (detroit sound conservancy, n.d.). by quickly generating a musical scene, these musical entrepreneurs transacted on the density of venues nearby. therein, they made paradise valley a place, enacting placemaking, although in a non-institutional sense. indeed, governmental support to make paradise valley a ‘place’ in the modern sense of the word (creative placemaking) was non-existent. again, discussion of the history of detroit consistently mentions the action of the government to ‘renew’ (raze) paradise valley and make way for processes of urban renewal . times were not easy, even in the heyday of music making in detroit. the tight labor market in detroit meant steady work and good wages, particularly in the eyes of southern migrants. on the other hand, there was a lack of leisure time and consumption was limited by [war] rationing and supply problems. housing was in very short supply, even after government public housing problems began. for the african-american population, housing was even harder to come by given problems of racial discrimination in public and private housing . . . artivate 9.1 29 one of the major instances of racial conflict in 1942 was over the sojourner truth public housing project. a riot by whites in effort evicted black renters and kept public housing in detroit racially segregated, at least temporarily. in the private market a prospective black home buyer faced the discriminatory practices of sellers, real-estate agents, and banks, which until 1948 were supported by law.” (bjorn & gallert 2001a, 62) conclusion the placemaking actions of entrepreneurs in paradise valley far predates any scene-making action governments may have undertaken to date. furthermore, any sort of agglomeration or attractive force for creatives thanks to narrative journalism must be considered in the context of the full-throated scene-making activities of venue owners in the paradise valley neighborhood. as this action occurred before discussions of placemaking and creative cities occurred, it is crucial to connect available information on venue density to recent discussions of how the density of musical venues in a city contribute to that city being considered as a ‘scene’ or for residents to consider it place-made as a vibrant artistic center. historians who discuss the paradise valley neighborhood and the musical action therein consistently mention the buoyant atmosphere and attractant features of the district for live musical performances. bjorn and gallert state that “the business and entertainment center of the african-american community was at the intersection of st. antoine and adams” in paradise valley, and go on to mention that the boom in jobs after world war i (which resulted in the great migration and lead to a doubling of the african-american population during the 1950s) meant that there was a density of african-american ownership in these areas (bjorn & gallert 2001a). this atmosphere drew famous artists such as duke ellington, miles davis, and a host of others to visit what was a burgeoning jazz hub during this period (bjorn & gallert 2001a, 2016a; boyd 1984b; boyd & bjorn 1984; carner 2016; macías 2010; stryker 2019; young 2016). it furthermore made for a place where there was ample work for musicians, an additional positive externality thanks to the density of venues which supported that work. bjorn & gallert mention this poignantly: the postwar economic boom also worked in detroit’s favor by providing challenging jobs for jazz musicians. jobs in music result from the joint activities of audiences and musical entrepreneurs. detroit had an audience for modern jazz from the mid-1940s, and there were businesspeople with an interest in catering to that audience. from the latter half of the 1940s to the mid 1950s there was a steady growth of jobs for modernists in night clubs, dance halls, and after-hours spots. numerous jump bands provided jobs for aspiring players who could hone their craft while earning a living playing music. when there are no challenging jobs, talented and well-trained musicians will leave for larger jazz centers, like new york, once they have completed high school. detroit in the 1940s and 1950s was a place where jazz artists stayed around until their mid-twenties.” (bjorn & gallert 2001a) artivate 9.1 30 unfortunately, the growth of that hub was forestalled by the government moving to ‘clean up’ and ‘renew’ this neighborhood. while entrepreneurial action by artists in the city has not ceased in the interim, the level of vibrancy and action per square mile does not seem to have continued. the epilogue to this article establishes a personal narrative of the nature of what remains, other than the few jazz venue holdouts and revivals mentioned previously in the article. it is the author’s hope that the future holds the possibility of a city-wide analysis of venue operation after the period discussed here, which collates research done on separate but equally important music scenes such as motown, soul, detroit rock, techno, hip-hop and forth into the music of today. as the city argues for its place in music history as a music scene, there is ample opportunity for a longitudinal study of venue density, which can incorporate the work begun here, and more clearly scene creation in the city over time. as that story is able to emerge, it will become easier to compare this period against others within detroit’s music history overall. epilogue: detroit’s music venues today jazz venue activity in what was paradise valley and black bottom, let alone the entire city, is much less dense currently than it was during the time in question. a simple search for “detroit music venues” on google maps today lists approximately thirty venues, compared to the over one hundred in table 1. future research would benefit from a point-in-time survey of the number of music venues currently operating in the city. there is hopeful news, however, efforts are underway within detroit to restart the long-shuttered entertainment commission (hooper & cross 2019), and the city has hired a director of arts & culture who may lead efforts to survey the current landscape (siacon 2019). still, the author’s experience attending shows over the past twenty years, and as a promoter of them for the past fifteen, serves as a longitudinal survey of scene making today in comparison to the 66 venues noted above during the paradise valley heyday. musical performance in the city, by the author’s account, is limited to a handful of venues across the city. these spaces, including el club (4114 w vernor hwy) in mexicantown, where performances of electronic music, independent rock, and hip-hop take place. additionally, there are locations nearer to the areas focused on in this article. marble bar is located at 1501 holden st, just east of virginia park and south of new center, and hosts mainly contemporary electronic music shows (including the 20th anniversary show for ghostly international, where the author was once employed and opening parties for movement festival—the predecessor to the detroit electronic music festival). in corktown, just east of the southeastern terminus of paradise valley, pj’s lager house and the ufo factory regularly host independent music performances. in woodbridge, east of the north side of paradise valley, trumbullplex is a home for avant-garde and up-and-coming acts. there are more venues in the area just north of where paradise valley once was, which is now called midtown. these venues include the old paradise ballroom which was originally, and is now the home of the detroit symphony orchestra. the old miami was “established in 1975 as a haven for vietnam veterans” (haber n.d.), but often hosts indie rock and electronic music performances, especially surrounding the movement festival when lines can be seen extending artivate 9.1 31 for blocks to get in to day-long parties hosted by detroit alum seth troxler and others. st. andrew’s hall and the shelter (which played a role in 8 mile, the eminem biopic) began regularly hosting performances in the 1980s (live nation n.d.). the majestic theatre (4120 woodward ave) was originally a playhouse which opened in 1915, but transformed into a movie theatre, and in 1984 began a transformation toward its use as music complex (including a second venue, the magic stick) (detroit historical society n.d.a; mccollum 2019b). today, both the majestic and magic stick host mainly independent rock, electronic, and some hip-hop performances. the majestic is one of the larger, often sportscentered venues in the city, filling a gap between smaller venues and larger spaces. these bigger venues all host concerts regularly and include the music hall center for the performing arts (which normally hosts large performances upstairs and jazz downstairs), fox theatre, fillmore detroit (formerly the state theatre), cobo arena (which was torn down in 2019) and the stadium venues which host major performers. concerts have been held in comerica park (home to detroit tigers baseball), little caesars arena (home to red wings hockey and pistons basketball), and ford field (home to lions football). as evidenced by the accounts of popular music spaces that currently operate in detroit, it is clear that popular musical performance has not left the city. that being said, it has changed somewhat, and by count, is less dense than it was during the paradise valley and black bottom performance eras that the body of the article focuses on. perhaps what prevents detroit from being at the tip of audiences’ tongues as a contemporary scene is the comparative lack of venue density. what remains to be seen, however, is how these venues face the upcoming changes and challenges they may face and what the landscape of performance venues will look like in the future. table 1. detroit jazz (as well as jump and blues) venues, open and close dates, and addresses. compiled from narratives in boyd & bjorn 1984; bjorn & gallert 2001; liebler 2016. name notes open approx. close approx. address arcadia  unknown  woodward ave vaudette theatre    gratiot pier  unknown  e jefferson crystal  y unknown  woodward hotel ellwood  unknown  st. antoine palais de danse  unknown  e jefferson koppin theatre   y  gratiot blue bird inn  unknown  tireman graystone ballroom    woodward royal garden cabaret  y unknown gratiot and st. antoine rose palace cabaret  y unknown  st. antoine grande  unknown  grand river jefferson beach  unknown e jefferson and grand monticello ballroom  unknown  e jefferson vanity  unknown  e jefferson garden terrace  unknown  e warren musicians club    st. antoine pendennis club  y unknown  st. antoine musicans booking &    st. antoine artivate 9.1 32 service bureau club plantation norwood hotel    e adams michigan democratic league club   y livingstone and st. antoine buffalo's buffalo's  or apex club  y   e adams palm garden café  unknown warren and russell jess faithful's rhythm club  y unknown  st. antoine harlem cave  y unknown canfield and brush rhythm club  unknown  e warren baker’s keyboard lounge  open  livernois ave chocolate bar    livingstone cliff bell’s original    park ave cozy corner    hastings rose bud inn  unknown  hastings little sam's st   hastings b & c club  y   st. antoine broad's bar  y  y  oakland heat wave  y unknown oakland ave brown bomber’s chicken shack   y  e vernor hwy melody club    st antoine tuxedo grill (club tuxedo)  unknown  hastings ace bar   y  hastings earl walton's studio club  y unknown unknown cotton club  unknown  livingstone club paradise    st. antoine  horseshoe lounge    st. antoine club zombie  y unknown  oakland little sam's nd   y beaubien and e warren joe’s record shop  y unknown  hastings midway club   hastings and columbia three star bar  y unknown hastings and brewster club congo & congo room norwood hotel    e adams club three sixes (three )    e. adams forest club    e forest paradise theatre    woodward club owens    st. antoine double v   y  conant turf club (turf bar)  unknown  st. antoine club sudan    e adams lee's sensation  unknown  owen swamp room mark twain hotel  unknown  garfield civic center  y  y  erskine mickey's show bar    e seven mile bizerte  y unknown  oakland bowl-o-drome tropical show bar   y  dexter chic's show bar  unknown  hamilton club deliese    e davison garfield bar garfield hotel  unknown garfield and john r garfield lounge garfield hotel  unknown  john r palms theatre    woodward ave parrot lounge garfield hotel  unknown  john r artivate 9.1 33 waha (wal-ha) room garfield hotel  unknown  john r frolic show bar   y  john r royal blue bar  unknown  russell sportree's music bar    hastings chesterfield lounge  unknown  john r crest lounge  unknown  fullerton crystal bar (crystal show bar)  unknown  grand river el sino    st. antoine parrot lounge  unknown  e canfield wyoming show bar    wyoming club el-morocco    e davison club juana    woodward ave house of joy    w warren club valley ballroom    e. adams congo lounge  unknown  gratiot falcon show bar   y  van dyke flame show bar    john r willis show bar original    third alvito's bar  y unknown  russell klein's show bar  y unknown  twelfth hobby bar  unknown  linwood ernie's caribee  unknown e jefferson denny's  unknown  linwood oriole show bar  y   linwood rouge lounge    coolidge hwy shangri-la (club stevadora)  y unknown  harper spot bar  unknown  twelfth twenty grand   y  fourteenth west end    s west end ave world stage   y  woodward eagle show bar  unknown  twelfth larry's show bar  unknown  gratiot lavert's  unknown  linwood rage show bar  unknown  davison roosevelt lounge   y  mack strand bar and grill   y unknown hajji baba  y   gratiot blue note room hotel capri  y unknown  john r new bohemia & club bohemia    woodward ave minor key    dexter little wally's   mack and maryland dummy george’s  y unknown  w. mcnichols rainbow room    w lafayette savoy room    w lafayette park avenue club detroit jazz center    park ave world stage café detroit jazz center    park ave café detroit    w palmer ave bert's on broadway unknown unknown  broadway bert's marketplace  open  russell jazz on the river   belle isle bert's black horse saloon    gratiot all that jazz  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"black bottom and paradise valley: a glorious history cut short." long wharf theatre, november 1, 2018. http://www.longwharf.org/black-bottomparadise-valley microsoft word 163+redlines_kmr_final.docx vol. 11, no. 1 spring 2022 motivations and intentionality in the arts portfolio career an investigation into how visual and performing artists construct portfolio careers karen munnelly florida state university abstract: many artists find themselves in the role of an entrepreneur and small business owner as they manage multiple overlapping jobs while engaging in a portfolio career. this research investigates how visual and performing artists construct meaningful portfolio careers and if the portfolio career model minimizes risk. the findings reveal that the majority of respondents view a portfolio career as less secure than a full-time job, but also prefer the portfolio career. a significant amount of their time is spent on creative activity and teaching. artistic fulfillment, pay, and time commitment are the primary factors artists consider when selecting work. keywords: portfolio career, arts entrepreneurship, arts careers, career patterns. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.11.1.163 introduction many visual and performing artists working in the united states engage in portfolio careers and do not hold one single job with one employer (bartleet, et al., ; bridgstock & cunningham, ; coulson, ; munnelly, a; thomson, ). there are numerous definitions of a portfolio career provided in prior research. these definitions revolve around holding numerous concurrent jobs, the lack of a single employer, and being self-employed and self-managed (bartleet et al., ; bartleet, bennett, bridgstock, draper, harrison & schippers, ; bennett & bridgstock, ; bridgstock & cunningham, ; menger, ; myers, ). in this research, i define a portfolio career as holding multiple overlapping jobs in the arts as opposed to artivate 11.1 2 having a single full-time job with one employer. it often includes self-employed work, but it might also include a full-time position in addition to freelance work. while an arts portfolio career is made up of arts-focused work, it may include some work outside of the arts including a full-time day job. the term artists is used in this research to represent both visual and performing artists who create and perform. previous studies have found that artists are more likely to freelance and hold multiple jobs than individuals in any other profession (menger, ; popović & ratković, ; woronkowicz & noonan, ). project-based work is common in the arts as many artistic projects only require the artist’s time and skill for a limited period (bennett & bridgstock, ; menger, ; woronkowicz, & noonan, ). freelance artists who hold multiple jobs engage in portfolio careers and are often self-employed. menger ( & ) and throsby () suggest that freelance artists could be thought of as operators of small businesses. while not all small business owners would consider themselves entrepreneurs, artists who engage in portfolio careers need to have entrepreneurial skills in order to be successful and competitive (bartleet et al., ; coulson, ; everts et al., ). menger () suggests that the careers of selfemployed artists display attributes of entrepreneurship including the creation of value and risk taking. artists must also be proactive in finding work and engage in opportunity recognition strategies associated with entrepreneurship (coulson, ). previous research has found that self-employed artists do not always consider themselves entrepreneurs, but they may be accidental or forced entrepreneurs (coulson, ; everts et. al, ). the arts portfolio career is a type of entrepreneurial small business model. while previous research does indicate that many artists engage in a portfolio career (bartleet et al., ; bridgstock & cunningham, ; coulson, ; menger, ; munnelly, a; thomson, ), there is lack of detailed data regarding the jobs that make up the portfolio career and how artists go about constructing their portfolio career (bartleet et al., ; coulson, ). existing research suggests the decision to pursue a portfolio career is often based on supply and demand more so than the desire to pursue a portfolio career, but there seems to be a lack of data from artists supporting this question (bartleet et al., ; coulson, ; coulson, ; fenwick, ). because there appears to be a lack of detailed data regarding how artists construct their portfolio careers and whether they engage in a portfolio career by choice or out of necessity, a central goal of this research is to collect data from artists to answer these questions. this research investigates the process by which visual and performing artists construct a meaningful portfolio career and whether they engage in a portfolio career out of choice or necessity. the research questions include: • what types of jobs make up the artist portfolio career? • what factors do artists take into consideration when deciding what work to accept or decline? • do artists consider a portfolio career with multiple employers to be more secure than one full-time job with one single employer? • do artists engage in portfolio careers out of necessity or by choice? artivate 11.1 3 given that we know many artists will engage in a portfolio career, it is important to gain a better understanding of how artists make career decisions—including the decision to enter into a portfolio career and the decision around what work to include in the portfolio career. this research will provide insights into how artists build and maintain their portfolio career. it is the hope that this research will provide information that can assist in preparing future generations of artists to think critically about how they build their careers. background & literature review organizational behavioral origins while there is a lack of research regarding how artists construct a meaningful portfolio career, organizational behavioral research provides a starting point for the theories and motivations behind building a successful portfolio career. the research of handy () and cawsey et al. () was used to provide a conceptual framework for this project. although the portfolio career has existed in practice for centuries (clague, ), organizational behavioral researcher charles handy is credited with formalizing the concept. in his  book, the age of unreason, charles handy predicted that by the beginning of the twenty-first century “less than half the industrial world will be in ‘proper’ full-time jobs in organizations” (p.). he believed that fulltime positions with one organization or company would no longer be the norm and that instead individuals would be self-employed with a variety of jobs and projects. handy attributed this change to the growth of shamrock organizations, which are organizations “based around a core of essential executives and workers supported by outside contractors and part-time help” (p. ). freelance contractors often have more than one job or project, and these may be with different employers. handy () refers to the various types of work individuals take on and how this work fits together as a portfolio. he describes five categories of work that make up the portfolio: () wage work, () fee work, () homework, () gift work, and () study work. wage and fee work are both types of paid work, while homework, gift work, and study work are unpaid. there is an important distinction between wage and fee work. wage or salary work refers to money that is paid for time given, while fee work is money paid in exchange for delivered results. according to handy, fee work is increasing as more jobs go to freelance contractors instead of to full-time employees. while handy defines homework as “the whole catalogue of tasks that go on in the home” (p. ), many individuals may not consider this a part of their portfolio career as homework needs to be done whether one engages in a portfolio career or not. gift work is work that is done for free. it is often done for charity or community groups. study work is the work needed to keep up one’s skills or acquire additional skills. study work can lead to additional paid work opportunities. in the past, the typical work portfolio consisted of one job (handy, ), and this is still the common work portfolio for many individuals. that job equaled a career. the portfolio career model consists of multiple jobs that make up a career “because much creative work is artivate 11.1 4 conducted on a by-project basis, with each project drawing upon the creative skills of different combinations of different people” (bennett & bridgstock, , p. ). a portfolio consisting of only one job is riskier than a portfolio with multiple jobs. as handy () points out, few people would put all of their money into one investment, but that is what many have been doing with their working lives. in their  article, the portfolio career as a response to a changing job market, cawsey et al. compare the portfolio career to a financial portfolio, both existing to minimize risks. “the financial portfolio handles risk by holding various stocks with differing risks for differing parts of the economic cycle. the career portfolio minimizes risks by accumulating skill sets that can produce a variety of value-adding activities. if one skill is not in demand, another might be” (cawsey et al., , p. ). a portfolio career allows artists to balance higher and lower risk options in much the same way as an investment portfolio (bartleet et al., ). portfolio careers eliminate the dependence upon one employer, which results in higher job security because individuals have several employers and streams of income (cawsey et al., ). if one job ends or is terminated, the individual will still have several sources of income in their portfolio. the more jobs there are in the portfolio, the less risk an individual has. the more versatility of skills one has and their willingness to continue to develop more skills also reduces the risk of becoming obsolete (cawsey et al., ). cawsey et al. discuss three categories of skills: () a developing skill, () a mature skill, and () a post-maturity skill; “a developing skill is a skill or skill set that the individual has decided is worth pursuing and developing” (p. ). while the skill is in the development stage, an individual will generally charge less or base the fee on results delivered instead of on time spent working. continuously developing new skills is important as it will diversify the individual’s skillset and allow them to keep up with new demands. once a skill is fully developed, it is known as a mature skill and can be offered at a higher fee or wage. when a skill is no longer in demand—or when it is replaced by more complex and in-demand skills the individual has developed—it is referred to as a post-maturity skill. because the demand for skills fluctuates with the market, continuously developing new skills to replace skills that are no longer in demand is essential. by developing new skills throughout their career, an individual can work to ensure that they have a diverse and relevant skill set. versatility and relevance of skills reduces the risk of becoming obsolete. in addition to having various skills in a portfolio, cawsey et al. () recommend that an individual consider three types of clients for their portfolio: () money clients, () learning clients, and () niche clients; “money clients provide the money to pay the bills. the skills used for these clients are generally not particularly unique or valuable. individuals have these clients out of necessity, not by choice” (p. ). learning clients are opportunities that allow an individual to develop new skills and are often paid at a lower rate since the individual is still learning the skills and is not an expert. an individual may take on learning clients in order to develop additional skills to expand their portfolio of offerings. “niche clients result from the matching of developed skills with a significant need. here, the individual can market or sell his/her skills for an appropriate price. niche clients allow one to develop a reputation for skills proficiency and to network for future work” ( p. ). individuals might also consider the amount of learning that occurs on a job in relation to the amount the job pays. cawsey et al. recommend that ideally artivate 11.1 5 individuals should look for opportunities that provide either low pay and high learning or high pay and low learning. this is because jobs that offer low pay and low learning do not have a significant return value, while jobs that offer high pay and high learning could be risky if the individual isn’t skilled enough to meet the client’s expectations. individuals often look to a job for the fulfillment of a variety of needs including professional satisfaction, financial security, growth, and socialization (handy, ). it can be challenging for one job to fulfill such a variety of needs. through a portfolio career an individual can look to a variety of jobs or projects to fulfill these different needs. niche clients might fulfill the need for interesting and satisfying work, while money clients provide financial security, and learning clients offer the opportunity to continuously develop new skills. artists might look to creative freelance work to meet their artistic needs while also engaging in teaching and administrative work to provide financial stability (bartleet et al., ). different clients also provide a variety of people to work with, which could increase interest levels. handy () suggests that individuals have expected their one job career to fulfill too many needs, which often leads to disappointment. while the notion of not having one stable job may be frightening, handy suggests that it might increase job satisfaction. a portfolio career can allow artists to be in control of their careers, deciding when they work, what artistic work they take on, the environment they choose to work in, and the fees they choose to charge, which may increase job satisfaction (cutler, ). advantages and disadvantages of the arts portfolio career although the portfolio career is often positioned as a way to take control of one’s career while pursuing artistic interests and minimizing financial risk through multiple employers, it has also been criticized for insecurity and exposing individuals to exploitative tendencies (coulson, ; fenwick ; scolere, ). advantages of the portfolio career include “freedom to choose one’s own work and hours, and a non-routine working life.” (coulson, , p. ). one of the biggest advantages often touted about the portfolio career is the autonomy over one’s professional life. one study of non-arts workers engaged in portfolio careers found that “most participants enjoyed the creative freedom to make choices, to design their own work process and environment” (fenwick, , p. ). in the arts, the ability to pursue one’s artistic vision is a commonly mentioned advantage of the portfolio career (bartleet et al., ; cutler, ). while a portfolio career can allow an individual to have autonomy over their career choices, including which projects to engage in and schedule, the autonomy can be accompanied by financial insecurity and unpredictable income (coulson, ). fenwick () found that most participants enjoyed the freedom of choice that came with a portfolio career, but they also found the labor of designing a portfolio career exhausting at times. it is also important to note that due to the precarious nature of the portfolio career, few artists will find themselves with the financial security to have complete control over their schedule and ability to pursue only the jobs that align with their artistic vision and ideal (bartleet et al., ). in the united states, health insurance is often attached to a full-time job. while individuals artivate 11.1 6 engaging in portfolio careers may have health insurance through other means such as a spouse, they generally do not receive health insurance through their project work. a study by the future of music coalition (thomson & cook, ) found that artists are less likely to have health insurance than the general population. this is not surprising given that many artists are selfemployed and would not have access to an employer provided health insurance plan. the study found that  of the artists surveyed did not have health insurance at the time of the study. “this is more than double the  of the non-elderly population that is uninsured, as estimated by the kaiser family foundation” (thomson & cook, , p. ). of those who indicated they did have health insurance,  had purchased a private or individual insurance plan. according to the kaiser family foundation, this is six times greater than the percentage of the general population that purchases individual plans (thomson & cook, ). the lack of access to affordable health insurance is another reason that the portfolio career can be a precarious career choice. full-time jobs also offer unemployment benefits, which self-employed artists are generally not eligible for (menger, ). lack of access to health insurance and unemployment benefits likely influences the number of artists who decide to hold full-time positions both inside and outside of the arts—in addition to their project-based work. holding a full-time job, even if it does not align with one’s artistic priorities, is one way artists can obtain health insurance and be eligible to receive unemployment benefits. mental health is another concern for artists engaging in portfolio careers. while factors of a portfolio career can provide satisfaction, they can also provide anxiety (fenwick, ). “low incomes, irregular work patterns, romanticizing the ‘tortured artist’ and the dismissal of music as being a worthwhile career pursuit, have all been contributing factors to the mental and physical health and wellbeing of musicians” (bartleet et al., , p. ). perceptions of success also have an impact on the mental health of artists. research suggests that the career realities for artists can be vastly different to what they perceived when deciding to pursue studies and a career in the arts. this can lead to narrow perceptions of success and an identity crisis when careers don’t match preconceived expectations (hennekam & bennett, ; lópez-íñiguez & bennett, ). artists often identify deeply with their art and career transitions can have a significant effect on their self-identity and mental health (bridgstock & cunningham, ; hennekam & bennett, ). the previously mentioned research of handy () and cawsey et. al () positions the portfolio career as a way to minimize financial risk. several studies on arts portfolio careers (bridgstock & cunningham, ; bartleet et al., ; menger, ) have also suggested that a diversified portfolio of work could be considered a risk management strategy. the reason being that multiple employers means multiple streams of income, so if one job in the portfolio ends or is terminated, there will be other streams of income remaining. however, this reasoning fails to consider that not all jobs in a portfolio career are equal. certain jobs may pay the bills, while others deliver artistic fulfillment, networking opportunities, or the chance to learn a new skill. many artists experience low pay even with a portfolio career (everts et al., ; hennekam & bennett, ; menger, ; menger ; throsby, ). coulson () found that musicians in their study experience low pay and insecurity and were often just getting by artivate 11.1 7 financially. bridgstock and cunningham () found “that traditional arts occupations are the least remunerated and the most likely to be self-employed and precarious” (p. ). several other studies indicate that artists often face higher underemployment and unemployment rates than the general working population (menger, ; menger, ; popović & ratković, ). while the narrative of the portfolio career being a type of risk management tool is prevalent, it fails to point out that artists participating in the portfolio careers are the ones who bear all the risk. “under the portfolio career model, workers have individual responsibility for their career development, and thus assume all risk associated with economic vicissitudes, changes to supply chains and market demand, and personal adversity” (bridgstock & cunningham, , p. ). for those in full-time positions, some of this risk is taken on by the employer. the covid- pandemic offers an example of this as some arts organizations continued to pay their full-time artists, while others engaged in furloughs and layoffs. the metropolitan opera orchestra musicians went unpaid for nearly a year (jacobs, ), while the new york philharmonic musicians agreed to pay cuts so that they could continue to receive a salary while the orchestra was dark (dubb, ). both the metropolitan opera orchestra and the new york philharmonic are full-time unionized orchestras governed by collective bargaining agreements. the pandemic showed that artists who were employed full-time by organizations and artists who were self-employed both faced insecurities and risks. while artists who were self-employed might have been eligible to apply for relief grants, they did not have the luxury of either their employer deciding that continuing to provide a salary and benefits was a budget priority or that they were legally required due to an existing contract. in many instances, such as with the new york philharmonic, union contracts offered protection to artists who were employed full-time. the possibility of engaging in self-exploitation was a concern of portfolio careers mentioned by several researchers (brigstock & cunningham, ; coulson, ; morgan et al., ). scolere () suggests that the narrative of the advantages of the portfolio career rationalizes a precarious and financially insecure career. “the narrative of passion or love for the work and ‘creative lifestyle’ becomes a way of rationalizing the low pay and insecure working conditions” (scolere, , p. ). artists may be willing to accept low pay and job insecurity in order to continue working in the arts. bridgstock and cunningham () found that instead of leaving the arts in search of better paid opportunities in other fields, artists continue to accept underemployment and low pay while self-exploiting. while the risk of exploitation is a concern, one could also make the argument that artists might be choosing to consider the non-monetary payment that creative work provides such as artistic fulfillment, autonomy, and low level of routine in addition to solely considering financial compensation (menger, ). some artists may be willing to take on riskier working patterns because of the personal satisfaction derived by the work. little research has been done exploring whether artists engage in a portfolio career by choice or out of necessity due to a lack of full-time jobs. existing research suggests the decision to pursue a portfolio career is often based on supply and demand more so than the desire to pursue a portfolio career, but there seems to be a lack of data from artists concerning this question (bartleet et al., ; coulson, ; coulson, ; fenwick, ). while menger () artivate 11.1 8 does note an oversupply of artists, they also suggest that rather than being solely due to supply and demand, the growing trend of portfolio careers might be due to “the pervasive uncertainty of artistic careers, and the ways for individuals and organizations to handle uncertain prospects and to manage individual and business risks” (p. ). regardless of the reasoning, it is evident that the portfolio career is a common career model for artists. data collection this study utilized a mixed-methods design. both quantitative and qualitative data were collected during the spring and summer of  using an online survey built in qualtrics. this method of data collection was selected in order to reach a large number of individuals in the target population who were spread across a large geographic area. a mix of closed-ended and open-ended questions were used. while the survey instrument did collect both quantitative and qualitative data, this article focuses on the quantitative data collected from the survey. the target study population was individuals who self-identify as having a portfolio career as a visual or performing artist. participants were recruited through state and local arts agencies as well as artist services organizations. the reasoning for going through state and local arts agencies and artist services organizations was to assist in ensuring the survey reached individuals who derive a significant portion of their income through arts-related work and spend a significant portion of their work time on arts-related work. utilizing arts agencies and artist services organizations was away to target professional working visual and performing artists. the survey did ask if the participants identified as a visual or performing artist with a portfolio career. if they selected “no,” the survey was programmed to end. participants were also asked whether they were at least eighteen years of age. these were the only screening questions. because the covid- pandemic has had a significant effect on artists and arts organizations, and has likely affected the way artists engage in portfolio careers, respondents were asked to respond according to their , pre-pandemic work experiences aside from the final four questions, which focused on expectations for their post-pandemic careers. the purpose of asking participants to consider their pre-pandemic work life was to determine a baseline of norms for the pre-pandemic arts portfolio career so that future research can investigate the pandemic’s effects on artists careers. findings the survey was completed by  individuals who identified as having arts portfolio careers. participants came from a variety of arts background with just over half identifying as visual artists (see figure ). those selecting “other” identified photography, woodworking, writing, videography, installation, and multidisciplinary as their primary disciplines. artivate 11.1 9 figure 1: primary arts discipline one goal of the research was to understand the types of jobs that make up a portfolio career including the balance of arts and non-arts jobs. the survey next inquired into whether the portfolio careers contained non-arts related work.  indicated that their portfolio career only contained arts-related work while  indicated that their portfolio careers contained a mix of both arts-related and non-arts related work. another important piece of understanding the types of jobs that make up a portfolio career is the balance of full-time and project-based work. while a portfolio career is generally thought of in terms of multiple project-based jobs, some artists do also engage in a full-time job to support their artistic endeavors and for the benefits, including health insurance, retirement plans, and unemployment, that full-time positions often provide. in this study, the majority of participants, , did not hold a full-time job. of the  who indicated that they did hold a full-time job,  stated that their full-time job was related to the arts. because the portfolio career may contain both arts-related and non-arts related work, it was important to investigate how much work time the participating artists spent on arts-related work. the majority of participants, , spent over half of their worktime on arts-related work.  indicated that over  of their work time was arts related, including  whose work time was  arts related. the majority, , also earned over half of their income from arts-related work (see figure ). participants were next asked what types of work made up their portfolio careers and were directed to select as many categories as applied. creative activity including performing, exhibiting, and creating were the most common type of work found in the participants’ portfolio careers with  selecting that option; this was followed by teaching with  selecting that option (see figure ). all but  of participants selected more than one category of work indicating that many artists do a variety of jobs as part of their portfolio career. half of respondents engaged in three or more categories of work. dance 7% music 22% theatre 11% visual arts 51% other 9% artivate 11.1 10 figure 2: percent of income earned from arts-related work figure 3: types of work that make up the portfolio career 39% 20% 9% 13% 19% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% 100% of income: 75-99% of income: 50-74% of income: 25-49% of income: 0-24% of income: percent of income earned from arts related work 23% 82% 32% 68% 27% 23% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% arts administ rat ion perfo rm ing/e xh ibitin g/c reati ng producti on te ac hing non-ar ts work other types of work that make up the portfolio career artivate 11.1 11 participants were then asked to select the single category of work that makes up the largest portion of their portfolio career. performing/exhibiting/creating and teaching were again the two most common responses with  and  of respondents selecting these options. another goal of the study was to gain a greater understanding of what factors artists take into consideration when deciding what work to accept or decline. participants were asked to select all of the factors they consider from a list of six choices with the option of selecting “other” and entering a factor not on the list (see figure ). artistic fulfillment, time commitment/schedule, and payment were the three most common responses. when asked to identify one single factor as the most important consideration, artistic fulfillment was the most common choice with  selecting it. time commitment/schedule and payment were the second most common choices with  selecting each option. networking, learning new skills, and colleagues were each selected by less than  of participants. figure 4: factors considered when deciding what arts specific work to accept or decline it is unclear whether visual and performing artists in this study felt that they have control over the type of work they engage in or if they felt they were in a position where they must take whatever work comes their way. when asked if they think intentionally about the type of work that makes up their portfolio careers, the majority, , indicated that they always do, while  indicated that they sometimes do. it does appear that the majority of artists in this study felt they have some control over the type of work they engage in and think intentionally about it. 92% 48% 49% 82% 40% 85% 1.0% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% arti sti c f ulfil lm ent netw orki ng le arn ing n ew sk ills pay ment colle ag ues tim e co mmitm en t a nd sc hedule other types of work that make up the portfolio career artivate 11.1 12 while prior research (bartleet et al., ; bridgstock & cunningham, ; coulson, ; thomson, ) does demonstrate that many visual and performing artists engage in portfolio careers as opposed to having a single job with one employer, there is little research that asks artists if they engage in a portfolio career by choice or out of necessity. when asked about this, responses were mixed.  indicated it was by choice, while  indicated it was out of necessity. however,  stated that their portfolio career was both by choice and out of necessity. in a related question, when asked if they would prefer to have one full-time job in their arts discipline or a portfolio career in their arts discipline, the majority, , indicated that they would prefer to have a portfolio career. only  selected that they would prefer one full-time job. organizational behavior research indicates that one benefit of a portfolio career is that it minimizes financial risk (handy, ; cawsey et al., ). the reason being that if an individual were to lose one job in their portfolio career, they would still have other streams of income. if an individual only had one job, they would lose all of their income in this scenario. while the literature does discuss the risk mitigation of portfolio careers, there does not appear to be data supporting this claim from individuals who engage in portfolio careers. when asked if having multiple employers minimizes financial risk, a similar percentage of participants responded “yes” compared to those who selected “no.” those indicating that having multiple employers does minimize financial risk was , while  believed it does not. the remainder were unsure. interestingly, while responses were mixed for this particular question, when asked if they consider a portfolio career with multiple employers more secure than having a full-time job with one single employer, nearly half of respondents, , chose “less secure.” the covid- pandemic has had a significant effect on both artists and arts organizations, so it was important to ask several questions that focused on expectations for post-pandemic work life. one might assume that the pandemic has left many self-employed artists reconsidering their portfolio careers, but that was not the case in this study. when asked if they were reconsidering their arts portfolio career due to the pandemic, only  responded with “yes”. it could also be assumed that the pandemic might influence the factors that were most important to individuals when deciding what arts-specific work to accept or decline, but artistic fulfillment, payment, and time commitment/schedule remained the top three most important factors. there were no significant differences in the factors considered when deciding what work to take on or decline when looking at post-pandemic work expectations. discussion the purpose of this research was to investigate the process of how visual and performing artists construct a meaningful portfolio career and whether they engage in a portfolio career by choice or out of necessity. the research considered four questions: • what types of jobs make up the artist portfolio career? • what factors do artists take into consideration when deciding what work to accept or decline? artivate 11.1 13 • do artists consider a portfolio career with multiple employers to be more secure than one full-time job with one single employer? • do artists engage in portfolio careers out of necessity or by choice? what types of jobs make up the artist portfolio career? participants in this study had both arts-related and non-arts related work in their portfolio career with the majority solely engaging in arts-related work. artists engaging in portfolio careers will often have a combination of both arts and non-arts work, so this was an expected mix (bridgstock & cunningham, ; menger , menger, ; throsby, ; woronkowicz & noonan, ). about / of respondents did hold full-time jobs, but the majority participated only in project-based work. of those holding full-time positions, most held full-time positions in an arts-related area. a full-time position can be a way to support one’s arts practice and a way to secure employer provided benefits that self-employed artists often lack such as health insurance and retirement plans. creative activity and teaching were the two most common categories of work that participants engaged in. over two-thirds of respondents held teaching positions as part of their portfolio career. the large number of artists engaging in teaching work is not surprising given that previous research demonstrates that teaching is one of the most common income streams for artists (bennett, ; munnelly, b; strategic national arts alumni project, ). throsby () discusses three unique labor markets that artists participate in: a market for “pure” creative work involving an artist's core creative practice, such as producing original works of literature, painting, music, etc. or performing as actor, dancer, musician, etc.; a market for “arts-related” work that lies beyond an individual's immediate creative practice but uses his or her artistic knowledge and skills in activities such as teaching art, arts administration, etc.; and a non-arts market when an artist by choice or necessity generates income from an unrelated occupation in order to support his or her creative practice. (p. ) the respondents in this study did participate in all three labor markets. the types of work in the portfolio career were spread over several categories including arts administration, creative activity, production, teaching, and non-arts work. creative work was the most common category that participants engaged in with all but  indicating that they have creative work such as performing, exhibitions, and commissions in their portfolio. this aligns with throsby’s definition of “pure creative work.” over  of the respondents indicated that they engage in at least one category of what throsby calls “arts-related work,” including arts administration, production, and teaching. as previously mentioned, a little over / of survey respondents engaged in work in the non-arts market, which throsby names as the third labor market that artists participate in. artists must decide how to split their time among the three labor markets, or categories, and many will engage in work in multiple categories (throsby, ). in this study, the vast majority of participants engaged in more than one category of work. more than half indicated that they worked in three or more categories. this aligns with previous research artivate 11.1 14 indicating that the majority of musicians’ income is generated from more than one category (thomson, ). what factors do artists take into consideration when deciding what work to accept or decline? because little research has been done into the decision-making process artists engage in, it was important to inquire into what factors influence whether an artist accepts or declines a project. artistic fulfillment was selected by almost all of the participants as influencing their decisionmaking. the ability to engage in work that aligns with one’s artistic values is often named as a perk of an arts portfolio career (bartleet et al., ; cutler, ). payment and time commitment/schedule were also selected by the majority of respondents. when asked to name the single most important factor, artistic fulfillment was the most common choice. the ability to decide what type of artistic work to engage in and a flexible schedule are two commonly mentioned advantages of the portfolio career. this type of autonomy and ownership of career decisions might lead to greater job satisfaction. research suggests that artists engage in portfolio careers out of necessity not choice (bartleet et al., ; coulson, ; coulson, ; fenwick, ), so one might assume that artists are not in a position to think intentionally about the type of work they engage in and how they build their portfolio careers. in this study, almost all of the participants indicated that that they do think intentionality about the type of work they include. do artists consider a portfolio career with multiple employers to be more secure than one full-time job with one single employer? organizational behavior literature (handy, ; cawsey et al., ) and arts portfolio career literature (bridgstock & cunningham, ; bartleet et al., ; menger, ) indicate that a portfolio career can be a way to manage risk much like a financial portfolio. the more jobs one has in their portfolio, the less they worry about losing one because they will still have other sources of income. while the literature indicates the portfolio career can be a way to manage risk, it also indicates that artists are often underpaid and go through periods of underemployment and unemployment (everts et al., ; menger, ; menger, ; popović & ratković, ; throsby, ). this may explain the mixed results when participants were asked if having multiple employers minimizes financial risk. just over / believed having multiple employers did minimize financial risk, while almost the same number of respondents believed that it did not minimize financial risk. although participants were split on whether having multiple employers minimized risk, they seemed to believe that a portfolio career was less secure than a full-time job. only  indicated that they considered a portfolio to be a more secure option than a full-time job. again, the reasoning for the minimization of risk in the literature assumes that all jobs in the portfolio career are equal in terms of pay, but we know that is not the case. the research of handy () and cawsey et al. () encourages individuals to take on artivate 11.1 15 different types of work in the portfolio career. handy mentions that some work will be paid, while other work will not, which will instead provide learning opportunities that can lead to future paid work. cawsey et al. encourage money, learning, and niche clients. the money clients provide high pay, the learning clients generally low pay with opportunities for learning that may later lead to higher paid work, and the niche clients provide fulfillment and usually higher pay. if all work in the portfolio career paid equally, and if artists did not often find themselves just getting by financially (coulson, ), participants may have felt the portfolio career was a strategy to minimize financial risk. in all likelihood, losing just one job in the portfolio career could affect an artist’s ability to meet their financial obligations until they are able to replace that job with another one that provides similar compensation. do artists engage in portfolio careers out of necessity or by choice? there are several articles that indicate artists engage in portfolio careers out of necessity as opposed to it being a choice, but there appears to be a lack of data from artists regarding this question (bartleet et al., ; coulson, ; coulson, ; fenwick, ). when asked whether they engage in a portfolio career out of necessity or by choice, “both” was the most common response. / indicated it was a choice and just under one quarter indicated it was a necessity. it could be that for many, the portfolio career began as a necessity and ended up being a preference due to the autonomy it provides. this could explain why over half of respondents indicated that they would prefer an arts portfolio career over one full-time position in the arts. even though artists largely feel that a portfolio career is a less secure option than a full-time position, many do prefer the portfolio career. menger suggests that artists are “committed to a labor of love” (, p. ) and may be willing to exchange higher income for psychic rewards. these psychic or emotional rewards include artistic fulfillment, autonomy, low level of routine, etc. this also relates to handy’s () point that for too long people have looked to their single job to fulfill a variety of needs. artists may find that through a portfolio career they are able to meet a wider range of needs such as artistic vision, flexible schedule, interesting colleagues, and a non-routine work life. a study of undergraduate music students found that their most important indicators of a successful career were artistic fulfilment, an active career, affecting people with music, and financial stability (munnelly, b). a portfolio career may give artists more flexibility in achieving these subjective measures of success. this research did not consider the career stage of the respondents, which could have an effect on how they view and construct their portfolio career. due to the sample size (n=), comparisons among arts disciplines were not made. arts education and training were also not considered. future research might consider if there are any noticeable trends by career stage, arts discipline, and/or level of education. it could also be valuable to consider how and where artists acquired the skills needed to manage their portfolio careers. artivate 11.1 16 conclusion in order to prepare the next generation of artists to enter the profession, it is essential to understand the working patterns of artists and provide up-and-coming artists with realistic depictions of what an arts career looks like. many artists will find themselves in the role of an entrepreneur and small business owner as they manage multiple overlapping jobs while engaging in portfolio careers. this research aimed to fill gaps in the literature regarding how artists build and maintain their portfolio careers and whether they enter into portfolio careers by choice or out of necessity. despite existing assumptions that artists engage in a portfolio career due to a supply and demand issue, this study found the issue to be more complex. a number of respondents indicated that they intentionally chose to engage in a portfolio career. for many, the decision was both a choice and a necessity. artists in this study appear to view the portfolio career as riskier than a full-time job. although many of the respondents associate risk with the portfolio career model, the majority expressed a preference for an arts portfolio career over a full-time job in the arts when given the choice. this may be because a portfolio career can allow artists to have greater control of their careers. the ability to decide when they work, what artistic work they take on, and the environment they work in may be worth taking on a greater risk for some artists. many artists engage in several different categories of work including work outside of the arts. a significant amount of their time is spent on creative activity and teaching. artists in this study consider a variety of factors when deciding what work to include in their portfolio careers including artistic fulfillment, payment, and time commitment. although prior research has indicated that artists engaging in portfolio careers often experience low pay and go through periods of underemployment and unemployment (everts et al., ; hennekam & bennett, ; menger, ; menger ; popović & ratković, ; throsby, ), artists in this study still appear to value the benefits afforded by the portfolio career model. references bartleet, b. l., ballico, c., bennett, d., bridgstock, r., draper, p., tomlinson, v., & harrison, s. (2019). building sustainable portfolio careers in music: insights and implications for higher education. music education research, 21(3), 282–294. https://doi.org/10.1080/14613808.2019.1598348 bartleet, b. l., bennett, d., bridgstock, r., draper, p., harrison, s., & schippers, h. (2012). preparing for portfolio careers in australian music: setting a research agenda. australian journal of music education, 22(1), 32–41. https://doi.org/10.1080/14613808.2019.1703925 bennett, d., & bridgstock, r. (2015). the urgent need for career preview: student expectations and graduate realities in music and dance. international journal of music education, 33(3), 263– 277. https://doi.org/10.1177/0255761414558653 bennett, d. (2007). utopia for music performance graduates. is it achievable, and how should it be defined? british journal of music education, 24(2), 179–189. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0265051707007383 bridgstock, r. & cunningham, s. 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(2019). who goes freelance? the determinants of self-employment for artists. entrepreneurship theory and practice, 43(4), 651–672. https://doi.org/10.1177/1042258717728067 cover image credit: rüdiger lubricht, deutsch: studio margaret kelley, wikimedia commons. microsoft word 112-article text-491-1-11-20200914.docx vol. 9, no. 2 fall 2020 special issue: arts entrepreneurship education anyone can improvise the abcs of arts entrepreneurship—a case study monika herzig indiana university abstract: the concept of improvisation and the “jazz model” for entrepreneurship as a gathering of creative minds with the goal of creating a new outcome is frequently used in the entrepreneurship literature. especially the unique setting of a jazz jam session exemplifies a successful model of group creativity (herzig & baker, 2014) with options for training towards organizational innovation. this case study traces the entrepreneurial efforts of jamey aebersold, david baker, and jerry coker, the abcs of jazz education, who developed the foundation for teaching materials and curricula worldwide. furthermore, this case study documents the entrepreneurial mindset of these three innovators as a result of their improvisational training and regular participation in jazz jam session situations and thus implies strategies for teaching creative thinking techniques in entrepreneurship education. keywords: entrepreneurship education, jazz education, improvisation, jazz model, effectual entrepreneurship. doi: 10.34053/artivate.9.2.112 introduction the jazz metaphor as a tool to develop improvisational capacities and an entrepreneurial mindset is a frequent topic in the entrepreneurship literature (barrett, ; hatch, ; lewin, ; weick, ; diasio, ; eisenhardt, ; kamoche & kunha ; walzer & salcher ; zack, ). team creativity and performance are generally attributed to improvisational capacities and willingness to take risks (moorman & miner, ; hargadon & bechky, ; perry-smith & shalley, ) but there is no clarity on how to develop such improvisational skills. in fact, zack () argues that the degrees of constraint inside jazz performances and artivate 9.2 64 styles dictate different models and approaches that offer various transfer options to group models and should be explored more in depth. serrat () argues that creativity defined as “the mental and social process—fueled by conscious or unconscious insight of people—of generating ideas, concepts and associations” is essential to organizational performance and innovation as the “successful exploitation of new ideas.” the encyclopedia britannica lists the definition of improvisation in music as “the extemporaneous composition or free performance of a musical passage, usually in a manner conforming to certain stylistic norms but unfettered by the prescriptive features of a specific musical text.” while this process of creating in the moment is central to the process of a jazz musician, there are additional artistic and contextual factors that contribute to a successful product specifically observed in the jazz jam session process (herzig & baker. ). similarly, recent empirical organization science literature offers factors and models that facilitate innovation (tsoukas, ), but with inconsistent results. in fact, a recent meta-analysis of seventy-three studies on how entrepreneurship education influences post-education entrepreneurship intentions found only a slightly positive effect (bae et al., ). while of course outcomes of entrepreneurship education might manifest themselves through other factors, such as knowledge or skill, there might be a missing link in fostering the entrepreneurial mindset needed in order to engage in innovative ventures. it seems that the focused training of creativity and improvisation and the collaborative nature of the art form jazz provide a consistent metaphor for the creative process in teams leading to organizational innovation. holbrook () and zack () highlight such transfer options to marketing and management teams in their treatise of the jazz model. duxbury () identifies improvisation in organizations as a coping alternative in situations of extreme change and turbulence. he confirms that lessons about acquiring improvisational skills may be drawn from art forms that regularly engage in such behavior, i.e. jazz and improvisational theater, and that capacity for improvisation can be trained. limb and braun () provide evidence that during improvisation the brain deliberately activates the prefrontal cortex, thus facilitating creative flow. similarly, vera and crossan () emphasize that effective improvisation and group creativity in organizations take readiness and training. these findings debunk the misconception that the willingness to improvise is a character trait and support improvisational training in entrepreneurship education. lessons from teamwork in the arts and sports about fostering effective team characteristics as well as creating supportive contextual factors may provide cues for effective teaching strategies. herzig and baker () developed a seven-factor model based on the analysis of interviews, surveys, and literature about jazz jam sessions. these factors include: individual competency and knowledge of the field, practicing improvisation, establishing mentoring systems and role models, democracy and collaboration, leaders and sidemen, community support, and continuous evaluation systems. options for transfer to organizations and teams were developed by belitski and herzig () and conceptualized for managing creativity (herzig, ). even though the jazz model is discussed frequently in the entrepreneurship literature, barriers for successful implementation in entrepreneurship pedagogy remain due to the differences in artivate 9.2 65 training and intrinsic drive of jazz musicians. of course, dedicated entrepreneurs are also fueled by an intrinsic drive to invent and succeed but also by a larger need for extrinsic financial and organizational success that is rarely attainable in the art form jazz. vera, nemanich, velez-castrillon, & werner () were able to demonstrate the relationship of contextual factors with effective improvisation capability in research and development teams. these relationships are similar to the contextual factors of a jazz jam session, hence the model developed by herzig and baker () might provide the needed cues. this case study exemplifies the theoretical construct and practical applications of the jam session model for group creativity across disciplines through the example of the entrepreneurial impact of the abcs of jazz education: jamey aebersold, david baker, and jerry coker. the concept of offering formalized academic study of jazz and jazz improvisation is often associated with the work and publications of the abcs of jazz starting in  with jerry coker’s improvising jazz, david baker’s jazz improvisation: a comprehensive method for all players (), and jamey aebersold’s entrepreneurial venture of play-along recordings () resulting in a publishing empire and further curriculum and teaching materials developed by david baker and jerry coker (witmer & robbins, ). as a result, university programs have grown exponentially, with  us programs and  international schools offering degrees in jazz studies according to the  student music guide in downbeat magazine (october , pp. –). a lesser-known fact is that these three individuals are all indiana natives and shared time together as students and faculty at indiana university, where they observed the problematic lack of educational materials and courses for the art form jazz and responded with various solutions facilitated by their extensive training in improvisational thinking. i argue that the entrepreneurial mindset and team creativity needed for the abcs of jazz to invent and refine the materials and methods for a new market were the direct result of their intensive improvisational training and engagement in jazz jam sessions. the fact that their innovation happens to be jazz education is not an essential ingredient of the argument, similar cases can be made for noel lee (monster products) or carl stormer (jazzcode data management) who are both trained jazz musicians. but the observation that the three individuals discussed here apply every factor of the jazz jam session model as they engage in the process of organizational improvisation—the spontaneous convergence of action and design (moorman & miner, )—offers a series of implications for arts entrepreneurship curricula and beyond. these implications that could be the earlier-identified missing link between entrepreneurship training and developing the entrepreneurial mindset. hence the final discussion offers thoughts and suggestions for transferable lessons from the case of the abcs. the abcs of jazz education . jamey aebersold (born july , ) anyone can improvise is the title of jamey aebersold’s popular masterclass dvd as well as his comprehensive pamphlet chronicling common chord–scale relationships, forms, and more artivate 9.2 66 basic jazz theory concepts. the phrase has also become his mantra over his years publishing pedagogical resources for jazz education, offering his popular summer workshops since  around the globe, and teaching at the university of louisville as well as countless clinics and master classes worldwide. aebersold is probably best known for his series of play-along recordings featuring a rhythm section of highly accomplished musicians performing jazz repertoire pieces without the melody. aspiring jazz performers worldwide have used the recordings to practice melodies and improvisational techniques since the publication of volume  in . he was inducted as an nea jazz master in . aebersold’s journey searching for the ingredients of the jazz language and becoming a jazz musician in the s and s shaped his inclusive philosophy. when he applied to be a student at the manhattan school of music in , the response letter several months later was one sentence long: “we do not offer the saxophone” (aebersold, ). his dreams were crushed. on recommendation of his brother, he attended indiana university only to find out that neither saxophone nor jazz studies were available degree options. through his own initiative and with the help of fellow jazz education legend david baker, with whom he took private lessons at the time, aebersold gathered the needed knowledge and resources to crack the jazz code. . david baker (december , –march , ) most listeners associate david baker’s name with his trombone artistry in prominent groups of the bebop era and beyond, with musicians such as george russell, quincy jones, and slide hampton, as well as with his leadership in jazz education. in the  reader’s poll of downbeat magazine, baker was voted best new star and in the year , he received the prestigious nea jazz masters award, as well as the kennedy center’s living jazz legend title in . in , he founded the jazz studies program at indiana university in bloomington, indiana, where he taught multiple generations of prominent musicians and educators. with more than sixty books and four hundred articles, he defined a canon of jazz education worldwide. lesser known is his extensive repertoire as a composer, which includes more than two thousand works from solo to chamber music, symphonies, concertos, vocal compositions, ballet and film music, and of course many compositions and arrangements for big band and jazz combo, many recorded and performed by world-renowned artists. . jerry coker (born november , ) growing up in south bend, indiana, jerry coker was an impressionable teenager when the bebop era came along and the level of virtuosity and note choices by players like bird and diz pushed the boundaries of ear-playing into a new realm of improvisational theory and practice. inspired by listening to his father’s gigs, sessions, and rehearsals, jerry decided on a career in music and entered indiana university in . he later taught at sam houston state university, indiana university, the university of miami, pembroke state university, duke university, and the university of tennessee. jerry coker’s influential book improvising jazz first published in artivate 9.2 67  was the result of his master’s thesis research. david liebman testifies: “jerry coker is the godfather of jazz education, if only for his groundbreaking and best-selling book improvising jazz which established many of the terms we use every day to describe the workings of jazz like –v-i; cesh, etc.” coker’s output of educational books throughout his teaching career grew to seventeen published books and more coauthor credits. after leaving indiana university for the frost school of music in , coker, together with his teaching assistant dan haerle, refined a curriculum that included a four-semester sequence of improvisation courses as well as ensemble playing in various styles and settings, jazz composition/arranging, jazz theory/eartraining and history, and jazz keyboard fundamentals that became the blueprint for college jazz programs worldwide. method the seven factors of the jazz jam session model (herzig & baker, ) are exemplified by the entrepreneurial endeavors of jazz educators jamey aebersold, david baker, and jerry coker extracted from personal interviews and literature reviews, as well as personal and public documents and records. the discussion of the findings analyzes the relationship of their training in an improvisational art form and their high level of entrepreneurship and suggests transfer methodologies to the classroom. the jazz jam session model and the arts entrepreneurship of the abcs of jazz education herzig and baker () developed the jazz jam session model within a project that documented the creative process of the jazz jam session from a historical, social, and musical perspective. as a result of observations, surveys, and interviews, seven factors were identified that drive group creativity and entrepreneurship as documented in belitski and herzig (). following are the seven factors with examples from the work of the abcs of jazz education. . individual competence and knowledge of the field in order to learn their craft, jazz musicians spend hours practicing their instruments, transcribing solos, and learning the jazz language (berliner, ). competency plays an enormous role in any improvisational activity (vera & crossan, ) and of course shapes the quality of results. the superior level of competence and knowledge of these three individuals in their chosen field is well documented. all three have master’s degrees in music education and taught jazz improvisation all their lives. two of them were awarded the highest honor in the field of jazz, the nea jazz masters award (david baker, ; jamey aebersold, ). their performance credentials are extensive, from initial touring engagements with the woody hermann orchestra artivate 9.2 68 (jerry coker)1 to some of the most groundbreaking recordings with the george russell sextet (david baker).2 the discipline of mastering an instrument and their determination to do so is exemplified in this comment from david baker (smithsonian, ): “i started thinking i have to have another instrument, so i decided i was going to play piano. i started practicing piano eight hours a day.” jerry coker’s first method book improvising jazz () was the result of meticulous research and knowledge. in a  interview with the author he explained the process of acquiring the needed knowledge when he initially started teaching: i have to say i was a little nervous and terrified because i thought that i did not want to be responsible for someone else’s learning especially if i am going to have to invent all the stuff they are going to work on. so after i got over that, i took about a week to prepare, and during that time i sat down and wrote down everything that i thought i had ever learned in my own quest for playing. i ended up with a very long list. then i went back over the list and started crossing things off, eliminating things that i had learned, but not found meaningful or useful. then i put them into a logical order, a sequence. i made an outline and wrote out a few starter type patterns and things. so the lessons worked out well. in fact, they got me my first teaching gig at sam houston state university in huntsville because the head of the department there played a gig with two of these guys and saw how much they had improved in a very short time. he decided that the improvement was on the basis of what i had taught them. . practicing improvisation as the ability to overcome self-consciousness as vera and crossan () state, “improvisation is not inherently good or bad; however, improvisation has a positive effect on team innovation when combined with team and contextual moderating factors.” the improvisational process requires the participants to take risks as they enter new situations, interact with new people, and train their brains to respond to the moment. brain studies by limb and braun () document the extensive deactivation of the prefrontal cortex during the improvisational process, thus the willingness to engage in the moment without pre-evaluation. peplowski (, p. ) adds “we are always deliberately painting ourselves into corners just in order to get out of them. sometimes you consciously pick a bad note and try to find a way to get out of it. the essence of jazz music is to try to put three to eight people together while they’re all trying to do this at the same time.” during their training as jazz musicians, aebersold, baker, and coker engaged daily in the act of improvisation, such training their brains to take risks as documented by limb and braun (). similarly, aebersold’s venture of recording his first play-alongs was a major 1 jerry coker joined the woody herman orchestra in 1953 followed by stints with mel lewis, stan kenton and a period of freelancing on the west coast. 2 david baker was voted best new artist in downbeat magazine 1962 and recorded as a member of the george russell sextet on ezz-thetics, at the five spot, outer thoughts, the stratus seekers, stratusphunk and ten recordings under his own name, as well as many more. artivate 9.2 69 entrepreneurial risk in . he invested in recording sessions and a series of lps and drove from music store to music store to set up a few copies on consignment as publishers didn’t think there was interest in the concept. adapting to the need of controlling production costs but still providing superior musicianship, aebersold created a space in his basement with the needed recording technology and asked his musician friends to jam and record. the lp covers were hand-drawn pictures by his sister. it took nearly ten years, nine volumes, and creating editions with music by popular contemporaries before the business finally became profitable. however, once it reached the tipping point it became the foundation of a multimillion dollar publishing empire (with  volumes to date) and a prime example of the effectuation approach for entrepreneurship (read et al., ). when david baker was charged with creating a jazz studies program at indiana university in , he realized that there was a lack of teaching materials and a resistance to integrating jazz courses in the conservatory music curriculum. because of his improvisational training he took the risk, created his own materials, and built a curriculum through trial and error: i remember a man who unfortunately is dead now, because he was a good man, but he was pretty staunch in his belief that, “as long as i’m here, jazz band will never be a major ensemble.” two weeks later, on a thursday morning, it passed as a major ensemble (smithsonian, ). . establishing a mentoring system and role models during the first fifty years of jazz history, very few institutionalized learning was available. experienced players shared their information through mentorship on and off the bandstand through a modeling approach. evidence for effective learning through mentorship is documented in a study by dean keith simonton () with positive correlations between a successful artist career and large numbers and diverse models of mentors. in the case of the abcs, we have an interesting cycle wherein they mentored each other. initially, jerry coker recommended that dean william bain at indiana university hire david baker when he accepted a position in miami. coker had mentored david as a young performer and provided opportunities to play and teach. jamey aebersold was a student of david baker and discovered the foundation for his anyone can improvise philosophy and materials during his first lesson with baker. all three implemented the principles of mentorship in their entrepreneurial work in creating summer workshops and pedagogical materials. jamey aebersold recalls his revelation about the principles of jazz improvisation during this first lesson: i took lessons from david. i can’t remember how long. and i remember the first one. he was on the piano and he asked me what to play. i’m pretty sure it was “i’ll remember april.” we played the whole tune and then he stops and i improvise. i don’t know if he let me play or he stopped me but he pointed out that the second scale was g dorian minor. and i can remember i was thinking—i didn’t know anything about dorian but i remember thinking standing there in his living room up there on burdsal parkway “i thought this was going to be fun.” so then he played the scale and i played the scale. as soon as i played the scale i could tell that one note artivate 9.2 70 difference between pure minor and dorian minor. it was just perfect. and then my next thought was, “why hadn’t someone told me this before now?” ‘cause that’s what they were playing on the records. i could tell that sound. and that was the beginning, and we kind of just went on from there. and he’d give me assignments and stuff. and i can remember the day also—i don’t know if i was married or if i was dating my wife—but i can remember driving back to bloomington and telling her “when i get back, i’ll go over to the music building and i’m going to take ‘stella by starlight’ and i’m going to learn every scale and every arpeggio because i’m tired of playing through that tune and being lost here and being lost there and not knowing the scale that goes over that g, you know, whatever.” i said, “i’m going to start doing this.” so that’s when i started to think differently (aebersold, ). . democracy and collaboration the process of performing jazz music together requires a true democratic give and take of leadership and group support. while one performer improvises a solo the rest of the group members provide the best support for an ideal group sound and exchange leadership roles equally throughout the process. similarly, this factor of democracy and collaboration is evident in groups when group members alternate between listening and taking the lead during discussions (hatch & weick, ). in , aebersold was asked to help teach at the big band summer camps at indiana university. after a few years, he realized that there was little opportunity for the participants to hone their improvisational skills in the confined environment and started integrating combo opportunities. eventually he took the risk and started leading his own summer combo camps in . the jamey aebersold summer jazz workshop has grown into the longest-running summer camp to date and become the blueprint for similar jazz combo camps around the world. david baker and jerry coker co-led these workshops from the beginning. the factor of democracy and collaboration in this entrepreneurial venture is most evident in the way they used the time together at the camps to exchange their current book projects and new educational materials. through the process of providing feedback and taking turns sharing their ideas and strategies with each other, this group of educators developed the curricula and materials fundamental for the learning of jazz music around the world: because that meant that when we came in the summer, we knew that time was precious and that there were going to be two weeks, three weeks, maybe four in the old days, when we would be together. and so we tended to exchange what we’ve been doing and new books we were working on or looking at compositions, whatever it might be (jerry coker, personal communication, ). . leaders and sidemen in order to take care of all managerial aspects of organizing a jam session or performance, usually an experienced performer takes on a leadership role, functioning as liaison between the artivate 9.2 71 venue management, the house band, the jam session participants, and the audience. the other musicians should not interfere with the managerial tasks once a leader is identified and rather provide their musical skills to be the ideal sidemen. the skills required in this role are high musicianship, versatility, and strong personal skills. barrett refers to this factor as provocative competence (barrett, , p. ). when david baker accepted his position at indiana university, he transferred his leadership skills from managing groups and jam sessions to the task of creating a new program. based on his role as a band leader in indianapolis, including his experience finding jobs for the group, hiring the personnel, writing the music, and marketing the performance, rather than waiting for the invitation to join an existing group and contribute as a musical sideman, he knew what it took to be a leader in his field. he had developed a strong vision for a possible program that was published in  in an article entitled jazz: the academy’s neglected stepchild. baker was extremely detailed in documenting the ideal jazz program, as exemplified in this excerpt: the student must be made aware of the importance of pacing himself, of working toward specific climaxes in a solo. he must be taught the concepts of tension and relaxation, of understatement and subtlety, of mixing the novel and the old to heighten musical interest. he must be constantly reminded of the value of economizing, getting the most from the material available to him. a student needs to know from what sources he may get material on which to improvise. he should know that often the tune itself (melody, rhythm, etc.) can be his best source of solo material. as a result of his strong leadership and vision, he was able to overcome resistance and barriers as discussed earlier in this paper. in fact, his courses became extremely popular—beyond expectations. in his smithsonian oral history interview () he recalls: “one year i taught a course over in the business building because there were so many students, probably  students in the class, as well as the fact that it was then sent out over tv to other branches of our campus.” . community support the effectiveness and outcome of a jam session is influenced by various community support factors beyond the internal circle of musical interaction. the sound of a room, the audience reaction, the service, the promotions, financial resources, cultural perceptions, geographic location, availability of educational resources all play a role in the level and outcome of a jam session gathering. david baker grew up in the segregated black community clustered around indiana avenue in indianapolis during the s and s. despite limited resources, the community was extraordinarily supportive and full of opportunities to engage in artistic learning. indiana avenue was lined with more than forty clubs hosting nightly jam sessions and the teachers at crispus attucks high school believed in and supported the creativity and potential of their students. a host of legendary jazz musicians including wes montgomery, slide hampton, freddie hubbard, j.j. johnson, david baker, larry ridley and many more were the result of this community artivate 9.2 72 investment (herzig, ). jerry coker’s comments in a  interview for the jazz educators journal exemplify this symbiosis of intrinsic drive and community apparent in their entrepreneurship approach: i think we would have taught jazz improvisation and jazz whether or not a university had ever invited us to do so. i offered classes in  and  when i was in san francisco. i taught  students a week plus i gathered them all together one night a week for special improvisation classes, listening classes, bringing in a guest professional artist on how to play their instrument and that sort of thing. the university has really only given us space and time. that is really all that we have ever asked from them. we tend to bring in all of our own materials, we have to design the curriculum that is used, we do all of the teaching. but, we needed that space. . continuous evaluation systems research on brainstorming techniques by feinberg and nemeth () documents a relationship between active debate and critical feedback on ideas and meaningful results. similar feedback shapes the jam sessions with facial expressions, body language, comments, cues, and common vocabulary, as well as response to audience feedback. when jerry coker was charged with developing the jazz studies curriculum at the university of miami in , he worked from a blank slate. initially he was willing to take the risk based on his training in improvisation, but he also knew from his jazz training that finding the ideal curriculum would include a period of trial and error. hence, he solicited continuous evaluations from students, colleagues, and experts and incorporated their feedback towards the ideal result: and we waited for five years asking the students every year what went wrong. was there anything that was needed? anything missing? and for almost five years, there were things. and we had to change them. and then we’d talk with the faculty and the grad assistant and ask them the same questions. and at the end of five years, i posed that question at the meeting—what needs to be changed? what’s wrong? nothing. no one had anything. and then i asked the faculty the same question. the same thing happened, nothing. in other words, we knew we had it then. (jerry coker, personal communication, ) discussion organizations in the arts and beyond recognize creativity and team collaboration as a crucial element for economic success (amabile, , ; florida, ; ford, ; kim & mauborgne, ; nonaka, ). with inconsistent findings in research on team creativity, it has been suggested to look at models outside of organizational behavior. the jazz jam session model (herzig & baker, ) provides such a model, emphasizing especially the role of cultivating improvisational abilities and extracting seven factors that facilitate group creativity. this case study exemplifies each model factor by tracing the team entrepreneurship by three arts entrepreneurs who had extensive training in jam session environments and successfully artivate 9.2 73 demonstrated the transfer of this skill set into their innovative work. several suggestions for teaching and cultivating group creativity and entrepreneurship can be extracted from this case study. these include acquiring the highest level of competency in the chosen field, ideally daily engagement in improvisational activities, providing a strong mentorship system, cultivating truly democratic group interactions with continuous evaluation systems in place, a supportive community and environment, as well as guidance in choosing roles and careers. but beyond direct teaching applications, this study helps us connect the dots between entrepreneurial improvisation and the jazz model. sarasvarthy’s () work on effectual entrepreneurship uncovered a natural tendency of expert entrepreneurs to use resources at hand in order to achieve initially unknown ends. effectual entrepreneurship is often compared to explorers setting out on a voyage of discovery, a process that requires participants to be adaptable and open to surprises. this exact mindset is needed to engage in a jam session with a common goal of creating something new using the process of improvisation and constant adaption. however, many business schools base their pedagogy on a causal, linear approach that does not support the process of effectual discovery. this case also aligns with evidence that improvisational capacities can be trained. repeat entrepreneurs rated higher on measures of improvisational behavior than novel entrepreneurs in a study by hmieleski and corbett (). duxbury () concluded that embracing the process is an essential trait of improvising entrepreneurs. daily engagement in improvisational behavior while honing their craft as jazz musicians provided the abcs with the confidence to embrace change and turbulence as they developed new materials and teaching approaches. one such example is jamey aebersold’s quest to find buyers for his play-alongs, which entailed struggling for several years when approaching distributors, selling out of his trunk, and eventually developing the summer camp concept and the publishing company, all the while constantly adapting and refining the product and the process. his extensive training in improvisation provided the confidence and persistence needed to succeed. thus frequent opportunities to practice improvisational behavior in arts entrepreneurship pedagogy can strengthen capacities to adapt and overcome obstacles, considering the risky and ambiguous nature of the field. further cues from this case study are the favorable composition of this specific team, who had the needed expertise and problem-solving capacities, as well as supportive contextual conditions, including frequent personal proximity, an inclusive social climate due to the civil rights movement, and institutional interest that provided infrastructure and financial resources. the entrepreneurship literature confirms the influence of contextual factors, identified as factors of networking and community support in the jam session model, on the creative output of research and development teams (herzig & baker, ; vera et al., ). effective entrepreneurial training thus depends on contextual resources and opportunities. examples are networking opportunities, financial resources and role models, fostering team spirit, and strong community support systems. overall, the literature on measuring improvisational dispositions is still underdeveloped. many questions remain on the similarities of and differences between artistic improvisation and entrepreneurial problem solving. furthermore, improvising can take place in very structured artivate 9.2 74 formats, i.e. applying learned patterns versus open engagements with free reactions to the moment overriding restrictions by form, etiquette, and expectations. how do these different types of improvisation manifest in entrepreneurial activity, how can they be fostered and measured, and how can they be incorporated in pedagogy? many questions remain also in relation to the direct transfer between artistic improvisation and entrepreneurial training in creativity and problem solving. an effectual approach to developing curricula—often compared to cooking a meal without a recipe, combining the ingredients available in the refrigerator (sarasvathy, )—may answer some of these questions over time and lead to an innovative outcome, similar to a delicious meal created on the fly. nevertheless, studying cases like the abcs provides important cues and lessons for combining the ingredients in the best way possible. the teaching of entrepreneurship and creativity is a rather new field, but it is rapidly growing due to an increasing valuation of for ideas, problem-solving skills, and innovative approaches. especially artists and arts organizations need to adapt quickly to changes in consumer technology and behavior. the jazz jam session model has been developed and refined for a century and this case study exemplifies a successful entrepreneurial unit that implements the factors of the jam session model during group innovation. similar implementation of these factors in classroom settings and entrepreneurship curricula can foster the skills needed for group creativity and innovation and the jazz jam session model has the potential for guiding effective teaching methods in the arts entrepreneurship classroom and beyond. references aebersold, j. 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(2007). handbook of organizational creativity. crc press. cover image: photo provided to the author from the personal archive of jamey aebersold. microsoft word dccalvet_copyedited_final.docx vol. 11, no. 2 fall 2022 from gung ho heroes and their tragic counterparts to catalyst characters figures of the cultural entrepreneur in the scholarly literature sara malou strandvad university of groningen abstract: the term cultural entrepreneurship is increasingly used in academic research to address the intersection of business developments and creative work. however, the concept itself is disputed. unpacking varying definitions of the term, this article revisits literature on the topic, searching for the figures of the cultural entrepreneur that scholars create. the article suggests that the literature is dominated by hero figures, who are based on retrospective analyses of successful individuals, and tragic hero figures, who summarize the situation for most self-employed creatives, establishing a bleak outlook. as an alternative, the article suggests seeing cultural entrepreneurs as catalyst figures. keywords: cultural entrepreneurship, creative work, figures, gig economy, precarity. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.11.2.178 introduction cultural entrepreneurship constitutes a phenomenon that has attracted increasing scholarly attention in recent years, with publications on this topic on the rise since the early s, particularly from  onwards (bürger and volkmann, ; dobreva and ivanov, ). during the same period, practitioners in the cultural field have experienced the parallel expansion and predominance of entrepreneurship. while artists have a long history of being self-employed and working in a gig economy, this situation has multiplied and intensified with the growth of the category of creative work, deinstitutionalization processes in the cultural sector, and the transition to online work, where artists are particularly impacted by the growing need of having a artivate 11.2 2 presence on social media platforms to generate income (bishop, ; duffy, ; nieborg et al., ). in response to these changes, a turn in cultural and economic policies can be identified as a growing number of business support programs that targeted creative workers have been set up internationally, promoting cultural entrepreneurship in courses during art study programs or in publicly supported courses offered to self-employed people working in the arts and the creative industries, for example, in the netherlands, scotland, norway and the united states (kuhlke et al., ; munro, ; haugsevje et al., ; robinson and novak-leonard, ). while these developments demonstrate a growing interest in cultural entrepreneurship, the phenomenon itself remains contested. evaluations of the fusion of creative work with entrepreneurship turn out vastly different in both public discourse as well as in academic literature on the topic. business studies scholars portray cultural entrepreneurship as a productive strategy of unfolding potentials and creating “dynamic growth” (albinsson, , p. ), whereas critical cultural theorists suggest that this neo-liberal entrepreneurial ethos establishes an untenable situation where creative workers “now normatively self-exploit themselves” (mcrobbie, , p. ). in these assessments, the figure of the cultural entrepreneur is defined either as a dedicated and enterprising heroic individual or as a struggling protagonist who ends in tragic circumstances despite being highly capable and committed. oftentimes used simply as a synonym for self-employment in the arts and the creative industries, which is what critical cultural theorists emphasize when using the notion of entrepreneurship, the term cultural entrepreneurship holds additional meanings pointing to the cultural value of creative work beyond its monetary worth, the innovativeness of creative work, and new venture developments¾which is what business studies scholars aim to highlight. depending on which meanings are activated, the cultural entrepreneur becomes quite a different figure, paving the way for different narratives about culture, entrepreneurship, and work. against this backdrop, the purpose of this article is to scrutinize definitions of cultural entrepreneurship in the scholarly literature on the topic, aiming to identify different figures of the cultural entrepreneur that researchers create, identifying the components of these figures. by turning attention to how researchers conceptualize and portray the cultural entrepreneur, this article adds to studies that analyze the discourse of cultural entrepreneurship amongst practitioners. previous research has focused on practitioners’ use of the term entrepreneurship by demonstrating how the term cultural entrepreneurship has been employed as a new discourse in cultural policies (ellmeier, ; haynes and marshall, ; kolsteeg, ), how artists’ own occupational myths play a role in career decisions (bain, ), and how cultural entrepreneurs themselves find that an artistic identity aligns with or (as is more often the case) collides with the identity of entrepreneur (ball et al., ; bass et al., ; beaven, ; coulson, ; haynes and marshall, ; loacker, ; loots and witteloostuijn, ; naudin, a; b; schediwy et al., ; taylor and littleton, ; ). adding to this body of literature, this article shifts attention from how practitioners have been defining cultural entrepreneurship to how scholars have done so. by focusing on definitions of the cultural entrepreneur in the literature on the topic, this article argues that the figures mentioned above, which are created in the scholarly literature, artivate 11.2 3 enable researchers to see certain things while overlooking others, and, moreover, that these portrayals made in research may have consequences for how practitioners see themselves in the cultural field when framed as cultural entrepreneurs. as research on organizational metaphors shows, these conceptual instruments enable both scholars and practitioners to interpret and make sense of situations (morgan, ; ). in the case of cultural entrepreneurship, it is not so much organizing practices per se that are conceptualized metaphorically as it is the individual cultural entrepreneur who takes the center stage in various personifications constituting the phenomenon. for that reason, the notion of figure serves as a better means to sorting through the ways in which the phenomenon is approached in the literature and how this literature not only draws from but also constructs different options (for a comparable example in youth studies, see treadgold, ). as suggested by ecofeminist and technoscience philosopher donna haraway, who has written extensively about figures such as cyborgs, laboratory mice, dogs, apes, pigeons, and spiders: “figures help me grapple inside the flesh of mortal world-making […] figures collect the people through their invitation to inhabit the corporeal story told in their lineaments” (, p. ). in other words, figures are not only abstract illustrations but also characters with material semiotic existence in their own stories and beyond. based on a review of the existing figures in the scholarly literature, this article suggests that new conceptualizations are needed. while gung ho heroes and tragic characters have dominated the literature, cultural entrepreneurs may in practice constitute a different type of figures, which the article describes as catalyst heroes who sustain themselves while bringing about change in others. building on literature in art management emphasizing the role of community-engaged artists in generating social change, the article then turns to ways in which cultural entrepreneurs sustain their practices and contribute to society. it draws on findings from existing empirical studies on cultural entrepreneurship, outlining the catalyst figure as an entrepreneur made out of necessity, conducting care work alongside artistic work, and operating largely in an informal economy while maintaining their artistic practice through these circumstances. by describing all three figures of the cultural entrepreneur as heroes, a common ground is established, calling attention to struggles and achievements throughout cases. at the same time, the various hero figures also allow for clear distinctions between different types of narratives that scholars create when portraying cultural entrepreneurship. of course, these figures constitute theoretical abstractions that may be combined in various ways in practice by both scholars and practitioners. definitions of the cultural entrepreneur since the literature on cultural entrepreneurship started growing, a number of review articles have been published aiming to pin down this emerging field of research (albinsson, ; bürger and volkmann, ; chang and wyszomirski, ; doberva and ivanov, ; hausmann and heinze, ; mazzoni and lazzeretti, ; rivetti and migiaccio, ). based on literature searches sometimes conducted in very systematic ways, these review articles present overviews of publications on the topic of cultural entrepreneurship as well as on the related artivate 11.2 4 terms of arts entrepreneurship and creative entrepreneurship, which are frequently used interchangeably but also to call attention to the arts sector specifically or the field of creative industries research. besides discussing terminological confusion (hausmann and heinze, ) and the lacking consolidation of the field of research on cultural entrepreneurship (bürger and volkmann, ), these reviews map thematically what has been covered in the research on cultural entrepreneurship. methodological characteristics of the existing research have also been identified, showing that conceptual and qualitative research dominate the field. early on, conceptual papers were the most common, but since the early s the majority of papers have been empirical studies, mostly case studies, often conducted by means of qualitative research methods (dobreva and ivanov, ; hausmann and heinze, ). in terms of content, all of the review articles identify core themes in the literature. especially, the themes that have been identified are classified as either research focusing on identity and motivations of cultural entrepreneurs; research about entrepreneurship training for artists and creative workers; or research calling attention to business practices, success factors, the role of new information and communication technologies, and the impact of business environments, especially urban developments and creative city policies. while these mappings of themes are useful to get an impression of what has been done, the core issue of what constitutes cultural entrepreneurship remains an open question. as one review article concludes: “[i]t is noteworthy that even in recent years a growing number of articles address some of the core questions not yet sufficiently answered concerning the theoretical foundation of cultural entrepreneurship and related concepts” (bürger and volkmann, , p. f). taking up this challenge of addressing the core questions of the theoretical foundation of cultural entrepreneurship, this article adds to the existing literature reviews by identifying and discussing the underlying conceptual frameworks that are detectable in the literature, sketching the figures of the cultural entrepreneur that researchers operate with, which is something that has not been attempted previously. hence, this article constitutes a theoretical contribution aiming to provide an exploratory conceptual overview of approaches in research on cultural entrepreneurship, mapping the ways in which scholars have presented the character of the cultural entrepreneur. various characteristics have been highlighted as defining features across literature on cultural entrepreneurship. whereas some sources concentrate on one criterion, many raise various defining criteria in combination (chang and wyszomirski, ; endrissat and tokarski, ; essig, ; gehman and soublière, ; klamer, ; kuhlke et al., ). to approach the phenomenon, especially three distinct criteria stand out: first, calling attention to the innovations that cultural entrepreneurs bring about; second, emphasizing the field configurations they initiate; and third, focusing on how this group can translate their creative activities into financial value not only in the sense of growing a business but also in many cases in addressing the core issue of how to even sustain a living to begin with. these three criteria can be considered as separate arguments that are worth a closer look. building on schumpeter’s foundational theory of entrepreneurship, a number of scholars suggest that cultural entrepreneurs should not be measured on their economic orientation and artivate 11.2 5 performance but rather on their abilities to generate innovations in the cultural sector (essig, a; b; ; haynes and marchall, ; hjort and holt, ; klamer, ; preece, ; swedberg, ). this contrasts with the common perception of entrepreneurship as a matter of risk taking in the hope of profit, stressing instead that entrepreneurs are not simply motivated by anticipated financial revenue but are also driven by dreams, the will to conquer, and the joy of creating (schumpeter cited in swedberg, , p. ). by returning to schumpeter’s original approach to entrepreneurship, researchers of cultural entrepreneurship suggest seeing the core of the matter as a question of whether new things are invented and activities are carried out in innovative ways, underlining that there is a key difference between entrepreneurship and enterprise (hjort and holt, ). in making this argument, a parallel can be drawn between the artist and the entrepreneur as, according to schumpeter, “the entrepreneur is like a painter; the act of combining things—the essence of entrepreneurship—is a form of art” (swedberg, , p. ). conversely, the “true artist” is said to resemble the entrepreneur, “and just as the economic entrepreneur has his imitators and followers, so does the artist. both the artist and the entrepreneur are dynamic, active, and energetic and show leadership qualities, while their followers are passive and static and accept the way things are” (ibid., p. ). based on these similarities, it is proposed that cultural entrepreneurship “may therefore be defined as the carrying out of a novel combination that results in something new and appreciated in the cultural sphere” (ibid., p. ), thus highlighting that it is a matter of realizing cultural values (klamer, ). other scholars working in the field of sociology of culture follow a bourdieusian approach to make a similar argument about the necessity of gaining social recognition and appraisal in a cultural scene before aiming to monetize cultural activities, suggesting that cultural entrepreneurs first accumulate symbolic capital and then convert it into economic gain (mears, ; scott, ). secondly, the term cultural entrepreneurship has been associated with institutionalization processes since it was first introduced by dimaggio to describe the process whereby boston’s cultural and economic elites managed to define high culture in opposition to popular culture by creating distinct elite organizations in the second half of the nineteenth century (). today, this criterion is not only found in the sociology of culture and historical analyses of the arts but is also a central parameter in research within business studies that follows an approach from neo-institutional organizational sociology. the key point is that cultural entrepreneurs establish new institutions and products that are crucial for field formations and, in that way, generate cultural change (endrissat and tokarski, ). whereas these two defining criteria overlap to the extent that both point to the formation of innovations that change the cultural landscape—with the first approach emphasizing the motivation and efforts of individual entrepreneurs and the second underlining collective processes that relate to questions about class and power distribution in dimaggio’s study—the third criterion used to define what constitutes cultural entrepreneurship is quite different and yet the most commonly used parameter. this last measure suggests that cultural entrepreneurship describes self-employment of artists and other creative workers. this means that it is not so much a matter of generating innovations and changing fields as it is a basic question about survival in artivate 11.2 6 these fields. multiple studies have employed this definition of cultural entrepreneurship, suggesting that it describes self-employment in an oversaturated winner-takes-all market, which raises the critical question about how to establish and maintain a portfolio career in this situation (chang and wyszomirski, ; coulson, ; duffy, ; harvie, ; haynes and marshall, ; mcrobbie, ; scott, ). defining cultural entrepreneurship as freelance employment corresponds to the basic characteristics of artistic labor in capitalist economies (menger, ; ), which have become relevant to a much wider group of people with the explosion of the category of creative work. however, this way of approaching cultural entrepreneurship says very little about the business aspect of this type of entrepreneurship and rarely addresses business practices that extend beyond one-person companies. in parallel with these three defining criteria, another way of distinguishing between different definitions of cultural entrepreneurship can be established by looking at how the term is used in the various bodies of literature where it features. in a broad sense, research about cultural entrepreneurs can be said to be conducted within three distinct bodies of literature: business studies, art management, and creative work studies—each of which addresses the topic differently. though these different strands of research all deal with the topic of cultural entrepreneurship, their normative evaluations vary fundamentally, and each of these three bodies of literature prioritizes one of the criteria described above over the others. in business studies, cultural entrepreneurship represents innovative practices in art and creative industries that successfully intertwine artistic and financial interests and, by doing so, changes these fields. particularly the notion of the institutional entrepreneur, a maverick who challenges isomorphic practices within the field, has been used as an analytical framework to conceptualize the role of cultural entrepreneurs (alvarez et al., ; jones et al., ; svejenova et al., ). retrospective analyses of the career developments of visual artists damien hirst (enhuber, ) and ai weiwei (hjorth and holt, ); film directors lars von trier, pedro almodóvar, and nanni moretti (alvarez and svejenova, ; alvarez et al., ); jazz musician chet baker (bradshaw and holbrook, ); and michelin cook ferran adrià (svejenova et al., ) have been used as case studies to demonstrate how cultural entrepreneurs create field-configuring novelties that fruitfully integrate art with commerce. a different conceptualization of the term cultural entrepreneurship, which prevails within business studies, calls attention to how culture can be used as a resource by entrepreneurs regardless of their business field, such as when entrepreneurs use storytelling to communicate their ideas (lounsbury and glynn, ; ). this approach contributes to entrepreneurship research in general and sees culture and artistic forms as communication tools and strategies. while studies of cultural entrepreneurs as institutional entrepreneurs demonstrate schumpeter’s and dimaggio’s defining criteria about being driven by dreams in generating novelties and establishing practices that change the existing field, these studies also happen to focus on cases of unquestionable triumph. by examining the careers of world-famous men who have made important contributions to well-established fields of art and culture, the figure of the cultural entrepreneur in these studies is a hero who succeeds. this heroic figure may have struggled artivate 11.2 7 in their early days, but they have managed to create outstanding innovations, have become artistically renown for them, and their artistic accomplishments have ultimately generated economic prosperity, which indicates that success on both registers of worth are intertwined and not oppositional. in that way, this narrative affirms both the storyline of the heroic entrepreneur who pushes through and succeeds due to their exceptional abilities and the romantic myth of the artistic genius who creates ex nihilo (negus and pickering, ). turning this ideal upside-down, focusing on its dark side, the interdisciplinary and rapidly growing field of creative work studies shows not only how difficult it is for the majority of cultural entrepreneurs to succeed but also how the iconic figure of the conquering hero becomes a myth that legitimizes hardship and precarious working conditions (banks et al., ; gill, ; ; gill and pratt, ; hesmondhalgh and baker, ; ; mcrobbie, ; ; ). particularly the figure of the autonomous avant-garde artist who is self-motivated, creates freely, breaks conventions, and establishes new paradigms has been recuperated and has become a paradigmatic neo-liberal role model worker (de peuter, ), a figure that has travelled from a tiny art world to society at large with the rise of the creative class, the creative industries, and the creative dispositif that pertains to everyone today (boltanski and chiapello, ; lazzarato, ; reckwick, ). supported by rich empirical material from research on real-time career making, creative work studies present the cultural entrepreneur as a tragic hero who acts morally, who is competent and passionate but ends up in an unhealthy situation of self-exploitation when attempting to live out the legend of the heroic cultural entrepreneur, thus presenting a contemporary version of the romantic myth of the bohemian, starving artist. clearly, this body of literature centers around the defining criterion of cultural entrepreneurship as an issue of self-employment in creative industries. by raising the question of how to make it with one’s creative work, these studies point out the illusory character of the heroic cultural entrepreneur. documenting how far best practice examples are from most cultural entrepreneurs’ lived realities, such as the career of multimillionaire visual artist damian hirst, this body of literature suggests that the iconic hero figure does nothing other than proving the rule that these are winner-takes-all markets where the majority do not triumph but tragically fail. lastly, the field of arts management can be said to sit between organizational studies that point to ideal scenarios of cultural entrepreneurship and critical creative work studies that demonstrate precarious situations and persistent inequalities, outlining a path for focusing on how to teach entrepreneurship in arts education (clarke and stewart, ; kuhlke et al., ). in this field, cultural entrepreneurship typifies a shift away from stable careers within established organizations to self-invented jobs that demand a new set of skills. this is also a point that scholars in creative work studies have emphasized—that entrepreneurialism constitutes a central part of deinstitutionalization processes in cultural fields, which change from being regulated and subsidized to operating in new, more flexible, market-driven ways as a result of neoliberal cultural policies in tandem with digitalization processes. analyses of these changes tell stories about reconfiguration, if not decline and crisis (comunian and england, ; ellmeier, ; harvie, ; haynes and marshall, ; rosenkranz, ). practice-oriented, art management research about cultural entrepreneurship deals with artivate 11.2 8 how to develop and balance various skills that this new type of self-managed career requires. that means combining a critical stance towards the precariousness of entrepreneurial employment with attention to vocational activities that artists can employ to add an enterprise orientation to their artistic activities (dworkin, ; essig, b; ; kuhlke et al., ; naudin, b; white, ). activities around marketing become increasingly important when artists become entrepreneurs, and, in general, multi-skilling becomes an issue when artists start to operate businesses with everything that entails—such as customer relations, bookkeeping, negotiations with collaborators as well as self-promotion and product marketing—alongside the maintenance of specialized skills particular to their artistic or creative discipline. in this way, like creative work studies, this literature focuses on self-employment as the defining criterion of cultural entrepreneurship; and overlapping with creative work studies, this research focuses on lived real-time experiences either from teaching or practicing cultural entrepreneurship. as this summary of various approaches to cultural entrepreneurship in different bodies of literature demonstrates, there has been a tendency to focus on best practice cases, developing hero stories that illustrate how novelties are brought into the world, how fields change, and how they bring about artistic innovation and recognition as well as financial success. alternatively, other studies have focused on the precarious careers of self-employed creatives. these stories tend to focus solely on the struggles involved in establishing careers in the cultural and creative industries, highlighting questions about how to generate an income from cultural entrepreneurship, constructing a tragic hero figure as the counterpart to the ideal of the triumphant gung ho hero. methodologically, there is also a noteworthy difference between these approaches: hero figures are identified retrospectively, which makes it possible to single out the individual and create a storyline that progresses because of the actions of this committed protagonist. on the other hand, struggling cultural entrepreneurs are found in real-time studies of samples of creative workers, carried out with surveys, interviews and fieldwork as ways of documenting experiences. none of these studies have located the existence of the heroic figure who, by means of will and passion, singlehandedly manages to create artistic novelties, which change a field by virtue of being appraised by consecrating art insiders and achieving financial success. instead, this research seems to suggest that practitioners are falsely led by the illusion that they can bring this heroic figure into being if they try hard enough, blindly following a neo-liberal ethos of exploiting themselves with governmentalizing self-technologies developed to pursue the creative dispositif. however, practitioners may be well aware of the reality of their own situation and chose to act with a complicit attitude defined by capitalist realism (fisher, ). this self-reflexivity is not something that the figure of the tragic hero covers. also, stories about tragic heroes focus on revealing structural conditions that make it impossible for the protagonist to succeed, thereby leaving little room for acknowledging the coping strategies that creatives develop, and, additionally, oftentimes overlooking what is actually produced by cultural entrepreneurs. yet, practitioners get by and come up with artistic and creative content, organizing their careers as cultural entrepreneurs as best they can, striving to make ends meet in a sector where self-emartivate 11.2 9 ployment dominates, organizing private lives intertwined with work, and collaborating professionally through informal networks. to describe that situation, a number of scholars have been calling for the invention of different figures of the cultural entrepreneur to capture what is actually done in practice, highlighting necessity, reproductive work, and informality (alacovska and bille, ; alacovska and gill, ; beaven, ; essig, a; ; luckman, ; mcrobbie, ; naudin, a; b). aiming to add to this development of a new figure, the next section will discuss how cultural entrepreneurship may constitute in practice a phenomenon that overflows the categories developed to describe it. from gung ho heroes and their tragic counterparts to catalyst figures of course, the careers of struggling, self-employed creative workers can simply be said to not qualify as cultural entrepreneurship. or such cases can be said to constitute, at the most, failed attempts, examples of incompetent cultural entrepreneurship. returning to the three criteria for what is considered to constitute cultural entrepreneurship, struggling, self-employed creatives may not perform well under any of these criteria: they may not manage to create novelties that are recognized as such by consecrating field insiders, they may not be establishing configurations that successfully change the cultural field, and they may not be able to generate a sustainable income solely from their art. this raises the question of whether analyses of cases that deviate from the ideal scenario of the triumphant gung ho hero should be considered as cases of failure. this would mean that the majority of self-employed creative workers represent unqualified cultural entrepreneurs— that they constitute tragic heroes who cannot make it and whose stories end with suffering or defeat. while this is certainly a powerful story that resonates with the predominant narrative about precarious creative careers (comunian and england, ; de peuter, ; gill and pratt, ), it also establishes a bleak outlook with little acknowledgement of what is accomplished, that is, if there might be more to the story of reallife cultural entrepreneurship than just failure, precarity and tragedy. aiming to add to the stories of struggling cultural entrepreneurs, this article suggests revisiting how self-employed creative workers manage to get by, maintain their creative practice and sustain a living while taking care of others and contributing to society. the idea is to see cultural entrepreneurs as catalyst heroes whose main achievements are not directed towards themselves or limited to their own self-realization but are made from bringing about change in others. this suggestion builds on literature in art management that has highlighted the role of artists as leaders of community-based social changes (markusen, ; markusen and gadwa, ; miller et al., ; novak-leonard and skaggs, ; preece, ; robinson and novak-leonard, ). to develop this suggestion, three arguments from studies in cultural entrepreneurship that have drawn inspiration from general entrepreneurship research will be adduced: that cultural entrepreneurs oftentimes can be described as ‘necessity entrepreneurs’, that they sometimes act as ‘mumpreneurs’, and that ‘informal’ cultural entrepreneurship may be central to understanding how novelties are created by cultural entrepreneurs. artivate 11.2 10 first of all, cultural entrepreneurs generally do not become entrepreneurs because they aim to have a business but in order to be able to sell their work and thus maintain their artistic practice. this is supported by findings from empirical studies, which consistently have shown that artists and other creative workers do not set up their businesses with the intention to run a business and become entrepreneurs but simply because self-employment is the only employment option available for them. to capture this phenomenon, cultural entrepreneurs are described as “accidental” (coulson, ), “reluctant” (haynes and marshall, ), “unintended” (essig, b), and “forced” (oakley, ) entrepreneurs. yet, the most commonly used expression is “necessity entrepreneurship” (e.g., mcrobbie, ), which is a term taken from entrepreneurship research beyond the cultural and creative industries. more specifically, this term stems from studies of entrepreneurship in developing countries with few other employment options, where businesses are started not because those who start them “take advantage of a perceived opportunity”—which is what entrepreneurs conventionally are said to do—but simply because starting a business constitutes “the only option that these individuals perceive is left for them” (serviere, , p. ). in this way, necessity entrepreneurship contrasts with opportunity entrepreneurship, and it highlights that personal motivation does not constitute the only factor in entrepreneurship practices but is conditioned by socio-economic factors. transferred to studies of cultural entrepreneurship, the notion of necessity entrepreneurship emphasizes the structure of the labor market for creative work. secondly, a key discovery from the empirical research on creative work is the documentation of persistent gender inequalities in the arts and creative industries (burke and mcmanus, ; conor et al., ; gill, ; ; mcrobbie, ; ; ; o’brien, ; scharff, ). as the survey of the existing studies discussed earlier in this article shows, only male artists are featured as successful heroes in the literature on cultural entrepreneurship. this confirms the gendered character of the triumphant hero figure, cementing the suggestion that the artistic genius is a gendered category (battersby, ). a similar point could be made about race (burke and mcmanus, ). moreover, while some studies call attention to the feminized character of the invisible emotional labor that cultural entrepreneurs conduct, not least online when engaging in relational labor with audiences (baym, ; duffy, ; duffy and hund, ; duffy and pruchniewska, ; naudin and patel, ; whitson et al., ), another gendered aspect of creative work concerns how female cultural entrepreneurs set up their businesses. scholars have suggested that some female cultural entrepreneurs choose this flexible form of employment because it allows for a merger with mothering, thus acting as ‘mumpreneurs’ (luckman, ; luckman and andrews ). the notion of the ‘mumpreneur’ is an emic term elaborated in research on female entrepreneurs outside the cultural and creative industries, describing entrepreneurship practices that are established with the intention to prioritize motherhood—“a business practice that attempts to recast the boundaries between productive and reproductive work” (ekinsmyth, , p. ). a large-scale study of craftentrepreneurialism in australia shows how cultural entrepreneurs who are also mothers were “hoping to balance income-generating work and motherhood” (luckman, , p. ). lastly, the informality of creative work is a point that scholars emphasize both with regard artivate 11.2 11 to informal socializing, which is necessary for maintaining project-based employment, and regarding informal ways of organizing production and distribution of cultural goods, as is clearly demonstrated in studies of cultural entrepreneurship in the global south (alacovska and gill, ). for example, studies of nollywood filmmaking in lagos, nigeria, show how piracy practices established an informal economy that substitutes formalized forms of cultural production (larkin, ; lobato, ; lobato and thomas, ; röschenthaler and schulz, ). like the previous two findings about necessity entrepreneurship and ‘mumpreneurship’, the importance of informal networks has been linked to findings from entrepreneurship research beyond the cultural and creative industries, pointing to the hidden enterprise culture that exists around informal entrepreneurship practices, which is often not taken into account in discussions of entrepreneurship as an honorable business practice (williams and nadin, ). yet, informal activities—in the form of unpaid work, mutual aid, barter and gift economies, favorswapping, and semi-illegal economic activities such as tax evasion and cash-in-hand wages— feature in cultural entrepreneurship practices beyond the global south (alacovska and gill, ). all three characteristics of cultural entrepreneurship in practice underline the collective quality of this activity, thus bringing to mind and reaffirming becker’s foundational argument that art is always collective action (; ). for creative work, being pushed to start a business due to structural conditions of the labor market means that the question of individual motivation for starting as an entrepreneur becomes insignificant. integrating work with care work entails that the cultural entrepreneur should not be described as a detached figure but as a figure that is establishing themself while enabling the development of others. operating in a largely informal economy adds to the point that the cultural entrepreneur constitutes activities relationally and exists through the connections made to others by virtue of emotional labor and self-organized business practices. accordingly, this article suggests developing a figure of the cultural entrepreneur that captures cultural entrepreneurship as a practice that extends beyond the individual. instead of thinking of the cultural entrepreneur as a mastermind who creates ex nihilo, working to establish their own legacy, the idea is to turn this around and suggest that the cultural entrepreneur enables the development of others while being constituted by them. in order to offer this suggestion, inspiration has been drawn from haraway, who pursues alternatives to narratives about bounded individualism, stories with “only one real actor, one real world-maker, the hero,” who is the leading figure in combative tales of action where all others “are props, ground, plot space, or pray” (, p. ). haraway’s point is that this figure is “worthless without a bag, a container, a net,” and she suggests developing richer “stories of becoming-with, of reciprocal induction”—stories that are not only about the figure of the selfmaking human (ibid., p. ). transferred to the issue of cultural entrepreneurship, haraway’s point suggests that an individualized focus on the singular cultural entrepreneur ignores the multiple strands that enable courses of action, disregarding the fact that everyone depends on support networks around them—and that, at the same time, cultural entrepreneurs play a fundamental role in making things happen for others. in this way, the cultural entrepreneur may be seen as a catalyst for others—for relatives, audiences, collaborators. emphasizing how the artivate 11.2 12 entrepreneur effects change in others and is in turn produced by relations leads to thinking of cultural entrepreneurship as allowing the positioning of these figures in the context of collective entities such as art institutions, business ecosystems, artistic movements, digital commons, and their personal networks. in this way, the figure of the catalyst puts an end to the portrayals of the individual artist as the sole starting-point, driving force, and end result of cultural entrepreneurship. instead, the figure of the entrepreneur as a catalyst allows for the possibility of capturing the outcomes of cultural business innovations, pointing beyond the individual to document effects on several registers of worth. conclusion starting from the premise that the figures created by scholars out of the phenomena they study have consequences, this article has revisited literature on cultural entrepreneurship to discern various definitions. after this, the article has discussed the applicability of existing figures and suggested a new one. by raising the question of which figures have scholars come up with out of the cultural entrepreneur and whether other figures could be further developed to capture more adequately the phenomenon as it unfolds in practice, the article has built on the suggestion that scholarly conceptualizations not only depict existing versions of phenomena but also generate their own effects and thus allow for certain constructions of those phenomena to be devised. as haraway suggests in her quote of anthropologist marilyn strathern: “it matters what ideas we use to think other ideas.” (strathern cited in haraway, , p. ). in other words, analytical concepts set up by scholars have consequences—not only for scholarly debates but also for the empirical settings they address. this begs the question of which figures might be helpful to practitioners. in the review of the existing literature, the article has pointed out three defining characteristics that are used to measure cultural entrepreneurship: that it is about generating novelties, establishing field configurations, and sustaining a living as self-employed—all within the cultural and creative industries. while these criteria are sometimes brought together, at other times one criterion is prioritized over the rest, and they obviously point in different directions, most clearly in the case of the first two vis-à-vis the last criterion. moving on from distinguishing between these three criteria, the article has suggested that three distinct bodies of literature exist on the topic of cultural entrepreneurship: in business studies, critical creative work studies, and art management. whereas the first body of literature presents retrospective case studies of successful individual male artists as examples of institutional entrepreneurs in the cultural field, the second calls attention to poor working conditions and self-exploitation in real-time studies of samples of self-employed creative workers. the third body of literature brings these two poles together by presenting a pragmatic approach for developing tools that aspiring cultural entrepreneurs can employ to improve their situation. the final section of the paper has developed a preliminary suggestion for a new type of figure based on art management research that has called attention to the role of communityengaged artists. with examples from existing studies in cultural entrepreneurship in practice, artivate 11.2 13 the article proposes moving on from hero tales’ portrayals via their flipside and those critiques pointing out how this figure is a damaging illusion to formulating a proposal for seeing cultural entrepreneurship as an uneven, precarious, and collectively embedded activity for generating change in others. this move is inspired by haraway, who advises turning away from stories of bounded individuality to stories of becoming-with. transferred to the case of cultural entrepreneurship, this means addressing the epitome of individualization, the enterprising self in the creative economy, and investigating cultural entrepreneurship as a collective matter instead. this also entails recognizing the collaborations necessary for entrepreneurial activities to arise and investigating how cultural entrepreneurs themselves affect others both professionally and in their private lives. to elaborate this suggestion, the article has employed findings from empirical studies of real-life experiences of cultural entrepreneurs that emphasize characteristics of this type of entrepreneurship, which are not included in the initial formulations of what constitutes cultural entrepreneurship. the three characteristics that have been highlighted are the unavoidability of becoming self-employed when working in the cultural and creative sector, integrating flexible work with private lives, and the informality that prevails in these labor markets. to address these topics theoretically, research on entrepreneurship developed outside the cultural sector and creative industries has been employed, introducing a vocabulary of necessity entrepreneurship, ‘mumpreneurship’, and informal entrepreneurship. these findings suggest that while entrepreneurship research has questioned its own foundational assumptions, moving beyond the heroic and honorable image of the individual businessman as entrepreneur (williams and nadin, ), research on cultural entrepreneurship might still benefit from a similar development. references alacovska, a. and bille, t. 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(2022). innovation in the arts: concepts, theories, and practices. london: taylor & francis ltd. whitson, j.r., simon, b. and parker, f. (2021). the missing producer: rethinking indie cultural production in terms of entrepreneurship, relational labour, and sustainability. european journal of cultural studies 24(2): 606–627. williams, c.c. and nadin, s. (2012). tackling the hidden enterprise culture: government policies to support the formalization of informal entrepreneurship. entrepreneurship & regional development 24(9-10): 895–915. cover image: 66, superheroes also use public transport. photo by european environment agency (eea), https://search.openverse.engineering/image/39c5f168-aeae-44b4-8228dea685ddde7a vol. 11, no. 2 fall 2022 entrepreneurial engagements its motivations and challenges among undergraduate students of nsukka arts school in nigeria chikelue chris akabuike university of nigeria abstract: this study addresses the experiences of undergraduate entrepreneurs, including what motivates them, their challenges, and how they navigate both entrepreneurial activities and academic work. using a snowball approach, a qualitative research design involving fifteen purposively selected respondents from among the sculpture students of the nsukka art school was used as a case study. data collection and analysis were conducted using a semi-structured interview and a thematic analysis approach, respectively. findings show that respondents are actively involved in entrepreneurial deeds within multiple non-sculpture related fields such as painting, graphic, communication design, t-shirt printing, portrait making, and utility wood sculptures. they are motivated by the quest to address personal financial constraints. such entrepreneurial quests, however, expose them to specialization and operational, marketing, and managerial challenges. it is recommended that policymakers in academia, industry, and government work together toward repositioning student entrepreneurs by creating the enabling environment for economic growth. while a further study is needed to understand how undergraduates navigate their managerial challenges, the nuanced performance and difference in age and gender is noteworthy. keywords: entrepreneurial activities, motivation, undergraduates’ challenges, nsukka art school. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.11.2.172 introduction for decades, textual evidence has shown that entrepreneurship contributes greatly to national development (unctad 2004; smith 2010, patten, 2016). hence, some african countries, like ghana, have witnessed positive economic transformation and evidence of improved unemployment rates, which are due to students’ engagement with entrepreneurship activities (tsikata, 2001; bani, 2003; quaidoo, 2018; arthur & adom, 2019). nigeria, however, is yet to utilize its students’ entrepreneurial capacity. artivate 11.2 2 consequently, there has been an increase in youth unemployment and an inclination towards illicit means of making money—an avoidable development which may be countered by the utilization of opportunities like wood sculpture and other students’ entrepreneurial practices (akabuike, 2021a; akabuike, 2021b; ngwu & akabuike, 2019; ellis, 2017; amsami, 2014). the ghanaian government, on the other hand, has continued to “promote entrepreneurship, especially among the youths with the introduction of initiatives such as the campus business pitch” (naa, arthur & arthur, 2020, p. 84; tanko, 2019). furthermore, the tertiary students’ entrepreneurship initiative (mohammed, 2019) suggests that promoting students’ entrepreneurial activities can reveal their entrepreneurial capabilities (bergmann, hundt & sternberg, 2016). naa et al. also argue “…that the student entrepreneur gains entrepreneurial learning experiences that position students for better navigation in full-time entrepreneurship at a future date” (2020, p. 84). fatoki (2014) has also argued that some successful entrepreneurs today started in university environments. this emphasizes the important roles played by both the student’s environment and a university education in nurturing entrepreneurial growth and ideas. the ghanaian experience offers the need for investigations into other african countries, especially nigeria, in which its untapped students’ entrepreneurial activities could do a lot to assuage the country’s economic peril. art entrepreneurs contribute to the economic development of any nation. they do so through their unique level of creative input, involvement in innovative engagements, and revenue generation (philips, 2010; ngwu & akabuike, 2019; akabuike, 2021; thurik, 1999). as such, there is a need for its critical study in tertiary institutions where the youth constitute what scholars call the “creative city.” in recent times, however, studies have focused on understanding the students’ entrepreneurial intentions for future entrepreneurial activities rather than on their current entrepreneurial engagements, motivations, and challenges (marchand, hermes & sood, 2015; appiah-nimo, ofori & arthur, 2018). this is arguably why the concept of student entrepreneurship is underdeveloped in africa (naa et al., 2020), and particularly in nigeria (akabuike, 2021a & 2021b). student entrepreneurship involves active innovative engagements in revenue generation through entrepreneurial activities by individuals studying full-time at a university (marchand et al., 2016). other scholars argue that (among professional artists) what may constitute entrepreneurial activities may not always be innovative engagements and revenue generation but also self-management, self-marketing, and selfactualization activities that help professional artists to market their identity and sell their artwork to the world (beckman & essig, 2012; pollard & wilson, 2014; chang & wyszomirski, 2015; rivetti & migliaccio, 2018). as a fledgling and expanding subject (shoshanah et al., 2018), arts entrepreneurship caught the attention of gatekeepers in the entrepreneurship fields in the early 2000s (caves, 2000; rentschler, 2003; mulcahy, 2003) and provoked a wide range of art entrepreneurial definitions. whereas to some the term arts entrepreneur is related to business in a similar context and with the same guiding principles that determine success in a normal artivate 11.2 3 entrepreneurship vernacular (beckman, 2007; wyszomirski & goldberg-miller, 2015), mcnicholas (2004), for example, refers to it as cultural entrepreneurship. yet, according to essig (2015), this is a brand new discipline with a scope beyond corporate management and the potential for a more socially relevant and public value standard. the lack of consensus on the definition has forced scholars of arts entrepreneurship to draw on ideas from other fields of study for the conceptual frameworks, models, hypotheses, and findings of their research (preece, 2013; essig, 2015; white, 2017). the numerous sectors of arts entrepreneurship, including arts administration and policy, non-profit management, and the business world—alongside the different parameters of their respective disciplines—is why the term has so many varied definitions. that said, beckman (2014) advocates the need to define the term arts entrepreneurship because doing so will assist to distinguish between what is and is not the practice. moreover, there are not many texts that encourage the idea of art as an entrepreneurial endeavour in african discourses, and there is not much literature on the theories that should guide entrepreneurship study, education, and practice (akabuike, 2021a & 2021b; chandler & lyon, 2001; baumol, 1993; bull & willard, 1993; cooper, 1993; bygrave & hofer, 1991). these developments may have resulted from a dearth of qualitative documentation of academically trained artists and their entrepreneurial engagements and perspectives in the creative and cultural industries. these gaps may have also contributed to the severe unemployment that young people currently experience in various african countries, particularly in nigeria where youth internet fraud is now prevalent (akabuike, 2021b; ellis, 2017). since this is a new field, academics have called for a clearly defined and widely accepted concept. however, it is hoped that as the discipline develops, a consensus will eventually emerge. nevertheless, there is a consensus that arts add value, and this, on the other hand, is a key element in the context of arts entrepreneurship. this is a concept that has the totality of monetary benefits alongside the added value of cultural and intellectual productions (frey, 2005). this partially captures the reality of the connection between nsukka art school (nas) students’ underlying needs for entrepreneurial art. chang, wyszomirski, and essig (2015) emphasise arts entrepreneurship as a medium for accomplishment via the deployment of ingenuity with limited resources. to this extent, there is a need to anchor theories on “tested and observable situations” (white, 2019, p. 47). this is what the current study sets out to achieve. accordingly, the study relies on the foregoing arguments to explore the nexus between the activities of undergraduates of the nas at the university of nigeria, nsukka. this will help to nuance what constitute entrepreneurial activities among undergraduates of the nas, what motivates them, and how they navigate their academic pursuit and other challenges that confront them. the findings may be similar to those of either naa et al. (2020), in ghana, or to ndirangu and bosire (2004), in kenya, wherein students undergo entrepreneurial experiences as a survival strategy. this is under the assumption that nigeria’s present economic state may be compared to both ghana and kenya before the economic artivate 11.2 4 resuscitation occurred following students’ entrepreneurial education. it may be that the steep unemployment level makes it difficult for some parents to take care of their children’s educational needs. additionally, low-paying jobs arguably underscore the need for undergraduate entrepreneurship. therefore, there is a strong need to explore undergraduate entrepreneurship with the aid of a qualitative method not only into what they do but also into why and how they do them (dana & dana, 2005). this call echoes nabi et al., (2010) who specifically suggest the need for more in-depth and qualitative research to understand the stories and circumstances surrounding entrepreneurial students. the exploration of these assumptions using the nas undergraduate entrepreneurs as a case study will aid our understanding of the needs of undergraduate entrepreneurs, as well as provide sustainable feedback on their engagements, motivations and challenges, failures (if any), disappointments, and successes. elsewhere, scholars have identified some of the challenges entrepreneurs face, including poor statistics on the survival rates of enterprises, especially start-ups and micro, small, and medium-sized (msme) businesses (naa et al., 2020; white, 2019; essig, 2012). however, considering the pressure to meet their academic demands and other specific limitations like access to resources and expertise, the challenges that the undergraduates encounter concerning entrepreneurship could be markedly different (fatoki & garwe 2010; fatoki, 2014). in all, a good understanding of undergraduates’ entrepreneurial endeavors will give useful insight for proper policy developments that will encourage personal hard work and the ability to benefit society. background students’ entrepreneurial engagements there is evidence in the literature of students’ active participation in entrepreneurship (sugiarto et al., 2014; nenzhelele et al., 2016; naa et al., 2020). while some of their involvements are an offshoot of academic experiences (bathelt et al., 2010), others are the outcome of partnerships with bodies that encourage entrepreneurship (akabuike, 2021a; pittaway et al., 2011; pittaway et al., 2015; ngwu & akabuike, 2019). in other instances, some have merely stumbled into opportunities and have capitalized on them (ndirangu & bosire, 2004; fatoki, 2014; fini et al., 2016). the undergraduate entrepreneurial involvements usually occur within the university environment with members of the university community as the target market (ndirangu & bosire, 2004). the services rendered include (but are not limited to) businesses in the production of general art, graphic design, fashion design, video games, architecture, t-shirt branding, and communication design (anderson, 2014; protogerou, caloghiru & markou, 2015). all these endeavors contribute to economic development (adebayo & jenyo, 2013). the ongoing circumstances gives rise to an assumption that visual arts provide countless opportunities artivate 11.2 5 and increases confidence for interested undergraduates who indulge in entrepreneurship (akabuike, 2021b; bell & bell, 2016). such indulgence might culminate in a full-time entrepreneurial engagement after graduation (nenzhelele et al., 2016). this can, therefore, help to curb the present economic hardship in nigeria. these assumptions, however, remain to be confirmed by the undergraduates of the nsukka art school. drive for undergraduates entrepreneurs scholars have observed that the need for financial gratification is the primary factor that drives undergraduates into entrepreneurship (naa et al., 2020; fatoki, 2014; kirkwood, 2009; bensing et al., 2009; ndirangu & bosire, 2004; carter et al., 2003). apart from financial reward, other reasons include opportunity, the desire for independence, the quest to conquer challenges and achievement, family financial security, and job satisfaction and security. robichaud et al. (2001) group these under intrinsic and extrinsic broad categories. krishna (2013) categorizes them as internal and external influences, while charles and gherman (2015) refer to them as push or pull factors. elsewhere, scholars have identified both family and peer influences as the primary driving force for students’ entrepreneurship in italy (fini, meoli, sobrero, ghiselli & ferrante, 2016). in africa, scholars have identified the need to survive and overcome financial difficulties rather than an opportunity for career building as the major reason for students’ entrepreneurial quests (naa et al., 2020; ndirangu & bosire, 2004). notwithstanding these efforts by students, it has been observed that the revenue generated from these experiences is usually insufficient to meet their financial needs. this was corroborated by naa et al. (2020) in their recent study of ghana. another study in south africa has shown that most undergraduate entrepreneurs are driven by financial challenges (fatoki, 2014). the current article tests these assumptions among the undergraduates of the nsukka arts school. academic work balance and the challenges of undergraduate entrepreneurs embarking upon entrepreneurial practices always comes with a lot of challenges (naa et al., 2020). these challenges, which are grouped under technological, marketing, financial, production, and managerial factors, confront students as well as general entrepreneurs (sugiarto, 2014). textual evidence shows that access to finance, lack of business managerial skills, poor networking, and labour costs are the major challenges facing undergraduate entrepreneurs (fatoki & garve, 2010; fatoki, 2014; naa et al., 2020). however, unlike the challenges of lack of technical and managerial skills in africa, the difficulties confronting student entrepreneurs in developed countries, like italy, include high taxation and excessive bureaucracy (fini et al., 2016). other difficulties include low self-confidence in student entrepreneurs, cultural diversity among those working in groups, and poor commitment of group members (bagheri & pihie, 2011). artivate 11.2 6 however, ndirangu and bosire (2004) observe that the challenge of balancing entrepreneurial activities and academic work remains the topmost need of undergraduate entrepreneurs. elsewhere, abamba, lawanson, and sobowale (2017) observe that student entrepreneurial engagement has no significant or adverse effect on their academic performance. ndirangu and bosire (2004) corroborate this point by noting that only a few student entrepreneurs felt negatively impacted by their academic work. on the contrary, fini et al. (2016) think that students who are not entrepreneurs performed better in terms of their ability to complete their studies on time. also, their final grades seem better than those of the student entrepreneurs. according to ndirangu and bosire (2004), some student entrepreneurs have devised means of balancing their entrepreneurial activities and schoolwork. these include their ability to take advantage of periods of higher business opportunity, such as the start of the semester when students still have money, during celebrations like saint valentine’s day when students give away presents, and during periodic events like birthdays and anniversaries. students also account for the deficit of missed lectures by copying notes from colleagues, studying long into the night, and soliciting assistance from friends, family, business partners, and employees to assist with running their businesses while they are in school (ndirangu & bosire, 2004). purpose of the study the main purpose of the study is to ascertain what constitutes entrepreneurial engagements among the undergraduate students of nsukka arts school (nas), university of nigeria, nsukka. specifically, the study set out to determine: 1. the type of entrepreneurial engagements undertaken by undergraduates of nas. 2. the motivational factors for student entrepreneurship. 3. the challenges faced by undergraduates of different abilities who engage in entrepreneurial activities. research questions 1. what types of entrepreneurial engagements do undergraduate students of nas undertake? 2. what are the levels of motivational factors in nas undergraduate entrepreneurial engagements? 3. what challenges confront nas undergraduate students of entrepreneurship? methodology relying on a case study, the methodology applied a qualitative research design to offer a thorough understanding of a given social unit (nworgu, 2015). this design was deemed artivate 11.2 7 appropriate for this study because it focused primarily on a target group. the area of the study was the university of nigeria, nsukka in enugu state, nigeria. the study focused on undergraduate students of the nsukka art school. the population of the study included a total of fifteen participants drawn from third and final-year undergraduates of the visual arts sculpture section. yin (2009) recommends the qualitative research approach for studying a specific topic in detail. in terms of the number of participants, adler and adler (as cited in baker, edwards & doidge, 2012) have further suggested that a sample size between twelve and sixty is usually appropriate in qualitative research. moving on, these fifteen students were purposively selected from the third and fourth-year classes for their active involvement in the provision of art services to the nsukka environment. the entire population was sampled using a purposive and snowball approach since it was small and manageable. while, nine respondents were sampled from the final-year class, six were sampled from the third-year class. once the first respondent in each class was selected purposively, snowball sampling, as prescribed by naderifar, ghaljaei, and goli, (2017), was used to gain access to the rest of the respondents. this approach is most useful because it granted me access to those respondents who ordinarily may not have openly conversed with me. i applied it here because most of the students hide their entrepreneurial experiences from their teachers for fear that they be perceived as neglecting their academic assignments. data saturation as prescribed by saunders et al. (2018) was used as the guiding principle for the sample size determination. hence, data collection was halted at the point where no new data emerged from the interviewees’ responses. data collection was carried out with the help of a semi-structured interview guide. data were also drawn from participant observation as respondents physically interacted with me for half an hour daily over three months, from february 2021 to may 2021, at the university of nigeria, nsukka. this was supplemented with follow-up interviews during and immediately after that period (june 2021). this allowed me to address any gaps identified in the analysis. the interview was considered the most appropriate instrument for data collection in this study because it created room for respondents to express their views and experiences freely and in detail (discussed further in milena et al., 2008). these undergraduates shared their entrepreneurial engagements which enabled me to assess what constituted their entrepreneurial activities, their motivations, and the challenges that they experienced as students during the practice. the qualitative research design used for analysis here aligns with the position of scholars like naa et al. (2020) and hindle (2004), who advocate for an interpretivist epistemological stance and an ontological position of relativism with an emphasis on understanding and interpreting the stories of individuals, rather than proving a point or generalizing. data analysis, therefore, involved open and axial coding and thematic strategies, as prescribed by creswell (2005). in what follows, i present an overview of emerging key issues in relation to the theoretical and empirical literature; i also discuss the findings and offer conclusions and recommendations. artivate 11.2 8 study inclusion and exclusion criteria as part of the eligibility criteria, the subject had to be studying fine and applied arts within the sculpture section at nsukka art school as well as be engaged in entrepreneurial activities. to be exposed to the research instrument (questionnaire and interview sessions), they had to be in their third and fourth years and not be on an industrial attachment at the time of this research. students’ family members, sponsors, and staff of the department were excluded from the study. undergraduates who were studying fine and applied arts in other sections, like textiles, painting, graphics, and fashion, were also excluded from the study. result presentation and analysis demographic details of undergraduate respondents respondents’ demographic details varied only slightly in characteristics such as age, gender, and year of study. regarding age, eleven out of fifteen respondents fell within sixteen to twenty-five years old, while the remaining four respondents were slightly older: between twenty-six and thirty years old. the male undergraduates dominated the sample: eleven out of the fifteen respondents were males. this gender representation is poor considering the entire female population in the department and university. this may be because sculpture is perceived as masculine. however, the study shows that the four female representatives were steeped in entrepreneurial activities. it could be deduced, however, that they were exposed to entrepreneurial experiences during their third-year, second-semester industrial attachment. of the fifteen respondents, only nine of them had completed their industrial attachment at the time of the study. students’ entrepreneurial engagements of the fifteen entrepreneurial activities performed by the students, only three respondents engaged in graphics and communication design, t-shirt printing, fashion design, and 3d /signboard design. twelve students engaged in portrait making, painting, and metalwork, and thirteen engaged in utility woodwork sculptures. whereas fifteen of them engaged in other sculpture commissions, fourteen engaged in modelling and casting. two respondents engaged in make-up designing, while another two engaged in designing and printing works. the entrepreneurial activities that seemed least favored were knitting and weaving, calligraphic writing, and engraving: only one person was involved with them, respectively. respondents’ reasons for engaging in entrepreneurial activities the various factors that motivate the students to delve into entrepreneurship were artivate 11.2 9 captured in their responses. six engage in it for fun, and fifteen do so to improve their skills and finances, as well as strengthen their desire for independence. the need to help others is the least motivating factor because only one respondent engages in entrepreneurial activities for that purpose. however, fourteen respondents do so to assist their parents/sponsors with extra income. eleven respondents derive job satisfaction from entrepreneurial engagements. the interviews also revealed the desire to be well equipped with the right energy, zeal, technical know-how, and ability to face the challenges of running an art studio upon graduating. findings from twelve out of fifteen respondents show that the desire to make extra money independent of their sponsors is a motivating factor. this dovetails with their desire to be able to handle their day-to-day financial needs as well as to contribute to the financial wellbeing of their respective families. respondents’ challenges as undergraduate entrepreneurs the students encounter serious challenges in some areas of their practice. although two respondents find it difficult to execute work from other areas of the department, only two find it easy to market their work. this is why only two said that “they do not need managers to handle the marking aspect of their studio production.” however, fifteen of the respondents always find the necessary contacts to help them accomplish a given work. other challenges not captured in the questionnaire (but revealed during the interview) include the risk of monetary involvement—that is, financial challenges to execute private works and display them for sale, as well as lacking an adequate venue to do so. in addition, there is the problem of a paucity of funds to purchase various materials and machines to facilitate work production. the risk of funding a piece of work that is not demanded remains a constraint, even as they battle with poor patronage and a lack of ready buyers after production. there is also the challenge of inadequate funds and capital to produce the kind of art that they have in mind. another challenge is working overtime to meet academic deadlines and other assignments. the academic modules which encourage multiple classes per day sometimes limit the respondents from undertaking other tasks. however, when the workload increases, they end up not properly executing both classwork and contracts; and this also leads to ill health. this is clearly a challenge that reflects their inability to effectively manage time. having late and sleepless nights to satisfy all pending workloads can be very tasking, and it arguably leads to physical stress during the day. it also causes issues of punctuality for classes and important school meetings. satisfying deadlines becomes challenging as they must combine the acquired work with their school workload. sharing entrepreneurial activity time with academic workload results in late submissions of poorly finished assignments. the inability to deliver work on time to their clients sometimes hampers the relationship between the client and business owner. this adversely affects their schoolwork and often leads to a loss of general focus. another challenge is insufficient space to work. this includes the problem of sharing the limited artivate 11.2 10 studio space with other students. discussion the foregoing presents the entrepreneurial engagements of undergraduate students of nsukka art school, their motivations and their challenges. the reasons that students risk their mainline academic work to engage in entrepreneurial activities include financial constraints, validation (naa et al., 2020; fatoki, 2014; kirkwood, 2009; benzing et al., 2009; ndirangu & bosier, 2004; carter et al., 2003), and assumptions. this, therefore, corroborates my earlier position that nigeria needs to borrow a lead from countries like ghana and kenya where students’ entrepreneurial activities boost the economy for both the students and the country. for this to thrive properly, time and other factors, including the possibility of tweaking the present academic curriculum and calendar, should be considered. the status quo does not afford the students enough time to engage gainfully in entrepreneurial activities. it is observed that although the respondents are sculpture students, they also engage in other areas of fine and applied arts endeavors, which gives them a wider range of entrepreneurial opportunities. it is also noted that in the quest for knowledge and skill acquisition, the nas undergraduates explore beyond the skills acquired within the curriculum. they specifically covered areas like knitting, make-up, weaving, calligraphic writing, and engraving, even though only very few engaged in these areas. this supports the argument by akabuike (2021a,b), ngwu and akabuike (2019), protogerou et al. (2015), adebayo and jenyo (2013), and anderson (2014) that the visual arts provide ample opportunities for entrepreneurial activities. apart from the financial gratification, other students’ entrepreneurial motivating factors reside within the boundaries of fun, skill acquisition, the quest for independence, job satisfaction, and self-actualization. the finding shows that the respondents utilize this entrepreneurial opportunity to gather experience for the future (bell & bell, 2016). the findings show that other challenges include the issue of specialization and operational abilities, as well as marketing and managerial skills (fatoki & garve, 2010; fatoki, 2014; sugiarto, 2014). significantly, the challenges of high taxation and excessive bureaucracy that fini et al. (2016) emphasized elsewhere were completely absent in this study. this may be because of the relaxed taxation policies in many african states. the findings reveal the need for better university management, well-meaning individuals, extra effort from the teachers, and the society at large to develop an enabling environment that will foster entrepreneurial development for undergraduate entrepreneurs. considering the respondents’ ages—youths in their prime who are filled with ambition and energy—granting them the opportunity to develop their full potential is of paramount importance to society. artivate 11.2 11 recommendations based on the above, the following recommendations are made. 1. that policymakers in academia, industry, and government work together towards repositioning student entrepreneurs by creating an enabling environment for economic growth. 2. an entrepreneurial study should be encouraged in undergraduates’ curricula, whether in private universities or government-owned institutions. this will promote the popularity of entrepreneurial activities among youths and undergraduate students. 3. hold regular workshops for teachers, parents, and other relevant stakeholders. these will facilitate the training and motivation of undergraduate entrepreneurs along the lines of entrepreneurial endowment and value for their creative abilities. 4. teachers ought to be inspired enough to foster a passion for creative arts instruction in secondary schools. additionally, this will enhance the societal values of history and culture, as well as the associated benefits. 5. government, parents, and society should discourage acquiring paper credentials at the expense of practical courses like fine and applied arts, music, theatre, and film studies. if done so, this will free undergraduate entrepreneurs to participate more in activities that will support young people who are self-employed and employers of labor for the nation. recommendations for further studies further study is needed to understand how undergraduates navigate their managerial challenges, given the nuanced performance and difference in age and gender. the role of gender is a potential aspect to fully explore, including whether or not larger samples of female students will be needed to enable generalizations among visual arts. also, the role that third-year industrial attachment plays in entrepreneurial activities is yet to be fully explored. another issue is the balancing of their academic and entrepreneurial work. granted that the current respondents are art students whose core study is geared towards entrepreneurship, a separate study, therefore, can investigate the implications of entrepreneurial activities on non-arts students to, among other things, know how they survive, juggle entrepreneurship, and interface with their academic work. further study is also needed to ascertain the implication of entrepreneurial activities on others like history and education majors of fine and applied arts at the university of nigeria, nsukka. since their training tends away from entrepreneurship, there is need to know how they navigate financial difficulties and needs. also, the effect of artivate 11.2 12 entrepreneurship on students’ academic (final) year results remains unexplored. the exploration of these gaps will help to determine the best approaches to students’ entrepreneur policies by policymakers. this can be achieved by providing grants and scholarships for students of fine and applied arts. this will not only ease the financial burden on them but also afford them the privilege to explore other creative areas and contribute to the country’s economic growth. conclusion the findings of the study have shown that undergraduates of nsukka arts school (nas) engage in multiple art-related fields, ranging from sculpture to painting, graphics, fashion, utility wood, and calligraphic writing. from the findings, it can be resolved that financial constraint is the topmost motivational factor in student entrepreneurs. they delve beyond their areas of specialization and into other areas of interest as long as there is some accruable financial benefit to claim with minimal risk to their academic work. references abamba, a., lawanson, a. o., & sobowale, d. a. 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(2009). case study research: design and methods. thousand oaks, ca: sage. cover image: staff from the nsukka art school sculpture section, department of fine and applied arts, university of nigeria, nsukka. photo by ekene anikpe. introduction background students’ entrepreneurial engagements drive for undergraduates entrepreneurs academic work balance and the challenges of undergraduate entrepreneurs purpose of the study research questions methodology study inclusion and exclusion criteria result presentation and analysis demographic details of undergraduate respondents students’ entrepreneurial engagements respondents’ reasons for engaging in entrepreneurial activities respondents’ challenges as undergraduate entrepreneurs discussion recommendations recommendations for further studies conclusion microsoft word 138-article text-486-2-11-20200929.docx vol. 9, no. 2 fall 2020 special issue: arts entrepreneurship education reframing the arts within the liberal arts community teaching an arts entrepreneurial mindset to achieve transdisciplinary outcomes sarah archino furman university marta lanier furman university ross mcclain furman university abstract: the dominance of new venture creation and skills for transitioning models has produced scholarship focusing on the impact of entrepreneurial pedagogy on graduates who pursue careers within the arts. this paper shares a liberal arts approach, positioning arts as a central component in the creation of an entrepreneurial mindset with benefits for students throughout campus. shifting our department to cultivate an entrepreneurial mindset through arts-based experiential education, we have created an alternate approach that can serve those who wish to become professional artists, but also provides value for the majority of our students who will not remain in the arts. keywords: arts entrepreneurship, liberal arts colleges, arts education, student learning outcomes, entrepreneurial mindset. doi: 10.34053/artivate.9.2.138 introduction arts entrepreneurship is an established and rapidly growing field, however the dominance of new venture creation (nvc) and skills for transitioning (sft) models has led to a scholarly focus on the impact of entrepreneurial pedagogy on graduates who pursue careers within the arts (beckman, ). this paper shares a different approach taken by a liberal arts college, to position arts education as a central component in the creation of an entrepreneurial mindset with benefits for students throughout campus. by shifting our department to cultivate an entrepreneurial mindset (rather than more traditional integration of business curriculum or artsfocused entrepreneurial training), we have created an alternative approach that can serve those artivate 9.2 6 who wish to become professional artists, but also provides value for the majority of our students who will not remain in the arts (neck & corbett, ). this shift to emphasize entrepreneurial competencies “broadens the applicability of entrepreneurship education from the exclusive domain of students who want to be entrepreneurs to students who want to be more entrepreneurial” (toscher, ). in other terms, we encourage students to think of entrepreneurial skills as more than professional development, but as a mindset of “being enterprising” (bridgstock, ). as part of a vibrant and interconnected liberal arts community at furman university, our art department has the opportunity to work across disciplines and fields, contributing to the formulation of the next generation of well-rounded, ambitious, entrepreneurial leaders, and problem solvers. home to both art history and studio majors, our department has embraced a role in nurturing skills, such as flexibility and creativity, that are required in the twenty-firstcentury economy. by connecting with components of entrepreneurial education, we have reframed both the studio and art history majors to affirm the importance of the arts within a liberal arts education and to emphasize both the intrinsic richness of these fields and their pragmatic applications outside of academia without requiring a radical reconfiguration. this allows us to integrate entrepreneurial competencies without simply adding them as another curricular requirement (dempster, ). this essay is a progress report and it will address our rationale, the steps we have taken to expand our footprint beyond the art building, our approach to assessment, and our next steps in reframing the arts within the liberal arts community. institutional background furman university is a small liberal arts and science college, home to , undergraduate students and five graduate programs, located in greenville, south carolina. our signature initiative, the furman advantage, which guarantees each student the opportunity for engaged learning experiences and vocational support, was announced in . through internships, mentoring, curricular and extracurricular programming, research, and travel opportunities, the program “prepares students for lives of purpose and accelerated career and community impact” (“the furman advantage,” ). in particular, our four-year pathway provides a measured track of exploration, introspection, and preparation designed to help students grow during their undergraduate experience and develop an individualized course of study. this institutional focus has supported the evolution of our art department and allows us to integrate our curriculum across disciplinary boundaries. as a university, furman adopted the national association of colleges and employers (nace) competencies in order for students, parents, and administrators to easily connect with the skills the liberal arts education provides. working with employers, nace defines career readiness as “the attainment and demonstration of requisite competencies that broadly prepare college graduates for a successful transition into the workplace” (). they have also named a core set of seven competencies that employers seek in college graduates. these competencies artivate 9.2 7 are not specific to any particular industry, rather they are broader soft skills that create exceptional employees: global/intercultural fluency, career management, critical thinking/problem solving, oral/written communications, teamwork/collaboration, digital technology, leadership. employable outcomes we must accept that employable outcomes are important. this is how students and their families determine the cost–benefit analysis of their college education. according to a northeastern university study, “[eighty-one] percent of students believe that college is crucial to starting a career” (loveland, ). when students are making these decisions, they are often making them with limited knowledge of how they will actually need to navigate professional pathways and networks. they are comfortable in departments with a direct career path such as business or health sciences, which were the two top majors in  (national center for education statistics). they don’t think about art. and part of this is our fault, if we remain wedded to the notion of art being an out-of-the-ordinary, autonomous sphere of creative genius and innate talent. we have to change the conversation. and we must face the inevitable question: does it really pay off to go to a small liberal arts college—and study art? we would answer yes. counter to the clichés and stereotypes of underemployed art students, an arts education precisely targets skills for a changing career field (white, ). furthermore, contrary to student (and parent) perceptions of professional education, employers increasingly emphasize the need for flexibility, creativity, and communication skills over discipline-specific training (petrone, ). we don’t need to limit ourselves to training that will produce a new generation of arts workers. few graduates pursue a career as an artist. while only . percent of college graduates work as artists, even within graduates with an arts degree, only  percent will work as artists (wassall & alper, ). thinking more broadly about the value the arts contribute to an undergraduate education, the authors focused on in-demand skills (including problem solving, critical thinking, creativity, communication skills, or cognitive flexibility), which we realized were already integral to arts practice (colon, ). these are the skills one learns in making art—whether through a single class, a series of courses, or finishing a degree. even apart from arts-specific entrepreneurial training, art courses offer targeted training for an entrepreneurial mindset. our department learning objectives map directly on to the entrepreneurial skills articulated by pollard and wilson (): “) the capacity to think creatively, strategically, analytically and reflectively, ) confidence in one’s abilities, ) the ability to collaborate, ) well developed communication skills and ) an understanding of the current artistic context.” at furman, our students do not typically pursue careers as fine artists, even if they major in studio art. this follows larger trends: most arts graduates do not work in the field (white, ; wassall & alper, ). this does not mean we cannot contribute meaningfully to their career trajectory, nor that we can’t have meaningful impact on non-arts majors. to build on gary beckman’s () argument that “we lose this nation’s arts and intellectual arts capital when talented and competent students relinquish their dreams of arts employment” (p. )— artivate 9.2 8 we need to consider the large population of students who never dream of working in the arts, but who take our classes. this requires us to move beyond thinking that the primary purpose of arts-related entrepreneurial education is “teaching students to create a sustainable arts career” (gangi, , p. ) and to reconsider what we want to teach through art. arts education as entrepreneurial education mindful of the challenges facing liberal arts institutions and the pressures our students feel to choose majors that have direct career tracks, our art department emphasizes dual strains: the developmental benefits of studying the arts and the employable skills developed through arts education. in confronting the career-mindedness of our students, we can assure them of the valuable skills and competencies that are developed through the arts without radically altering our practice. as toscher () argues, an “arts entrepreneurial mindset . . . alludes to a more understated, yet important aspect of entrepreneurship and arts entrepreneurship education: that it is more than venture creation and can be aimed towards the development of entrepreneurial competencies” (p. ). as a department, we saw crossover and value in both nace and entrepreneurial competencies that students learn through interacting in the art department whether as majors or as non-majors. creating an entrepreneurial mindset involves three categories of entrepreneurial competencies: knowledge, skills, and attitude (lackeus, ). within these broad categories, we can address all of the nace competencies that the university already emphasizes while adding skills that are more specific to the entrepreneurial mindset—a mindset that allows students to be innovative in any field they choose to enter after graduation. the dominant models have been new venture creation (nvc) and skills for transitioning (sft), both of which incorporate entrepreneurial training into an arts curriculum to support students’ post-graduate career goals. while nvc and sft approaches target valuable knowledge and skills, we have focused on how art can cultivate an entrepreneurial attitude more generally (barrie & prosser, ). in other words, we are asking how we can export art learning, rather than importing lessons from business, to cultivate the entrepreneurial mindset expected of graduates across disciplines (blenker et al., ). the synergy between arts education and entrepreneurial training does not force a choice, but strengthens each practice (gangi, ; hart, ). reframing arts entrepreneurship outcomes: beyond arts careers what does an entrepreneurial mindset, cultivated through art, look like? as laura zabel () argued, “most actual definitions of entrepreneur don’t start with the business-minded, techstart-up-in-a-hoodie, capital-driven picture that is commonly imagined; most definitions start with opportunity, and risk, and initiative. that more elemental definition suits most artists perfectly” (p. ). other scholars have similarly argued that arts entrepreneurship education supports more general/generic learning outcomes (pollard & wilson, ). indeed, for competencies centered in creativity and problem solving, the arts have an unfair advantage in the fact that artivate 9.2 9 the practice of these skills is self-reinforcing. as students witness the range of meaningful ways to deploy their creative skills, they build their confidence and begin to push for bolder ideas and more ambitious innovation. as they see the benefits of these competencies enhance their nonart studies, they can imagine new career paths. these skills have no disciplinary boundaries, but they give our students an innovative edge (frenette, ). we have found that cultivating creative problem solvers and skilled communicators prepares our students in ways that escape traditional degree models. a turning point in this discovery process came during the  american society for engineering education northeast section conference at the university of massachusetts at lowell. a group of furman design students were facilitating a workshop on design thinking that was largely attended by engineers. these were thinkers engaged in fascinating research, but they had difficulty talking about their work and making it comprehensible and relevant to a larger, more general audience. the missing piece was someone trained to craft an inspirational, empathetic, effective visual and verbal narrative that would connect the lab to the rest of the world. indeed, economist felipe buitrago restrepo predicts that, in years to come “developing a creative ecology in which the myriad of possibilities presented by these new technologies—from advanced materials to energy storage and the internet of things—make sense to the average person will be a major challenge. that work will be based on increased ‘coopetition’ between artists and creatives” (restrepo, , pp. –). we see this role as one we can prepare our students to fill, branching out from art as a place of making and looking into innovation and entrepreneurship; our art department, as part of a liberal arts campus, is becoming a place where students learn how to make connections—between ideas and between people—as well as a bastion for creativity and imagination. program changes many furman students reported an interest in the arts upon arriving at the university, but were only enrolling in art courses as electives, often in their junior or senior year. exploring this trend led us to understand how these talented, smart, curious, resilient, and driven students had been talked out of pursuing their interest in art. they had accepted the common but false narrative that art is frivolous, a waste of time, and certain to lead to underemployment. having been accepted to an expensive private school, they majored in what they perceived as practical subjects like business, political science, communication studies, and the sciences. they were deeply interested in art, but wary. design thinking has served as our primary model for curriculum design and has trickled down into the structure and execution of our courses. by following the steps of empathy (understanding our students), definition (isolating the main problem to solve), ideation (brainstorming a wide net of solutions), prototyping (through small course adjustments and extracurricular activities and workshops), testing (in partnership with the university’s office of institutional assessment and research), and implementation (department-wide adjustments, reflection, future planning) we are tackling some of the pressing issues facing arts education— artivate 9.2 10 and liberal arts institutions—in a manageable fashion that preserved our primary identity as an art department and respected the integral value of our field. to this end, we have eliminated barriers to study, clarified learning objectives within our curricular, cocurricular, and extracurricular offerings, and clarified our message. eliminating barriers to study our –level classes have no prerequisites and do not need to be taken in a particular order. while a simple step, reworking the way a student could take these introductory surveys allowed this portion of our student body to experience the deep relevance of the arts first-hand. similarly, we offer several –level classes without prerequisites. since , approximately twothirds of students enrolled in art courses were not art majors; non-majors outnumber arts majors in both – and –level courses. by eliminating a rigid curricular path and reducing prerequisites, we have made it easier for students to incorporate arts courses into their studies. now, whether students take an art class and declare a major, or simply benefit from that singular experience, we are part of a larger conversation on celebrating creativity and cultivating a humanistic self. ironically, by reducing the pressure to increase the size of our department and simply focusing on the joys of making and generating knowledge, we have extended our influence and connected with a broader range of students. opening up our major has encouraged students with divergent interests to make art; we encourage them to integrate their other areas of growing expertise and reflect on how their unique position impacts their thinking. then we explore how to leverage that point of view and connect to others. these skills have no disciplinary boundaries and they give our students an innovative edge (frenette, ). addressing our learning objectives while most of our changes have been small-scale and incremental, they are predicated on the decision to embrace our identity as a ba program. traditionally, our studio ba was based on a bfa model, a material-based curriculum that strained faculty and students as they attempted to complete comprehensive foundational training and specialization. this approach failed to address the needs of our students, most of whom do not become professional fine artists. by condensing our foundation courses and designing a more flexible progression of upper-level courses, not only were we better positioned to integrate with programs and departments across campus, but professors now had room in their courses to highlight the development of imagination and creativity. as a result, our studio classes allow students to focus on generating ideas rather than simply improving technique. art history courses emphasize methodologies and critical thinking over the simple mastery and reinforcement of canonical knowledge. we ensure that students learn the necessary material as they progress throughout their time at furman, but we stress critical thinking and problem solving as the primary learning outcomes. this deemphasizes product to focus on process—ideating, creating, and making over technical perfection. artivate 9.2 11 (as a side note, we believe this flexibility and introspection, coupled with an experimental attitude that embraces risk and potential failure, provide the further benefit of modeling behaviors we hope to instill in our graduates.) curricular changes we have embraced both traditional arts entrepreneurship educational experiences and embedded entrepreneurial mindset training throughout our curriculum, so that courses offer both hard technical skills and soft skills, such as management (ghazali & bennett, ). in – , we debuted a business-based “success in the arts” course that roadmaps practical paths within creative fields. this is perhaps our most traditional approach to arts entrepreneurship, as it teaches skills related to professional arts careers and business development (beckman, ). this approach is not limited to studio arts: our art history faculty have similarly reconsidered their disciplinary work to emphasize not only the material learned, but the potential for entrepreneurial learning experiences and the creative generation of new information. in , we began a collaboration with the estate of a local visual artist, matthew baumgardner. in addition to his studio/living space, the estate included a considerable body of artwork, as well as personal and business papers. students enrolled in a new course on curatorial practices had the opportunity to conduct primary source research and curate an exhibition of baumgardner’s work. that exhibition, which was accompanied by a published catalog of student essays, opened in a campus gallery space and served as a center for ongoing cultural programs and events. while these students exercised the same primary skills that could be found in a typical art history course, the projects were framed to emphasize their agency and the creative process of archival research, visual interpretation, and curation. with little previously-published research on their subject, students were generating new knowledge. the typical project management of a research project took on new dimensions with the unpredictability of archival work, adding a new level of challenge within the semester timeline that required flexibility from the students. to further underscore the skills developed, students worked with the university’s internship program director, who facilitated two class sessions that worked to translate learning experiences into marketable skills on a resume and cover letter. both of these courses drew students from a range of majors; this suggests that we are effectively shifting campus-wide perceptions of arts education and the importance of creative training for career success. working with our institution, we are collecting data that will help us better understand the changing perception of art courses, as well as their outcomes and benefits, for a range of furman students. we have also worked to integrate skills into preexisting arts courses. for example, visual literacy is a practice rooted in traditional art history that has broader, but not often advertised, implications for entrepreneurial learning. visual literacy builds interpretative and communicative skills, in addition to increasing basic observational abilities. while liberal arts institutions are well grounded in textual literacy, there is a common assumption that visual literacy is an artivate 9.2 12 intuitive skill; we have worked to counter this narrative and to demonstrate how art historical training provides competencies that transcend disciplinarity (archino, ). the visual literacy skills of observation and communication have been highlighted through classroom exercises, writing assignments, and reflection prompts throughout certain courses within the art history curriculum. these simple additions do not require an extensive in-class investment of time or resources, but they have been crucial in providing a larger context for the study of art history and demonstrated the relevancy of the discipline, even to students who will not continue in the field. this represents a subtle pedagogical shift, as the practices of close looking, analysis and synthesis, and communication were always central to the discipline. additional visual literacy programs have been adopted, led by art history faculty, in graduate studies for community engaged medicine at furman university, along with clemson’s school of nursing and prisma health’s family medicine residency, providing further evidence to students, parents, and administration that these are powerful educational opportunities with relevance to highly specialized, non-art fields. we have also been invited to share this arts-based approach within programming led by furman’s office of innovation and entrepreneurship. once more, this was more of a shift in practice than a revolution. after analyzing our curriculum and programming, we realized that we were already offering entrepreneurial development through coand extracurricular activities, but we could better emphasize how students were developing entrepreneurial skills in addition to the course material. this goes beyond the usual ways we help connect our students to career opportunities, such as our speaker series with fine artists, professional creatives, and entrepreneurs or workshops on marketing, internships, and career readiness. today, when we talk to a student about course offerings, we do not necessarily highlight the knowledge or technical skills they are learning about the subject area, instead we start by highlighting the competencies gained through the class structure, material, and research. so when a student asks, “why should i take art history?,” our departmental response includes examples that demonstrate communication, problem-solving, teamwork, and global fluency; these were always present in an art history course but naming them helps to make the class more compelling and valuable to a gen z mindset. interdisciplinary initiatives we have also dismantled some programmatic barriers that kept our extracurricular events limited to the art department. the “sleep when you're dead” –hour brand marathon and pitch was created four years ago to build a platform for students in different majors to intersect and solve creative problems. typically, students from majors in communication studies, business, and art apply, although other departments are often represented. the event always begins with a prestigious keynote speaker, who gives a talk centered around the advantages of a liberal arts education for optimal creative success. this gives students a chance to hear how their broader education can translate into a creative and fruitful career. then the students break up into teams of three—most recently these teams were paired with a student from our master of art in strategic design—and given a creative brief. students then stay up all night to create a deliverable artivate 9.2 13 in the form of a professional presentation deck and built prototypes. they present the following day to a panel of judges, who award prizes based on their team's ability to solve the challenge as outlined in the creative brief. the highest honor is the innovation award, given to the team that not only answers the creative brief but creates a product that solves additional problems or addresses other needs within the product's marketplace. the innovation award moves the team on to the furman university paladin pitch competition, where they develop a business plan to scale the product, which is eligible for up to , in seed money to develop their concept. in , this competition drew additional funding from community investors and was the largest such event in the state, providing an exciting and highly visible stage for the interdisciplinary and creative-based entrepreneurial spirit we have embraced. in , we extended this interdisciplinary, team-based approach with the inauguration of a graduate program in strategic design. this master of arts program differs from traditional mfa degrees in that the professional development components and artistic training are integrated with theory and the liberal arts ethos. the course of study was collaboratively designed with faculty from communication studies, english, and business, as well as the art department. we routinely partner with the university’s office of innovation and entrepreneurship, participating in their programs and integrating their expertise into student projects and events. students move between our campus at furman and the miami ad school @ portfolio center in atlanta, where the portfolio-centered curriculum allows them to build a professional practice while promoting our core principles of curiosity, experimentation, and innovation. the program is truly interdisciplinary and adaptable, providing a space for creative thinking while demonstrating the clear market value of an arts education. micro-interventions while the types of curricular and cocurricular initiatives listed here are important, we’d like to call attention to micro-interventions, changes in language, and the use of focus and reflection that help center arts education as a meaningful component in the development of an entrepreneurial mindset. these are also sustainable for smaller departments in liberal arts schools. for example, the studio arts offer experiential opportunities to fail and recover as intrinsic to the process of creating work. embracing failure, or even celebrating it, is necessary to establish proper studio practice and has been emphasized across our curriculum. faculty have worked to change the perception of failure to make it a necessary part of the creative process and an opportunity to exercise new thinking and skills. in turn, this fosters a greater creative ethos, as students feel empowered to experiment, innovate, recognize failure, and continue to work. particularly for generation z students, who are grade-conscious and mindful of the costs of their education, shifting their understanding of failure and teaching resilience provides a wide range of benefits. our students begin with a fear of failure that can be paralyzing. underclassmen, in particular, are highly concerned with the finished product and meeting the expectations of the professor. in the arts, this is counterproductive to our true learning objectives. artivate 9.2 14 beyond improving student output, this attitude has important ramifications for students as they graduate. traditional preprofessional training “is no longer enough to prepare students to thrive in a rapidly changing world,” writes supiano (), adding: “students may be inclined to play it safe, but what they probably need is to be stretched. graduates in all fields will need to bring fresh insights to open-ended challenges and to know how to navigate uncertainty. they will need to be creative” (p. ). a hybrid model thus, while we have shifted certain aspects of our studio and art history curriculum, reducing pre-requisites, creating flexible major requirements, and focusing on the processes of art rather than notions of complete mastery, much of the work has been more subtle. our program has developed new programming to reflect entrepreneurial development alongside traditional professional development (beckman, ). while components are embedded into individual courses, extracurricular activities also create a synthesis between short-term projects and longterm learning objectives. we have developed programming that reaches outside of the department to attract students, and once they are in the department, reminds them how these competencies connect back outward, making the boundaries between majors more fluid. across the board, we engage in a continuous conversation about not only what students will learn to do during these experiences, but what students can do with that new knowledge. we have needed to adjust how we measure our success. rather than counting majors, we are looking at broader enrollment figures and celebrating the impact of arts training on students who benefit from its creative exercise but do not pursue arts-related employment. rather than see that as a failure of arts education, we see it as the expansion of our campus footprint and a valuable contribution that we make to the larger goals of the liberal arts institution. major maps to support better transparency about our learning objectives and help undergraduates connect their art studies to larger academic and professional goals, we developed experiential major maps for studio and art history that make visible the expectations and outcomes from their curricular paths (figures , ). students readily understand the ideas and techniques taught in each major, but they rarely understand the value they can gain that goes beyond the mastery of coursework. the visual, bigpicture overviews of the major use language from the four-year individualized pathways that form the core of the furman advantage, so students receive specific departmental information but can connect it with larger institutional messaging. this project has since been expanded across the university. each major map outlines the courses needed for the major along with the extracurriculars, research, and internships that foster holistic growth over four years. the maps also include information about jobs, salary, and alumni testimonials to demonstrate some of the opportunities artivate 9.2 15 students might pursue in the future. since the university stresses the development of nace competencies, rather than concentrating only on hard technical knowledge, the major maps amplify the role of the arts within the larger liberal arts mission. these major maps make it easier to understand the value our department can bring to areas outside the specific area of study and can help art and art history majors to articulate how their studies connect to their future plans. they showcase the experiences and soft skills that enable art students to maximize their educational investment and cultivate in-demand competencies that will make them flexible, creative innovators and leaders. assessment to assess the impact of these changes, the art department is partnering with furman’s office of institutional assessment and research to develop tools that will capture information on individual course changes, student perception, and data on majors and non-majors taking courses in the department. we are also compiling first destination survey data, collecting information on post-graduate employment or study, with assistance from the malone center for career engagement. studio art major map studio arts builds the furman advantage develops: credits of visual language we prepare graduates to: photography related independent artist education graphic design related where will i go? concentrations graphic design think di!erently, solve problems, and strengthen their creative muscle. who we are the art department is a vibrant collaborative environment that encourages creative innovation and entrepreneurship analysis making and reflection. we are focused on developing interdisciplinary creative thinkers and problem-solvers who are adaptable and successful in their lives outside of furman. our primary goal is to support, encourage and mentor students through their educational pathways while championing the arts. 1 2 3 learn visual literacy – how to observe, analyze, and communicate information either in words or images. understanding how images operate changes one’s perception of the world around us. 12:1 student faculty ratio 70% of art majors are double majors 90% have had an internship by graduation the world needed more designers. design blended everything i had loved with math, technology and art. design was everything that i had been interested in and loved all wrapped up into one field. rowan griscom ‘17 wh er e c an i go ? ou r al iu mn i • artist (exhibiting, maintaining studio, artist residencies) • arts managment • art/creative entrepreneurship • art direction, creative director, graphic designer, brand manager • art therapy • brand strategist • cartoonist or political cartoonist • commercial photographer • ux designer • content manager • copywriter • craft design and production (jewelry design, ceramics, furniture design) • illustration (technical, editorial, scientific, children’s book) • interior design • museum or gallery curator • photojournalism • public relations, marketing, account managment • retail display and concept promotion • stage or set design • surface designer (fabric, wallpaper, carpets) • teaching at public/private, k-12 (ba with teacher certification) • teaching at college level (mfa/phd for tenure track) *percentage of alumni in the field* other 12 4 4 8 4 12 4 credits of drawing credits of photography credits of history of western art credits of senior seminar photography printmaking painting sculpture ceramics 2% 12% 6% *14% undecided* credits of studio art and art history credits of art criticism ma jo r by th e n um er s career outcomes: 33%30% 16%4% 3% graduate degrees: employment hours: 50% of our alumni chose to further their education 66% of our alumni work full time in the arts drawing 36% 12% 4% 10% identity & purpose agency & integrity intellectual curiosity & creativity civic & global engagement critical thinking and problem solving: making art, 24 hour design competition, art historical research and writing communication skills: making art and visual messaging, visual literacy coursework, art history research, curatorial projects, client presentations, artist talks, furman engaged teamwork/collaboration: collaborative class projects, 24 hour design competition, curatorial projects, work study, undergraduate research projects, community-engaged projects, local exhibitions leadership/initiative: student groups and clubs, curatorial projects, internships, study away, undergraduate research figure 2 figure 2 artivate 9.2 16 within the body of art majors, survey data supports the impact of our emphasis on cultivating an entrepreneurial mindset. in the most recent senior exit survey (spring ), one hundred percent of respondents said they felt “very well-prepared” “to think differently and solve problems creatively” and “to engage with the world in productive ways with curiosity, initiative, and persistence.” seventy-one percent directly credited their coursework in the art department for developing creativity and working with critical feedback. to measure larger impact outside of the department, we are developing a metric based on the communication skills attitude scale (csas) (rees et al., ). the csas was developed in  to track the impact of communication skills teaching within medical school, through a series of questions that assess the student opinion of these skills and their relevance to their professional practice. this assessment tool was selected for our model because of its interdisciplinary, competency-based approach; in measuring the importance of communication skills within clinical training, its developers have recognized a trajectory similar to what we anticipate: students are initially skeptical of the relevancy of this training to their larger career goals; through the training protocol, they recognize the unanticipated complications intrinsic to communication and the impact this bears on their own area of specialization; and ultimately they gain a recognition of the importance of this training as a transferable skills with deep implications for their professional practice. our department tool is in development and will be employed in courses during the – academic year; results will be compared with data currently collected through university assessment. conclusion our approach capitalizes on the intrinsic similarities between arts education and entrepreneurial education as experiential programs that cultivate attitudes of the mind and decenter the authority of the professor-as-expert to place more of the learning experience on the shoulders of the student. if they are to succeed in an entrepreneurial world, we need to train them in that practice (dempster, ). furthermore, in a changing field of employment where disciplinary skills are secondary to transferrable, transdisciplinary skills, the arts have new relevancy: “our modes of expression and inquiry are very closely aligned with the real world, a world that the academy is struggling to remain engaged with” (squier, , p. ). by foregrounding the essential skills that are intrinsic to the making and discussion of art (among them creativity, an embrace of failure, cultivation of empathy and curiosity, the building of confidence and mindfulness, acceptance of vulnerability, and a true joy of making) we have established the fine arts as an answer to the needs of our students, providing them with entrepreneurial skills that enrich any future career path. in thinking about entrepreneurship as not defined by business practice, but as a way of creating value, we can amplify the lessons learned in arts education and make them relevant to a wide spectrum of post-graduate plans (timmons, ; gangi, ; kuratko, *+*+). arts programs risk being siloed when they focus on technical skills that have limited application across campus. yet, much as the ability to pull together disparate threads to unite broadly artivate 9.2 17 ranging ideas and narratives is central to the identity of a liberal arts college, it is also the heart of a studio art practice. it is the way an art historian understands how and why artists have worked across millennia. this simple act of reframing our practices and our teaching embodies what we want our students to do. the future does not lie in producing graduates who will think just like us, but rather innovators who will be flexible in the changing decades ahead. these changes have rippled across campus, making the arts a more valuable player in empowering student innovation and preparing our graduates to be leaders in a future we cannot predict. references barrie, s. c., & prosser, m. (2004). generic graduate attributes: citizens for an uncertain future. higher education research and development, 23(3), 243–246. https://doi.org/doi:10.1080/0729436042000235373 archino, s. (2020). addressing visual literacy in the survey: balancing transdisciplinary competencies and course content. art history pedagogy & practice, 5 (1), 1–16. https://academicworks.cuny.edu/ahpp/vol5/iss1/3 beckman, g. d. (2007). “adventuring” arts entrepreneurship curricula in higher education: an examination of present efforts, obstacles, and best practices. the journal of arts management, law, and society, 37(2), 87–112. https://doi.org/10.3200/jaml.37.2.87112 beckman, g. d. (2011). so, what’s the point? an introductory discussion on the desired outcomes of arts entrepreneurship education. in d. g. beckman (ed.), disciplining the arts: teaching entrepreneurship in context (pp. 177–184). rowman and littlefield publishers, inc. beckman, g. d., & essig, l. (2012). arts entrepreneurship: a conversation. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 1(1), 1–8. birnkraut, g. (2018). the new socio-cultural entrepreneurs: at the crossroads between social enterprises and arts entrepreneurship. in e. innerhofer, h. pechlaner, & e. borin (eds.), entrepreneurship in culture and creative industries: perspectives from companies and regions (pp. 171–183). springer. blenker, p., trolle elmholdt, s., hedeboe frederiksen, s., korsgaard, s., & wagner, k. (2014). methods in entrepreneurship education research: a review and integrative framework. education + training, 56(8/9), 697–715. https://doi.org/10.1108/et-06-2014-0066 bridgstock, r. (2013). not a dirty word: arts entrepreneurship and higher education. arts and humanities in higher education, 12(2–3), 122–137. https://doi.org/10.1177/1474022212465725 colon, c. (2018) what you’re really learning. professional artist mag, 69–73. https://drive.google.com/file/d/1aaxmtslwtzgiqnbbduubmtzhtacvqbu/view dempster, d. (2011). some immodest proposals (and hunches) for conservatory education. in d. g. beckman (ed.), disciplining the arts: teaching entrepreneurship in context (pp. 3–16). rowman and littlefield publishers, inc. essig, l. (2009). suffusing entrepreneurship education throughout the theatre curriculum. theatre topics, 19(2), 117–124. essig, l. & guevara, j. (2016). a landscape of arts entrepreneurship in us higher education. alliance for the arts in research universities. https://herbergerinstitute.asu.edu/sites/default/files/a_landscape_of_arts_entrepreneurship_in_us_higher_education_0.pdf foumberg, j. (2016). why failure is being taught in art schools. chicago magazine. retrieved september 2, 2020. https://www.chicagomag.com/arts-culture/april-2016/why-failure-is-being-taught-inart-schools/ frenette, a. (2017). arts graduates in a changing economy. american behavioral scientist, 61(12), 1455– 1462. furman university. (2019). the furman advantage. https://www.furman.edu/furman-advantage/ gangi, j. (2015). the synergies of artistic and entrepreneurial action. the journal of arts management, law, and society, 45, 247–254 gangi, j. (2017). towards consensus: suggested foundational building blocks for arts entrepreneurship research and pedagogy. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 6(1), 46–62. ghazali, g., & bennett, d. (2017). employability for music graduates: malaysian educational reform and the focus on generic skills. international journal of music education, 35(4), 588–600. https://doi.org/10.1177/0255761416689844 hart, j. (2018). classroom exercises for entrepreneurship. edward elgar publishing. kuratko, d.f. (2020). entrepreneurship theory, process, & practice (11th ed.). cengage publishers. lackéus, m. (2015). entrepreneurship in education: what, why, when, how. entrepreneurship360, oecd, france. https://www.oecd.org/cfe/leed/bgp_entrepreneursh ip-in-education.pdf loveland, e. (2017). instant generation. journal of college admission, 235, 34–38 artivate 9.2 18 https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ej1142068.pdf national association of colleges and employers. (2020). career readiness defined. https://www.naceweb.org/career-readiness/competencies/career-readiness-defined/ national center for education statistics. (2018). fast facts: most popular majors. https://nces.ed.gov/fastfacts/display.asp?id=37 neck, h. m., & corbett, a. c. (2018). the scholarship of teaching and learning entrepreneurship. entrepreneurship education and pedagogy, 1(1), 8–41. https://doi.org/10.1177/2515127417737286 petrone, p. (2019, december 31). the skills companies need most in 2019—and how to learn them. linkedin learning. https://learning.linkedin.com/blog/top-skills/the-skills-companies-need-most-in-2019--and-how-to-learn-them pollard v., wilson, e. (2013). the ‘entrepreneurial mindset’ in creative and performing arts higher education in australia. artivate 3(1), 3–22. rees, c., sheard, c., & davies, s. (2002). the development of a scale to measure medical students’ attitude towards communication skills learning: the communication skills attitude scale (csas). medical education, 36, 141-147. https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/33fc/ef5bef04dfa0cf2e56375d8826311 69d199c.pdf restrepo, f. b. (2015). arts & the workforce. in c. lord (ed.). arts and america: arts, culture, and the future of america’s communities (pp. 65–78). americans for the arts. supiano, b. (2020). the creativity challenge: teaching students to think outside the box. chronicle of higher education. squier, j. (2010). art & innovation: claiming a new and larger role in the modern academy. in d. g. beckman (ed.), disciplining the arts: teaching entrepreneurship in context (pp. 35–42). rowman and littlefield publishers, inc. timmons, j. a., & spinelli s., (2003). new venture creation: entrepreneurship for the 21st century. irwin/mcgraw-hill. toscher, b. (2019). entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education: a conceptual framework. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 8 (2), 3–22. vakharia, n., sockley, g., & zabel, l. (2016). meaningmaking and arts entrepreneurship. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 5(2), 3–6. https://artivate.org/artivate/article/view/53/45 wassall, g. & alper, n. (2018). the importance of a college major in the arts to artistic success (nea working paper). retrieved from researchgate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/333702500_nea_working_paper_2018__the_importance_of_a_college_major_in_the_arts_to_artistic_success white, j. c. (2013). barriers to recognizing arts entrepreneurship education as essential to professional arts training. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 2 (3), 28–39. white, j. c. (2015). toward a theory of arts entrepreneurship. journal of arts entrepreneurship education, 1(1), 4–23. zabel, l. (2016). meaning-making and arts entrepreneurship. perspectives on arts entrepreneurship, part 3. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 5(2), 5–6. cover image: marta lanier microsoft word 159 final.docx vol. 10, no. 2 fall 2021 book review the death of the artist: how creators are struggling to survive in the age of billionaires and big tech by william deresiewicz jonathan kuuskoski university of michigan abstract: jonathan kuuskoski reviews william deresiewicz’s the death of the artist: how creators are struggling to survive in the age of billionaires and big tech. doi: doi.org/artivate.10.2.159 critics speak for themselves, but they also speak, or try to speak, for something larger than themselves: for the values and ideals, the past and the future, of the art itself (p. ). over the last decade, criticism against arts entrepreneurship education has been brewing. this criticism is driven by trepidation based on the assumption that the integration of businessschool models and practice within arts training (ostensibly to more effectively prepare our students for professional realities) would subvert artmaking towards calculated, utilitarian ends. at worst, the critics say, our efforts feed into the digital age’s arch-capitalist agendas. one of the most acidic critiques of arts entrepreneurship came from william deresiewicz, in his essay in the atlantic entitled “the death of the artist—and the birth of the creative entrepreneur” (january/february ). he posited that the identity of the artist—which he defined as having evolved over time from artisan to bohemian to professional—was on the precipice of transformation into something altogether new. the fourth paradigm was upon us, and it artivate 10.2 2 demanded that artists become entrepreneurs. this shift, he believed, signaled the dismantling (intentional or not) of artistic identities and practices as we knew them. i had the chance to see deresiewicz speak on the subject at the three million stories conference hosted by the strategic national arts alumni project (snaap) and arizona state university in march . as part of the keynote panel, he was undoubtedly selected to provide counterpoint to the inspirational undertones of the gathering, which brought together hundreds of thought leaders from across the country to discuss and analyze best practices surrounding career development for arts graduates. i’ll never forget that conversation, not only because deresiewicz was publicly called to task for his views, but also because he hinted then that his own next steps on the subject would be to turn his polarizing think piece into a book. it was a courageous act to participate in public dialogue with a large group of vocal detractors; one had a sense then that he took these questions seriously, that he wanted to go deeper, and that he was committed to getting to the truth about whether building a life as an artist today was as viable as was being touted. and, at that time, i had a nagging feeling that he was onto something. so, it was with great anticipation, nearly five years later, that i picked up a copy of deresiewicz’s follow up book: the death of the artist: how creators are struggling to survive in the age of billionaires and big tech (henry holt & company, ). would he double down on what many had perceived as cynicism, or would he reply in a constructive way to the reflexive criticism he had witnessed firsthand? i was pleasantly surprised to find that, as deresiewicz expanded his inquiry, his commitment to truth-telling only deepened. the book’s timing is prescient, of course, having dropped in the middle of what is likely the arts’ greatest multidimensional crisis of the last century. but this book does much more than simply interrogate the myths of artistic career-building in a twenty-first century context. it actually pits two contemporary philosophies against one another. in one corner sits the techno-positivist mantra that more (and cheaper and more convenient) content is better, which is espoused by the modern forces of artistic distribution (mostly, but not exclusively, tech companies). everyone can be an artist, so it goes, and thus everyone has a chance to find their audience. democratizing creativity is essential to unlocking the full economic potential of the digital age. in the other corner sits the collected voices of artists themselves. can everyone really become an artist? if so, then what does that inevitably mean for the business of artmaking, and of training artists to that end? and how has the rise of digitization, along with its partner-incrime neoliberalism, changed the actual realities of those who are seriously trying to make a living through their creative work? the book explores these questions through a multitude of personal stories—representing a cross section of well over one hundred formal and informal interviews with visual, literary, musical, dance, theater, film, and television professionals— embellished by richly detailed commentary from the author. explicating the philosophical disconnect between cultural production and late-stage capitalism is nothing new; what sets this book apart is its focus on the individual experiences of those on the frontlines of that dichotomy. yet those narratives aren’t centered around debunking entrepreneurship as an educational trope, either. instead, they investigate something artivate 10.2 3 more sophisticated, the question of “how to keep your soul intact and still make a living as an artist” (p. ). and, for those profiled, it is clear that the cornerstone rules of today’s economy—maximizing utility to crush the competition—just don’t translate. structured across five sections, made up of sixteen chapters in total, deresiewicz assesses the problems at hand from a variety of interrelated angles. the first section explores “the basic issues,” namely the troubling relationship between art and money today, and the way arts workers experience the digital economy as emboldening extreme pressure. the next section, “the big picture,” delves into the resultant economic and societal forces that undercut the potential for professional artmaking in every way—gentrification, the demonetization of artistic content, and the proliferation of prosumerist creatives all fighting for a slice of the pie. part three, “arts and artists,” tackles these travails in more detail by profiling twenty-five musical, visual, literary, and film and television artists. the fourth section, “what is art becoming?,” frames the predicament in historical context, and the final section, “what is to be done?,” focuses on the imperative to advance training paradigms, update intellectual property doctrine, and spur public action (in particular, stronger unionization and lobbying efforts) as prospective responses to today’s status quo. this book is not for the faint of heart. nowhere else in recent memory has the mythology of equal opportunity in the arts been vanquished so cogently. it’s hard not to imagine that the artists profiled throughout could be our neighbors, our colleagues, our friends—individuals driven by incredible creative energy, yet socially discouraged from voicing any complaints about their unbearable day-to-day realities. the choice to use this documentarian journalistic writing style, wherein one can almost hear deresiewicz’s voice narrating off the page, inevitably also reveals our culpability in espousing unrealistic expectations for success, while unpacking the complexity of what it actually means to survive in the arts today. spoiler alert: it takes tremendous struggle in the face of dwindling upsides. in the midst of this paradigm shift, artists seem to feel pressured to value a killer instinct over a collaborative spirit. what a shame. the sixth chapter (located in section two), “space and time,” is a standout that really hits home the compounding effects of these forces on artists’ daily lives. by now it is clear that gentrification is symptomatic of capitalism, but that force has had a particularly depreciating impact on artists. the author does not mince words in describing the ways money (and, naturally, moneymaking) has emerged as the defining feature of the dominant cultural identity in america. that is a by-product, after all, of purely economic aspiration—to buy the best house, in the right neighborhood, preferably in an artsy part of town. unfortunately, as a result, artists can’t afford to live, let alone create, there. how ironic. and why? because, by and large, artists now have to hustle, at all costs, just to survive. and if you have to stay busy to make it to next month, that mentality transforms your existence—with no time to mull, play, experiment, or even meet new people, creativity itself is eroding from former cultural centers. for anyone who has served to prepare eager, idealistic artists for a career in their field, these are raw, sobering observations. at some points, though, it feels as though deresiewicz is biting off more than he can chew, relying occasionally on sweeping generalizations about market conditions in order to hit home artivate 10.2 4 the larger points that he wants to emphasize from his interviews. for example, while the push and pull of major arts hubs is a thread that permeates much of the narrative, one wishes that the potential of other, more midsized urban centers was more closely inspected. one might take away from this book that artists nowadays cannot survive outside of new york, chicago, and los angeles, even as they are squeezed out of those very metro areas. to a degree, that obviously rings true. but in order for such an analysis to be productive, one needs to account for the inherent paradox. artists will have to live somewhere, after all. it would have been an intriguing counterpoint to discuss more incisively how efforts within cities like minneapolis and atlanta (among others) have—through combinations of public policy changes, lobbying, and grassroots community action—found ways to develop thriving arts scenes despite national trends. certainly, the housing market is a concern across the country, and artists are having a tough time in most if not all urban centers. yet not every artist who develops in a scene outside the two or three major hubs feels their only choice is to sacrifice a professional future if they cannot afford to relocate somewhere larger. more importantly, if we want the arts to permeate our society, we need to foster some degree of opportunity for a sustainable artistic life beyond the biggest markets. acknowledging the potential hidden within some of these other cities could have strengthened deresiewicz’s astute observations around the need to reassess what success and sustainability should mean in a more localized context (one reminiscent, as the author suggests, of homegrown artist communities such as greenwich village in the mid-twentieth century). it would have also reinforced his final conclusions, which center on social action as perhaps the only viable way to stem the converging tides of gentrification, commodification, and cultural erosion. in today’s america, any salient cultural response will need to be locally mobilized, driven by communities that believe in their arts scenes and are committed to preserving the character of their place. in the book’s concluding chapter, he provides numerous examples of arts collectives who are doing just that: banding together, pushing back against market forces, and fostering more tenable employment and consumption models (in one case, moving beyond the market through a barter-based system). why not include some concrete, forward-thinking public policy models that already exist, which the author readily admits should be a part of the very call to action he holds us to in his conclusions? similarly, by the time we get to the twenty-five case studies profiled in the third section, we already get the point that artists are struggling. the narrative here feels labored primarily because the first two sections are also framed around innumerable, expertly curated anecdotes pulled directly from dozens of interviews and other primary sources. that said, each chapter in this section could suffice as deep-dive, case-study analyses relevant to discipline-specific professional development courses. and the introductory portions that frame the (sometimes divergent) problems plaguing specific arts subsectors are important; they quantify the personal while capturing the real consequences of aggregate market behavior. perhaps this is deresiewicz’s overarching intent: we are all responsible, as consumers of cultural content, to interrogate our habits and their impact on the creative pipeline. even more so as educators preparing artists to create content for the markets of tomorrow. reiterating the artivate 10.2 5 common issues that traverse individual artist stories does position those stakes in a tangible, humanistic way. the reader is called to understand that it is not enough to want access to culture simply because it makes us feel good. we have to believe artmaking means something more, something elemental that fuels how humanity interprets the world. and with that understanding comes a responsibility to change a system that keeps artists down. in this regard, deresiewicz proposes ideas that are very relevant to our work in the field of arts entrepreneurship pedagogy. it seems imperative that change requires us to get, somehow, to a place where we are collectively willing to give something up—unlimited accessibility, our subservience to immediate gratification, perhaps more—to rebalance the equation. can art survive? that may only be possible if we can motivate consumers to participate more actively in their arts ecosystems, which means paying for quality over quantity, spending more locally, and understanding the consequences of our choices. our training programs are already on the frontlines of those advocacy efforts. the narrative ultimately drives toward some inevitable conclusions about the need to socially organize around workers’ rights, dismantle big tech’s monopolistic power, and advance a significant wealth redistribution agenda. but what stands out most prominently, as we approach the final chapters, is the way deresiewicz articulates the evolution of his own criticism. upon further consideration, it turns out, the challenges presented by the fourth paradigm of the artist aren’t so symptomatic of entrepreneurship, after all. this is a conclusion he came to, at least partially, thanks to interviews with noted arts entrepreneurship practitioners linda essig and susan solt. instead, here he has latched onto sharon louden’s notion of the artist as “culture producer,” precisely because it “relieves us of the need to choose between the poles of labor and capital . . .” (p. ). powerful moralistic messaging aside, unpacking the tactics of how we leverage this new paradigm, specifically in ways that circumvent our economy’s existing fault lines, remains largely a task for another volume. overall, this book is exceptionally detailed in its research, and generally spares no expense in unpacking every nuance of its dense and complex subject matter. that said, two intermingling points percolate up from deresiewicz’s final analysis. first, the democratization of creativity has watered down artistic output to the point of oversupply, ultimately diminishing the rigor with which we evaluate artistic intent and quality. at the same time, that democratization has exponentially fed our hunger for disposable, low-cost content, which has subsequently driven creators into the ground. we cannot afford to look away as the world continues to position artmaking as a nearly impossible profession. we have to work together to rethink our priorities as a society. maybe it’s not just myths about artists that have to go. this conversation harkens to the critical, dual role of arts entrepreneurship training today—that of reframing what professional development should be while also shaping larger dialogues around what we must do to live in a thriving, equitable, and progressive democracy. “to fix the arts economy,” he writes, “we need to fix the whole economy” (p. ). it is hard to remove the memory of deresiewicz sitting alone at a circular conference table immediately after his conference keynote appearance back in , eating his post-debate hors d'oeuvres in silence. one hopes more people will join him at the table this time, because we all artivate 10.2 6 deserve a wake-up call. the death of the artist is an unflinching look at the realities—scars and all—of making one’s way in today’s arts world. it is also a vital piece of criticism that should be on the shelves of every aspiring arts practitioner, educator, administrator, and cultural advocate. microsoft word mbrector,+150+final.docx vol. 10, no. 2 fall 2021 editorial universities as arts and cultural anchors moving beyond bricks and mortar to entrepreneurship, workforce, and community development approaches amanda ashley boise state university leslie durham boise state university abstract: economic developers refer to universities as anchor institutions because they are rooted regional economic drivers that are sites for development, incubation, entrepreneurship, workforce training, and knowledge transfer. most anchor research speaks generally about the university or focuses on stem. our study asks: to what extent are public universities arts and cultural anchors? through a comparative case analysis supplemented with interviews of field innovators and a translation of transdisciplinary literature, we deepen the anchor concept, and we propose a conceptual assessment tool. our applied research helps universities move from being an arts patron to an arts entrepreneur, investor, innovator, and catalyst. keywords: arts economic development, anchor institutions, artist workforce development, university arts entrepreneurship, university arts innovation. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.10.2.150 introduction policymakers, economic developers, and university leaders label and position higher education institutions (heis) as “anchor institutions” in our cities and regions. civic, private, and public actors champion these deeply rooted and entrenched organizations as invaluable sources of regional economic activity because heis have the political influence, financial resources, and institutional infrastructure to grow, sustain, and revitalize metropolitan regions in a time of artivate 10.2 2 footloose industrial location and global corporate consolidation (birch, ). researchers attempt to sharpen this blunt concept and refine understanding of heis’ regional economic contribution and “stickiness” through analysis of workforce chains (nelson & wolf-powers, ), technology transfer roles (allen & o’shea, ), and property development (gaffikin, ; ehlenz, ), entrepreneurship (dodgson & gann, ), and innovation (chea & yu, ) among other areas of impact and contribution in economic, social, and community development. while scholars have made significant progress in unpacking the anchor concept and connecting theory to practice, they have yet to thoroughly identify and explain how heis perform as arts and cultural anchors in local and regional arts economic and community development (aed), which includes a more nuanced understanding of how they anchor economic and social innovation, entrepreneurship training, workforce development, and knowledge transfer. powerful and important conversations in the academy and in popular media tout universities in the us as great patrons of the arts largely due to their investments in bricks-andmortar projects and their academic programs that train emerging artists in traditional and discrete artistic disciplines. there’s often a particular focus on star-architect projects and how these iconic facilities remake university identities and create cultural gateways as part of civic boosterism (russell ; hannon, ). as tepper and arthurs () broadly note, universities are likely the “greatest arts patrons” in the united states, with an estimated investment of more than  billion dollars due to their wide-ranging budgets that support such investments as capital projects, arts department funding, artist commissions, and public art installations. this perspective overlooks the ways that universities anchor arts and cultural activity as part of the regional creative ecology, and it bypasses the ways that universities are sites of arts and cultural innovation, entrepreneurship, and development in ways that resonate with economic developers, policymakers, and employers. while important, this traditional focus with the anchor as patron overlooks new and alternative connections, opportunities, and imperatives that universities have in other arenas, including the broad umbrella of artistic workforce development (awd) that covers entrepreneurship, knowledge transfer, and innovation in economic, community, and social frameworks. this evolving concept of the university twenty-first-century arts and cultural anchor recognizes the durable, intrinsic power of the arts in a new way while also being driven by the growing realization that the arts are more than just an amenity but a vital part of economic development—in the same way that the university is not a patron of science and technology but a partner and collaborator in the regional development of related industries (tepper & kuh, ), occupations (markusen, ), and communities (grodach, ). simultaneously, solely positioning the university as a patron suggests that while the arts may be a jewel in a university’s crown and a sign of its beneficence, they are rarely central to its primary role as an intellectual innovator or a vital entrepreneur in economic and social frameworks. this makes investing in arts and culture difficult since they are not regarded as essential university assets that are crucial for driving institutional advancement and distinction. this oversight or misunderstanding is due in part to artivate 10.2 3 the anchor concept’s relative “fuzziness,” both from a scholarly standpoint, since it’s a relatively new concept (ruthesier, n.d.), and from the practical vantage of those actually working in and leading institutions. studying the arts in the universities also necessitates a broader understanding of how local and global forces shape the behavior of universities (harris & holley, ) when it comes to arts and culture activity. there is an increasingly robust literature that studies the ways new arts curriculum approaches are moving from traditional to more integrated and interdisciplinary programs that focus on practical skills that prepare artists for jobs in arts industries, for self-occupation, or for using their artistic skills in non-arts industries (essig & guevara, ; essig, ; essig, ), and that also recognize that artists have often taken a variety of paid work and volunteer positions in the quest for a creative career (thomson & jacque, ; ashley & durham, ). this research is often left out of the anchor conversations, and the lapse is particularly problematic in a time when liberal arts education (which includes the visual and performing arts) is under increased scrutiny due to dwindling public investment in higher education (seltzer, ; selingto ), a sharp prioritization of stem (axelrod, ), and an eagerness to respond to workforce readiness calls-to-action (pimentel, ; busteed, ). the covid pandemic and its short and long-term impacts are also adding pressure (denon, ). additionally, while scholars have done impressive work aimed toward understanding different players in the creative ecology (becker, ) and the regional arts and cultural network, they have yet to contextualize where the university or “higher education institutions” (heis) sit in these “sticky” conceptualizations, with the exception of scholarship (beckman, ; beckman and essig, ; essig, ) on a handful of new curriculum streams to enhance artist workforce readiness. this is starting to change as university leaders are calling for this change in positioning. senior fellow of the association of american universities, john vaughn, predicts that universities will follow the example of american cities when it comes to recognizing the arts as a key asset for economic development: ten years ago, mayors across the country viewed arts institutions and artists as amenities and symbols of achievement and status. . . . today, mayors see the arts as essential for economic development, strengthening schools, improving quality of life, addressing issues of sustainability and attracting and retaining talented creative class workers” (tepper & arthurs, ). however, it’s unclear if university leaders know how to operationalize or optimize their role as arts and cultural anchors. in part, this is because there is a significant lack of applied research that might provide universities with access to a framework or tool for making and articulating these connections, which means that theory and practice are often disconnected (ehlenz, ). while this is a general problem across all anchor literature (rutheiser, n.d.), it is compounded by the lack of knowledge around the intersection between the anchor concept and aed. little is known about how to realize these connections explicitly or how universities are marshalling financial, structural, and faculty resources to be a potent anchor that is aware of its role in the local and regional arts and cultural ecology. artivate 10.2 4 there is some movement on the notion of “integration” that calls for a “creative turn” in higher education (penn state, ). barbara korner, dean of the penn state college of arts and architecture, spoke to members of the association of public and land-grant universities on june , , to argue for greater, substantive collaboration across the arts and sciences to “maximize the impact that the university research can have on people’s lives,” and she noted: too often the arts are considered useful methods of communication and we’re brought in at the end of the research project to visualize the data, or to translate that data. however, i’ve been hammering away at the notion that if science researchers bring artists and designers to the table at the beginning, they will find that these creatives will ask new questions, will explode those questions and explode that research wide open, and will lead to new directions and new discoveries (penn state ). this reflects a savvy movement underway by a small number of research universities organized under the umbrella alliance for arts in research universities (aru) to study and promote the integration that is happening across universities with a substantive focus on curriculum. this general dearth of knowledge regarding arts and anchor institutions combined with these specialized movements in research and curriculum integration comes at a crucial moment given general trends in higher education. decreasing investment in hei coupled with university reliance on the extramural funds provided by federal and corporate research funding is placing strong pressure on public universities to prioritize science, technology, engineering, and math (stem) (axelrod, ). the broad and dogged emphasis on a “workforce ready labor force” has contributed to the devaluing of liberal arts education (dutt-ballerstadt, ), with “generalists” and “careerists” (jones, –) debating whether the liberal arts will “survive” the twenty-first century (haris, ). at the same time, news stories abound about the value of liberal arts (johnson, ; olejarz, ), with headlines proclaiming, “don’t ditch that liberal arts degree (chriss, ),” “the fuzzy and the techie: why the liberal arts will rule the digital rule (hartley, )”, “google finds stem skills aren’t the most important skills” (glazer, ), a “liberal arts degree is more important than ever” (dix, ), and “the arts and humanities deliver untapped value for the future of work” (wolff, ). while many voices debate whether the liberal arts is “dead” (harris, ; white, ) or if it is part of a larger historical arc of “continuous death and resurrection” (jones, ); policymakers, civic leaders, parents, and students are asking the university to communicate and articulate the value of higher education in new ways (paul, ; lederman, ). the “arts” fall under the liberal arts umbrella, and they face those same pressures, if not greater ones, thanks to a lack of public appreciation for the broad applicability of artistic skills in a contemporary marketplace (tepper & kuh, ). we share the public’s interest in how universities are responding and adapting to these external forces given that universities are a site of existing cultural activity and perform as an arts organization. we see the potential for their important role as an arts and cultural anchor as a crucial avenue for reform in higher education with an emphasis on entrepreneurship, innovation, and knowledge transfers across economic, community, and artivate 10.2 5 social avenues. our transdisciplinary research helps universities in the region turn instinct into datainformed practice so that we can broaden, deepen, and apply the university anchor concept. our overarching question is: to what extent are public universities arts and cultural anchors? to address this broader topic, we are interested in the following supportive questions: how do public universities act as arts and cultural anchors? how have these anchor features changed over time? how do universities see and articulate their role in the regional arts and cultural ecosystem? how do universities support students, faculty, and regional artists as they create and sustain artist career trajectories as professional creative workers? how does the location, particularly public universities in the intermountain west, influence the ways that universities act as arts and cultural anchors? we study these questions by looking at existing literatures and practices in aed, urban studies, and university reform in the early twenty-first century while we look specifically at public heis in the fast-growing intermountain west with concomitant increasing student enrollment numbers. this is an understudied geographic area in the contemporary aed field that typically favors older, larger cities or smaller niche communities. our comparative case study research highlights heis in boise (id), fort collins (co), reno (nv), and salt lake city (ut). these highly desirable, livable cities share more than a place on the map in the intermountain west and similar population sizes: they are all home to growing, public, metropolitan universities and booming, buzz-generating cultural scenes despite limited resources, a short history of philanthropic wealth, and smaller markets on which to draw. these sites also provide a different set of supposed opportunities and challenges due to their physical and geographic isolation combined with the fact that they are newer cities that do not have the deep tradition of arts and cultural investment from large scale private and corporate philanthropy that bigger, older cities have as part of their dna. subsequently, beyond what these cases can tell us generally about anchors, we were also interested in whether the anchor concept looks different in places with those particular traits or if it presents new opportunities and challenges from a theoretical and practical perspective. as university leaders begin to turn their attention to maximizing the economic and cultural impact of their artistic assets, including the ways they are training artists for their careers in and beyond the arts, they need to understand the specific conditions affecting the regional artistic labor force and the potential role that universities have as intentional, potent arts and cultural anchors. our study provides guidance on how to conceptualize and communicate about the university as an arts and cultural anchor so that universities can make (and defend) evidencebased decisions and investments. based on the research, we also include a pilot assessment tool that university leaders can use to consider different ways of approaching their role as a contemporary cultural anchor. our next steps focus on testing the tool with a handful of public universities so we can determine how to make it more useful and adaptable. artivate 10.2 6 literature review there’s a significant body of scholarly literature in urban studies and urban planning around the idea, importance, and evolution of the “anchor institution,” which ehlenz () notes is a concept that the aspen institute coined in the early s to denote an institution with significant assets that is unlikely to move. universities, hospitals, and some large nonprofit institutions (foundations, churches, cultural institutions, and sport teams) became anchors either consciously or unconsciously in regional economic development due to corporate consolidation and the globalization of industries that created footloose companies and organizations that were no longer so heavily tied to place (community-wealth, n.d.; ehlenz, ; birch et al., ). in response, scholars began to identify the traits and characteristics that university anchors and their “sticky capital” possess: they are major employers and support career ladders; they have sizable landholdings and invest in infrastructure; and they are centers of knowledge and innovation (maurrasse, ). in some cases, they also anchor intraurban collaboration and competition creating “wider city-regional networks” (addie, , p. ). a handful of scholars suggest that there is an additional “social purpose” credo in the us, including taylor and luter (, p.) who argue that “to be an authentic anchor, an institution must be more than a large place-based organization in the region. it must have a social-purpose mission enabling it to become a change agent and engine of socioeconomic development.” heis might articulate these “shared valued” approaches (porter, ; icic, ) through curriculum innovations like service-learning (friedman et al., n.d.) or more formal universitycommunity partnerships (regional plan association, ). more work is needed in this area from a university and arts perspective that follows ehlenz’s () approach to create and assess the utility of a typology of how universities practice the anchoring of neighborhood urban development with its advantages and limitations. there is a sliver of anchor institution research connected to arts and cultural nonprofits that draws on in-depth qualitative case analysis. johnson () studies the politics and implementation of arts and cultural districts as urban anchors in place-based economic development in dallas, denver, pittsburgh, philadelphia, and seattle. birch et al. () and johnson () identify how nonprofit arts and cultural organizations perform as urban anchors through their involvement in arts education, arts public participation, neighborhood revitalization, as well as how they develop and navigate public/private partnerships to fulfill their missions. however, there is a gap in the branch of anchor research that looks at the intersection between universities and arts and culture. in sum, we increasingly recognize that universities act as urban anchors, but we know very little about how universities act in the realm of arts and culture. we may not immediately think of universities as arts organizations, but universities are likely the greatest arts patrons in the united states, as mentioned earlier. universities house art museums, theatre companies, symphony orchestras, film studios, and publishing outlets, just to name a few arts organizations and brick-and-mortar investments that live under the higher education umbrella. but most crucially for our study, universities in the twenty-first century are artivate 10.2 7 more than just arts patrons of physical structures, they are potential collaborators and partners in the regional arts and cultural ecology through their work on entrepreneurship, innovation, and knowledge transfer in economic, social, and community development. they are the places where most emerging artists receive their artistic training and skills (ashley & durham, ; davis, ; chen, ). universities support and invest in faculty and staff that oversee arts curricula, they fund scholarships, they pay faculty who are artists in their own right, and they provide the research support and infrastructure for arts economic development. they hire faculty who bring ideas of organizational change for arts and culture, and they consider how to fund and finance those ideas. the shift in perspective we are chronicling relates to a provocative area of work on higher education reform broadly conceived. recent scholarship such as joseph aoun’s () robot proof: higher education in the age of artificial intelligence, david staley’s () alternative universities: speculative design for innovation in higher education, robert sternberg’s () what universities can be: a new model for preparing students for active, concerned citizenship and ethical leadership, mark william roche’s () realizing the distinctive university: vision and values, strategy and culture, ronald barnett’s () imagining the university, and cathy davidson’s () the new education: how to revolutionize the university to prepare students for a world in flux are among the works charting innovative new paths for heis in response to the technological revolution of the late twentieth century and its subsequent impact on the ways people work, what and how they need to learn, and the economic and social pressures of the evolving knowledge economy. staley writes: like the crisis of the university that chad wellmon has identified [in organizing enlightenment: information overload and the invention of the modern university ()], ours is a moment fertile for news forms of the university. like the german philosophers who imagined the research university as a response to that crisis, we have an opportunity to imagine what the university can be. if we are truly interested in innovation, we might simply ask, ‘what can the university become?’ (, p. ) our research is particularly interested in what the university can become if it is activated as a cultural anchor in its community and how that community can become stronger economically, socially, and creatively as a result. staley () argues that universities struggle to achieve “distinction” from each other, offering similar programs, celebrating similar achievements, and marketing themselves with similar images and slogans. we see awareness of anchor traits, particularly in a specific regional context, as a yet untapped resource for offering universities a chance to tell a powerful story of distinction to their multiple stakeholders. the role and potential of the university as an intentional, artistic, and cultural place maker in the urban ecology is beginning to attract international attention as well. roodhouse () studies the role of universities in cultural quarters (cqs) (often referred to as art and cultural districts in the united states) and how these cultural concentrations influence creative innovation and workforce growth in english cities. he (, p. ) comments: artivate 10.2 8 those institutions with an established interest in the creative industries which may have one or more faculties of art, design, performing arts, music, architecture, media, and animation are most likely to be involved not only in training individuals to enter the workforce, but also in developing the workforce and supporting business growth with their engagement in cultural quarters. it is in the interests of these universities to support creative businesses in the locality through mechanisms such as cultural quarters as a means of generating employment for graduates, have access to expertise to support teaching, and as a living research laboratory. what is missing in this scenario is the formalization of relationships between cultural quarters and the appropriate university. there are university science and technology parks, but, more importantly, cultural quarters in partnership with universities can be the new creativity parks. roodhouse’s work not only deepens knowledge about the role of universities in localized spaces for arts and cultural innovation, but it underscores the ways that the anchor concept plays out. in generations past, emerging artists looked towards undergraduate and graduate arts education to hone the artistic skills that they’d been developing since early childhood, and then they learned how to put those skills to work strategically if and when their careers evolved. many parents, politicians, and pundits have lost patience with the length of this process and the sometimes-lackluster results in the school-to-career transition. they have pressured universities to monetize the value of their arts programs and to consider new innovative curriculum models to improve student and university outcomes. hoping to smooth their graduates’ transition to the workforce and spur economic development in their home cities, many universities are experimenting with curricular, extracurricular, and structural models that complement or supplement traditional fine arts curricula (essig & guevara, ; beckman, ). transdisciplinary arts integration programs like arts entrepreneurship (essig & guevara, ); steam-initiatives that merge the arts with computer science, digital media, and other technologies (maeda, ), and public policy and administration arts-related programs have grown across the country (considine, ; luberecki, ; strategic national arts alumni project, n.d.). as korner () notes, there is still a challenge in ensuring that artists are part of the entire process rather than joining as sporadic assistance, particularly around stem and steam integration. in tandem with these efforts, some universities are also situating the arts in their broader entrepreneurial ecosystems that may include maker spaces, incubators, and venture competitions (essig, ; allen, n.d.; cummings, ). there is a growing body of research that seeks to understand different aspects of these integration ideas where, due to their prevalence, most of the convergence centers on arts entrepreneurship and management. this small but robust group of scholars unpacks this burgeoning research arena as a hybrid field and practice (beckman, ; beckman & essig, ; essig, ). beckman and essig’s seminal works have both identified and distinguished trends and the broader landscape of the arts while also specifically looking at different more targeted manifestations and investments in direct and indirect curricula, including labs and maker spaces. artivate 10.2 9 as these leading scholars note, a fair amount of debate exists about how to define and conceptualize “arts entrepreneurship” as a stand-alone curricular concept or in contrast to “cultural” or “creative” entrepreneurship in the us and internationally (essig, ). beckman’s early work treats arts entrepreneurship as a catch-all phrase, and in one of his earliest foundational studies, beckman (, p. ) argues that arts entrepreneurship embodies two curriculum avenues: ) “new venture creation” that aligns with typical economic development activity around innovation and new products; and ) a fuzzier concept noted as the “transitional” approach that gives students skills that they may need as professional artists. as the field and practice began to grow and specialize, essig and guevara () have documented its prevalence and growth—both scholars and academic leaders are beginning to dismantle and differentiate this all-encompassing concept (i.e., traditional arts education plus any kind of additional training in non-arts arenas) to include a more refined set of avenues, purposes, and intentions. goldberg-miller and wyszomirksi () suggest that the naming of approaches within arts entrepreneurship needs to be more narrowly defined: where entrepreneurship focuses on the individual artists that start their own businesses and arts management centers on how artists work within and across organizations in the public, private, and community sector. as we found in our work, and as we explain later, arts management and arts entrepreneurship are the most common approaches, but they are not the only ways to think about integration or how the university anchors workforce development of arts or the innovation of arts and artists. our research contributes to a greater understanding of the depth of different practices and approaches. beyond naming or articulating the foundational qualities of these approaches, beckman’s (, p. ) rich work on “adventuring” hei curriculum points out that there is little agreement about the most effective techniques for arts entrepreneurship because most of this education exists outside of established degree plans, and the degrees that do exist are nonaccredited, and there is little commonality from one university to another. his work focuses solely on how this plays out for traditional arts programs in music, arts, and theatre where department and college curriculum committees tend to append general business courses—as opposed to creating specialized business arts offerings—due to financial and structural imperatives and an instinct to support an interdisciplinary approach. overall, beckman () critiques approaches where students learn skill sets but not the ability to contextualize or apply those skills for their particular fields or career paths, which is why he argues for a new model that prioritizes experiential learning. in that same conversation, sternal (, p. ) reinforces beckman’s critique by pointing out that, from a curriculum perspective, there isn’t enough “basic data” to know what works and what doesn’t, but he also argues that even if these programs deliver on providing an array of skills and talents, they will be weakened without external policy or programmatic measures in the region. what we don’t know is whether these arts integration connections, through curricular and programmatic endeavors, are cultivating sector resilience or new opportunities for students that they couldn’t get in traditional arts programs. to do so, scholars and university leaders would not only need to evaluate the effectiveness of learning outcomes at the end of a university career, artivate 10.2 10 but they also need to evaluate when students are participating in the workforce, whether as selfemployed entrepreneurs or in supporting an organization. as beckman (, p. ) notes, there is little consensus on the most effective techniques to differentiate the primary end goal of these programs as professional development or a “discrete educational directory”. career trajectories and success have changed over time, and work life today is evolving into a chaotic pattern of short-term, project-based employment: a  study by the us department of labor finds that, on average, americans between the ages of  and  will work – different jobs in their lifetimes (bureau of labor statistics, ). today’s graduates (arts and non-arts) will change jobs frequently (/ of american workers expect to be in a different job within  years), hold several jobs at any one time, work across sectors, be self-employed, and start more enterprises. about  percent of all college graduates — including stem fields — will not be working in fields closely related to their majors within five years (united states census bureau, ). these general trends are amplified by what we know about the career trajectory and profiles of artists as a workforce practice. in-depth examinations and surveys show that artists are more likely to be “multiple jobholding” or “moonlighting” compared to other professions (alper & wassall, ) that work across public, private, and civic sectors (markusen et al., ). studying how universities help artists cope with uncertainty and the factors that influence their resilience should be relevant for understanding these broader social and economic trends facing today and tomorrow’s workforce. over the past decade, researchers have established creative labor as a fundamental force driving the entire economy, not merely as animating an attractive but discrete sector. stuart cunningham and jason potts (, p. –) argue that “the creative industries provide the capabilities that incline us, both individually and socially, toward the origination, adoption, and retention of novel ideas.” but despite such eloquent championing of the power of artists to propel ideas and products through the “innovation trajectory,” artists’ economic and civic potential remains, at best, partially tapped. it’s unclear what drives this un-tapping, but it is likely not just individual traits but the way artists are (or are not) trained. artists have long been part of the “precariat” because creative work tends to “individualize risk” (bain & mclean, , p. –). it is likely to be highly competitive despite its modest or intermittent financial rewards; it may place great demands on the worker intellectually, physically, and emotionally; and it frequently requires workers to self-finance necessities like insurance, benefits, professional development, marketing, and workspace. such conditions compel working artists to develop multi-dimensional strategies of resilience across economic sectors in order to thrive. this sector agility is a key trait of artistic career resilience, and it represents ways that artistic competencies can be translated from conventional arts contexts to the civic and corporate spheres in the form of “innovation services'' (cunningham & higgs , p. –). far from just making products “pretty,” when artists leave the arts as traditionally defined or organized, they take with them their unique skill competencies in need identification, problem definition, iterative thinking and action, sensitivity to issues of social justice and equity, and facility in building human connection to audiences, markets, and communities (maeda, ; unesco & undep, ). the question becomes how the artivate 10.2 11 university, as an arts and cultural anchor, can help their students with this risk and cultivate their resilience, which is central to entrepreneurship, workforce development, and innovation career paths. in addition, it’s also important for the university to help communicate the ways that arts and artists contribute to the health and well-being of their community and regional economy since, as noted in the literature section, these contributions are hidden both in terms of the intrinsic and instrumental values of art and culture (mccarthy et al., ). while the awd is a central concept to deepening the anchor concept, it is just one part. our transdisciplinary research seeks to broaden and give depth to the ways that universities act as arts and cultural anchors and to understand how they see their role in our attempt to align theory and practice in this specific topical area. we position our work at the intersection of arts economic development, higher education reform, and anchor institutions (figure ). for this study, our questions are: how do public universities support arts and culture in the twenty-first century? what are the features of a university arts and cultural anchor? how do universities see and articulate their role in the regional arts and cultural ecosystem? how do universities support students, faculty, and regional artists to create and sustain artist career trajectories as professional creative workers? research design: data and methodology our qualitative study focuses on concept building through the translation and adaptation of the university as anchor institution to the university as arts and cultural anchor by drawing on a variety of data sources and analytic elements (berge & lune, , p. ) that are necessary to building conceptual “thickness” (geertz, ). we collected information through a comparative case analysis, targeted interviews with university leaders, and a synthesis of public media and peer reviewed scholarship, which we discuss in greater depth below. first, we explore this concept through a comparative case study where our institutional approach breaks down the university’s monolithic structure into different “actors” (markusen, ) and components to explore how heis anchor artistic economic development across different occupations, sectors, and career stages. we follow yin’s () suggestion of a “crosscase synthesis”, an analytical technique where “each case is treated as a separate study,” and then the findings are aggregated across all cases to look for trends and patterns (yin, , p.). we employ this strategy by treating the four different cities/universities as separate cases, and we consider each individual case by examining our qualitative data collected from interviews figure 1. literature intersections of our research. from ashley & durham, 2019. artivate 10.2 12 with university stakeholders. the objective is not to provide a descriptive comparative case analysis but to use these observations and analyses to help frame our concept building. for the comparative case study, we scanned intermountain west public universities, and we selected three primary institutions because of their location, the size of their university, and the presence of some kind of arts integration or new ways of thinking about arts education (table ). these institutions include university of reno-nevada, colorado state university, and the university of utah. we also added a secondary case study, boise state university, since it is our home institution and acted as point of comparison in the analysis and development of our work. we collected different types of case data that help create necessary “thickness” for our comparative structure (creswell, , p. ). we visited each site, and we interviewed – people at each location, and in total we interviewed  subjects. these targeted “elite” interviews focused on university leadership (deans, department / program chairpersons, center/institute directors, research directors), relevant faculty, and community partners so that we could begin to uncover “fantasies and realities” of university investment and partnership (baum, ) as well as opportunities for the alternative university (staley, ). this method is optimally suited for our work because we can compare university investment, broadly defined, across similar metropolitan heis in similar sized cities as well as artist perceptions and experiences with university investment. targeted subjects focus on those who control funding and set university policy. our interview protocols are designed to unearth ) how these different “actors” perceive of the cultural assets on campus and in their city, and ) how they view the university’s role in artistic economic development, and ) the ways that they support artistic workforce development. interviews lasted between  and  minutes, and we employed four different semi-structure formats. table 1. contextual factors for comparative cases boise state university university of nevada, reno colorado state university university of utah city/ population boise , reno , fort collins , salt lake , region population boise-nampa , renospark , fort collinsloveland , salt lake ,, student enrollment (undergraduate/ graduate) , ,/ , , ,/ , , ,/ , , ,/ , artivate 10.2 13 integrated departments, centers, institutes school of the arts school of the arts leap institute for the arts college of fine arts sample of integrated degrees or valueadded products (degrees, certificates, specializations, badges) arts entrepreneurship minor; gaming, interactive mobile, and media n/a minor in arts leadership and administration; master of art leadership and cultural management entertainment, arts & engineering artist workforce development initiatives n/a n/a n/a artsforce source: university and public sector websites. for dean or upper administration interviews, subjects we asked: . what is the history of your degree program/center/department/college? . how does your university and your university’s culture support the arts and, conversely, make it difficult to be an artist or educate artists? . do the narratives and realities about an arts and humanities or liberal arts crisis affect the way you develop and run your programs and/or do your work? . how/when do you connect to other arts programs or non-arts programs at the university? . how do you promote the unique skill sets of arts graduates to community partners, the corporate sector, etc.? . have you had to react to new budget or new assessment models in the university? how? what do you consider your greatest success and/or how do you measure success? what have been your major sticky points or challenges? . when do social justice or equity issues connect to the university’s work in arts and culture? . how do you make the work you do visible to the university, the community locally, your community at large? . how does the community and local culture support or affect your work? . what impact do you hope the program/your work will have on your city/community? how will you measure impact? . how does the university support people and place-based innovation and artistic workforce development? . if someone gave you  million to advance the university’s work on art and culture, how would you spend the money? artivate 10.2 14 for chairperson or program lead interview subjects, we asked: . what’s your research background, and what have been your program/department/ initiative priorities? . how does the university support the arts, and how do they support artists? . how does your specific program or department support arts and culture and artist workforce development? . how did you become familiar with the new arts programs and initiatives on campus? . what is your role with these programs and initiatives? . what is the structure of the program or initiative? . what are the strengths and weaknesses of the program or initiative? . how well are the programs integrated into the broader academic units? . when do social justice or equity issues connect to the university’s work in arts and culture? . do the narratives around the crisis of the humanities and liberal arts affect these programs? . if someone gave you  million, how would you advise the university to use that money to invest in arts and culture? for faculty interview subjects, we asked: . why did you become an artist? what is your training and background? . how do you and your department/program talk to your students about their unique skill sets? . when and how did you become connected to the new arts program or initiative? . what’s the history and evolution of the new program or initiative? . how do these programs connect to other arts programs or non-arts programs on campus? . how do you promote the unique skill sets of arts graduates to the public, private, and community sector? . what do you consider the integrated program’s greatest success, and/or how do you measure success? what are your major sticky points or challenges with these integrated programs? . how do you make the work that the integrated program does visible to the university, the community locally, your community at large? . what impact do you hope that your work has on your city/community? what impact do you hope that the integrated program work will have on your city/community? how will you measure impact? for community partner interview subjects, we asked: . how did your community organization connect with the university? what is your relationship to the university? . how does the university support art and culture in the community and region? artivate 10.2 15 . how are you connected to the new integrated arts program/initiative? . what do you think are the strengths/weaknesses of the integrated initiative? . how would you like the university to support arts and culture in the community? with these interviews we moved from a single case analysis to conduct a cross-comparative analysis across cities to identify any themes that transcend all case experiences. thus, our research analysis is not a description of individual cases but of how these cases help us further develop our grounded theory to understand the role of the university as part of the arts and cultural ecology of the region and how these cases better contextualize and deepen the general concept of the university as an anchor and an anchor of arts and culture. part of this process involved returning to “prior expert knowledge” (yin , p. ) generated by academic scholars and practitioners to consider variables and practitioners that universities and/or artists may not have considered or referred to in our data collection, which allows us an additional dimension to analyze. in that vein, our second data source set came from interviewing an additional five us university leaders outside of our cases who had developed a variety of interdisciplinary artist workforce curriculum approaches or who explored different university structures to support these arts interdisciplinary activities so that we could “see which is not ordinarily on view and examine that which is often looked at but seldom seen” (rubin & rubin, , p. xv). these interview subjects encompassed a diverse set of approaches and structures, including arts entrepreneurship, gaming, arts management, creative placemaking, and steam. we asked questions about motivations, implementation, and evaluation around these different approaches, and we learned about the effort, resources, and strategic decisions that shape these projects. finally, we supplemented these cases with a literature analysis to look at the intersection of research on artist workforce development, anchor institutions, and higher education institution reform. we also scanned university activity in arts and culture nationally to look for integrated initiatives to help us better understand the evolution and broadening of university efforts. this was a central part of our work in considering ways that we could adapt the anchor concept to arts and culture. through this qualitative approach that is exploratory in nature, our data sets allow us to identify the ways that the universities support, hamper, or overlook their connections to artistdriven economic development in their role as contemporary urban anchors. the unearthing and adaptation of these “data sources and analytic elements” (berg & lune, , p. ) give us the information to build our concept of the university arts and cultural anchor, and it allows us to see some broader trends and patterns (ashley, ). this approach shares similarities with grounded theory (silverman, ) in the early stages where this concept is a “symbolic or abstract element representing . . . [a] phenomenon” that lays the groundwork for theory construction and development (berg & lune, , p. ). extending this concept building, we are also able to design and produce an impact assessment tool for universities to employ when attempting to explain, narrate, or critique their artivate 10.2 16 role as an art and cultural anchor. we hope this tool can help universities consider the ways in which they support economic and community development. in many ways, this assessment tool is part of a broader movement by communities and institutions to quickly and efficiently evaluate the state of their city, region, organization, or institution from a particular perspective. these assessment mechanisms are used heavily in the health industry, and they fall under the diverse rubric of health impact assessment (forsyth et al., ). they are also slowly beginning to develop in the arts economic development and arts community development fields through such labeling as “cultural vitality indicators” (jackson et al., ). we believe that, beyond a region-wide snapshot, it would also be useful for public universities to evaluate the perceptions and realities of artist-driven investment in order to create awareness of the multiple and comprehensive ways to anchor aed. with this pilot concept and pilot tool, we then hope to move to the testing phase of “practical research” (essig & guevara, ) so that we can move from a conceptual to theoretical phase to transition to a more robust framework. analysis and findings we collected, synthesized, and analyzed our primary and secondary data to address our overarching question: to what extent are public universities arts and cultural anchors? to address this broader topic, we are interested in the following supportive questions: how do public universities act as arts and cultural anchors? how have these anchor features changed over time? how do universities see and articulate their role in the regional arts and cultural ecosystem? how do universities support students, faculty, and regional artists as they create and sustain artist career trajectories as professional creative workers? how does the location, particularly of public universities in the intermountain west, influence the ways that universities act as arts and cultural anchors? our goal was not to focus on comparative case analysis of each university but to compare and contrast how these university experiences can be employed to answer these questions in a way to broadly deepen the anchor concept. from our analysis, we identified seven major findings that are nested within these broader questions. finding : the university is an arts and cultural anchor the university is an important and diverse arts and cultural anchor—as a knowledge center, landowner and real estate developer, major employer and facilitator, and as an agent for social practice and community engagement. our research is designed not only to apply general anchor attributes to arts and cultural frameworks, but also to see how an arts and cultural perspective may change how we view the anchor concept. our observations underscore recent research that calls for an unpacking and differentiating of the anchor conceptualization. our work, while it has a different focus, agrees with ehlenz’ () argument that the anchor concept, while new, has undergone a series of evolutions. we find the same in our research in differentiating between the traditional and contemporary anchor, as noted below. artivate 10.2 17 these shifts in identity and usage are catalyzed by external forces (the utility and vitality of the liberal arts debates, decreased government funding, civic emphasis on workforce readiness, enrollment declines, political divides) as well as internal culture (e.g., faculty who are inspiring these changes through their own research and administrative interests and administrative leaders with or without a background in the arts). we also suggest that there be a deepening of what knowledge creation means from an anchor perspective: that it goes beyond just offering degrees but has a workforce readiness component as well as a clearer articulation of what integration means for curriculum and beyond. the university is not an ivory tower, and the anchor position allows it to be a convener of different ideas, interests, expertise, and motivations. the current anchor conceptualization does not consider how the university’s art and cultural assets support regional economic development beyond the arts. so much focus from economic developers is to create attractive environments to draw clusters of high knowledge workers and related industries. the arts, as ashley () notes, are part of this amenity package and profile, and the university not only houses infrastructure but nurtures these artists who act as a particular draw. for the arts community, the universities may also create new consumers as they develop arts and cultural preferences. there were some typical anchor attributes that we could not align or did not have evidence to connect to the arts and cultural anchor. for example, we could not uncover how university research offices respond to the creation of artistic intellectual property and products, but we saw the emergence of a clearer sense of the variety of artistic products on the parts of some research administrators as well as interest in supporting them (participant , spring , fall ). we neither could see a deep commitment to helping artists incubate creative businesses and products in the region, although we know this is happening elsewhere to different degrees of success. we hypothesize that universities broadly are not yet actively cultivating artistic economies in the way they are fostering development in the biomedical and technology sectors. universities, we suspect, have not translated technology transfer and intellectual property into applications that might be applied to the arts. rising to and overcoming this challenge may lead to an expanded and sustainable model of arts investment. this is an area of future research. finding : a shift from a traditional to contemporary anchor each of the five creative economy reports makes claims about the assets and needs of the city, supporting their claims with evidence in narrative form and/or with data about their city. at times they refer to other cities’ creative assets through narration and comparative quantitative data as a strategy for telling their own story. both the story and the data are aimed at identifying policy recommendations and promoting the promise of the city’s creative economy. just as a good story relies on narrative tools to construct the story, so too do these reports. while our coding suggests that some rely primarily on narrative elements to point to the policy recommendations and the moral of the story, coding also reveals that other reports rely more heavily on data to serve as the signpost toward the moral and recommended outcomes. while artivate 10.2 18 we do not address the value, either positive or negative, of using narrative rhetoric or datadriven evidence in reports, we show that these two types of evidence are each mobilized toward describing and making arguments about the creative economy, allowing for comparison between cities’ strategic use of each type of evidence in their reports. there has been a shift in how the university acts as an art and cultural anchor: from the traditional patronage approach to a contemporary model in which the university is an investor, innovator, facilitator, and catalyst. we see an evolution underway that marks a transition from a traditional arts and cultural anchor to a contemporary st-century model (table ). the traditional activities are still important, vital anchor contributions, but they have evolved to include additional elements that supplement these practices and to catalyze some reflection on how to refresh traditional practices. in the contemporary manifestation, the university moves from a more passive role as a patron to an intentional innovator and entrepreneur in creative investments. from our analysis, we created a map to articulate how general anchor attributes (knowledge transfer, innovation capital facilities and landholdings, regional employer, social practice) could be relayed or conveyed into art and cultural functions. we then were able to see patterns emerge between a traditional and contemporary framework where there is a transition from a patron to an investor perspective. we argue that this shift happens on a much more comprehensive scale than academic programs alone. the different categories are to be treated fluidly, as one example can illustrate more than one attribute where intentionality and motivation matter. for example, a university can finance maker space, which can speak to priorities in both landholdings and real estate as well as artist workforce readiness and innovation. table 2. traditional and contemporary attributes of universities as arts and cultural anchors traditional anchors of arts & culture contemporary anchors of arts & culture knowledge transfer artist patronage human capital investment in workforce training and new signifiers of training mastery traditional training in arts programs with specific but separate and distinct degrees in music, visual art, theatre, and dance new interdisciplinary degrees that integrate the arts but are for students interested in creative or more commercial focused arts (e.g., arts and engineering, gaming and design) and aren’t aligned with traditional arts and are usually not in the same administrative unit new interdisciplinary degrees for traditional arts students (majors, minors) new non-degree credentials for art students to opt-in and skills focused to supplement traditional degrees (certificates, badges, one-off skills courses, and workshops) new learning outcomes and courses supplement traditional arts degrees that are geared toward workforce training or a broader contextualization of the arts in society artivate 10.2 19 internal apprenticeships and graduate research opportunities (e.g., college radio stations, printmaking assistantships, lab assistants) focus on experiential learning, including internships, service learning, and studios connected with external partners connecting with local and regional workforce providers in both arts and non-arts fields to work on job placement but alignment with training and job needs landholdings, facilities, and infrastructure artist patronage bricks and mortar investments enhanced build and subsidize facilities where material is delivered by experts who manage, produce, and present the material to visitors or passive observers (e.g., proscenium theatres, museums, exhibition spaces, black box theatres, roadhouses) build and subsidize new physical spaces (maker spaces, arts labs, other) where work is self-directed and democratic, and may involve collaborating with external partners provide access to equipment, materials, audiences through traditional facility investments to members of the community opens doors to community members and organizations to provide access to equipment, materials, and audiences for subsidized rates and supports arts faculty and students who collaborate with community members and organizations to design, produce, and share work use large scale arts and cultural facilities as part of urban renewal histories and legacies use arts and cultural facilities and infrastructure for targeted neighborhood revitalization and redevelopment (e.g., baltimore’s station north; mica; johns hopkins) works with regional economic partners to use public art facilities as part of an amenity profile or attraction for high knowledge workers major regional employer artist patronage human capital investment in attraction and retention hire artists as faculty where salary supports artist work and also gives these faculty access to equipment, networks, and performance/exhibition spaces recognize and support arts faculty and students as creative forces and drivers shaping the regional creative sector in economic development hire artists (community artists, student artists) to staff arts and cultural programming on and off-site focus on art degrees and programs where an artist is (re)trained as an innovator and problem solver that will lead to greater economic benefits for the region city and regional economic developers market arts and cultural facilities as part of a region’s amenities profile to attract and retain knowledge workers innovation and transfer of ideas creating traditional arts programming that is delivered to internal and external audiences build and subsidize new physical spaces (maker spaces, arts labs, other) that are designed to help students learn how to create products not just for traditional nonprofit sectors but also civic and for-profit ends artivate 10.2 20 focus on new integration degrees geared towards the forprofit creative sector and economy to support stem clusters and high knowledge workers new integration initiatives, generally called steam or design thinking, that are housed outside of traditional arts programs that draw on art approaches and processes to solve problems more effectively and efficiently; may not involve traditional arts faculty or programs grow and spin off arts and cultural organizations that initiate from student/faculty collaborations grow and spin off arts and cultural organizations that test an idea or product then helps these groups launch it strategically and with resources social practice focus and community engagement artist patronage investment in community or community development train students to be art educators, establishing future gatekeepers of arts and culture collaborate and partner with community groups and stakeholders on equitable development and neighborhood revitalization offer subsidized tickets to low income or resourced groups for university performances and exhibitions different academic units (colleges, schools, centers, departments, programs) incorporate a social purpose into their mission subsidize university space for arts and cultural events for low resourced groups offer new academic programs that use or leverage arts for social practice and community engagement (e.g., creative placemaking) collaborate with other regional anchors to address issues of inequality and oversight source: synthesis of literature, interviews, and case study research. note: this is not an exhaustive list but an illustration of the shift from a traditional to contemporary anchor institutions. in its earlier form, and beyond its essential educational mission, the university had three primary functions in ) knowledge creation and transfer, ) capital projects and real estate activities, and ) major employment generators. first, it primarily focused on bricks-andmortar investments through landholding, facilities, and infrastructure. performance and exhibition facilities provided space and equipment for student training, for faculty use in their own artistic practices, and for the university to use as a source of revenue through touring companies and events. these facilities also supported the university’s role as a site of knowledge transfer with its emphasis on offering traditional arts degrees and experiences where students learn and develop a particular craft and discipline in traditional arenas, including music, theater, visual arts, and dance. as a major regional employer, the university hires artists as faculty (tenure-track, lecturers, clinical, adjuncts); it provides financial stability to the artist and gives them opportunities to train and mentor students in their particular disciplines. depending upon the position and other factors, the artist as a faculty member is also given access to equipment, artivate 10.2 21 networks, and performance/exhibition spaces. while some scholars debate whether universities anchor through social practice in general, we saw illustrations of this in the traditional realm, too, namely through the university’s ability to subsidize space and event experiences and to supplement arts education in public schools. one study subject commented on the number of ways that faculty artists participate in the community and the importance of that engagement, “there are so many universities right along this [intermountain west] corridor. if all of us went away, it would be devastating” (participant , personal communication, fall ). in the contemporary form, the university arts and cultural anchor not only takes on greater variation in its activities, but there is also an emerging shift towards a more active and intentional approach to its role. there is a movement from pure artistic training in a singular practice to a workforce readiness approach that features skill development and cross-sector training. there has been a well-documented increase in curriculum experiments around arts entrepreneurship and arts management products or value-added signifiers (singular courses, minors, certificates, badges, specializations) that art students may couple with their traditional degrees. there are also several other integration curriculum experiments that bring art and artists into other student experiences across campus in non-arts academic units. for example, there is an increase in steam (science-technology-engineering-arts-math) initiatives that observe how arts-related inputs (be it students, faculty, materials, or scholarship) can change the way a problem is conceptualized, solved, and communicated, which makes for a better end product or solution. there are also new, more commercial-focused degrees in gaming and design that meld different components of computer science, engineering, and graphic design along with storytelling, music composition, and editing. there is also a small and slow-growing cluster of courses and certificates that integrate the arts in urban studies or in community and environmental health to champion creative place-making and public health benefits in placebased communities. beyond these individual curriculum innovations, the university is also investing in new structural operations, including new centers about creative enterprise, creative placemaking, arts and entertainment, and arts entrepreneurship. the university anchor has adapted in response to these new integration avenues. the university has also made a substantial shift in how it marshals its capital facilities and infrastructure investments. maker lab spaces, art incubators, creativity labs, and more facilitybased innovations are supporting student training and undergraduate/graduate research as well as faculty research development. these are smaller, fine-grained spaces that have an array of motivations and intentions that vary across universities and can be, but do not have to be, connected to academic units and programs. we increasingly see universities collaborating with regional economic partners to use the public art facilities as part of a broader marketing package to attract and retain highly coveted knowledge workers (people with college degrees) to the region, which shows closer connections to growth coalitions than in the past where the university was often isolated from conversations about how to grow the region. as arts and cultural anchors, universities are also increasing and broadening their role in social practice and in other forms of community engagement. there are a growing number of academic units, degrees, academic centers, and extension services that incorporate “social artivate 10.2 22 practice” (carrigan, ; grant, ) or that center community engagement into their mission, values, and principles. in part, this is driven by a focus on experiential learning (eyler, ; seymour & lopez, ) and the growth of art forms (grant, ). one of our subjects commented, “the biggest impact you can have is to go in and listen to a community. when a community is heard, they will often take action themselves” (participant , personal communication, spring ). this can happen in traditional art programs that support social practice of the arts as well as integrated efforts elsewhere in the university through such examples as steam initiatives (rhode island steam center, ; mcclanahan, ), art-related social work (huss & selaamit, ), art physical therapy (tiret, ), creative placemaking certificates (new jersey institute of technology, n.d.), and experiential learning in arts management programs (university of buffalo, ). there are academic experiences, both credit and non-credit bearing, where students—through curated service-learning projects, externships, universitycommunity partnerships, and other experiential opportunities—use their traditional training and any valued-added training to solve a community problem or celebrate a community’s assets. students have long shared their artistic skills with communities to enliven and enrich them: they've created public art, developed after school and other extracurricular programming, presented impromptu and planned performances, and incorporated arts into therapeutic settings, but today we're also seeing interdisciplinary collaborations between artists, art students, and others in the university and community; for example, artists and/or urban studies students use pop-up art to start a civic conversation about sustainability in neighborhoods (ashley, ). some universities partner with local arts organizations on neighborhood revitalization and equitable development as did baltimore station north inc. with maryland institution of contemporary art and johns hopkins university to help revitalize the baltimore station north arts and entertainment district through funding, internal and external space, faculty/student time, and marketing support (ashley, ). finding : the anchor role is hidden and isolated university leaders, both in the arts and in general leadership positions, are largely unaware of how they might explain and communicate the ways that universities can act as anchors and how their specific institution performs in that role. as we have shown, a substantial body of literature exists around anchor institutions, but university and arts administrators, unless they happen to have a background in urban studies, planning, and economic development are unlikely to have encountered it. they could identify some anchor components where they had strengths and weaknesses, but it was not their frame of reference. university leaders did not think or talk about themselves as arts and cultural anchors. one of our subjects commented, “it’s hard to explain value and benefits. it’s easier to have them experience it. it’s hard to quantify value. it’s something you have to experience to understand” (participant , spring ). they did not position themselves broadly as actors in aed and its trends: aesthetics, workforce development, community development, amenity building, and artivate 10.2 23 creative industries (ashley, ). they do not measure the local economic impact of their campus arts activities, the arts activities that their faculty participate in off and on campus, or the type and quality of relationships their institutions have with commercial and non-profit arts organizations in the community. this is an example of how research and practice are disconnected in that scholars increasingly visualize or narrate these processes or attributes, but it is not the language of the actual practitioners or stakeholders. universities provide important resources to student and faculty artists affiliated with the institution such as employment, training, networking, and access to facilities, and even in a climate of dwindling resources, universities are arts-rich places. they do know their traditional artistic success quite well, but there is an opportunity to consider these aed narratives for their own benefit and institutional advancement. in fact, we often see university structures as the barriers to shaping the creative ecosystem, and it isn’t clear where the universities’ points of entry are for high community impact. additionally, we did not see evidence of universities measuring how these resources advance artistic careers or how they support the creative ecosystem. one study subject commented, “too often we abdicate our responsibilities for explaining to our students what they are going to do with their degree” (participant , spring ). in general, interview subjects typically noted a curriculum alternative in supporting artist workforce development, which is an important starting point. however, we also see this “hidden-ness” as isolation when it comes to curriculum integration via arts entrepreneurship, arts management, creative placemaking, and steam practices (table ). ideally, in a contemporary setting, universities actively and intentionally shape artistic careers through their resources and infrastructure, and these programs try to do so. there is external excitement around new integration or workforce readiness programs, but as beckman shows (), there is also fuzziness around design and implementation because of the lack of accreditation in fields with otherwise strong accrediting bodies (nasad, nasm, nast, and nasd) and the lack of the ability to articulate what the different programs accomplish for students. in many instances, these programs do not have a home program or department due to their interdisciplinary structure, and if they do have a home, it is often disconnected from the traditional arts departments and their related infrastructure. in many instances, these programs have high expectations from university administrators but are inadequately resourced. one subject commented, “i have said to the people above, thank goodness i’ve run nonprofits and businesses because if i was a straight academic, i couldn’t do this” (participant , spring ). additionally, these programs are opt-in, and thus, it suggests that workforce readiness is not important enough to integrate into the existing and traditional arts programs. artivate 10.2 24 table 3. illustrations of types of integration and interdisciplinary programs intention/ motivation sample of student targets arts entrepreneurship skill building: give arts students the skills to own their own business, make new products, create their own brand; highly connected to selfemployment arts arts management skill building: give art students the skills to work for arts organizations in public, private, civic sector arts gaming problem solving: give stem students a new approach to answer problems by using art practices, applying art theory, or working with artists stem, sometimes arts creative placemaking social innovation: use art and design to remake urban space or to work with artists to help facilitate urban change urban planning, urban studies, sometimes arts, community members design thinking problem solving: use a particular strategy to address a problem in the private, civic, or nonprofit sector business arts education supporting artists to become art teachers in k education arts source: ashley and durham note: this list is not exhaustive but shows examples of integration and examples of motivations and intentions. finding four: broadening anchor concept to include social practice and community engagement we agree with taylor and luter () that the arts and cultural experience within heis shows how the university anchor conceptualization should include a “social purpose credo” (ehlenz, ) or a “change agent in social development” since we see an increasing practice of this theoretical positioning in our cases and in research. as one of our study subjects commented, “we haven't coalesced in a meaningful way to leverage the power of the entire college to reach out to communities that may be marginalized or oppressed. [there is] growing interest at the administrative level and the individual faculty level [in doing so]” (participant , fall ). the anchor concept is limited in its focus on a standard treatment of regional economic development and overlooks the ways that the university anchor contributes to social development in the community, which leads to intrinsic and extrinsic outcomes. our work goes beyond typical “scholarship of engagement” frameworks or how the university sees its public facing role in connecting students to the “real world” (e.g. service learning, technical assistance) (northmore & hart, ; reardon, ; wiewel & knaap, ; winkler, ) to artivate 10.2 25 incorporate a richer understanding of engagement as posited by tepper and arthurs () as a “trading zone” where collaboration, innovation, and intellectual risk-taking build transformative new alliances that explode previous institutional structures and redefine participants’ experiences of relationship and place. for example, the national creative placemaking certificate employs arts and culture as a strategy for improving community development in under-resourced neighborhoods, and there are a number of ways that the university could partner with community organizations on a variety of topics, as other scholars have noted in their work (wiewel & knapp, ). these experiential collaborations are more than tacking on a service-learning project or experiential learning connected to arts curriculum: they are a more comprehensive and deliberate way to use the problem-solving skills of art students, art/integration faculty, and community partners to realize the broader vision as alexroth and dubb (, p. ), who suggest how urban universities [can] seek to fully achieve their anchor institution mission —that is, to consciously apply their long-term, place-based economic power, in combination with their human and intellectual resources, to better the long-term welfare of the communities in which they reside. in essence, this is another way that arts and culture have contributed to the contemporary frame of the anchor institution by reinforcing the role that universities can play in their communities through drawing on their many arts and cultural assets. this is also in line with new evidence-based practice about the impacts of experiential learning and its importance for high-quality education outcomes (busteed, ; eyler, ). finding : the intermountain west as varied context we found that anchor attributes and the evolution of the anchor identity is not a one-sizefitsall narrative. rather, universities are part of a longer historical arc in the development of the region’s arts and cultural identity. several study subjects commented on the importance of the geography and natural surroundings, not only in their practical or artistic work but as part of inspiration in work/life balance, as one person noted, “the wide-open spaces, liberating skies . . . [there’s] more freedom here. there’s less constraints” (participant , fall ). analyses need to move beyond the university as an isolated, separate (or immune) entity, and they need to frame how the university has responded and reacted to the political, cultural, financial, and regulatory forces that drive the structural foundation of the region. this observation is particularly relevant for our geographical focus and scale. for example, we found that, for many years, artists could live and work affordably in the region, and interviewees with a history in the region spoke to the importance of an affordable cost of living in their choice of locale for launching careers and entrepreneurial ventures. but as these cities have grown, and as more people in other industries flooded into the region, housing costs in particular have skyrocketed. one university administrator noted its impact on attracting and retaining faculty artivate 10.2 26 artists: “the cost of housing in our growing city is a huge issue, and we’re on the brink of a crisis. unless newcomers have independent financial resources, they won’t be able to afford suitable housing on our starting salaries in the arts. buying a home is out of reach, and rentals are scarce. the situation is untenable.” artists with faculty appointments have much more stable incomes and benefits than student artists and non-faculty artists, so the impact will be even more intense on those populations. the pipeline fueling the creative sector may become highly constricted as a result. in addition, the right-to-work nature of many of the intermountain west states has implications for how universities anchor arts and cultural activity since artist unions are common and powerful in the performing arts. in another example, regionally dominant organizations and institutions influence how certain arts practices and disciplines develop, and thus, how the university responds to those priorities. additionally, a fair amount of the anchor literature stems from the loss of corporate commitments and the rise of large nonprofits to fill that leadership, funding, employment, and philanthropic gap. however, the large cities of the intermountain west don’t share that story, but they are often connected to different industries in agriculture and extraction rather than in corporate finance and high-end services. it is essential to understand the path-dependent nature of the arts and culture eco-system to position the university and its role as an anchor. there is limited information about how anchor institutions—as well as how arts and cultural institutions—play a different or more profound role in the intermountain west due to the geographic isolation and the lack of a strong history of philanthropic investment in the arts, as one study subject commented, “people won’t spend money on art here. [we’re] trying to educate the public on why art is expensive and what the value is of collecting art (participant , spring ). at the same time, it does raise questions about whether the entrepreneurial spirit of the west influences the way universities work and function as their role shifts. we see the isolation of universities in medium-sized markets in the intermountain west not as a limitation but as an opportunity to control for variables that strengthen comparative elements as well as providing a much-needed lens with which to view high-growth cities that are overlooked in aed research. finding . difficulty finding the connection between anchor and dei we found that many of the universities did not discuss how their work (strategies, programming, resources, curriculum) with aed or awd connected with university goals or objectives in supporting diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts (dei). there is also very little general anchor research that discusses the university in that arena, with the exception of studies (ehlenz ) that call for a new indicator to be used about community development and social innovation for evaluating the ways that universities act as anchors, but this largely tends to be more place or neighborhood-based with a focus on gentrification (mcgraw, ) and placemaking. there is not a great deal of information on anchoring with dei and underrepresented student populations in how to address data that shows the difficulties for students from marginalized backgrounds to pursue careers in entrepreneurship or innovation or how to support workforce development needs for different communities and artivate 10.2 27 intersectionalities, and there is limited information about how undergraduate and graduate curricula in the arts address these concerns (cuyler, ). one of the study subjects commented, “we are very clear that we need to do a better job. we are working toward figuring out where the curriculum isn’t supporting social justice, equity, and even access” (participant , fall ). this may be a growth opportunity since this is often a focus of universities through the lens of student success and retention, and it’s the topic of many university associations and convenings (see association of american colleges & universities  virtual conference on diversity, equity, and student success). this kind of focus is also happening outside of the university as practitioners and applied researchers suggest the importance of supporting artists who work in these marginalized communities (louis & burns, n.d.) as well as marginalized artists at different points of their careers in training (louis & burns, n.d.; americans for the arts, ; americans for the arts, ; smu data arts, ). this focus is starting to shift through public policy reports (schildt & rubin, , p. .) that are championing an approach of “economic inclusion for low-income residents and communities of color,” or through having anchor institutions buy from business owners and entrepreneurs in underserved areas (icic, n.d.), or in helping nurture entrepreneur-driven immigrant communities (abello, ). markusen and gadwa (, p. ) suggest that an equity focus would “greatly strengthen” research in arts and economic development to address questions of impact, opportunity costs, and access at different geographic scales, and we can apply this to the university anchor conversation as well. as harris () notes, “the soft underbelly of the university'' shows a disconnect between the university and community research and engagement priorities. there are opportunities to think about how we can measure, plan, support and communicate to reach these underserved audiences. we would also suggest that, given the changing demographics of the us, it is important to consider how to support these different constituencies and that this is connected to different aspects of the anchor concept. we think this is a ripe area for research to explore how the anchor concept may support this focus. finding : a typology for anchor positioning our data shows that there are different stages of anchor positioning. there are four broad stages or opportunities as an anchor: dormant, aspirational, accidental, and intentional. they are driven by their awareness of what an anchor can do—which involves both identifying and sharing the narrative of building blocks of an anchor—and by their activities to invest in arts and culture elements. we suggest that this is part of the general anchor evolution in the ways that universities contribute to the economy that are standard and require very little activation; however, there are ways that the university can become a more advanced anchor through strategic narratives and investment. based on interviews and literature from general anchor studies, arts economic development research, university arts evaluations, and arts and cultural anchors, we have artivate 10.2 28 identified four university anchor types for arts and culture. the y-axis denotes whether university administrators are aware of how they anchor arts and culture in the region, and the x-axis denotes the extent to which the university has invested in arts and culture. this is a conceptual drawing to help universities figure out where they sit and to give them information about how to move to different phases (figure ). figure 2. arts and cultural typology for university anchor institutions. ashley & durham, 2019. we suggest there are four broad categories: ) aspirational anchor institution: these are universities that have high awareness and interest about what it means to be a contemporary art and cultural anchor, but they have limited resources to invest in the ways they would like. these universities might have a few initiatives or strategies in play, but they are unable to harness the resources (political, financial, administrative) to become an active or intentional anchor and are looking for ways to do so. ) intentional anchor institution: these are universities that have high awareness of what it means to be a twenty-first century arts and cultural anchor, and they are actively engaged in investing and supporting their capabilities because they are able to harness significant resources. ) passive anchor institution: these are universities that have low awareness about how to identify the building blocks of an arts and cultural anchor and don’t know how to communicate or narrate their story. however, they have made significant investments in arts and culture. this is a missed opportunity to fully communicate their role or help make a case for the importance of arts and culture for economic, community, and workforce development. ) dormant anchor institution: these are universities that do not know how to identify the building blocks of an anchor institution, and they can’t convey their narrative or story; they have made limited investments in arts and culture. as one study subject observed, “my perception from the university level is we [in the arts] are tolerated rather than artivate 10.2 29 embraced (participant , spring ). we see these anchor types deeply aligned and connected to the impact assessment tool that we discuss below. the assessment tool offers universities the opportunity to identify its strengths while recognizing aspects of its programming that might benefit from strategic redesign. we take inspiration from cathy davidson () who writes, we need educators and administrators themselves committed to redesigning ethical, democratic, pragmatic, forward-looking education. . . . we need individuals and institutions to work together to rejuvenate an antiquated system for our accelerating times and to ensure that the solutions we craft address the real problems rather than just generating new ones. the alternative university setting has the potential to move from treating the anchor concept as a “given” and to consider ways to energize its opportunities through active reflection. application: impact assessment tool our research underscores that universities typically do not think of themselves as art and cultural anchors, or they think about it in marginal or incomplete ways. as a result, they do not seize the opportunity to evaluate or communicate their contributions, and they are not able to make good choices about arts and cultural investments so that they strengthen their anchor role and realize their potential. to help university leaders perceive their role in influencing the artistic communities in their vicinity and to help them become aware of their cultural assets, we have created a pilot impact assessment tool. this will give them the knowledge to enhance their universities’ reputations and distinguish their universities’ identities while enhancing the reputations and distinguishing the identities of their home cities. universities attract significant artistic talent to their faculty ranks, and those uniquely skilled faculty, in turn, attract students. without the university’s presence in a region like the intermountain west, artistic labor would be scarce for a variety of industries. this would allow them to start to measure the creative and economic contribution they have. we want them to identify the key aspects of being an anchor, and we have designed the pilot test to help with this stage. we suggest that there are three parts: ) being able to identify the key aspects of being an anchor, ) being able to tell the anchor story through narrative frameworks, and ) then investing in and developing partnerships based on an evaluation of performance or based on the mission of the institution and its different units. this exercise is useful for universities in any locale, but it may be especially critical for universities in the intermountain west that are experiencing tremendous growth and that have not historically had deep and highly developed artistic resources. the impact assessment tool and its overview are found in the appendix. conclusion and future work universities in the us are touted as great patrons of the arts largely due to their investments in bricks-and-mortar projects and their academic programs that train emerging artists in the artivate 10.2 30 traditional arts. however, this patronage status overlooks the ways that universities anchor arts and cultural activity as part of the regional creative ecology. our research shows the breadth and depth of this anchoring to overcome the fuzziness of the concept and to help university and economic development stakeholders understand the powerful role that the university plays in the regional creative ecosystem or in the regional arts and cultural ecology. our research makes seven central points. first, the university is an important and diverse arts and cultural anchor as a knowledge center, landowner and real estate developer, major employer and facilitator, and as a social developer. second, there has been a shift in how the university acts as an art and cultural anchor from the traditional patronage approach to a contemporary model where the university is an investor, innovator, and facilitator. third, there are four broad stages or opportunities as an anchor (dormant, aspirational, passive, and intentional) that are driven by their awareness of what an anchor can do, which involves both identifying and narrating the building blocks of an anchor and by their activities to invest in arts and culture elements. fourth, university leaders, both in the arts and in general leadership positions, are largely unaware of how to explain and communicate the ways that universities can act as anchors or how their specific institution does. fifth, the anchor concept is limited in its focus on a standard treatment of regional economic development and overlooks the ways that the university anchor contributes to social development in the community, which leads to extrinsic outcomes. sixth, the arts and cultural anchor institutions in the intermountain west show that context matters as the geographic, political, and cultural development of this region influences the ways that universities can perform as anchors creating both opportunities and limitations. seventh, dei is not a central part of anchoring conversations, but it could be in the future. these findings demonstrate a disconnection between theory and practice, which leads to missed opportunities to invest in ways that respond to evidence-based strategies. to help ameliorate this disconnect, we marshalled our data and analysis to design and create a pilot “university anchor: arts and cultural impact assessment tool” for chairs, program leads, program coordinators, and deans to employ to help them identify the building blocks of a university arts and cultural anchor so that they can narrate their value to relevant stakeholders and to provide support around investment discussions and decision-making. this assessment tool, coupled with our typology of anchor status, gives university leaders more information to help make decisions in the difficult funding and political climates surrounding heis. we hope our applied research helps universities see how they can move from being an arts patron to an arts investor, innovator, and catalyst. our work also suggests the need to expand the anchor concept from a purely economic development angle about regional growth and shrinkage to include the social role or the “social purpose credo” that universities play in their place-based communities, as noted by taylor and lutner () and ehlenz (). this work is also part of innovation and entrepreneurship, but often from a socially engaged perspective. our future work centers on pilot-testing the assessment tool with select university communities to determine its applicability and to create a tool that is easy to implement so that we can continue our efforts to align research 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(2021, april 6). the arts and humanities deliver untapped value for future work. forbes. https://www.forbes.com/sites/benjaminwolff/2021/0 4/06/the-arts-and-humanities-deliver-untappedvalue-for-the-future-of-work/?sh=79c6ff153914 winkler, t. (2013). at the coalface: communityuniversity engagements and planning education. journal of planning education and research, 33(2), 215l. yin, r. (ed.). (2008). case study research: design and methods. sage publications. cover image credit: center for public art and space, weitzman school of design, university of pennsylvania. creative commons. artivate 10.2 35 appendix : assessment tool background intentional arts anchor assessment tool what it is a series of questions developed in response to data collected while creating university case studies in the intermountain west after interviews with national arts education leaders and as a result of synthesizing current work on anchor institutions broadly conceived, arts economic development, and the st-century university. as one considers the questions, they gain a richer appreciation of the assets on their campus and in their community, and they have the opportunity to view them through a broader lens of the multi-dimensional components that an innovative arts anchor might have. the questions are in four parts: integrative arts training, supporting integrative arts training beyond the curriculum, investments and infrastructure, and university/ community connections. while these four pieces form the core of the innovative arts university, it is also possible to focus on one of the four areas for analysis, work, and investment. what it does maps local arts and community features in the context of what an innovative arts anchor can be, regionally and nationally. it builds awareness of key anchor features, ensures self-awareness of university assets and how they relate to each other, and the results provide an essential tool for promoting the importance of arts on campus and in the community. it helps university arts leaders tell the story of their artistic innovation, cultural relevance, and economic impact to their various stakeholders, including faculty, students and parents, campus fundraisers, potential donors, upper university administration, and community stakeholders in the arts and in a variety of industries. who might use it and in what contexts: the tool will be of value to individuals and teams. it can be used as an independent “desktop exercise” or in a workshop or meeting. multiple university perspectives (from administrators, faculty, professional staff, and community partners) will likely maximize the tool’s impact, but a solo investigator can also use the tool effectively if they assemble some relevant institutional data. the benefits: it helps universities assess where they should invest precious resources ● to fills gaps in a developing or established arts ecosystem ● to highlight and advance identity-building strengths that already exist ● to forge deeper community connections aimed at advancing social good ● to create a vibrant creative workforce prepared to meet the challenges of twenty-first century employment ● to accelerate the economic impact of the arts in the local community artivate 10.2 36 appendix : intentional arts anchor assessment tool part  focus: integrative arts training: key components and skills a. fundamentals of arts training yes no unsure na is your program nationally accredited? (nast, nasm, nasd, nasad) b. interdisciplinary exposure do your students have learning opportunities within at least one of your field's subdisciplines? do your students have learning opportunities across artistic fields? do your students have exposure to arts management or arts administration? do your students have exposure to arts entrepreneurship? do your students have exposure to arts technologies? do your students have exposure to creative placemaking? do your students have exposure to arts as social practice? are interdisciplinary experiences integrated into your degree requirements? are interdisciplinary experiences offered as supplements to your degree requirements? are interdisciplinary experiences credentialed through degrees, minors, certificates, or badges? c. applied learning do your students have internship opportunities in nonprofit arts? do your students have internship opportunities in commercial arts? do your students have internship opportunities in the education sector? do your students have internship opportunities in the government sector? do your students have internship opportunities in commercial sector beyond the arts? do your students have service opportunities where they utilize their artistic skills? do your students have service opportunities that include a social justice component? are there study abroad programs focusing on the arts? do your students have opportunities to participate in faculty-developed research projects? artivate 10.2 37 do your students have opportunities to participate in student-developed research projects? d. skills articulation do you ask your students to recognize their creative thinking? do you ask your students to recognize their critical thinking? do you ask your students to recognize their skills in teamwork and collaboration? do you ask your students to recognize their ability to respect diverse perspectives? do you ask your students to recognize their capacity for empathy? do you ask your students to recognize where their skills will be in demand within the arts? do you ask your students to recognize where their skills will be in demand beyond the arts? part  focus: supporting and extending the integrative arts curriculum a. admissions yes no unsure na do general university recruiting materials feature the arts? are there recruiting materials specially designed for prospective arts students? is there arts focused recruiting of under-represented student groups? are there arts focused recruiting events locally? are there arts focused recruiting events regionally? are there arts focused recruiting events nationally? is there arts focused orientation? b. arts experiences is student work shown on campus? is student work sold on campus? is faculty work shown on campus? is faculty work sold on campus? is the work of community-based artists shown on campus? is the work of community-based artists sold on campus? is the work of non-locally based artists shown on campus? is the work of non-locally based artists sold on campus? is the work of artists from under-represented groups shown on campus? is the work of artists from under-represented groups sold artivate 10.2 38 on campus? do students have free admission to arts events on campus? do students have free admission to arts events off campus? do faculty have free admission to arts events on campus? c. advising do academic advisors for your department's students have an arts background? can academic advisors for your department's students articulate the skills a student is likely to gain through the arts degree? can your department's academic advisors articulate the skills a student is likely to gain in particular arts courses? are your department's academic advisors familiar with classes that would complement the standard arts curriculum? are your department's academic advisors knowledgeable about applied learning opportunities? d. career services do career services staff have an arts background? do career services staff recognize the range of skills arts students have? do career services staff recognize the range of industries in which arts skills would be applicable? is career services well connected to nonprofit arts employers? is career services well connected to commercial arts employers? does career services have an established record of placing arts students beyond the arts sectors? do they host job fairs or industry showcases focusing on artist employment? can careers services staff help students with application materials targeting arts sector jobs? can careers services staff help students translate arts-based application materials for non-arts jobs? e. alumni does the alumni association track and promote arts alumni successes? is there an arts alumni board? are there events for arts alumni networking? are there professional development events designed for arts artivate 10.2 39 alumni? are there structures for connecting arts alumni and current students? part  focus: investments and infrastructure a. facilities yes no unsure na does the number of performance venues meet the needs of your department? does the number of performance venues meet the needs of community presenters? does the number of exhibition venues meet the needs of your department? does the number of exhibition venues meet the needs of community artists? do the sizes of performance venues meet the needs of your department? do the sizes of performance venues meet the needs of community presenters? does the number of maker spaces meet the needs of your department? does the number of maker spaces meet the needs of community artists? do facilities have current industry-standard technology? are maintenance funds allocated to update technology regularly? are arts facilities accessible by public transit? is parking readily available at arts facilities? do faculty artists have studio space or discipline-appropriate creative space on campus? is there a living/learning community for arts students? are there on-campus accommodations for visiting artists? b. advancement and fundraising is there at least one development director focusing on the arts? does scholarship funding for students in your department align with funding levels at peer institutions? are there endowed chairs for arts faculty in your department? are the arts a focus in major university fundraising initiatives? are arts spaces named for donors? are arts programs named for donors? does the university seek support for the arts from corporations and foundations? c. faculty artivate 10.2 40 does faculty staffing in your department follow accreditation guidelines? are faculty salaries at or above cupa averages? do arts faculty serve in administrative roles beyond their departments? are promotion and tenure policies attentive to and respectful of artistic work products? do promotion and tenure policies recognize interdisciplinary work within the arts? do promotion and tenure policies recognize interdisciplinary work beyond the arts? do promotion and tenure policies recognize community-based work? do promotion and tenure policies recognize work done in collaboration with students? do promotion and tenure guidelines recognize entrepreneurial work? are there professional development opportunities designed specifically for arts faculty? are their policies to counteract bias in faculty hiring? are there programs designed to retain under-represented faculty? is there a dual career policy used to recruit faculty artists? d. research does anyone in the research office have arts expertise? do college-level administrators who support research have any arts experience? is there proposal development assistance for arts faculty? does the research office publicize opportunities for external funding in the arts? does the research office have internal funding programs designed for artists? does the college have research opportunities designed for artists? are there opportunities for arts faculty to reduce teaching load in order to concentrate on research? are there benchmarks for productivity of arts programs and faculty? is f&a typically reinvested in externally funded arts projects? are activities in the arts promoted by the research office in their publications or on their website? are activities in the arts promoted by the college in their publications or on their website? e. marketing and branding artivate 10.2 41 are the arts featured in the university's marketing materials? are there recognized areas of excellence in the arts? are the arts part of the university's strategic plan? part : focus: university/community connections a. university expertise in the city yes no unsure na do arts faculty in your department work in the local non-profit arts sector? do arts students in your department work in the local non-profit arts sector? do alumni from your department work in the local non-profit arts sector? have arts faculty in your department founded local arts entities? have arts students in your department created new local arts entities? have arts alumni from your department created new local arts entities? do department faculty work in the local commercial arts sector? do department students work in the local commercial arts sector? do department alumni work in the local commercial arts sector? are arts faculty from your department patrons of local arts entities? are non-arts faculty patrons of local arts entities? are arts faculty from your department donors for local arts entities? are non-arts faculty donors for local arts entities? do faculty researchers analyze or evaluate local culture activities? b. city expertise at the university do locally based artists serve as adjunct faculty in your department? do locally based artists participate as artists-in-residence at the university? do locally based artists serve on industry advisory boards for the university? do locally based artists volunteer their time in support of university arts programming? c. economic impact of the arts does the university measure the economic impact of its arts activities in the city? does the city count the university's artistic activities in its assessment of local arts economic impacts? microsoft word 173+redlines_guo_final(1).docx vol. 11, no. 1 spring 2022 book review creative infrastructure: artists, money, and entrepreneurial action wen guo, phd elon university abstract: centering around three concepts: artists, money, and entrepreneurial action, creative infrastructure: artists, money, and entrepreneurial action by linda essig elaborates on essential concepts, competing theories, and diverse perspectives of arts entrepreneurship as both a scholarly field and creative praxis. by elucidating the conundrums and complexities between the principles of the capitalist economy and the needs of artists to be flourishing, essig uses a critical lens to free the concept of entrepreneurship and arts from the domination of the hierarchical western-centric social and economic systems, offering a holistic, sustainable, and equitable approach to perceiving and practicing arts entrepreneurship. keywords: arts entrepreneurship, neoliberalism, sustainability, equity. doi:doi.org/10.34053/artivate.11.1.173 creative infrastructure: artists, money, and entrepreneurial action by linda essig is in many respects a remarkable book that, over  pages, thoughtfully discusses and demystifies the key issues that make frequent appearances in the burgeoning discourse of arts entrepreneurship as both a scholarly field and creative praxis. centering around three concepts: artists, money, and entrepreneurial action, as stated in the subtitle of the book, creative infrastructure endeavors to address the question, “how can artists make work and thrive in this late-capitalist society?” (essig, , p.). to answer the question, the book uses nine essays to elaborate on essential concepts, competing theories, and diverse perspectives concerning underlying rationales, behavioral principles, as well as social and cultural contexts of arts entrepreneurship. each essay creates an intellectual space where the author engages in thought-provoking conversations with various sources, including classic and recent scholarly publications, artworks, news articles, and artivate 11.1 2 government reports, among others. the author also intricately weaves her insightful observations and comments into various stories of artists and communities. as a former theater professional who attained a doctorate in public administration and public policy, essig integrates her dramaturgical lens and training in stakeholder theory to analyze both contextual and behavioral constructs of arts entrepreneurship phenomenon through the following questions: what is the economic, social, and cultural context for arts entrepreneurship? who are stakeholders of arts entrepreneurship, and what role do they play in both the phenomenon and discourse of arts entrepreneurship? how are artists and other stakeholders situated and motivated to take action? how can the arts sector and the latecapitalist world be transformed for and through arts entrepreneurship? most importantly, how do the power dynamics shape the narrative of arts entrepreneurship and the transforming arts sector? guided by these questions, essig’s nine essays elucidate the conundrums and complexities “between the principles of hierarchy (of capital over labor) and of autonomy” (p.), which dictate the relationship between artist individuals and arts institutions, creativity, and the economy of scale, as well as neoliberalism and the pursuit of a more equitable world. the first essay of creative infrastructure offers an elaborate theoretical discussion on the ouroboros—the circular image of a snake with its tail in its mouth, common to ancient greece and egypt. essig first introduced and explicated the image as a metaphor in her well-regarded editorial, “the ouroboros of arts entrepreneurship,” in artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts (). according to essig, the ouroboros does not represent the drive to accumulate capital, which is the essential spirit of capitalism. instead, the resources accumulated through entrepreneurship feed and nourish the head, emblematizing a cycle of artistic survival and flourishing. much like the ouroboros, the book’s nine essays demonstrate how the strategy of “buying up, not selling out” plays out in helping artists, organizations, and communities renew and sustain their arts practices and cultural production. essig’s sophisticated deliberation over competing perspectives regarding property ownership and capital points to the paradoxes and controversies that can emerge when applying neoliberal principles and capitalism tools to achieve sustainable, equitable, and community-centered arts practices. essays two and three present an overdue reckoning on how our understanding of art is situated in the reality of capitalist society. taking up a claim from chapter one, essig begins by demonstrating how she sees artists and their audiences connecting through arts entrepreneurship. drawing upon john dewey and artists in different art disciplines, the author asserts that such connection is an inherent attribute of art creation in that artists are intrinsically motivated to convey symbolic meaning and value by creating art experiences that interact with audiences and their social contexts. based on the assumption that an economy is a system of social interactions where the circulation of goods and services is facilitated by currency (sharpe, ), essig contends that the underlying assumption for the arts economy in capitalist societies is that “experience is the currency of art” (p. ). what is most inspiring about this essay is that it shifts our focus from the theories of social and economic impact of the arts to the nature of art as an infinite and open system with its own wholeness. this holistic view of art allows artists and arts organizations to break through the hierarchical, racist, unsustainable, and inequitable artivate 11.1 3 capitalist system by reclaiming their autonomy of the production and circulation of their creative practices. in essay five, essig draws on the best practices of creative placemaking to discuss the unique contributions artists can make to changing the perpetuating inequities in the late-capitalism society. in this essay she shows how artists, through their creative processes and products can make a significant, positive impact on not only cultural communities but also their material and artistic sustainability. while the first five essays elucidate the underlying assumptions and fundamental conceptual constellations of arts entrepreneurship, essays six, seven, and eight zoom in for a close-up of controversies and challenges facing the concept of “arts entrepreneurship” as actions and “arts entrepreneur” as an identity. one of the key contributions of this essay is the wake-up call for policymakers, institutions, and artists to stop only taking the very few artists who have achieved stardom as the models of successful working artists. instead, they should encourage and support the broad middle-rank artists who do not benefit from the “winners take all” arts economy (menger, ; caves, ) needed to take entrepreneurial action. essig argues, “it is these artists, the artists in the middle, who can serve the social good, create excellent work, and critique the economic system in a meaningful way” (p. ). as an educator who teaches an arts entrepreneurship course in my institution, what i enjoyed reading most in the last few essays are the lived experiences of artists and the embodied pedagogies of essig. they demonstrate that the most fundamental units of entrepreneurial action for individual artists may be rooted in their artistic ways of observing, thinking, and making. of course, as one of the most disruptive events in the past three years, covid- demonstrates the vulnerability of the neoliberal market system and the resilience of artists at the same time. by emphasizing the inequities created by the neoliberal free market with more examples in essay eight, the author further discusses how artists leverage the systemic inequities by taking advantage of their abundant creative assets and how they circumvent the precarity by connecting their creative work with audiences or by harnessing the tools of neoliberalism, such as presales, resource-sharing, and union-based collective action. i found this book an intellectual delight for scholars, teachers, and artists who want to develop a systemic and comprehensive understanding of arts entrepreneurship as an academic field; a social, economic, and cultural phenomenon; or simply a term full of controversies and possibilities. for scholars interested in contributing to the scholarly work of arts entrepreneurship, this book can be viewed as a compass of the most significant conversations and theoretical constructs. for educators, this book clarifies the theoretical rationales and practical pathways for curriculum and pedagogical development of arts entrepreneurship as a specialized field connected to but fundamentally different from the entrepreneurship training of business schools. although “critiques of neoliberalism tend to rely on and reproduce the coloniality of knowledge” (kangas & salmenniemi, , p. ), the author’s contemplation of the relationship between art, artist, inequity, and capitalism offers an opportunity for “entrepreneurship” and “arts” shackled by hierarchical, western-centric social and economic systems to reclaim their freedom. essig’s insightful piece of work is a bold reimagination of nonartivate 11.1 4 capitalist ways of living, creating, and influencing for artists. references caves, r. e. (2000). creative industries: contracts between art and commerce (no. 20). harvard university press. essig, l. (2021). creative infrastructures: artists, money and entrepreneurial action. intellect books. kangas, a., & salmenniemi, s. (2016). decolonizing knowledge: neoliberalism beyond the three worlds. distinktion: journal of social theory, 17(2), 210–227. menger, p. m. (2014). the economics of creativity: art and achievement under uncertainty (s. rendall, a. jacobs, a. dorval, l. eskinazi, e. saada, & j. karaganis, trans.). harvard university press. sharpe, b. (2010). economies of life: patterns of health and wealth. axminster. triarchy press/international futures forum. vol. 12 2023–2024 evaluating an art and design students’ genderbased entrepreneurial potential model peter oluwagbenga odewole olabisi onabanjo university, ago iwoye abstract: extant literature has revealed the issue of gender inequality in art and design education and entrepreneurship. given that gender inequality hinders socio-economic development in any nation, it is crucial to gather empirical evidence on whether the entrepreneurial potential of art and design students is influenced by gender. hence, this study examined the relationship between art and design students’ gender and their entrepreneurial potential. using a well-structured questionnaire, the study sampled 204 art and design undergraduate students from different higher institutions across nigeria. data were collected from participants using a questionnaire that included measures of their entrepreneurial traits. the hypothesized relationships among variables were tested based on confirmatory factor analysis (cfa) and structural equation modeling (sem). the findings indicate that cfa and sem results showed a good fit between the proposed model and the observed data for both female and male groups. this suggests that both genders of art and design students have significant potential to become entrepreneurs without any biases. keywords: gender, art and design students, entrepreneurial potential, sustainable development goals (sdgs), confirmatory factor analysis (cfa), structural equation modeling (sem). doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.12.1.204 introduction entrepreneurship, in the context of this article, encompasses a range of activities, including innovation, risk management, value creation, resource allocation, intrapreneurship within organizations, social and serial entrepreneurship, economic development, lifestyle choices, cultural expression, academic and research endeavors, and global engagement, all centered around identifying opportunities and applying entrepreneurial principles in diverse contexts beyond traditional venture creation. this agrees with de avila and davel (2023), who reasoned that arts entrepreneurship could be innovation-based, mindsetartivate 12 2 based, project-based, and organization-based. like other fields, entrepreneurship in art and design involves identifying opportunities, taking risks, organizing resources, and using innovation and creativity to bring a new product, service, or business concept to the marketplace. entrepreneurship is relevant to economic growth and significant for driving social development in every nation of the world. ungureanu (2020) opines that entrepreneurship and economic development have become significantly interlinked in the new global economy. fostering entrepreneurship in the art and design field is increasingly essential. the reason for this is the increasing need for channeling the teeming unemployed youths towards viable and sustainable pathways to self-reliance. the art and design discipline offered in higher education institutions is vocational-based and provides a vital path for creativity, innovation, and entrepreneurship. emphasizing the teaching and learning of entrepreneurship in the arts and design field is driven by the need to facilitate artists’ integration into the workforce and equip individuals who can drive the creative economy (de avila & davel, 2023). the art and design field is a domain of the creative economy that offers prominent entrepreneurial potential (jalil et al., 2019). entrepreneurship potential comprises a set of psychological cognitions and perceptions of oneself about confidence, success, risks, motivations, and competencies, including everything that influences entrepreneurial intentions (ward et al., 2019). entrepreneurial potential connects with several personality traits that characterize successful entrepreneurs, including self-efficacy, opportunity-seeking, calculated risk-taking, leadership, persistence, and more (souza et al., 2017). this implies that the more entrepreneurial traits individuals possess or can develop, the greater their potential to become entrepreneurs (windapo, 2018). according to zefane (2012), people with the desire or potential to become entrepreneurs are usually more inclined to start a business. youth unemployment and gender stereotypes continue to persist as significant issues in the field of entrepreneurship (mahlaole & malebana, 2022). in nigeria, a developing country with over 200 million people, youth entrepreneurship research is crucial for addressing the issue of high unemployment rates. nevin et al. (2020) reported that 41% and 31% of the nigerian population aged 15-34 years and 25-34 years were unemployed. the percentage of unemployed individuals with a bachelor’s degree was 41%, which is higher than 18% for those with vocational skills. this indicates that more than obtaining a higher education is required to secure employment. to tackle this problem, the nigerian government introduced the npower policy, which aims to create 600,000 new jobs and provide entrepreneurial training and skills development opportunities for graduates and nongraduates (nevin et al., 2020). however, according to akabuike (2022), nigeria has not yet tapped into the entrepreneurial potential of its students. the interest in entrepreneurship education in the 21st century now hinges on achieving sustainable development goals (sdgs) (ashari et al., 2021). in this sense, the extent to which an entrepreneurship course can achieve the sdgs determines its effectiveness. the artivate 12 3 attempt to attain sdgs 4 and 5 has recently driven the need for more inclusive and equitable quality education and more gender-based research in developing countries. regarding entrepreneurship, gender inequality is deleterious to socio-economic development in any country, particularly developing countries (olarewaju & fernando, 2020). in nigeria, addressing gender biases in entrepreneurial undertakings is one of the significant concerns of vocational education and training in recent times (akwa, 2016). since odewole et al. (2022) addressed the gender suitability of the art and design discipline, considering gender issues relating to art and design students’ entrepreneurial potential is also relevant. gender disparities and the efficacy of entrepreneurship training programs are interconnected with gender concerns in entrepreneurship education and advancement. the claim in some extant literature that entrepreneurship is male-oriented presents gender as a mystifying variable that moderates entrepreneurial intentions and behavior (ward et al., 2019). according to miller (2013), sociological literature on gender and artistic careers revealed numerous ways in which cultural perceptions of artists tend to assume a masculine subject. thus, there is a need to provide empirical evidence on whether or not the potential of art and design students to become entrepreneurs is gender-driven. “gender-driven” in the context of this article suggests that entrepreneurial potential may vary by gender-related factors, such as the experiences, challenges, or opportunities that individuals of different genders encounter when pursuing entrepreneurial activities in the art and design field. nonbinary groups have been an essential community in art and design, like in other fields of human endeavor (furman et al., 2019). therefore, it is imperative to clarify that the female or male gender referred to in this article is the “genetic female or genetic male,” according to the nigerian cultural context, instead of the socially attributed meanings to the masculine and feminine genders. to the researcher’s best knowledge based on the literature review, no empirical study has yet been conducted to investigate art and design students’ gender-based entrepreneurial potential in nigeria’s tertiary institutions. hence, this study examined art and design students’ gender-based entrepreneurial potential using structural equation modeling (sem) to test the hypothesized relationships among variables. theoretical background gender in entrepreneurship gender is a significant factor, particularly regarding stereotypes about women in the labor market (pech & r ehor , 2021). there is evidence of disparity in the gender gaps in entrepreneurial involvement in some african countries, including nigeria (ndofirepi et al., 2018). gender inequalities in entrepreneurship typically encompass several factors, including limited access to credit and finance/capital, fewer networking opportunities for artivate 12 4 women entrepreneurs, horizontal gender segregation, challenges balancing work and family life, and gender biases and stereotypes about women in business (arnaut et al., 2016). the perpetuation of a stereotypical and male-centric view in entrepreneurial activities can dissuade women from engaging in such activities (cardella et al., 2020). hence, promoting gender equality can foster the establishment and success of enterprises characterized by increased innovation, sustainability, and a rewarding workplace (muntean & ozkazanc-pan, 2015). gender and entrepreneurial potential in art and design education higher education provides an appropriate avenue for the development of entrepreneurship (hatt, 2018). entrepreneurial learning in higher institutions provides avenues to develop students’ entrepreneurship mindset (attitudes) and skills (olorundare & kayode, 2014). however, the role of gender in entrepreneurship education is an important and complex issue, as gender can influence the opportunities and challenges faced by aspiring entrepreneurs of different genders. entrepreneurial potential, which comprises both the environment and personality traits that motivate individuals to intend to start a business or become an entrepreneur, can serve as a tool for analyzing gender differences (ward, 2019). gender is important in considering the variables of entrepreneurial potential since gender inequality plays a significant part in entrepreneurial activities (bela et al., 2021). in the context of this article, gender-based entrepreneurial potential refers to the inherent capabilities, qualities, and attributes that enable individuals to identify opportunities, take calculated risks, and create value in various domains, including traits like creativity, innovation, resourcefulness, and the ability to transform ideas into successful endeavors, which may differ in the biological female and male gender. gender-based entrepreneurial potential hinges on the assumptions of differences between male and female propensity to become entrepreneurs, given the significant concerns that young people with high entrepreneurial potential are more inclined to be enterprising than those with lower entrepreneurial potential (zeffane, 2013). the issue of gender inequalities concerns entrepreneurial intentions, considering the significant gap between genders in entrepreneurship globally (konutgan, 2022). gender inequality in art and design education in nigeria taking nigeria as a case study, gender inequality in art and design education is traceable to historical patriarchal structures and cultural norms preceding colonization. aina et al. (2015) noted that the disparities in nigeria’s higher education system are rooted in traditional gender roles. before colonial influence, the nigerian society adhered to distinct gender-specific roles and skill development. boys were predominantly entrusted with acquiring essential occupational skills such as farming, fishing, carpentry, masonry, and artivate 12 5 blacksmithing/goldsmithing. these skills were considered essential for the economic sustenance of the community. conversely, girls were traditionally taught skills related to reproductive functions, including housekeeping and childbearing. this division of labor along gender lines created a dichotomy in skill training and access to education, perpetuating a gender gap in vocational and creative fields, including art and design. however, abodunrin (2017) shed light on women’s historical involvement in nigeria’s art realm, traced back to their engagement in traditional crafts such as pottery, weaving, and other artisanal works. these crafts were essential components of nigeria’s cultural heritage and economy, and women played a vital role in their preservation and development. in essence, while patriarchal structures and historical gender-based divisions of labor have contributed to gender disparities in art and design education, women’s historical involvement in traditional crafts underscores their significant contributions to nigeria’s artistic and creative heritage. efforts to address gender inequity in the art and design field should acknowledge and build upon these historical foundations, working to break down the barriers that have limited women’s participation and opportunities in art and design education. wall-andrews and luka (2022) underscored the need for fostering gender equity among diverse artists who aspire to professionalize their careers through acquiring production and entrepreneurship skills. like in other parts of the globe, students pursuing entrepreneurship in art and design education in nigeria face challenges related to the lack of curricula that strongly emphasize entrepreneurial skills development, issues with balancing creativity with commercialism, and a need for mentorship and support, among others (thom, 2015). addressing these challenges requires a multi-faceted approach, including integrating business education into art and design curricula, providing access to resources, creating supportive ecosystems, promoting the value of creativity and entrepreneurship, and encouraging gender equality in art and design entrepreneurship. in nigeria, as in many other places, recognizing and supporting the potential of art and design entrepreneurship, with no regard for gender biases, can be vital for economic development, cultural enrichment, and diversification of the arts and design industry. stereotype activation and gender-integrative theories addressing gender-related challenges in arts and design education and entrepreneurship involves promoting gender equality and breaking down stereotypes and biases. according to lo, sun and law (2012), changing the normative perceptions that associate entrepreneurship primarily with males is difficult, as these notions reflect self-perceptions molded by entrenched gender stereotypes regarding entrepreneurship. hence, based on the literature review, the author considered the stereotype activation and gender-integrative theories pertinent to examining gender-based entrepreneurial potential among art and design students in this study. the reason is that these two concepts address different aspects artivate 12 6 of gender perception. while stereotype activation theory focuses on how stereotypes affect individuals’ self-perception and behavior, gender-integrative theory challenges traditional gender biases, countering the deleterious effects of stereotypes. stereotype activation theory the stereotype activation theory suggests that stereotypes can automatically and unintentionally affect people’s perceptions, judgments, and behaviors (wheeler & petty, 2001). it highlights the significance of being aware of different biases and working actively to challenge and correct them to promote fair and unbiased interactions with others. according to stereotype activation theory, when a stereotype becomes cognitively accessible (stereotype activation) in specific situations, it will influence attitudes and behaviors (sweida & reichard, 2013). gender stereotyping hinders the prospects of female entrepreneurs from thriving in the entrepreneurial arena, preventing them from exploring unfamiliar sectors and managing larger businesses with the potential for higher profits (adom & anambane, 2020). gender roles and stereotypes negatively influence women’s entrepreneurial self-efficacy and intention to initiate high-growth businesses (sweida & reichard, 2013). stereotypes contribute to social categorization, a critical factor in fostering prejudiced attitudes, thereby giving rise to distinctions between in-groups and out-groups (tu rko, 2016). regarding the outcomes of the stereotype activation theory, the gender stereotyping of entrepreneurial endeavors leads to reduced entrepreneurial intentions and a decreased likelihood of women embarking on their business ventures (jennings & tonoyan, 2022). within the realm of entrepreneurship, gender stereotypes are prevalent, historically portraying entrepreneurship as a predominantly male domain (jennings & tonoyan, 2022). these stereotypes can create barriers for women, including female art and design students, who may encounter societal expectations and biases undermining their entrepreneurial potential. in the context of art and design entrepreneurial education, gender stereotypes can influence the attitudes and behaviors of both male and female students, leading to varying levels of gender inequality. based on the reviewed literature, a hypothesis is proposed as follows: h1: art and design students’ gender-based entrepreneurial potential model supports stereotype activation theory. gender-integrative theory muntean and ozkazanc-pan (2015) criticized existing approaches to studying women’s entrepreneurship drawn from various feminist theories, suggesting the consideration of a gender-integrative perspective to entrepreneurship that attributes gender appropriately to both men and women instead. research has indicated that individuals of both artivate 12 7 genders tend to evaluate business opportunities equally when entrepreneurs are described using gender-neutral attributes (gupta et al., 2014). the gender-integrative theory requires a departure from rigid gender stereotypes, acknowledging that entrepreneurial success is not inherently linked to specific gender traits or characteristics. stereotype nullification, which entails linking gender-neutral attributes with domains traditionally associated with males, can eradicate gender disparities in entrepreneurial intentions (gupta, turban & bhawe, 2008). according to muntean and ozkazanc-pan (2015), the potential of stereotype nullification is an effective remedy for gender bias in entrepreneurship as the gender gap in entrepreneurial intentions can be eliminated by deliberately associating entrepreneurship with gender-neutral characteristics. the gender-integrative theory establishes a supportive ecosystem that encourages all individuals, irrespective of gender, to pursue their entrepreneurial aspirations and unlock their full potential, recognizing individual strengths, skills, or competencies as the driving factors rather than gender, acknowledging the unique capabilities that both males and females possess to ensure an unbiased assessment. regarding art and design entrepreneurship education, this approach supports equal opportunities for all students, encouraging them to develop their entrepreneurial skills and promoting an inclusive environment of innovative ideas and diverse perspectives, irrespective of gender. based on the reviews, the following hypothesis is formed: h2: art and design students’ gender-based entrepreneurial potential model supports gender-integrative theory. required skill sets for entrepreneurship according to cooney (2012) and agogbua and mgbatogu (2021), the skill sets required for entrepreneurship can be classified into three main groups: entrepreneurial, technical/soft, and business management skills. entrepreneurship education equips individuals with technical, business management, and personal entrepreneurial skills to thrive independently (okoro, 2021). for art and design students to increase their chances of achieving entrepreneurial success in the creative industry, developing and refining personal entrepreneurial skills, technical/soft skills, and management skills through continuous learning, practice, and real-world experiences is essential. entrepreneurial skills encompass traits and abilities crucial for success in the entrepreneurial journey. these skills include creativity and innovation, self-motivation and determination, risk-taking, resilience, adaptability, and flexibility (cooney, 2012; agogbua & mgbatogu, 2021). technical/soft skills are the practical knowledge and expertise needed in art and design entrepreneurship. these skills include but are not limited to communication and presentation, coordination, time management, and networking/collaboration (cooney, 2012; agogbua & mgbatogu, 2021). management skills are crucial for operating a flourishing art and design business venture. these skills include business planning and artivate 12 8 strategy, financial management, and marketing/promotion (cooney, 2012; agogbua & mgbatogu, 2021). combining these required skill sets could positively influence students’ entrepreneurial potential in art and design. according to zeng et al. (2023), experiential entrepreneurship learning methods have significantly contributed to cultivating entrepreneurship and management skills within the cultural and creative industries. combining entrepreneurial and technical/soft skills would not diminish any expected qualities of an entrepreneur but rather enhance their potential for success by incorporating additional attributes (cooney, 2012; alroaia & baharun, 2017). technical/soft and managerial skill traits are complementary rather than mutually exclusive toward achieving entrepreneurial success (wang et al., 2019). research findings by njoku et al. (2020) revealed that students’ gender significantly influenced their business management, technical, marketing, accounting, financial management, and ict compliance skills in creating business ventures. however, it is essential to reflect on these results prudently and consider the broader context of gender dynamics in entrepreneurship. addressing gender disparities, challenging stereotypes, and promoting equal opportunities is essential to fostering inclusive and diverse entrepreneurial ecosystems (veckalne & tambovceva, 2023). based on the extant literature reviewed, the following hypotheses are proposed: h3: there is a significant relationship between art and design students’ technical/soft and managerial skill traits, regardless of gender. h4: there is a significant relationship between art and design students’ entrepreneurial and technical/soft skill traits, regardless of gender. h5: there is a significant relationship between art and design students’ entrepreneurial and managerial skill traits, regardless of gender. methodology the study used a quantitative research design based on an online survey. art and design students from some nigerian tertiary institutions were selected as the sample to gather data. tertiary education institutions in nigeria include universities, polytechnics, colleges of education, and monotechnics, providing advanced levels of education. an online questionnaire survey was designed using google forms. the survey questions centered on the three main skill sets required for entrepreneurship: technical skills (tes), managerial skills (mns), and entrepreneurial skills (ets), and were measured using a five-point likert scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (very often). however, fricker (2012) identified some drawbacks of an unrestricted, self-selected sampling method for online surveys as used in artivate 12 9 this study. in the context of this study, the potential presence of self-selection, which occurs when individuals voluntarily choose to participate in the survey, can lead to a nonrandom sample (fricker, 2012). the respondents in this study involved only the art and design students from various nigerian tertiary institutions, who accepted to voluntarily participate in the survey without any form of enforcement or inducements. the survey link was distributed to the volunteering art and design students’ whatsapp platforms with the help of students and lecturers from the respective institutions. data were collected from a sample of 204 students enrolled in colleges of education, polytechnics, and universities within the designated timeframe for data collection. it is generally accepted that a sample size greater than 200 is sufficient for most models (kline, 2005). hence, considering the 36 hypothesized variables used in this study, a sample size of 204 is considered suitable for sem. the data were analyzed using ibm spss statistics 29 and ibm spss amos 29 graphics. the hypothesized relationships among variables were tested based on confirmatory factor analysis (cfa) and structural equation modeling (sem). the sem is a multivariate statistical analysis technique combining aspects of factor analysis and multiple regression analysis to explore and assess the structural relationships between observed variables and latent constructs in a given dataset (setiawan et al., 2020). the sem holds broad applicability due to its quantitative approach in testing substantive theories and explicitly considers the presence of measurement error, a pervasive factor in most disciplines (civelek, 2018). this makes sem a valuable tool for researchers seeking to validate theoretical constructs and explore complex relationships in their studies. in conducting sem, researchers frequently employ cfa as an initial step to assess the measurement model’s adequacy, ensuring that the observed variables accurately represent the intended constructs or factors before evaluating the structural model (jackson & gillaspy, 2009). the cfa model is often categorized as a type of measurement model within the broader framework of sem (harrington, 2009). the cfa also plays a pivotal role in validating measurements and assessing the reliability of a research instrument (hamdan, badrullah, & shahid, 2011). given the drawbacks of traditional correlational analysis methods, such as the pearson coefficient analysis in measuring reliability and validity (hamdan, badrullah, & shahid, 2011), the study preferred using cfa/sem. more so, the cfa/sem distinguishes itself by encompassing both observed (measured) and unobserved variables (latent constructs) and explicitly specifies error, necessitating a formal model specification for estimation and testing, while traditional correlational methods rely on default models and analyze only measured variables, assuming measurements occur without error (suhr, 2006). artivate 12 10 results and discussion demographic characteristics of respondents table 1 shows the respondents’ demographic characteristics. the data presented in table 1 indicated that the samples have good gender distribution, with 66 (32%) females and 138 (68%) males. the current higher institution of study of the respondents cut across all the three major tertiary institutions in nigeria, which are the college of education with 13 (6%), polytechnic with 28 (14%), and university with 163 (80%), respectively. the respondents’ educational level is categorized as follows: 100 level (ond 1, or year 1) with 41 (20%), 200 level (ond 2, or year 2) with 67 (33%), 300 level (hnd 1 or year 3) with 59 (29%), 400 level (hnd 2) with 30 (15%), and 500 level with 7 (3%). the areas of specialization of the respondents are art education with 5 (2.5%), art history with 3 (1.5%), ceramics with 17 (8.3%), general art/design with 28 (13.7%), graphics with 52 (25.5%), painting with 49 (24%), sculpture with 15 (7.3%), and textiles with 35 (17.2%). with the satisfactory frequency distributions of the demographic characteristics surveyed in the study, it can be inferred that the respondents who participated in the survey adequately represent the target population. table 1. respondents’ demographic characteristics respondents’ demographic characteristics frequency (n=204) percentage (%) gender female 66 32 male 138 68 type of current higher institution of study college of education 13 6 polytechnic 28 14 university 163 80 educational level 100 level, ond 1, year 1 41 20 200 level, ond 2, year 2 67 33 300 level, hnd 1, year 3 59 29 400 level, hnd 2 30 15 500 level 7 3 area of specialization art education 5 3 art history 3 2 ceramics 17 8 artivate 12 11 general art/design 28 14 graphics 52 25 painting 49 24 sculpture 15 7 textiles 35 17 descriptive analysis table 2 shows the descriptive analysis of the respondents regarding the 36 items measured in this study. tes10: “i like searching for appropriate methods and techniques to ensure success in whatever i do” has the highest mean of 4.378. tes6: “i enjoy having many friends” has the lowest mean of 3.039. this implies that the art and students’ research and development skills are the most pronounced, while their networking skills are the least pronounced. table 2. descriptive data of the respondents s/n item variable skill trait mean sd mean score rank 1 tes1 i prefer not to interrupt other people when they are speaking. communication 3.431 1.397 28 2 tes2 i pay attention to nonverbal signals—body language, facial expressions, and gestures— when communicating with others. communication 3.956 1.155 17 3 tes3 it is easy for me to inspire others to do what i want. leadership 3.299 1.111 31 4 tes4 i am not afraid of acting as a leader during activities. leadership 3.412 1.254 29 5 tes5 i like to be in contact with other people. networking 3.902 0.983 19 6 tes6 i enjoy having many friends. networking 3.039 1.203 32 7 tes7 i can work out good relations with different people. team playing 4.039 0.977 14 8 tes8 i can work together with a person or a team. team playing 4.275 0.927 3 artivate 12 12 9 tes9 i like researching and challenging old ideas and practices and finding ways to improve things. research & development 3.971 0.904 16 10 tes10 i like searching for appropriate methods and techniques to ensure success in whatever i do. research & development 4.378 0.729 1 11 mns1 i do not get caught by surprise in situations that i could have planned. planning 3.642 0.989 26 12 mns2 i like to have the activities of my next year always well planned. planning 3.725 1.014 24 13 mns3 my own decisions are influential in my work. decision making 4.127 0.777 8 14 mns4 i think i can shape my life with my decisions. decision making 4.132 0.846 7 15 mns5 i can improve efficiency by pooling the resources i have. resource management 4.054 0.878 12 16 mns6 i can transform the resources i have efficiently to produce goods/services. resource management 4.118 0.891 10 17 mns7 i am very capable of organizing and executing actions to be successful. motivation 4.127 0.917 8 18 mns8 i have control over the critical factors that influence my success. motivation 3.882 0.891 19 19 mns9 i can easily convince anybody to buy a product/service. marketing 3.637 0.949 28 20 mns10 i can provide sales support. marketing 3.750 0.983 23 21 mns11 i like to have a budget plan for the money i spend. i enjoy tracking and recording my expenses. financial/ accounting 4.044 0.959 13 22 mns12 i enjoy saving and investing my money. financial/ accounting 4.167 0.899 6 artivate 12 13 23 mns13 i enjoy building relationships and creating win-win outcomes when dealing with other people. negotiation 4.201 0.784 4 24 mns14 i am willing to compromise during a negotiation when necessary to solve problems. negotiation 3.863 0.899 20 25 ets1 i try to work in new ways that others have not employed before. creativity/ innovation 3.882 0.960 19 26 ets2 i like working on projects that allow me to try something new. creativity/ innovation 4.113 0.849 11 27 ets3 i face difficult situations in my daily activities as personal challenges. persistency 3.858 0.917 21 28 est4 the obstacles i face make me increase my energy to overcome them. persistency 4.118 0.874 10 29 ets5 i can make effective decisions regarding business in the future. visionary 4.093 0.908 15 30 ets6 i like making preparations for the future. visionary 4.373 0.787 2 31 ets7 i am open to changes in my work and studies. flexibility 4.176 0.841 5 32 ets8 i have no problem adapting to a new situation and practice. flexibility 3.975 0.975 15 33 ets9 i have an excellent ability to detect business opportunities. opportunity seeking 3.848 0.937 22 34 ets10 i am interested in knowing the market needs for determining products/services. opportunity seeking 3.951 0.940 18 35 ets11 i like to run financial risks for potential benefits. risk-taking 3.672 1.048 25 36 ets12 i like to be exposed to situations that involve some risk. risk-taking 3.343 1.183 30 artivate 12 14 internal validity and reliability of the constructs by cfa five (5) out of the initial ten items for tes, six (6) out of the initial 14 items for mns, and five (5) out of the initial 12 items for ets provided a good measure of residual matrix and evidence of convergent validity. thus, they were used for the cfa. the remaining items for each of the tes, mns, and ets constructs used for cfa and their factor loadings are shown in table 3. according to su ru cu and maslakçı (2020), the reliability of a scale is established when the composite reliability (cr) exceeds 0.7, as in cronbach’s alpha value, and convergent validity is confirmed when the average variance extracted (ave) exceeds 0.5. hence, as shown in table 3, the cr values exceed 0.7, and ave values exceed 0.5, revealing good convergent validity. approaches employed to address missing data in this study include conducting exploratory data analysis to visually inspect response patterns, identify trends, and detect any unusual patterns that may indicate data quality issues and implementing robust maximum likelihood estimation in sem to reduce the impact of outliers on parameter estimates. table 3. results of the internal validity and reliability of the constructs based on cr and ave item factor loading cr ave tes 0.842 0.516 tes1 0.713 tes3 0.692 tes4 0.649 tes7 0.781 tes8 0.751 mns 0.861 0.510 mns2 0.626 mns3 0.663 mns6 0.771 mns7 0.792 mns8 0.691 mns10 0.729 mns2 0.626 ets 0.852 0.537 ets2 0.751 ets3 0.787 ets5 0.75 ets7 0.74 ets8 0.626 artivate 12 15 results of the cfa model figure 1 shows the cfa results for the female art and design students’ entrepreneurial potential regarding the tested constructs. the cmin/df ratio of 1.192 suggests a good fit between the proposed model and the observed data. generally, a ratio below the threshold of 2 is considered acceptable, indicating that the model adequately represents the data. the incremental fit index (ifi) value of 0.939 indicates a good fit between the proposed model and the observed data. an ifi value closer to 1 suggests a better fit, and a value above 0.90 is typically considered acceptable. the tucker-lewis index (tli) value of 0.919 represents a moderate fit between the model and the data. similar to the ifi, a tli value closer to 1 is desired. however, a value above 0.90 is generally considered acceptable. the comparative fit index (cfi) value of 0.935 suggests a satisfactory fit between the model and the observed data. like the ifi and tli, a cfi value closer to 1 is desirable, with values above 0.90 typically indicating an acceptable fit. the root mean square error of approximation (rmsea) value of 0.058 indicates a good fit between the model and the data. a lower rmsea value suggests a better fit, and values below 0.08 are generally considered acceptable. the standardized root mean square residual (srmr) value of 0.08 represents a reasonable fit between the model and the data. a lower srmr value indicates a better fit, and values below 0.08 are generally considered acceptable. based on the provided cfa results, it can be inferred that the proposed model fits the data reasonably well for female art and design students’ entrepreneurial potential. figure 2 shows the cfa results for the male art and design students’ entrepreneurial potential regarding the tested constructs. the cmin/df ratio of 1.414 suggests a good fit figure 1. cmin/df = 1.192; ifi = 0.939; tli = 0.919; cfi= 0.935; rmsea = 0.058; srmr = 0.08 artivate 12 16 between the proposed model and the observed data. generally, a ratio below the threshold of 2 is considered acceptable, indicating that the model adequately represents the data. the ifi value of 0.927 indicates a good fit between the proposed model and the observed data. an ifi value closer to 1 suggests a better fit and a value above 0.90 is typically considered acceptable. the tli value of 0.902 represents a moderate fit between the model and the data. similar to the ifi, a tli value closer to 1 is desired. however, a value above 0.90 is generally considered acceptable. the cfi value of 0.924 suggests a satisfactory fit between the model and the observed data. like the ifi and tli, a cfi value closer to 1 is desirable, with values above 0.90 typically indicating an acceptable fit. the rmsea value of 0.057 indicates a good fit between the model and the data. a lower rmsea value suggests a better fit, and values below 0.08 are generally considered acceptable. the srmr value of 0.0657 represents a good fit between the model and the data. a lower srmr value indicates a better fit, and values below 0.08 are generally considered acceptable. based on the provided cfa results, it can be inferred that the proposed model fits the data reasonably well for male art and design students’ entrepreneurial potential. comparing the cfa results for female and male art and design students’ entrepreneurial potential, the cmin/df ratio for female and male students is 1.192 and 1.414, respectively. both ratios are below the threshold of 2, indicating a good fit for both groups. however, the cmin/df ratio for female students (1.192) is lower than that for male students (1.414), suggesting a slightly better fit for the female group. the ifi values for female and male students are 0.939 and 0.927, respectively. both values indicate a good fit, with the female group having a slightly higher ifi value. the tli values for female and male students are 0.919 and 0.902, respectively. while both values indicate a good fit, the female group shows a slightly higher tli value. the cfi values for female and male students are 0.935 and 0.924, respectively. both values suggest a satisfactory fit, with the female group having a slightly higher cfi value. the rmsea values for female and male students are 0.058 and 0.057, respectively. both values indicate a good fit, with no substantial difference between the two groups. the srmr values for female and male students are 0.08 and 0.0657, respectively. both values suggest a good fit, with the male group showing a slightly lower srmr value. figure 2. cfa for male. cmin/df = 1.414; ifi = 0.927; tli = 0.902; cfi= 0.924; rmsea = 0.057; srmr = 0.0657 artivate 12 17 results of the sem model and hypothesis testing figure 3 shows the results of the sem analysis on data regarding female and male art and design students’ entrepreneurial potential. the cmin/df ratio of 1.287 suggests a good fit between the proposed model and the observed data for both female and male groups. generally, a ratio below the threshold of 2 is considered acceptable, indicating that the model adequately represents the data. the ifi value of 0.960 indicates a good fit between the proposed model and the observed data for both groups. an ifi value closer to 1 suggests a better fit, and a value above 0.90 is typically considered acceptable. the ifi value of 0.960 suggests a strong fit for both female and male students. the tli value of 0.948 represents a good fit between the model and the data for both groups. similar to the ifi, a tli value closer to 1 is desired. a tli value above 0.90 is generally considered acceptable. therefore, the tli value of 0.948 indicates a satisfactory fit for both female and male students. the cfi value of 0.958 suggests a good fit between the model and the observed data for both groups. like the ifi and tli, a cfi value closer to 1 is desirable, with values above 0.90 typically indicating an acceptable fit. the cfi value of 0.958 indicates a strong fit for both female and male students. the rmsea value of 0.039 indicates a good fit between the model and the data for both female and male students. a lower rmsea value suggests a better fit, and values below 0.08 are generally considered acceptable. the rmsea value of 0.039 indicates a strong fit for both groups. the srmr value of 0.0531 represents a good fit between the model and the data for both groups. a lower srmr value indicates a good fit between the proposed model and the data. typically, values below 0.08 are considered acceptable in assessing model fit. in this case, the obtained srmr value of 0.0531 suggests a strong fit for both female and male students. the structural equation modeling (sem) analysis results allow us to infer that the proposed model effectively captures the relationship between variables associated with entrepreneurial potential among female and male art and design students. this inference is supported by the favorable fit indices, including cmin/df, ifi, tli, cfi, rmsea, and srmr, indicating a strong fit for both groups. the findings suggest that the proposed model accurately represents the interconnections between various factors related to entrepreneurial potential in art and design education for both female and male students. these results provide confidence in the validity and applicability of the model to understand and assess entrepreneurial potential in this specific population. the stereotype activation theory posits that individuals can be influenced by figure 3. cmin/df = 1.287; ifi = 0.960; tli = 0.948; cfi= 0.958; rmsea = 0.039; srmr = 0.0531 artivate 12 18 stereotypes associated with their gender, leading to impacts on their behaviors, attitudes, and self-perceptions (wheeler & petty, 2001). in this regard, gender stereotypes can negatively influence the perception of art and design students regarding entrepreneurial potential. however, the sem results indicate a good fit of the proposed model for both female and male respondents, suggesting that gender stereotypes may not significantly influence art and design students’ entrepreneurial potential within the context of this study. therefore, h1 is not supported. hence, h1, which proposes that art and design students’ gender-based entrepreneurial potential model supports stereotype activation theory, is rejected. the gender-integrative theory supports recognizing and respecting gender differences while avoiding stereotypes (muntean & ozkazanc-pan, 2015). since the sem results indicate a good fit of the proposed model for female and male art and design students, this suggests that gender may not be a significant differentiating factor when predicting entrepreneurial potential among art and design students. therefore, h2 was supported. hence, h2, which suggests that art and design students’ gender-based entrepreneurial potential model supports gender-integrative theory, is accepted. table 4. testing hypotheses h3, h4, and h5. hypothesis relationship estimate s.e. c.r. p decision h3 ets <--> mns .246 .049 5.016 *** accepted h4 tes <--> mns .126 .046 2.765 .006 accepted h5 ets <--> tes .120 .043 2.777 .005 accepted the results of the hypotheses testing the relationship between technical/soft skill traits (tes), managerial skill traits (mns), and entrepreneurial skill traits (ets) among art and design students are shown in table 4. when examining the relationships between variables, hypotheses are tested to determine the significance of their influence by analyzing the critical ratio (c.r.) and probability values (p-values). the c.r. value ≥1.96 or the p-value ≤0.05 indicates a significant influence between the studied variables (syamsudin et al., 2022). as shown in table 3, the connection of ets with mns was positive and significant (c.r.=5.016, p= 0.001); hence, h3 was supported. the relationship between tes and mns was positive and significant (c.r.=2.765, p= 0.006); therefore, h3 was supported. the association between ets and tes was positive and significant (c.r.= 2.777, p < 0.005); hence, h4 was supported. in table 4, the results of testing h3 revealed a p-value of 0.000, which is lower than the generally recommended significance level of 0.05. therefore, hypothesis h3, which proposes a significant relationship between art and design students’ entrepreneurial skill traits and their managerial skill traits, regardless of gender, is accepted. this implies that, irrespective of gender, students with specific entrepreneurial skills in art and design are artivate 12 19 more likely to exhibit corresponding managerial skills. while art and design students often possess creative and innovative mindsets, developing entrepreneurial and managerial skills can significantly enhance their ability to turn their ideas into successful ventures. entrepreneurial skill traits are essential for identifying and exploiting opportunities, taking calculated risks, and managing the overall business process. these skills are valuable for art and design students who aim to create their businesses or work as freelancers. on the other hand, managerial skill traits are crucial for organizing and executing the daily operations of a business. the relationship between art and design students’ entrepreneurial and managerial skill traits is vital in determining their entrepreneurial potential. combining creativity, problem-solving abilities, adaptability, networking, leadership, time management, financial literacy, and communication skills empowers them to transform their artistic talents into successful entrepreneurial endeavors. according to zeng et al. (2023), experiential entrepreneurship learning methods have significantly contributed to cultivating entrepreneurship and management skills within the cultural and creative industries. in table 4, the result of h4 testing indicated a p-value of 0.006, which is lower than the generally recommended significance level of 0.05. consequently, hypothesis h4, which proposes a significant relationship between art and design students’ technical/soft skill traits and their managerial skill traits, regardless of gender, is accepted. this implies that, irrespective of gender, students with specific technical/soft skills in art and design are likelier to exhibit corresponding managerial skills. technical/soft skills form the basis of the artistic value and quality of products or services offered by art and design entrepreneurs. these skills are essential for creating unique, visually appealing, and innovative works that attract customers and differentiate them in the market. managerial skills help art and design students translate their technical skills into successful entrepreneurial ventures. by developing managerial abilities, students can effectively market their work, manage finances, build client relationships, and lead teams, thereby enhancing their chances of business success. technical/soft and managerial skill traits are complementary rather than mutually exclusive toward achieving entrepreneurial success (wang et al., 2019). while technical/soft skills allow artists and designers to produce compelling and aesthetically pleasing work, managerial skills provide the necessary entrepreneurial acumen to turn that work into a sustainable business. while exceptional technical/soft skills are valuable, lacking managerial abilities may limit their capacity to commercialize their work effectively. on the other hand, solid managerial skills without sufficient technical proficiency may result in a lack of artistic quality and innovation. therefore, art and design students with a combination of technical/soft and managerial skills traits are more likely to realize their entrepreneurial potential. these students can establish successful creative enterprises and thrive as artistic entrepreneurs by continuously honing their technical/soft skills while developing managerial competencies. artivate 12 20 in table 4, the result of h5 testing showed a p-value of 0.005, which is below the generally recommended significance level of 0.05. as a result, hypothesis h5, which suggests a significant relationship between art and design students’ entrepreneurial skill traits and their technical/soft skill traits, regardless of gender, is accepted. this indicates that, irrespective of gender, students with particular entrepreneurial skills in art and design are likelier to exhibit complementary technical/soft skills. combining entrepreneurial and technical/soft skills would not diminish any expected qualities of an entrepreneur but rather enhance their potential for success by incorporating additional attributes (cooney, 2012; alroaia & baharun, 2017). the relationship between art and design students’ entrepreneurial and technical/soft skill traits significantly determines their entrepreneurial potential. both sets of skills are essential and complementary, contributing to the overall success of students in pursuing entrepreneurial ventures in the art and design industry. while entrepreneurial skill traits provide the vision, adaptability, and business acumen necessary to launch and manage a successful venture, technical/soft skill traits enable the execution and delivery of high-quality artistic products or services. students who combine both skill sets effectively have more potential to succeed as entrepreneurs in the art and design industry. practical implications to address gender inequalities and biases, there is a need to design and deliver entrepreneurship education that is more inclusive and tailored to the needs of diverse aspiring entrepreneurs (pimpa, 2021). it is important to continue exploring and addressing gender inequalities in entrepreneurship education to promote a more inclusive and equitable entrepreneurial ecosystem. ndofirepi et al. (2018) accentuated the necessity for gender-sensitive approaches to formulating and executing entrepreneurship development and support measures among potential entrepreneurs. hence, modifying entrepreneurship education curricula will mitigate stereotypes hampering gender equality in entrepreneurship (tu rko, 2016). entrepreneurship should not be centered around contrasting the approaches of male and female entrepreneurs but rather on how both genders can contribute to the economic progress of a nation. moberg (2020) suggested some approaches teachers can employ to handle gender issues in entrepreneurship education. these strategies include using entrepreneurial role models with varied backgrounds, teaching how to do entrepreneurship rather than how to become an entrepreneur, using gender-mixed groups, conveying the image of entrepreneurship as a rewarding endeavor, and providing different images of entrepreneurship that will boost students’ entrepreneurial mindset (moberg, 2020). adopting these teaching approaches will enable students to focus more on entrepreneurial activities in a manner that surpasses the gender-stereotypical image of entrepreneurship. to properly harness art and design students’ entrepreneurial potential, there is a artivate 12 21 need to consider the adoption of the gender-responsive pedagogy framework. according to chapin and warne (2020), gender-responsive pedagogy involves teaching and learning processes tailored to address the distinct learning needs of female and male students. incorporating gender as a fundamental perspective in higher education pedagogy fosters a more inclusive and interactive learning environment that ensures equitable participation from both women and men (chapin & warne, 2020). by creating an inclusive environment that appreciates diversity and avoids perpetuating gender biases, art and design education can foster an entrepreneurial culture where all students are encouraged to explore their entrepreneurial potential, regardless of gender. limitations regarding the drawbacks of an unrestricted, self-selected sampling method for online surveys as used in this study, students who are more inclined towards entrepreneurial activities might be more likely to participate, skewing the results and making it challenging to generalize the findings to the entire population of art and design students. it is essential to minimize self-selection bias in surveys, especially in niche populations like art and design students, by introducing incentives to encourage more representative participation. though both showed a good fit in the study, the cmin/df ratio of the female students could have been lower than that of the male students due to the much smaller sample size of female participants (32%). future research should consider using the same number of male and female participants to check this pattern. within the study duration, the researcher could not acquire a comprehensive number of art and design undergraduate students in higher institutions across nigeria. more so, the study does not have detailed information about the specific population of art and design students being targeted. factors such as family and cultural backgrounds and other demographic variables can significantly influence students’ entrepreneurial potential in art and design. without a clear definition of the population, the generalizability of the study’s findings becomes questionable. future research in the context of this study should take cognizance of these limitations and make necessary improvements. conclusion this study has contributed to the knowledge that can assist art and design educators and policymakers in promoting an inclusive and equal opportunity environment that encourages and supports entrepreneurship among art and design students, regardless of gender. the finding of this study showed good responses from both female and male students, signifying a promising entrepreneurial potential, agreeing with zeffane (2013). the research findings by konutgan (2022) also revealed that, although the pursuit of status and a willingness to take risks substantially influence an individual’s choice to pursue entrepreneurial goals, there is no significant relationship between gender artivate 12 22 differences and entrepreneurial intention. this is, however, in contrast to the survey that revealed that males are about three times more likely than females to start a business after graduation (pech & r ehor , 2021). the findings by ndofirepi, rambe and dzansi (2018) also established the existence of significant gender differences in entrepreneurial intention. these inconsistencies highlight the complex and multifaceted relationship between gender and entrepreneurship, suggesting a need for further research. it is essential to note that the findings of this study are specific to the sample and context of the art and design students within higher education institutions across nigeria. further research is needed to validate these results in different settings and to explore potential variations in entrepreneurial potential across gender groups within the art and design field. while the proposed model in this study demonstrates a good fit with the data, further research is warranted to delve deeper into the intricacies of gender stereotypes and their potential impact on entrepreneurial potential in various contexts. addressing and mitigating gender biases and stereotypes remains crucial to promoting equal opportunities and supporting all individuals’ entrepreneurial endeavors, irrespective of gender. more efforts should be made to address gender-related issues in art and design entrepreneurship education to ensure continuous progress and inclusivity. artivate 12 23 references abodunrin, j.a. 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(2023). the learning needs of art and design students in chinese vocational colleges for entrepreneurship education: from the perspectives of the theory of entrepreneurial thought and action, sustainability, 15(2366), 1-17. https://doi.org/10.3390/su15032366 cover image designed by the author. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijbm.v8n1p60 https://doi.org/10.3390/su15032366 vol. 11, no. 3 spring 2023 the rise of hybrid practice creative institutional design as arts entrepreneurship amy whitaker new york university abstract: this paper redefines hybrid practice as a form of creative institutional design rooted in the problems of dealing with multiple forms of value, an area in which the arts offer pioneering cases for general theory-building around external amalgamation of existing legal forms, internal design within hybrid legal forms, and field-building across communities and economic systems. informed by, but distinct from, implicitly neoliberal and social-impact literatures on institutional entrepreneurship, hybridity, and agency, this framework extends theories of effectuation to argue for a view of arts entrepreneurship as a laboratory for complex problem-solving both within and well beyond the arts. keywords: hybrid practice, institutional entrepreneurship, arts entrepreneurship, non-profit, b corporation, public benefit corporation. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.11.3.192 this paper redefines hybrid practice as a form of creative institutional design rooted in the problems of dealing with multiple forms of value, an area in which the arts offer pioneering cases for general theory-building. the cases in this paper support a theoretical distinction between creative organizational design that is an external amalgamation of existing legal forms, an internal design of metrics and strategy within hybrid legal forms, and a field-building design of community impact or reimagination of an economic system itself. while the terms “hybrid practice” and “institutional entrepreneurship” are well discussed in various literatures, the articulation of hybrid practice in this paper is specifically grounded in effectuation (sarasvathy 2001) and the related framework of “art thinking” as a creative process in any field (whitaker 2016a). the research and theory-building impetus was pedagogical, growing out of a graduate course in “hybrid practices” to mean the blurring across and boundary-breaking artivate 11.3 2 between for-profit and non-profit strategies in the arts—across philanthropy, institutional structure, creative partnerships, and ways of measuring success. in a first wave of hybrid organizational strategy in the arts, tools of business were employed to create novel institutional strategies and structures. for example, in 2014, the new museum of contemporary art, a 501(c)3 u.s. non-profit organization, started an incubator that includes artists, designers, and technologists working across creative and entrepreneurial fields (new inc 2023). in 2015, the commercially successful but still mission-driven crowdfunding platform kickstarter announced that it had reorganized as a public benefit corporation, a hybrid legal entity that allowed the company to state and follow goals other than fiduciary duty to shareholders while still being legally structured as a for-profit entity. in 2015, titus kaphar, jason price, and jonathan brand founded nxthvn, an artists’ residency and career accelerator whose goals include championing the art-market success of resident studio art fellows and the revitalization of the dixwell neighborhood of new haven, connecticut (brown 2019). in 2019, esther robinson and guy buckles founded art built, a non-profit artists’ studio space that used tools of commercial real-estate development creatively and in concert with below-market rental and lease terms of the economic-development-corporation-owned brooklyn army terminal in new york city (hamilton 2019). the past two years have seen a wave of more abstractly novel institutional arrangements. the three cases at the core of this paper—the museum of cycladic art, kickstarter, and solidarity not charity—all date from 2021-2022, a time period in which larger cross-institutional hybrid approaches were coming to the fore, both as strategy and as subject of critique.1 the broad phenomenon of these hybrid ventures called out for theory-making both for pedagogical purposes and for our understanding of entrepreneurship not only within the arts but as a contribution from the arts to other fields. arts entrepreneurship is both a growing and and an already well-modeled field. studies of entrepreneurship within arts administration (callander & cummings 2021; paulsen, et al. 2020; taylor 2015; white 2013, 2015; essig & guevara 2016; essig 2013, 2015; bridgestock 2012) highlight the necessity of entrepreneurial thinking in the arts to 1 for the course, i have chosen bleeding edge examples of some of the most creative cross-institutional collaborations or best-practice approaches to hybrid organizations in the arts. a limiting filter has been stories that rise to the level of press coverage or trust ties with individual practitioners and organizations. i have worked directly with some of these organizations, serving as an entrepreneur in residence at new inc and participating in kickstarter’s pwl (people we love) camp. i have collaborated with caroline woolard, a coauthor of solidarity not charity, since 2009 when i taught the second class at trade school, the barter-economy social-practice school woolard co-founded (woolard 2019). for the past two years i have served as an ally to the center for cultural innovation’s ambitious initiative to support artists redesigning economic models. the approach to studying decentralized systems has also come about from study of blockchain as a property management system as early as 2014, and working since then as an advisor to bitmark, the parent company of feral file which partnered with the museum of modern art, new york, to create non-fungible tokens in 2022 (nolin & whitaker 2023). artivate 11.3 3 secure funding and economic support for organizations and practicing artists. noonan and woronkowicz (2019) find that artists are more likely to be freelancers, and toscher (2019: 12) observes entrepreneurial competencies in artists managing their career pathways. callander (2019) has modeled art-making as an entrepreneurial practice. given the needs for artists to think entrepreneurially, the education of artists has begun to include business training (bhandari & melber 2017; essig 2013; frenette & tepper 2016; bille & jensen 2018). while artists have been modeled as entrepreneurs (gangi 2015), enduring uneasiness between art and business as identity categories (bonin-rodriguez 2012)— including a performance of economic disinterestedness (wohl 2021) and market eschewal (gerber and childress 2017) as part of artistic identity—has made access to entrepreneurial training and self-concept in the arts more complicated. teaching hybrid practice has entailed a concern not only with economic design but political problems of what davies (2014) has called the disenchantment of politics by economics. in 2018, giridharadas critiqued philanthropy as inherently borne of a conflict of interest in which patrons would not support programs outside their own self-interest, leaving many societal problems best served by democracy instead. especially in this context, it was notable in 2022 to see yvon chouinard, the founder of patagonia, forge succession planning that amalgamated a 501c4 lobbying organization to work on climate causes and a private trust to govern the company and its ongoing donations to climate causes (gelles 2022). even with the chouinard family’s payment of an estimated $17.5 million in estate taxes, the project was not democratic per se—reserving control for the family and other closely held advisors—but a model of how economic interests were being used to reenchant civic and societal purposes, albeit from a philosopher-king approach of benevolent will to lobby political processes rather than giridharadas’ (2018) suggestion of direct participatory democracy.2 since 1985, patagonia has donated one percent of sales—not profits but revenues—to environmental causes (patagonia 2023b). in 2022, patagonia’s sales were estimated at $1 billion annually, and the company overall was valued at $3 billion (gelles 2022). these economics of the firm led to the chouinard 2 in a novel transaction, the privately held for-profit corporation would be placed into two related entities. all of the voting shares—comprising 2% of the stock—would be placed in the newly formed patagonia purpose trust, a foundation governed by members of the chouinard family and close advisors. the remaining 98% of shares were irrevocably transferred to a purpose-built non-profit, the holdfast collective. rather than a 501c3 non-profit, holdfast was set up as a 501c4 with the express purpose of supporting climate action. the 501c4 allowed political lobbying that is forbidden for the more traditional 501c3. patagonia’s history of supporting environmental causes substantially predates this arrangement. in january 2012 patagonia became the first certified b corporation in california. as of patagonia’s first report as a b corporation, the annual benefit corporation report: fiscal year 2013, patagonia held the following legal entities: patagonia, inc., patagonia works, great pacific iron works, fletcher chouinard designs, inc., and patagonia provisions, inc. (patagonia 2013: 7). for access to all of patagonia’s benefit corporation reports, see patagonia (2023). for an overview of b corporations and benefit corporations from the vantage point of entrepreneurs, see barnes (2023). artivate 11.3 4 family’s aforementioned payment of $17.5 million in tax on the transaction.3 while corporate governance might not be considered an area of creative practice, these forms of design very clearly move legal and governance formats in service to mission—whether continued concentration of founder power in the case of meta or irrevocable transfer of the company into trust in service of the environment in the case of patagonia. the patagonia case embodies a new form of hybrid practice: not unbridled commercial interest tempered with social impact, nor charitable purposes driven by normatively held ideals of societal contribution (and non-profit tax code), but bold, untemplated creative vision taking form in relation to constellations of legal entities, design of adherence to new hybrid legal forms, or reimagination of the larger ecosystems in which we live and work. the cases in this paper are discussed in more detail subsequently but in brief: in 2022, a novel inter-organizational partnership was announced in the arts—an arrangement among the metropolitan museum of art, the museum of cycladic art athens, the greek government, and a newly formed delaware non-profit organization called the hellenic ancient culture institute to accept a gift of 161 works of cycladic art that would be exhibited at the two museums and then donated back to the greek state. that project created a tax benefit to the donor, the philanthropist leonard stern, while also threading complex international jurisdictional issues of greece’s cultural patrimony law that precluded stern’s direct donation to the met. at the same time, 3 it is interesting to consider the different tax consequences of chouinard’s choices. a donation to a 501c3 would have been tax-deductible but limited the core mission of supporting climate action. an outright sale, for instance, to a private equity firm, would have left chouinard with a tax burden on the increase in the value of the shares. the donation of the shares to a trust essentially passed ownership of patagonia to the next generation of the family, the chouinards’ children, fletcher and claire. the $17.5 million likely represents gift tax. as of 2023, the lifetime exemption from taxation for gifts was $12.92 million. the tax paid would have been on the value of the gift above that amount—an amount of tax less than in a corporate sale and far above the charitable donation available had they formed a 501c3. the transaction models core aspects of the ideas of hybrid practice: the mission—in this instance supporting climate action—is the artistic rudder from which legal structures follow. the regulatory environment becomes the set of constraints within which that creativity occurs. the corporate design of governance has, for better or worse, taken a design turn, notably with expansion of dual-class stock structures (cf. baran et al. 2023). this structure, which is credited to the initial public offerings of u.s. automotive companies dodge and ford, allocates voting rights differently across share classes. in the patagonia case, two percent of shares hold 100 percent of voting rights. while this separation of shareholder claims to profit and to governance can be relatively common across family businesses or closely managed companies (e.g., warren buffett’s berkshire hathaway), the structure is increasingly common in technology-sector companies. as of february 2023, fifty percent of initial public offerings in the tech sector were dual-class share offerings, as compared to 2.9% of tech firms in 1989 (ritter 2023, table 23; baran et al. 2023). for example, the founder of facebook (meta) mark zuckerberg holds the majority of voting rights (lauricella & norton 2021). class a shares (2.4 billion shares) have one vote per share. class b shares (440 million shares) have ten votes per share. as of 2021, zuckerberg owned 360 million class b shares and controlled, by private agreement, a further 32 million class b shares. there are 2.4 billion votes from class a shares and 4.4 billion votes from class b shares, or 6.8 billion total votes. of those, zuckerberg controlled 3.92 billion votes—57.7%. artivate 11.3 5 kickstarter, the crowdfunding platform, passed its sixth annual report as a public benefit corporation, creating a track record of novel forms of measurement—for instance, not just creative projects funded but self-study of protecting users’ privacy in the face of police warrants (kickstarter 2021: 13). in 2021, linares and woolard (2021) published a grantmakers in the arts report synthesizing an approach to designing a “solidarity economy” within and beyond the arts. while existing theories of hybrid practice and institutional entrepreneurship do describe these projects, they also lack specificity to describe the ethos, creativity, and complexity of these new models. to be sure, even as the imaginativeness and complexity of these hybrid practices has flourished, these cases are still vanishingly rare. as a sense of scale, the state of delaware, the leading corporate domicile in the us, is itself home to more than one million c-corps and s-corps (delaware division of corporations 2023). by contrast, there are fewer than 7,000 registered b-corps in the world—including the certification or corporate social responsibility insignia, not even legal form (b-corp 2023). yet in spite of this bleedingedge positionality, it seems time to articulate a theory of these projects, because the theory is grounded in a structuralist reading of creative institutional design, not an implicitly capitalistic notion of entrepreneurial motivation toward profit and in relation to the firm. instead, hybrid practice is a parallel artistic medium in the same way that callander (2019) has argued for arts entrepreneurship as a parallel creative medium, not as a side pursuit instrumentalized to commercial purposes or a purely do-gooder or tax-incentivized giving back to the greater good. hybrid practice is a form of institutional artistry of form—of combination, of internal design, and of imagination of the field itself. this approach to entrepreneurship and business disciplines broadly—as parallel creative processes embedded in artistic practice itself—relates importantly to the articulation of arts entrepreneurship as a pedagogical and experiential field. in 2016 in the general art publication hyperallergic, whitaker (2016b) theorized various ways in which disciplines of business modeling and entrepreneurship were being taught to artists. in the 1.0 level, business is a form of received knowledge, a way of internalizing the logic of microeconomics and performing business, comparable to callander’s (2019) reading of the limitations of a view of arts entrepreneurship as only in service to commercial purposes. in the 2.0 level, business is a creative design medium, a form of structural engagement with the algebra of markets. artists could work with markets as they could with any medium, which is to say, on their own terms. in the 3.0 version, working with business structures became a form of civic engagement, with the artist working as a creative person, a businessperson, and a citizen. we see in the current wave of hybrid practice in the arts an important pattern for entrepreneurial thinking that similarly engages at a structural rather than normative level with the possibilities of business as a medium, while also reaching into civic design of shared, democratic purposes. these cases together, and the process of teaching them, inform this new conceptual framework for reframing hybrid practice and institutional entrepreneurship specifically artivate 11.3 6 within arts entrepreneurship and grounded in sarsavathy’s (2001) theory of effectuation. by grounding hybrid practice in effectuation, it is possible to accomplish two purposes simultaneously: to frame this growing field and to reframe existing theories of hybrid practice and institutional entrepreneurship apart from attendant neoliberal and microeconomic assumptions of efficiency, agency, and optimization. instead, hybrid practice, as conceptualized here, is part of artistic practice, but artistic practice broadly defined as creative institutional design, whether accomplished by artists, managers, or whole organizations. because of the newness of this field, the methodology of this paper generalizes case studies (yin 2013) to build a conceptual framework (siggelkow 2007) within herglund’s (2007) idea of entrepreneurship as a research-based artistic practice itself. that researchbased artistic practice includes authorial experience in what could be termed informal ethnography of graduate study in business and studio art. the former took place at a time circa 2000 when “triple bottom line” theories of multiplicity of business measurement were first being taught. circa 2010, i also taught in one of the earliest hybrid mba programs, the design strategy mba at california college of the arts, which modeled business education as a trifecta with design and the environment.4 these approaches are important to informing the ethos of hybrid practice as rooted in systems thinking (meadows 2009; brown 2017) as opposed to isolatable vectors of market efficiency and profit (whitaker 2021a). i include my own positionality as an artist-mba and participant in early social practice projects because it was important to my own effectuated process of amalgamating this theory, beginning with hearing the attorneys practicing those forms early on—a few years before hybrid practice papers in the arts (cf. rushton 2014). that process informs this paper’s ethos of legal design and practice as also effectuated. the significance of this approach is in furthering the ideas within arts entrepreneurship of art-making as itself an entrepreneurial process (callander 2019), but at the same time broadening the definition of artist (whitaker 2016a) so that theories of arts entrepreneurship apply to creative process well outside the arts. this extension of arts entrepreneurship is critical to the larger need to frame social impact not as an offshoot of implicitly neoliberal and microeconomic approaches to profit-seeking, optimization, efficiency, and, generally speaking, causation, but as a problem-solving framework to disentangle the encroachment of economics into politics (davies 2014) and to approach complex problems such as climate change as great collective art projects of our time. it is necessary to analyze some of the literature in institutional entrepreneurship, hybridity, and agency closely in order to distinguish this approach. this paper’s framework extends theories of effectuation to argue for a view of arts entrepreneurship as a laboratory for problem-solving in organizations, communities, and 4 teaching in a hybrid design-and-business program in 2011-2012 in california—in one of the states with early adoption of hybrid legal forms—afforded the opportunity to hear the architects of those models as those models were first emerging. artivate 11.3 7 economies. the arts as a field has struggled to convey its value, whether as art for art’s sake or as an engine of economic impact. i argue here that the arts is a laboratory for interdisciplinary problem-solving and that understanding hybrid practice across these cases helps us understand how we move forward both imaginatively and analytically with some of the most complex problems of our time. i structure this paper with necessary background sections on the core approach to arts entrepreneurship, which is via sarasvathy’s (2001) theory of effectuation and the framework of art thinking or inventing point b (whitaker 2016a). i then situate hybrid practice and institutional entrepreneurship in the existing literatures and argue that those literatures do not feature effectuation so much as neoliberal and microeconomic tropes of causation. i then lay the groundwork of arts entrepreneurship and present the theoretical framework of external, internal, and field-building hybrid practice before sharing the cases in depth and offering conclusions on the underlying themes of how we navigate creatively the social and community-driven logics of democracy and the individual-agency and optimization logics of economics. arts entrepreneurship provides this bridge. grounding in effectuation and art thinking not only are there many forms of value in the arts—for instance, social, cultural, aesthetic, and civic—but also those forms of value are emergent over time (whitaker 2021b). i use the term “emergent” to generalize from sarasvathy’s effectuation and whitaker’s (2016a) “art thinking.” the latter defines art as a process of “inventing point b,” which aligns artmaking and arts entrepreneurship with sarasvathy’s (2001) framework of effectuation, meaning the process of moving forward to make decisions of economic and missionrelated import without reference points that typically characterize microeconomics and theories of the firm, namely institutions and markets that orient economic concepts such as marginality and profit. the framework of inventing point b (whitaker 2016a) is adapted from heidegger’s (1947) theory of art as something new in the world that changes the world to allow itself to exist. in the “inventing point b” framework, if one is making a work of art in any field, one is not going from a known point a to a known point b but inventing point b, that is, not optimizing but effectuating. sarasvathy’s theory of effectuation (2001) is the root structure of this paper’s approach to redefining hybrid practice and institutional entrepreneurship in the arts. sarasvathy distinguishes effectuation from causation, defining the latter as the application of market logics that require existing reference points. as sarasvathy (2001: 261) writes, causation relies “on primitives such as ‘product’ and ‘market,’ and on institutions such as ‘firm,’ ‘industry,’ and ‘economy’.” it becomes difficult to imagine moving forward— through effectuation or, in the artistic framework, inventing point b—without a template of existing business model, primitives, and institutions. to distinguish effectuation from causation, sarasvathy (2001: 245) employs the artivate 11.3 8 analogy of a chef cooking a meal. in the case of causation, the chef is asked to cook to a menu. in the case of effectuation, the chef is invited to survey the cabinets to decide what to make. as sarasvathy writes of the latter chef, “an effect is the operationalization of an abstract human aspiration.” effectuation can be argued as important under a market logic; in 2001, sarasvathy (245) notes that half of the fortune 500 companies had been founded within the prior fifteen years. yet this idea of effectuation is critically important to the construction of not only arts entrepreneurship but art-making itself. key tenets of effectuation include “affordable loss rather than expected return (252),” “strategic alliances rather than competitive analyses (252),” “controlling an unpredictable future rather than predicting an uncertain one (252),” and finding control in creation, not prediction (252). effectuation threads through the idea of inventing point b: one invests resources in the point a world and does not know value until the point b world that one’s work effectuates into existence (whitaker 2016a). one deals with unpredictability by working toward creating a future. prediction is not able to conjure world-building; only creativity is. sarasvathy already points to this role of imagination and creativity in the original theory of effectuation: an effectuator is “an imaginative actor who seizes contingent opportunities and exploits any and all means at hand to fulfill a plurality of current and future aspirations . . . .” she continues: “human imagination and human aspirations influence each other and reshape one another continually . . . (262).” the effectuator is close to the artist, particularly in the case in which the artist is world-building or inventing point b. as i develop in this paper, the artist can be the organization navigating legal form—whether a related llc and 501c3 or a more complex network—that constitutes a form of collage or bricolage (di domenico et al. 2010) as creative endeavor. resituating hybrid practice and institutional entrepreneurship in order to build toward hybrid practice as effectual process of creative organizationbuilding, it is necessary to distinguish the literatures on hybrid practice and institutional entrepreneurship, which are substantially rooted in causation and not effectuation. and in order to contextualize hybrid practice and institutional entrepreneurship in effectuation within the arts, we must first distinguish general and causation-driven approaches to entrepreneurship as well. in their foundational theory of entrepreneurship as a field of research, shane and venkatamaran (2000: 217) define entrepreneurship as “concerned with the discovery and exploitation of profitable opportunities.” while shane and venkatamaran move substantially beyond prior modeling of entrepreneurship as the hero’s journey of the entrepreneur, their theory is strongly threaded with microeconomic assumptions of causation, namely an implicit logic of efficiency and opportunity cost. they (218) draw on venkatamaran’s (1997) definition of entrepreneurship as a process of “how, by whom, and artivate 11.3 9 with what effects opportunities to create future goods and services are discovered, evaluated, and exploited.” they acknowledge the limitations of defining entrepreneurship in terms of the agency of the individual, but still define it in terms of primitives such as “future goods and services.” while “future” connotes the possibility of effectuation, the logic is causal. the idea is that entrepreneurial success is market success that occurs through sales. even when referencing schumpeterian creative destruction, shane and venkatamaran (2000: 221) approach that need for constant reinvention through the assumed goal of enhancing wealth. arts entrepreneurship extends beyond the “creation of goods and services” to the larger creation of value, which arts entrepreneurs define themselves from multiple points of view. while some frameworks on social entrepreneurship have defined entrepreneurial activities more broadly to concern environmental and societal issues, those broader frameworks (cf. mitra et al. 2019) have focused on pedagogy. thus, in order to reframe hybrid practice, we first need to move in the argument from entrepreneurship as a process of exploiting a market to entrepreneurship as a process analogous to artmaking itself in, again, the processes of effectuation and art thinking discussed above. in fact, callander (2019) has argued that entrepreneurship needs to be seen as part of art-making, not only as a marketing activity that travels alongside the artistic process. callander writes (2019: 62) that arts entrepreneurship does not need to lead toward commercial ends but toward “establishment of [arts entrepreneurship’s] credibility as a medium” of artistic practice itself. whereas callander models this entrepreneurial process as part of social practice art, here “art” is expanded to include market design as well (whitaker 2016a). markets are often modeled as models of allocative efficiency, but they are also models of creative process (buchanan and vanberg 1991:183; sarasvathy 2001: 237). thus, hybrid practice is the application of arts entrepreneurship to political and economic structures—markets, legal forms, contracts, and other facets of institutional design. outside of arts entrepreneurship, both the terms “hybrid practice” and “institutional entrepreneurship” have commonly appeared in general management literature for more than a decade. battilana et al. (2012: 51) have defined the term “hybrid model” as one that “produces both social value and commercial revenue through a single, unified strategy.” they describe the “hybrid ideal” as a combination of access to capitalistic engines such as scale and the concurrent realization of mission. the larger study of hybrid practice arguably took root in the development of hybrid legal forms, including the early flexible purpose corporation and l3c (low-profit limited liability company) (battilana and dorado 2010). in spite of this growing managerial area of the “hybrid organization” and the possibilities of mission-fulfilment with capitalistic efficiency, foundational tensions have existed between the logic of money and of purpose, the latter often associated with the economic category of the use (ostrom 1990) and overuse (hardin 1968) of common resources and thus market failure (whitaker 2021a: 111). in writing about digital innovation, an area central to some of the cases in this paper, artivate 11.3 10 trittin-ulbrich and bo ckel (2022: 449) employ maguire et al.’s (2004: 657) definition of institutional entrepreneurship as “activities of actors who have an interest in particular institutional arrangements and who leverage resources to create new institutions or to transform existing ones.” because of the transformational nature of institution entrepreneurship, hardy and maguire (2017) argue that it is often associated with the transformation not only of organizations but also of fields. while institutional entrepreneurship can have many meanings, here i use the term specifically to describe creativity applied to organizational form in service to mission. i consider the institution as a unified actor, recognizing that institutions are, in actual fact, comprised of the agency of their individual workers (dimaggio 1988: 14) and that the entrepreneurial individual can be at odds with the larger institution (garud et al. 2007). the capacity to participate in institutional entrepreneurship may rely substantially on a person’s social position within an organization (battilana 2006), and this agency of the individual may be even more important in the application of institutional entrepreneurship to well-developed industries (greenwood & suddaby 2006). while theories of change need to account for the individual, institutional, and societal level of motivation and impact (friedland & alford 1991), the focus of this paper is on institutional entrepreneurship as defined as the creative design of the organizational form, network, or set of contracts itself. guo (2022) has, for instance, modeled an institution as a creative actor in her study of the national endowment of the arts (nea) as an institutional entrepreneur in convening creative placemaking organizations and networks. as guo writes, the nea as institutional entrepreneur “develops resources, power, and influence for a federal agency constantly challenged by funding cuts and public controversies.” guo models the nea as institutional entrepreneur with the entrepreneurial purpose of advocating for the arts and legitimating the nea itself, aligning theory-building with strengthening the precarious position of the arts more than with expanding the arts to generalize creative problem-solving for other fields. this entrepreneurial thinking—not just about products or within venture capital or realization of social purpose but as a form of holistic organizational design, both within single organizations and across interconnected organizations—has been part of a broader approach both within and outside of the arts. the b-corporation movement allowed organizations to be certified as socially responsible based on a set of criteria. in 2007, the non-profit organization b-labs started the benefit corporation certification framework. operating like fair trade (zhu et al. 2021) as a certification as distinguished from the legal form of the public benefit corporation, the certification has moved in lockstep with the legal categories (lucas et al. 2022; rawhouser et al. 2015) in the aim of normalizing valuesdriven corporate culture or the intersection of profit and purpose. as of 2022, the public benefit corporation is a legal form in 35 us jurisdictions (34 states and the district of columbia). as of 2023, over 6,400 companies from eighty-nine countries have registered as b-corps (b-corporation 2023), allowing corporations such as kickstarter and patagonia artivate 11.3 11 to write their own charters to marry their fiduciary duty to shareholders with larger responsibilities to society. existing theories of hybrid practice and institutional entrepreneurship come from a more neoliberal and microeconomic grounding. i use harvey’s (2005: 2) definition of “neoliberalism” as a “theory of political economic practices that proposes that human well-being can best be advanced by liberating individual entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework characterized by strong private property rights, free markets, and free trade.” the role of government is to “create and preserve an institutional framework appropriate to such practices (2).” rushton’s (2014: 147) consideration of hybrid practice in the arts exemplifies this microeconomic and neoliberal approach to hybrid practice. rushton invokes neoliberal principles as described by harvey (2005) when rushton writes, “the essence of hybrid organizations is that they are commercial firms that exist to further some aspect of the public good.” the economic rationale of the firm is primary, and the social good is secondary. thus, rushton, who focuses on the low profit limited liability company (“l3c”), concludes that the structure is not helpful within these microeconomic problems of marginal trade-off decisions and moral hazards, for instance, of the managers of hybrid organizations in distributing profits to board ties or themselves. rushton does not conceive of an organization like kickstarter that has a viable business model—5% of monies raised—and a social purpose. rushton (151) instead argues that “the entrepreneur can still pursue social goals through using the profits of the enterprise,” as if there is a binary choice between a commercial logic and a donative one. contemporary hybrid practice characterizes a gray area, the same one of effectuation and art thinking, of navigating purposes and sets of tools and contingent circumstances, but not the artifacts of causal reasoning which are present in rushton’s analysis. the neoliberal role of the state is also there in rushton’s (146) description of the charitable donation tax benefit as reflective of a trust in non-profit organizations that is “made formal by public policy.” mometti and van bommel’s (2021) analysis of hybrid practice supports this unresolved tension between commercial logics and nonprofit missions. the authors’ study of performing arts organizations in the netherlands in fact speaks to this internalization of commercial logic. they find that the arts organizations tended to acquiesce to public-policy pressure to embrace a market logic and that instead of synthesizing commercial and social strategies they compartmentalize and institutionally dissociate. one could argue that theory-building drawn from commercial logic affects public policy formation, which in turn, in a mirror of battilana et al.’s (2012) paradox of embeddedness, places the arts entrepreneur at odds with the political and economic infrastructure of a state that supports non-profit tax deduction and a commercial logic that does not fully apply to those organizations. this reasoning tracks back to a longer lineage of shifts in business school curricula to champion doubleand triple-bottom-line accounting, which added a “second” and “third” artivate 11.3 12 definition of profit to include human rights and the environment, and the broad category of social concern alongside net income of the implicitly commercial firm. paradoxically, these studies often theorize from organizations that were likely effectuated into being but with an ex-post logic that feels causal. emblematic is the consideration of hot bread kitchen, a profitable gourmet bakery that also champions and provides workplace training for immigrant women and women of color, specifically those who identify as black, aapi, and latinx (hot bread kitchen 2023; battilana et al 2012). the two purposes exist in the same organization but are analytically separated into meeting these twin goals rather than the sustainability across them. toward a theory of creative structural design a theory of structural organizational design goes beyond the history of two-sided “hybrid” models where non-profit organizations have affiliated for-profit businesses that spin off earned income, for instance, an urban museum with a parking garage. the for-profit concern may be mission-related, as in the case of providing parking to museumgoers. much of this income would be taxable “unrelated business income tax” but allows the institution more breathing room on the pressures of fundraising to support mission. instead, the model takes these questions of taxation, legal structure, and other parts of institutional design and considers them artistic processes under this larger framework of effectuated design, art thinking, and a re-reading of institutional entrepreneurship as a form of effectuation. fruchterman (2011) maps the questions of institutional design from the point of view of the individual entrepreneur who must confront the translation of motivations and concerns into institutional and specifically legal forms. this approach is an important antecedent to what we see in the arts now but different in its following of entrepreneurial literature as the position of the person—entrepreneur or intrapreneur—in taking on risk to determine value by bringing knowledge, resources, and social skills to bear on a problem (battilana 2004: 9). as battilana writes, the individual within an organization has a paradoxical embeddedness in which the institution influences the individual and the individual tries to change the institution, a means-ends dynamic also modeled by essig (2015) and others in arts entrepreneurship. this reality of the agency of the individual is acknowledged here, but the institution itself is modeled as the entrepreneur or artist. external design: creative amalgamation across legal forms the first type of institutional design is embodied by the museum of cycladic art case. a group of entities finds overlaps in their commonly held values and imagines an institutional solution to an impasse. the solution creates an equilibrium of best possible outcome for all parties. yet even beyond that analytic scope, the agreement is a new model, artivate 11.3 13 one created by a process of effectuation, specifically in building strategic alliances and sense-making against resources in the environment, in this case cultural patrimony law, estate planning, and the purposes and collections strengthening of an encyclopedic museum. in 2022, the metropolitan museum of art in new york announced a novel arrangement in which the businessperson and philanthropist leonard stern donated 161 works of cycladic art—the circa 3000 bce area of minimalist sculpture for which there is little written record but which was influential to modern artists including pablo picasso— to a newly formed delaware non-profit, the hellenic ancient culture institute (haci) (moynihan 2022). a contribution agreement between stern and the non-profit governed this donation. in addition, the metropolitan museum of art entered into a “four-party agreement” with haci, the museum of cycladic art in athens, greece, and the greek state (via the hellenic ministry of culture and sport) to commit to time-delimited exhibitions of the artworks in the stern collection at the museum of cycladic art (a subset of the collection for approximately one year) and the metropolitan (the full collection for a twenty-five-year renewable term) before the works would be returned to the greek state.5 the arrangement solved for a number of interrelated purposes. the greek cultural patrimony law—and whether it governs collectors and institutions outside of greece would be subject of debate—allows ownership of artworks by individuals but not generally by institutions. thus, stern would have been unable to donate the works directly to the metropolitan, or the metropolitan might have perceived a risk of that arrangement; even if litigation could go in its favor, the bureaucratic and reputational risk could be too high. stern might have wanted to donate the works and would have been eligible for a tax benefit for doing so. this us tax benefit would not be accessed by donating the works directly back to the greek state. in addition, as stern told the new york times, it was important to him that his grandchildren be able to see the collection intact, which they would be able to do at the metropolitan. curiously, the articles of incorporation of the delaware non-profit cite directly the greek cultural patrimony law, thus indirectly applying greek law to the arrangement, but via a u.s. non-profit organization’s incorporation documents. at the same time, the arrangement was sanctioned by the greek parliament and in fact published in the parliamentary record—including the contribution agreement, four-party agreement, and also an exhibition agreement between haci and the metropolitan (hellenic republic 2002). this arrangement is notably complex, in the detailed legal arrangements and in the requirements within each contract to acknowledge the other contracts and, in certain places, set up cascading conditions so that one contract would be invalidated if another failed to be signed. in addition, the arrangement was criticized (e.g., hamilakis 2022) by 5 the legal complexity of this case merits standalone treatment, including analysis of the legal documents which were published in the greek parliamentary registry (hellenic republic 2022). artivate 11.3 14 those observers who felt the works should go to greece directly and simply called messy or controversial by others (e.g., benzine 2022). messiness can sometimes characterize art in its early stages of realization and metabolization by its publics. the criticisms seemed contingent on belief in a “batna” (best alternative to a negotiated agreement) that included a deus-ex-machina return of objects in private hands to the greek state. one notes other, even higher stakes and entrenched issues of repatriation, including the longstanding controversy of the parthenon marbles displayed in the british museum. in this case, whether some disagree with the outcome and structure, one can argue that the arrangement itself is novel and highly creative, and in that way an institutional artwork made out of contracts connecting legal parties in order to solve for the mission-driven purposes of sharing art with the public, with future generations, and over time, via repatriation to a source country. the ability to think creatively across organizational form—in the design of contractual arrangements—allowed the organizations to chart new pathways into the future. internal design: metrics and strategy within a hybrid legal form in the second case, an organization with one of the longest track records of hybrid form in the arts has designed a succession of public benefit corporation reports that embody an array of values that do not stem from commercial logic or nonprofit outreach but institutional values. with the possibility of transformational change and the complexity of operating across organizations, how does one measure the outcomes of hybrid practice in the arts? here, the work of b corporations and public benefit corporations is instructive, as these organizations have developed their own approaches to measurement and accountability (rawhouser et al. 2019), including some who have also adapted tools such as grant’s (2015) “rubric”-building for social-profit organizations. this section focuses on the case study of kickstarter, which has been a leading benefit corporation in the arts. since 2015, kickstarter, the crowdfunding platform, has operated as a registered public benefit corporation, and since 2016 (kickstarter 2016, 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020, 2021), kickstarter has issued a report offering self-analysis of its quantifiable and other outputs. the development of the report over time is noteworthy. in 2016, the report cited substantially a research report conducted in collaboration with a team at the university of pennsylvania (kickstarter 2016) focused on job creation and other markers of economic impact. article 1 of the kickstarter charter lays out its pbc mission: “to help bring creative projects to life (kickstarter n.d.).” they solved for this purpose with a combination of behind-the-scenes work, programmatic support including 5% of profits donated to artrelated causes, and transparency around data privacy and lobbying. as example of the tools to support creators, in 2021 kickstarter updated the chat features and improved reporting to project teams with a better “fulfillment status” feature for awards artivate 11.3 15 (kickstarter 2021: 9). they also included new supports for bank wire-transfer routing, adding an international 4 (iban) number to allow creators in europe to move funds more easily among countries. programmatically, kickstarter continued to publish the creative independent (tci), to lead workshops, and to support charitable causes in the arts. regarding data privacy, kickstarter’s approach to transparency is particularly illustrative. in 2016, kickstarter had already operationalized its values by declining to have a forced-arbitration clause in their terms of service, even though compelling users to arbitration—prior to ever being able to sue the company—is relatively standard. by 2021, kickstarter was reporting on their approach to inquiries from law enforcement. in 2021, kickstarter received roughly 200 inquiries from law enforcement in the us and internationally. six were civil subpoenas, and none were search warrants. kickstarter released “minimum basic subscriber information required by law” for the subpoenas and for other inquiries disclosed only publicly available information (kickstarter 2021: 13). in a culture in which companies regularly sell user data, this discipline and adherence to values is not only notable but important to describe narratively where it would be difficult to reduce to widely circulated metrics or key performance indicators (kpis). kickstarter also reports on its environmental footprint and its lobbying activities. granted, the leaders of the company are gifted storytellers—telling stories about projects is what the company supports creators to do—even with some degree of virtue-signaling, the facts go beyond the bounds of shaping the story. kickstarter could just be reporting their financials and their quantifiable results—the percentage projects that are funded, the number of backers, the amount raised per category. in 2021, kickstarter (2021: 19) gave $525,000 to charity; if that amount in fact constitutes 5% of profits, then one can infer $10.5 million in profits in 2021. in general, kickstarter has a structurally strong business model: they are able to access economies of scope (chandler 1994: 17; whitaker 2021a: 68) by applying their software across many different kinds of projects, and they allow creative teams to access economies of scale by bringing in many backers at the same level of reward or product. the company takes 5% of all monies raised, putting them in the structural position of taking a percentage of a large number rather than having to find each individual dollar. the design of metrics—how we define success—gets at the very philosophy of economics and of entrepreneurship. one could consider, for instance, the work of brown (2017) to frame “emergent strategy” as an organic and community-driven and “fractal”like process of holistic nurturance. or, in a very different way, one could conceive of growth as a process of seeking scale—what thiel and masters (2014: 8) describe as “technology” and invention—what they term the process of going from “zero to one” in order to then scale from one to many. the latter is measurable, and rewardable, but a traditional for-profit model; the availability of both kinds of approaches simultaneously— as in the case of kickstarter, the ability to have social impact and make a profit—calls on fundamental questions of whether one strives for growth, per se, or betterment, and the artivate 11.3 16 definitions of success that sometimes involve doing less, and the discipline of saying no. systems design: solidarity and other emergent economies in the third case, processes of effectuation and institutional design extend to the imagination of new economic models. in fact, sarasvathy (2000: 261) cites within the foundational paper on effectuation the idea of entrepreneurs creating whole economies. some social-practice artists and researchers have proposed new lenses onto market structures, proposing holistic tools of a “solidarity economy.” linares and woolard (2019) have, in a report commissioned by grantmakers in the arts, gathered resources and built frameworks around the solidarity economy as a collaborative economic and governance system to support equity and sustainability. in considering the design of whole systems, white (2019: 55) has posited arts funding systems themselves as fodder for design, and wilkerson (2012) has proposed creative institutional structures to reimagine the arts as a system that funds itself. here, the design of the economic structure goes beyond the arts to consider market design as art. while many of the organizations in hybrid practice serve field-building purposes larger than themselves,6 this field-building work extends to the design not only of the arts ecosystem but the larger economy, notably through the solidarity economy. linares and woolard (2021: 41) define the solidarity economy in five principles: pluralism, solidarity, equity, sustainability, and participatory democracy. pluralism is an acknowledgment of “multiple paths” to new, holistic economic forms, not a fixed structure. solidarity “includes a range of social interactions grounded in collective practices such as mutualism, sharing, reciprocity, altruism, love, caring, and gifting.” equity, in its typical meaning within diversity, equity, and inclusion, refers to inclusion and to resistance of forms of oppression, while sustainability not only includes economic sustainability but respectfulness toward and affinity with “indigenous principles of living in harmony with nature.” participatory democracy centers local rather than diffuse decision-making and community participation wherever possible. these principles characterize woolard’s own work as a social practice artist, including in the founding of the barter-economy trade school (2009) and work with jahoda (jahoda & woolard 2019) on institutional design and administration as a part of artistic work. their book making and being includes, illustratively, radically transparent information on the sources of income received during the construction of the book. 6 for example, nxthvn in new haven, ct, is not only a residency program supporting artists, curators, and high-school apprentices but a catalyst aiming to benefit its neighborhood of dixwell and to transform representation in the art market. kehinde wiley’s residency program black rock platforms artists’ careers and serves as a crucible and platform for artists’ careers and for catalyzing the creative ecosystem of african and african diasporic art (black rock, n.d.; lucas 2023). other artists, including other black artists such as mark bradford, have succeeded in the art market and then built systems to platform local communities, as bradford did in co-founding art + practice in los angeles (cooper 2019). artivate 11.3 17 in woolard’s work as the director of research and partnerships for the distributed governance platform open collective, she puts these principles of participatory governance into play. open collective is itself a hybrid organization that operates three legal entities, including the open collective foundation, a 501c3 us non-profit organization that serves as a fiscal sponsor of cooperative organizations. open collective handles back-office functions such as accounting and lends its non-profit status to ventures, allowing them access to grant monies and to tools for transparent participatory governance—including decision-making about the distribution of any surplus funds (open collective 2023). field-building includes more people equitably in the arts and also creatively redesigns the economic systems that are causally and historically linked to exclusion, extraction, limitation, and harm. discussion and conclusions although institutional entrepreneurship and hybrid organizations have been studied, particularly since the advent of hybrid legal forms, these ideas take on new meaning as part of the development and future of arts entrepreneurship. these new hybrid models effectuate complex, systems-level approaches to synthesizing for-profit and non-profit structures. rather than be governed by vectors of microeconomic thinking, these newwave institutional entrepreneurs navigate legal and organizational structures as artistic mediums and risk engaging in effectuation (sarasvathy 2001) as a process of inventing point b worlds (whitaker 2016a). these forms of institutional design are creative attempts to grapple with the multiple forms of value that are defined by capitalistic, artistic, and political logics. this re-articulation of hybrid practice in the arts contributes to the field of arts entrepreneurship by expanding artistic practice to the design of democracy and of political and economic systems for communities and more broadly. what these developments point to is an expansion of how we conceive of entrepreneurship in the arts to include a broader creative and entrepreneurial approach to designing novel organizational structures that support the intersections of mission and markets—and the partnerships across charitable, commercial, and governmental interests—that uniquely characterize the arts. while this need for hybrid practice is acute in the arts, these models generalize to entrepreneurial thinking across business and law outside the arts as well in relation to environmental causes, democracy, and other areas in which markets tend to fail in the provision of public goods and causes are moved forward through creative institutional design. these efforts include activist movements to redesign the economy such as occupy wall street (allison et al. 2021), ambitious (cci 2023), the solidarity economy movement (linares and woolard 2021; open collective 2023), and the tackling of climate and other large-scale societal frontiers as collective art projects. these acts of institutional creativity extend to building the field itself—encompassing artivate 11.3 18 the design of the economic system in which arts entrepreneurship occurs. the movement toward a solidarity economy—as championed by social practice artists and scholars— offers an important context for hybrid practice as a form of concentrically larger goals: building the organization, building the field, and building the larger economy, each as a creative form of applied ethics and institutional design. this consideration of hybrid practice is particularly timely in the field of arts entrepreneurship because of the blurring of for-profit and non-profit forms both within and outside of the arts ecosystem. that blurring includes cases of proactive blurring such as new arts incubators and also cases of unacknowledged blurring such as, in the us, the treatment of the corporation as a political person exercising free-speech rights when making economic campaign contributions (whitaker and abrams 2023; citizens united 2010). this study of hybrid practice and the cases presented contribute a view of institutional entrepreneurship through the lens of effectuation as a form of creative practice that centers collaboration and governance models. as new hybrid legal forms proliferate, areas of future research include building taxonomies of hybrid forms in the arts. still, these stories of institutional design—of negotiated arrangement and of strategic partnership between for-profit and non-profit institutions—point to imaginative institutional work with transformational potential within the entrepreneurial processes of the arts. the thread of governance and of design within institutional form create novel engagements of arts entrepreneurship with the principles of 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(2021). fair trade coffee and inclusive globalization: a metamorphosis of institutional entrepreneurship. multinational business review, 29(2), 189-209. doi: https://doi.org/10.1108/mbr-11-2019-0157 evelyn proimos. driving to el chalten, argentinian patagonia. 2011. used under creative commons license (cc by 2.0). cover image: driving to el chalten, argentinian patagonia by evelyn proimos, www.flickr.com/photos/43533334@n07/54693 81595 https://doi.org/10.1108/mbr-11-2019-0157 grounding in effectuation and art thinking resituating hybrid practice and institutional entrepreneurship toward a theory of creative structural design external design: creative amalgamation across legal forms internal design: metrics and strategy within a hybrid legal form systems design: solidarity and other emergent economies discussion and conclusions microsoft word 2.docx artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts vol. 8, no. 2, summer 2019 art and blockchain a primer, history, and taxonomy of blockchain use cases in the arts amy whitaker new york university abstract: blockchain technology, while commonly associated with cryptocurrencies, stands to bring radical structural change to the arts and creative industries. this paper presents a history, primer, and taxonomy of blockchain use cases in the arts and then explores the implications of blockchain in three regards: the blurring of the for-profit / nonprofit distinction, changes in the ownership structure of art, and potential for new structures of public and private support and related policy changes. these developments raise important questions of governance of a technology which requires expertise in cryptography, coding, and securities law for implementation. ultimately, blockchain holds the potential to tip the role of the arts toward democratic availability through collective ownership structures or toward further commodification of cultural assets. doi: https://doi.org/10.34053/artivate.8.2.2 blockchain—the distributed append-only ledger technology associated with cryptocurrencies such as bitcoin—is a rapidly evolving area of arts entrepreneurship. blockchain’s complex and decentralizing potential activates questions of strategy and possibility for artists (catlow, garrett, jones & skinner ; brekke ), organizations (schneider ; bailey ; adam, ), and systems of arts entrepreneurship (beckman & essig ; chang & wyszomirski ; essig ; ragsdale ; welter ; white ; gartner ). although sometimes grouped with cryptocurrency (brunton ; golumbia ), blockchain itself has structural potential to reshape the landscape of entrepreneurial organizations within the arts and creative industries (wierbicki & rottermund ; michalska ). the core idea of the technology, which is described at greater length later in the paper, is that blockchain is essentially a special database structure. it is a ledger of time-stamped information (haber & stornetta a, b). the innovation of blockchain is that the 22 ledger is distributed, meaning that it exists in many interconnected copies. this fact profoundly alters the power dynamic around, and governance over, information because it removes the need to trust a central authority (haber & stornetta a, b; nakamoto ). a museum or a government or a bank no longer needs to be the trusted keeper of the official record of anything, whether an artwork’s provenance, a person’s citizenship, or a checking account’s balance. in addition, financial structures have been built onto this distributed ledger to reward and incentivize people to keep those interconnected copies of the ledger up to date through a consensus mechanism. those keepers of the ledger solve computing puzzles and receive cryptocurrency, bitcoin and otherwise, in return (nakamoto ; brekke ). although the details of the technology are more complicated, at its core, blockchain is a way of relating to knowledge by time-stamping a record into a group of other records and then trusting a distributed system, not a sole entity, to keep that record. the idea of a new database may seem technical or small. however, considering the extent to which modern corporate capitalism and nation-state structures are built on trust in central authorities—even within robust democracies—blockchain stands to invert deeply rooted power structures. of course, the technology is still being adapted and comes with risks and challenges, which this paper discusses. this paper offers a history of blockchain, a primer on the technology, and a taxonomy of use cases in the arts, and then explores three related transformations that follow from the decentralized and fractionalizing potential of blockchain. first, blockchain blurs the forprofit/nonprofit distinction in the arts because the decentralized structure shifts responsibility for infrastructure away from trusted central authorities. private blockchain start-ups are recreating title registries that have to date been managed by the public sector, as well as managing provenance and authenticity research currently done by museums, foundations, and galleries. secondly, blockchain changes the ownership structure of art by creating fractional ownership of artworks and scarcity for digital works. a great deal of variety exists within this area, with some companies focusing on collectors and others focusing on artists. these potential shared-value structures extend to resale royalties and copyright (whitaker ). third, blockchain’s shared value structures generalize to new models of supporting the arts itself, including michael wilkerson’s () proposal for a true endowment for the national endowment of the arts and margo jones’s () proposal that theaters could become stock companies (ragsdale ). these innovative cooperative financial arrangements could extend to community economic development funding, cultural festivals, and many other areas of arts management and policy design. a technology based on not trusting a central authority also raises fundamental questions of governance (yermack a, b). as lawrence lessig wrote in , computer code is law. the question that follows is how much do we need to understand blockchain, coding, cryptography, or securities law to participate? these questions of governance feed into pedagogical practice (brown ; beckman ; essig ; lindemann, et. al., ; white 23 ; pollard & wilson ; essig & guevara ; tosher ) because cryptography and securities law are less developed areas for arts entrepreneurship education. although pedagogy falls outside the scope of this paper, the entire blockchain project presents questions of self-pedagogy and the vulnerability and discomfort of confronting large quantities of technical and rapidly changing information—some of it touted in media to such an extent that the exuberance might encourage skepticism. the perspective of this paper is that blockchain could easily not develop to its full potential or not do so for three decades. as blockchain co-inventor stornetta said in , “to me, this is the crux of the matter. namely, the decentralization of trust at a technical level does not guarantee the democratization of the social structures built on top of it, but…such a future…beckons.”1 from first principle, blockchain is as profound a potential structural frontier as computer processing or democracy itself. thus, we have a responsibility to try to understand it. blockchain is also a post-sector technology, meaning that ignoring it within the field of the arts does not make it go away; ignoring it empowers actors outside the field to act without the field’s participation. methodologically, this paper takes a hybrid approach that reflects both blockchain as an emergent technology and arts entrepreneurship as an interdisciplinary field. as david throsby writes in the introduction to the handbook of the economics of art and culture (vol. ): “cultural economics is not well defined because it is located at the crossroads of several disciplines: art history, art philosophy, sociology, law, management, and economics” (ginsburgh & throsby , p. ). andrew taylor describes the “sprawling footprint” of arts entrepreneurship and its “older sibling” arts management (taylor ). paul boninrodriguez highlights the political resonance of field-building across artistic practice, social science, and the performative nature of policy (bonin-rodriguez , ; vakharia ). linda essig (b) describes arts entrepreneurship as an “ouroboros” or snake-like creature swallowing its tail, as emblematic of a holistic relationship of art and economics (a).2 blockchain is difficult to approach methodologically because it is a microcosm of these complex interdisciplinary dynamics of arts management, at the same time that blockchain is a new enough technology to resist some methods of social-science research. as usman chohan writes, researchers often study blockchain through technological, monetary, legal, and ideological lenses (chohan ). although blockchain has been studied empirically in finance (see, for example, howell, niessner, & yermack ), a survey or statistical analysis of blockchain in the arts would tend to describe past adoption or current attitudes toward a technology that holds the potential to change the field, even from the outside. thus, the methods of this paper draw on strategic foresight as a discipline in creating a framework with which to consider the future as unfolding (mackay & costanzo ). this 1 w.s. stornetta, personal communication, october 2019. 2 “ouroboros” is also the name of a particular consensus mechanism (haber, personal communication, october 2019). 24 approach reflects the idea that the past, however well modeled and understood, does not always predict the future, and that large seismic shifts require confrontation with new and unfamiliar subjects and navigation of untemplated pathways. to invoke a near-cliched example of epochal change, studying the horse and buggy only helps so much with understanding cars. this approach draws on israel kirzner’s work on the economics of open-ended entrepreneurial discovery (). as kirzner later writes, “we never know what real possibilities remain to be discovered; we never know what the real limits are to the elasticity of the resource constraints that circumscribe our existence” (kirzner , p. , as cited in harper , p. ). scott shane and sankaran venkataraman have written about this discovery orientation in arts entrepreneurship (). linda essig has also written about this process-oriented view of entrepreneurship (a), contrasting kirzner’s work with the outcome orientation of joseph schumpeter’s idea of creative destruction (/, pp. – ). blockchain is confusing to parse as means and ends, because the basic scientific research and entrepreneurial process from which the technology emerged are distinct from the financial rewards it later generated. as the history section of this paper shows, stuart haber and scott stornetta, the inventors of blockchain (a, b), were trying to deal with epistemological problems of how we trust what we believe to be true in a digital age. shane and venkataraman argue that discovery is not adequate, but that exploitation of opportunity is also required (, p. ). it is unclear in the story if haber and stornetta simply failed at exploitation or if their motivation was pure inquiry. what does seem clear is their focus on solving an important question, wherever that discovery led. in order to approach blockchain as discovered and not static, this paper relies on interviews and interactions with many of the founders of early blockchain companies in the arts, as well as in-depth interviews with the scientists, haber and stornetta, who developed blockchain. henrik berglund () characterizes this approach as a “lived experience” research method in entrepreneurship. as berglund writes, research in entrepreneurship is often characterized by positivist empiricism but that we can instead widen the scope of method to reflect the ways in which “entrepreneurship is to a great extent a form of art, a practice-oriented endeavor that requires a sensitive and committed engagement with a range of phenomena in the surrounding world” (, p. ). this approach is one of researchbased artistic practice, informed by business strategy and investment management. the literature review for this paper draws on a cross-section of blockchain-related writing in finance, entrepreneurship, law, art, and computer science, as well as a literature review of related work on funding and investment in arts management and arts entrepreneurship. i have specifically looked for papers outlining market phenomena and policy proposals that could be enacted in new ways using blockchain. the rhetorical method of the paper is also to offer analogic thinking across these disciplines, for instance, likening the token structure of cryptocurrency to the investment nature of art. this paper’s intention 25 is for this translation across fields to function as an invitation of political enfranchisement into conversations around blockchain. i have organized the paper as follows: it introduces blockchain by telling the history of blockchain as a creative invention unto itself and then offering a technological primer. the paper then introduces a taxonomy of core use cases in the arts, followed by an analysis of three particular strategic implications of blockchain: the blurring of for-profit and nonprofit structures, the effects on the art market, and the possibilities for enacting new models of arts funding. the conclusions address governance concerns and how blockchain may tip the role of the arts toward democratic availability or commodification of cultural assets. a brief liberal-arts history of blockchain although many people believe the  circulation of satoshi nakamoto’s “bitcoin” white paper and  launch of the bitcoin blockchain (nakamoto , wallace ) introduced the technology of blockchain, in fact, bitcoin takes root in much earlier work. nakamoto’s  bitcoin white paper has eight footnotes in total. three of those eight footnotes are to the work of stuart haber and scott stornetta, who developed the time-stamping structure we now call blockchain twenty years before nakamoto’s paper (haber & stornetta a; bayer, haber & stornetta ; haber & stornetta ). haber and stornetta’s central concern— trust in information in the digital age—particularly informs applications of blockchain in the arts. in the late s, haber, a cryptographer, and stornetta, a physicist, were working together as researchers at bellcore in morristown, new jersey. 3 the two scientists were observing the early mainstream adoption of personal computing. by , eight percent of american households owned computers. by , fifteen percent did (u.s. census). seeing this newfound reliance on digital information, haber and stornetta asked two questions. the first question was philosophical: if it is so easy to manipulate a digital file on a personal computer, how will we know what was true about the past? the second question was political: how can we trust what we know of the past without having to trust a central authority to keep the record? these questions led to what turned out to be an extremely thorny math problem. building a trustworthy registry of digital files without a central administrator proved so difficult that haber and stornetta almost gave up. as scientists, their idea of giving up was to try to formally prove that the problem was, in fact, impossible to solve. then one day stornetta was standing in a friendly’s restaurant in morristown, new jersey, waiting for a table with his wife and children when the germ of a possible solution came to him. stornetta told haber the next day, and they set out to build this system (whitaker b). the time-stamped ledger they imagined—the basic underlying structure of a blockchain—is at once cryptographic and registrarial. the time-stamped series of records are 3 haber, personal communication, may 2018, w.s. and m. stornetta, personal communication, march 2018. 26 linked together in such a way that one cannot tamper with one item without disrupting the whole chain. the ledgers are linked internally from one block of transactions to the next, and then many connected copies of the ledger are distributed, allowing for a ledger that requires some trust in an algorithm but not in a central administrator.4 haber and stornetta presented their work at a  cryptography conference and then published it in the journal of cryptography in  under the title, “how to time-stamp a digital document” (haber and stornetta a, b). they wrote their foundational paper (haber and stornetta b) with an e.b.-white lucidity of prose and a liberal-arts epigraph from shakespeare’s the rape of lucrece: time’s glory is to calm contending kings, to unmask falsehood, and bring truth to light, to stamp the seal of time in aged things, to wake the morn, and sentinel the night, to wrong the wronger till he render right. —(folger digital texts n.d. []) in addition to citing the rape of lucrece, the paper supports the case for designing a system that does not require trust in a central authority by quoting juvenal circa  a.d., “but who will guard the guards themselves?” and including the original latin, “sed quis custodiet ipsos custodes?” (haber and stornetta b, p. ). from the paper and conversations with haber and stornetta, their work shows a remarkable combination of technical and humanistic thinking in the blockchain’s starting point. legally haber and stornetta’s employer, bellcore, owned their blockchain invention. haber and stornetta were named co-inventors on the patents. in , haber and stornetta licensed the technology from bellcore and founded a company called surety to timestamp records. for example, scientists who had traditionally kept paper notebooks with numbered pages and stitched bindings—to prevent tampering with or reordering pages—could now log their scientific observations onto the surety blockchain.5 in order to take a radically transparent approach to the verifiability of their recordkeeping, each week surety published an alphanumeric code that a computer 4 w.s. & m. stornetta, personal communication, march 2018. 5 haber, personal communication, may 2018. figure 1 the blockchain friendly’s 27 scientist could use to check that no one had tampered with the surety blockchain. they published the code in the “notices” section of the classified advertisements of the sunday national edition of the new york times. their code is still published in the “notices” section of the sunday paper, making theirs the oldest blockchain in the world.6 surety and bellcore did hold patents on the blockchain structure, but they lapsed because of a missed patent maintenance fee around . otherwise, the blockchain technology itself would have still been under u.s. patent the first year of the nakamoto bitcoin paper (haber & stornetta ).7 in january  bitcoin entered the world to relatively little fanfare outside of computer programming circles. the white paper proposing bitcoin had first circulated on a cryptography listserve in the fall of , and the bitcoin blockchain launched officially on january ,  (burniske & tatar , p. ). the author name in the white paper, satoshi nakamoto, is thought to be a pseudonym for a person or a group of people. nakamoto is aptly described by the authors jake goldenfein and dan hunter (, p. ) as "a kind of cryptolibertarian mashup of spartacus, keyser söze, and jay gatsby." although generally evoking white male heroic tropes in that phrasing, most authors, goldenfein and hunter included, go out of their way to adhere to plural pronouns to avoid gendering satoshi (who is often referred to by first name in the manner of madonna) and to nod to the possibility that satoshi is more than one person. the bitcoin blockchain is generally observed to have the kind of concerted, kaleidoscopically thoughtful presentation less likely to be the work of one individual’s thought process.8 nakamoto took haber and stornetta’s concept of a distributed ledger and added a financial incentive for maintaining the connected copies of the ledger. nakamoto’s key development was the invention of mining, that is, allowing people to win coins—bitcoins— 6 there is no inherent reason for why they published in the ”notices” section; they simply needed a public registry of the code. they were fortunate to choose a paper that still exists. when they first tried to place the advertisement in “notices,” they were turned down. haber speculated that this was because it was not long after the cold war and the alphanumeric hash looked like a spy code. haber, who had recently been interviewed by the journalist john markoff for the new york times, breeched the advertising-editorial wall to ask the reporter to vouch for them that they were not spies (haber, personal communication, may 2018 and october 2019). 7 the author conducted independent patent research with research assistance from a patent clerk and patent attorney and also corresponded with surety to confirm. 8 in 2011, dan kaminsky, a forensic internet researcher, tried to find weaknesses in the bitcoin code, at the behest of joshua davis, a technology reporter writing for the new yorker (davis, 2011). davis described kaminsky as “like a burglar who was certain that he could break into a bank by digging a tunnel, drilling through a wall, or climbing down a vent, and on each attempt,he discovered a freshly poured cement barrier with a sign telling him to go home.” kaminsky had previously and famously found a bug in one of the foundational protocols of the internet itself, reporting it to the u.s. government, microsoft, and cisco and then helping them to fix it. every time kaminsky thought he would find a bug in the bitcoin code, he found a line of code preempting the possible attack. kaminsky concluded that nakamoto was either “a team of people” or “a genius” (davis, 2011). 28 by solving mathematical puzzles tied to verifying transactions in a block (nakamoto , p. ; narayanan, bonneau, felten, miller & goldfeder ). it is not the coins, in and off themselves, but the reward for building the chain that supports the tamperresistant decentralization haber and stornetta had first imagined. although blockchain goes well beyond cryptocurrency as a tool, one early story of bitcoin illustrates the wildly unpredictable trajectory of the invention in its early days. on may , , approximately fifteen months after its launch, someone tried to force a transaction in which bitcoins would be used to purchase something tangible. 9 a computer programmer named laszlo hanyecz offered , bitcoins to anyone who would procure two pizzas for him. the pizzas could be homemade or bought. a british man agreed and had two papa johns pizzas delivered to hanyecz in florida. the pizzas cost thirty dollars. by may , the , bitcoins he received in exchange for the pizzas were worth  million (suberg ). these early days of cryptocurrency place haber, stornetta, and nakamoto in the ranks of artists exploring frontiers that the broader world was slower to metabolize and understand. in the financial life of their invention, haber and stornetta are in some ways the vincent van gogh’s of the crypto-story; they did not particularly profit from their early work. surety never became a large enterprise, and haber and stornetta went on to other projects. stornetta became a high school math teacher, where he taught the most introductory math offered to incoming ninth-graders and the most advanced math offered to graduating seniors. haber went on to work for hewlett packard and various start-ups. both work in blockchain now.10 nakamoto’s addition of mining ushered in a subsequent wave of cryptocurrencies whose progress moved very slowly for several years. in  vitalik buterin introduced the ethereum protocol—a smart-contract structure that allowed tokenization (buterin ; buterin & obrist ). whereas bitcoin, the original blockchain protocol, requires the user to have more of a functional mastery of the mechanics, ethereum presents a simpler interface and contributes the structure of tokens, which function financially in many regards the way that art investment does. ethereum generalized some of the scripting language of bitcoin to be able to run many types of programs. over time, some of those programs—smart contracts—became standard.11 one such standard is the token type erc- (named for a line 9 regarding capitalization, “bitcoin” describes the currency and “bitcoin” describes the unit of currency. 10 haber, personal communication, may 2018; w.s. stornetta, personal communication, march 2018. 11 sean moss-pultz, founder of bitmark, personal communication, october 2019. figure 2 lost and found 29 of code). the erc- is fungible, meaning it functions as cash; two tokens are interchangeable the way that two dollar bills are. the later erc- non-fungible token functions more like art (erc- n.d.). the non-fungible token is the basis of digital collectibles such as cryptokitties (evans ); the code links to digital images that are related but technically unique, thus able to hold value but be part of an overall oeuvre the way an artwork might be. while blockchain technology is still very much a work in progress, it joins the ranks of technological innovations upon which large-scale societal structures are built. for instance, some of the load-bearing walls of modern financial systems result from research—granted nobel prize-winning research—of a relatively recent vintage: harry markowitz’s modern portfolio theory (), william sharpe’s capital asset pricing model (), and fisher black’s and myron scholes’s black-scholes options pricing model (). these theories underpin normalized strategies and structures of stock markets; at the same time, they are no older than abstract expressionism, pop art, and conceptual art. similarly, the developments in blockchain since the early s may, in a relatively short time, have profound implications for art historians, artists, conservators, collectors, dealers, museums, and broader ecosystems of cultural assets and creative industries. a blockchain primer this section offers a more technical primer on blockchain, as a basis for the arguments made regarding related use cases and strategic implications in the arts. the section is standalone so that it may be read separately as the reader chooses. as introduced above, a blockchain is a time-stamped record of any kind of information, organized into blocks that are chained together by the repetition of an alphanumeric code as the first part of one “block” and the last part of the previous one. the information in the blockchain is safeguarded in a few related ways that range from cryptographic protection of each record to the linking and distribution of all records. first, each record is protected cryptographically through what is called a one-way hash function. a hash function is a mathematical procedure that takes any input and converts it into a fixed-length output (narayanan et. al., , at ). any piece of information—whether the purchase price of a tube of toothpaste or the entire published output of marcel proust— is used to produce an alphanumeric series of a fixed output size.12 a standard hash function is called the sha- algorithm, but as computing advances, that algorithm may be improved (brekke ). 12 hash functions have three core attributes: (a) collision resistance, meaning it is almost impossible to use two different inputs and get the same output; (b) hiding, meaning if you see the output you cannot guess the input; and (c) puzzle friendliness, meaning people will actually do the cryptographic puzzle by random trial and error and not try to find a shortcut to the end (narayanan, et.al,. 2016, 2-10). 30 what is special and useful about a cryptographic hash function is that it is a reasonably efficient forward calculation for a computer to do, and an extremely difficult calculation for a computer to undo. by analogy, the difference between hashing a number and uncovering the source number from a hash is a much more extreme version of the difference between the ease of scrambling and the difficulty of solving a rubik’s cube. these hashes are linked together and then themselves hashed to create a summary hash for each block or group of transactions. because it is typically the hash and not the work itself that is visible on the blockchain, the content of work is also kept private. as haber and stornetta write in their  paper, “a particularly desirable feature of digital time-stamping is that it makes it possible to establish precedence of intellectual property without disclosing its contents” (haber & stornetta b, p. ). the largest safeguard is in the design of the system. as sean moss-pultz, the founder of bitmark, emphasizes, “blockchain security is a dynamic, emergent property that comes from the competition to find the next block. without this dynamic part, what is described is a list (chain of blocks) that must require a trusted authority to make the next block.”13 the starting point of a blockchain is a “genesis block,” that is, the block containing the first piece of information. the genesis block of the bitcoin blockchain was a times of london headline that nakamoto posted on january , , that reads, “the times /jan/ chancellor on brink of second bailout for banks” (burniske & tatar , p. ). other records are then added to this genesis block and time-stamped into an order. the records are often called “transactions” but could be the hashes of any pieces of information. if someone tried to change a record within a block, they would alter the hash of the block. because the hash of one block appears at the start of the next block, if someone wanted to tamper with the blockchain, they would need to change one block, and then go back and change all of the affected blocks, before the next block was verified.14 one can think of this feature as a kind of numeric chain-link fence, with each block connected to the one before and after it. with the introduction of the cryptocurrency bitcoin, people were now incentivized and rewarded for operating computer nodes that verified the blocks. that incentive not only created currency, but established effectively a participatory algorithm for verifying blocks. computers that serve as nodes in the bitcoin system are constantly solving mathematical puzzles to verify each block. more specifically, the computers compete with each other to find the “nonce,” a puzzle solved by brute trial-and-error computer processing strength and of course luck.15 the computer that finds the nonce first verifies that block and wins an award in bitcoin. the amount of the award halves at regular intervals over time. in , a miner 13 moss-pultz, personal communication, october 2019. 14 for example, if a blockchain were up to block thirty and one wanted to change block twenty, one would have to go in and change blocks twenty to thirty, before block thirty-one was established (moss-pultz, personal communication, october 2019). 15 nonces depend on random-number generation, itself a source of idiosyncratic risk in the blockchain ecosystem. see, for example, bonneau, clark, and goldfelter, 2015. 31 completing a block received fifty bitcoins. in , they received , and in  that number was halved again to . bitcoins. there will only ever be  million bitcoins (btc) in circulation, a supply that is expected to be fully tapped around  (hayes ; burniske & tatar , p. ). despite the cryptographic functions and linked blocks, these structures do have vulnerabilities. advances in computing power to what is called “quantum computing” raise concerns over how differential computing power could affect blockchain governance. if one bad actor has this computing power and no one else does, the bad actor could theoretically find others’ private keys and authorize transactions, but it is unlikely that computing power will advance so disproportionately. blockchain observers also write of the “ percent attack” to describe the state in which the majority of a blockchain’s nodes are corrupted (hertig ). in addition, the mining is theoretically done by many disconnected actors and thus is decentralized in the spirit of the blockchain. but in practice, mining is concentrated geographically and by organization (aki ). special servers with special chips are used for mining so that one has the advantage of the best available computing power. because of economies of scale, it is more economical to operate a group of mining machines than to set up a single one. the operation of a larger group of servers also gives the advantage of smoothing the flows of irregular, probabilistic income over time. a mining pool or mining farm of twelve computers, or  computers, would have smoother earnings than a single computer, incentivizing this centralization of mining. mining also consumes enormous computing power, owing to its reliance on “proof of work”—meaning computing effort used to find the nonce. other systems being explored are based on “proof of stake,” meaning proof of ownership in a system as opposed to proof of puzzle-solving force (harper ; burniske & tatar  p. ). by some estimates, the computer power required by the bitcoin network alone is equivalent to all the power consumed by ireland (why bitcoin uses so much energy ). many proponents of blockchain are working on reducing this environmental impact, and the original inventors of blockchain have spoken about the need to address these costs.16 perhaps computers finding the nonce could simultaneously be performing other labor in the process of mathematical puzzle-solving, in the same way that recaptcha allows the human labor used to verifies that a computer user is a person and not a robot to double as labor toward digitizing books.17 or perhaps environmental impact can be addressed by the sustainability of the source of energy used to power the blockchain. 16 w.s. stornetta, personal communication, may 2019. 17 techcrunch contributor. (2007). recaptcha: using captchas to digitize books,” techcrunch: “recaptcha’s founders, luis von ahn and ben maurer estimate that about 60 million captchas are solved every day. assuming that each captcha takes 10 seconds to solve, it’ this is over 160,000 human hours per day (that’s about 19 years).” 32 other factors in blockchain design include whether a company is built on the bitcoin or ethereum or another protocol and whether the blockchain is public or private/permissioned. of the current blockchain companies in the arts, some are built on bitcoin and some on ethereum, some are built on public blockchains and some are built on private, permissioned blockchains. blockchain start-ups in the arts manage questions of access, technological expertise, and privacy in varying ways. their strategies are all threaded with larger questions of diversity, inclusion and equity both in general terms and in ways that are particular to the arts (westermann, schonfeld & sweeney ) and to the legal and technological fields inclusive of blockchain and artificial intelligence (johnson, evans & king ; west, whittaker & crawford ). use cases of blockchain in the arts blockchain has core use cases in the arts including provenance and authenticity registries (m. mcconaghy, mcmullen, parry & t. mcconaghy ), digital scarcity (o’dwyer ) for new media and generative art (bailey ; dash ), fractional equity and shared upside structures, (whitaker & kräussl ; whitaker a; lotti ), and new forms of copyright registry (evans ; waugh ; savelyev ; towse ; whitaker ). ethereum-based smart contracts and tokens also enable specific investment and intellectual property structures (mckinney, landy &wilka ; gürkaynak, yılmaz, yeşilaltay, & bengi ). provenance research is a time-consuming part of gallery preparation for art fairs and a differentiating factor in the business model of art fairs including the european fine art fair (tefaf), which has developed some of the strictest vetting standards in the world (shaw ). costs of vetting are embedded within the mark-up fee structures of galleries selling on commission (david, huemer & oosterlinck ). provenance is also central to museum practice as institutions revisit their own collections. for example, following from  resolutions by the american alliance of museums (aam) on the “unlawful appropriation of objects during the nazi era” (aam ) and by the international council of museums (icom ) on “spoliation of jewish cultural property” (icom ), the museum of modern art, new york, began a “provenance research project” to study the  works in the moma collection that were made before  and acquired after  (moma n.d.). good provenance is foundational not only to price but to being able to sell the works at all. one can consider how blockchain would have hypothetically supported the return of artworks stolen during world war ii. blockchain would have arguably substantially changed the provability of theft or sale under duress of well known restitution cases such as egon schiele’s portrait of wally () (carroll, ; o’donnell,  pp. –) and gustav klimt’s portrait of adele bloch-bauer (c. ) (o’donnell,  pp. –). while blockchain is not, of course, a magical technology that can undo abhorrent human behavior, going forward blockchain can powerfully counteract the lack of documentation and 33 the burden of proving ownership. these cases show the potential power of an immutable and decentralized record. if a blockchain database becomes a registry of title, meaning legal ownership, then the legal ownership of the work is inseparable from the blockchain provenance. without transfer of the blockchain record, the artwork’s title does not transfer. if market actors chose to transfer a work “off chain,” the subsequent market would have to decide whether to recognize the title to sell the work. provenance travels closely with authenticity. where provenance describes the chain of ownership, authentication proves the correct authorship. authentication of art occurs through various methods, including personal expertise, scientific analysis, and certificate of authenticity. leonardo da vinci’s salvator mundi exemplifies authentication by an expert. had renowned leonardo scholar martin kemp not concluded that the work was a real da vinci, and had the work not, on that recommendation, been included in a  exhibition of leonardo’s work at the national gallery in london (syson ), it is unlikely that the painting would have sold for . million at auction christie’s new york in november . the authenticity has been subsequently contested (kirkpatrick ). scientific analysis authenticates other works. james martin, the forensic conservator and founder of orion analytical, exemplified this work as a key witness in the case brought by dominico and eleanor de sole against knoedler gallery for selling a “rothko” which turned out to be a fake (cascone ). authentication is also done by a certificate of authenticity, as in the work of conceptual artists sol lewitt and felix gonzalez-torres. without the certificate, one does not technically own the work (lydiate ; halperin ; pereira ). in that case, the authentication is held by a contract. blockchain combines provenance and authentication, providing a chained record of ownership that is dependent on the validity of the starting point of the blockchain record. diana wierbicki and amanda rottermund () highlight these issues of vetting for error and fraud in trusts & estates, writing: one of the biggest problems with using blockchain technology in the development of art registries, especially in situations like the old master painting example in which the artwork has previously changed hands a number of times, may be an unrealistic optimism on behalf of the technology companies that the information stored on a blockchain will be accurate and free from misinformation, mistakes, or even fraud. crucially, the blockchain records can function not only as a seal of approval but as a trusted library of source material. the blockchain record does not have to be determinative automatically but it can certify the information being vetted by human experts. the blockchain companies that are active in provenance have generally tried to be trusted arbiters in different ways. for example, the company verisart launched in  to provide a trusted database for artworks. headed by robert norton, the former ceo of saatchi art, verisart allowed anyone to list an artwork (butcher ). in june , a man named 34 terence eden listed the mona lisa on the verisart blockchain with himself as the artist and  as the creation date (eden ; woo ). although verisart has some advantage in being publicly accessible as a database, another company artory has managed for this vulnerability of vetting the initial listing of an artwork on the blockchain. in fall , artory became the first company to list a major auction sale on the blockchain when it became the registrar of the ebsworth collection, sold at christie’s new york for  million on november , . the november , , sale included forty-two pieces of art and set numerous records (kinsella ). artory, built on the ethereum blockchain, offered collectors essentially a certificate of authenticity encoded to the blockchain. artory only lists works that have been vetted by a partner organization— for instance, an auction house or gallery—that would already be engaged in a high level of provenance research. artory also took the business decision to make the registry doubleblind—meaning artory itself does not know the identity of the collectors; it only lists the works. the founder of artory, nanne dekking, is also the chairman of tefaf (the european fine art fair). the other main company operating in this space is codex protocol which also partners with auction houses to vet the entry point of records onto the blockchain. co-founded by mark lurie, jessica houlgrave, and john forrest, codex partners with the liveauctioneers consortium of , regional auction houses. codex protocol uses a token they developed, biddex, to store information posted by collectors, at the collector’s discretion (hanson ; michalska ). verisart, artory, and codex all have the challenge of managing the “blockchain air gap,” between the blockchain listing and the physical artwork (schneider ). to link blockchain records to physical artworks, companies have explored everything from physical tagging to dna analysis to the ways in which the physical surface of an artwork can be recognizably photographed in the manner of a fingerprint. this challenge has not yet been resolved. some applications of blockchain for digital art avoid this problem in interesting ways. blockchain has been used to deal with a central challenge to selling digital art: how to create a limited edition of a file that can be easily reproduced (bookoiit, cimbol, collins & newman ). in , the artist kevin mccoy and technologist anil dash collaborated in rhizome’s “seven on seven” event in which artists are paired with technologists to create figure 3 mona lisa by terence eden 35 projects (connor ). mccoy and dash created the prototype of monegraph—short for “monetized graphics”—a venture that allows artists to record digital works on the blockchain. built on a bitcoin blockchain, monegraph uses the same principles as the robert projansky and seth siegelaub artist’s contract (van haaften-schick ), to allow creators to specify sales conditions and sharing rights for their work (zeilinger ). as dash wrote, “in a realm where novelty, rarity and exclusivity underpin so much of the ‘real or perceived’ value of a work, copy and paste goes from being an act of creation to an act of destruction” (zeilinger , p. ; dash ). alongside the possibility of digital scarcity through editioned works, the blockchain also allows fractional or shared ownership of individual artworks. from a collector’s point of view, the possibility of fractionalizing a single artwork allows investors to diversify their art holdings in ways that limited to the secondary art market and generally do not encompass the livelihood of artists. for example, the company maecenas purchased an andy warhol artwork,  electric chairs, and divided it up into shares sold as art tokens. the company sold . percent of the  million artwork (adam ). by purchasing tokens through companies such as maecenas and masterworks, collectors can have a small investment exposure to an artwork. from an artist’s point of view, selling tokens or retaining equity can replicate the effect of regulated resale royalties (whitaker ). whitaker and kräussl () have analyzed empircally what would have happened if artists had retained equity in works sold in the figure 4 artory page, chop suey by edward hopper 36 primary market in the s to s and found that many artists would have outperformed stock markets substantially. blockchain could make these speculative systems of fractional equity possible. such a registry of fractional shares could also enable a secondary market that allowed collectors to diversify, while still rooting the art market with artists. the vetted listing problem—addressed by provenance companies such as artory in partnering with auction houses—would be addressed in this case by having blockchain records originate with artists’ studios. in the case of the company dada, blockchain represents shared ownership of collaborative work. dada is a drawing software app located on blockchain (mustatea ). artists on dada make artworks that build on each others’ drawings. at the time of writing, dada has not yet connected its business model directly to the collaborative creation but chosen to print editions from time to time. still, the company represents a collaborative and artist-centric approach that may remain a speculative art project or represent a new form of interwoven shared value creation and cooperative ownership. in addition to companies such as maecenas that fractionalize existing artworks, a new breed of digital collectible has challenged both the investment nature of and the definition of art. in november , dapper labs released the cryptokitties, which are unique yet related cartoon images of cats that can be collected, traded, and bred (evans ). like verisart and artory records, cryptokitties are based on the erc- non-fungible token. more uniquely, the cryptokitties are digital collectibles that function, arguably, as something like a warhol panel of flowers or a damien hirst dot painting—related yet technically separable objects. a cryptokitty does not currently have the same institutional and critical support of warhol or hirst. writing in art in america, artie vierkant, described cryptokitties as “a sort of virtual beanie baby” after the collectible stuffed animal rage of the s (vierkant ). at their peak, a cryptokitty sold for , (vierkant ). vierkant also described the “almost satirically dystopian-sounding verisart and codex protocol” and went on to say that “[su]ch publications [as the codex white paper] express a transactional view of art” (vierkant , pp. –). thus, these digital collectibles offer interesting models for art investment but are not yet viewed as art by some critics. these blockchain applications may offer new ways of clearing copyright and of reflecting the collaborative nature of creativity and the increasingly complex nature of fair use for art (adler ; towse ). these systems are still speculative; at the same time, they stand to reorganize certain systems of investment and rights management radically. in the same way that fractional equity can create shared ownership structures for art, blockchain can support clearinghouses for royalties for artists who wish to use others’ images without risking fair-use litigation (whitaker ). these applications in securitization and contract draw on early artists’ projects including sarah meyohas’ creation of the currency bitchcoin which was tied to a set surface area of her photographs (ghorashi ), as well as recent work by kevin and jennifer mccoy. entitled public key/private key, the mccoys’s work is a -millimeter film that is registered on the 37 blockchain and donated to the whitney on behalf of the public. members of the public could apply by short essay to be holders of one of the fifty shares and therefore donors of record (k. mccoy & j. mccoy ). this project raises speculative questions of tax implication and perhaps conversation among the donors of record to coordinate future experimental action. additionally, artist eve sussman founded the cryptocurrency platform snark.art (ngo ). in , the design collective larva labs, founded by matt hall and john watkinson, which had previously developed cryptopunks digital collectibles, launched autoglyphs, small collectible generative artworks that took as their inspiration the conceptual work of the artist sol lewitt (bailey ) and the ways in which conceptual art particularly requires a certificate of authenticity (pereira ). hall and watkinson designed the autoglyphs to be not images but instructions that would create those images so that the file size was small enough to fit on the blockchain directly. these artists’ experiments converge with for-profit ventures in digital collectibles such as cryptokitties (vierkant ) and rare pepes (roeder ), and investment structures that allow collectors to purchase generative art in secondary markets such as opensea or to purchase shares of art alongside shares of sneakers on platforms such as otis. in addition to seismic shifts to the art market, blockchain technology may also allow the arts to inform other kinds of investment. the non-fungible token allows investment in collectibles in ways that are, in fact, like art investment. if the idea of a cryptokitty as art gains wider acceptance, museums and other public-facing arts entities may contend with populist definitions of artistic value—the proverbial question of the museum of modern art vs. the museum of ice cream—even more strongly than they do already. at the same time, these other areas of cultural asset may, for better or worse, learn from the arts as they create markets and financial structures. managerial implications of blockchain for arts entrepreneurship this paper highlights three areas of greatest impact of blockchain on arts entrepreneurship. first, blockchain blurs the for-profit and nonprofit distinction in arts organizations by replicating nonprofit and public-domain functions within private start-ups. the inclusion of these governmental and nonprofit functions within start-ups reflects jennifer woolley’s argument () that new technologies often create business opportunities for which infrastructure does not yet exist and that new firms, therefore, need to build this infrastructure themselves in order to operate in the field. these functions include provenance research (butcher ; hanson ; moskov ) and title registry. in other industries such as real estate, this fair title function is performed by a governmental land registry (alt, moss-pultz, whitaker & chen ; de soto ). blockchain companies such as artory, verisart, and codex protocol could become trusted registries of the ownership of art. in addition, these questions of infrastructure are more complicated because of blockchain’s fundamentally decentralized nature. existing records-keeping infrastructure is 38 operated by centralized platforms—e.g., governments, museums, rights management agencies—that blockchain, by design, intends to replace with the authority of the algorithm and the consensus of the crowd. furthermore, this title registry function is so important that the start-ups appear to be vertically integrated from registry to sales, leading to business structures that follow vertical market strategy (stuckey & white ). it is important to the construction of the field that we are mindful of private companies taking on what have, to date, been public registrarial activities. this vigilance is not because it is inherently bad for private companies to keep these records, but because we need to design governance structures that protect this information and allow various forms of access to it. wyszomirski and cherbo () have written on associational infrastructure in the arts. blockchain’s decentralized structure presents unique challenges and opportunities to create consortia. cutolo, kenney, and zysman () have written of “platform dependent entrepreneurs” to describe start-ups that depend on larger technology platforms such as facebook or google. here, blockchain can pixelate platform businesses, making them collectively owned; instead of facebook owning one’s data, one can assert property rights to their own data rather than be a product sold by a company to advertisers.18 on the other hand, new platforms and standards are being built by private companies, raising the possibility of a future in which one company prevails as a registry of authenticity. following from brea heidelberg’s work (), these questions of platform dependency will create significant opportunities for policy entrepreneurship. after infrastructure needs and the blurring of for-profit and nonprofit structures, the second greatest area of potential impact of blockchain in arts entrepreneurship is on novel funding structures for organizations and for governments. as diane ragsdale () writes of margo jones’s research (), theater organizations can theoretically be structured as stock companies. blockchain allows for a theater to create an investment structure by which patrons buy tokens and own part of the theater instead of only buying tickets or donating philanthropically. these models shift from the economics of consumption—buying tickets— to investment models of ownership—buying shares. these investment models can apply to nonprofit arts organizations entrepreneurially as well (preece ; benz ). these models can also apply to governments. in a  article in the journal of arts management, law and society, michael wilkerson proposes various models of “using the arts to pay for the arts.” wilkerson’s endowment and tax-revenue approaches could be realized using blockchain. in the proposed “real endowment approach,” an endowment of  billion, at a  percent spending rate, would yield roughly the  million annual budget of the nea. 18 the company bitmark (www.bitmark.com) manages a plug-in on ifft.com that allows anyone to automatically “bitmark” social media posts so that one asserts property rights before the picture or text is posted to facebook or instagram. in practice, such a speculative project would probably need to be litigated, but the shift in property rights is, from first principle, enabled by blockchain and thus part of the structural potential of the technology (ifft, n.d.). 39 rather than stemming from government appropriation, the endowment could be structured as a token offered to members of the public. one can also imagine a hybrid in which the endowment is partially funded over time through tax revenue connected to, for instance, ticket sales, hotel bookings, or other measures of arts-related revenue. although the politics of these funding proposals would be contestable, structurally blockchain enables a variety of new models for community support of the arts. these possibilities are particularly timely given activated conversations around wealth concentration (piketty ; fraser ), nonprofit board representation, and museum decolonization (black, finlayson, & haslett ).19 the third key impact of blockchain on arts entrepreneurship is in the new structures of financialization for art. although artworks, of course, hold many kinds of social and cultural values that are not reducible to the financial (see, for example, klamer ; gerber ), certain developments in blockchain hold the potential to radically change the ways in which artworks circulate in markets. for instance, a non-fungible token of, for instance, a cryptokitty, is a unique image but also a type, the same way that a single andy warhol painting is a unique but relatable part of the overall body of andy warhol’s work. especially the ethereum-based non-fungible tokens (erc-s) function financially like artworks. because some of these start-ups, including portion, otis, and others, allow investment in art but also in sneakers or other collectibles, these companies function as change agents for the way we conceptualize art as an asset. jennifer lena’s work on how objects are legitimized as art may guide some of our understanding of how to consider sneakers alongside digital collectibles and fine art (lena ). as companies build platforms for investment in art and in cultural assets, they stand to change two fundamental aspects of the arts: first, they can change the art market, including the complex economic and cultural signifiers of art investment (bourdieu ; velthuis ), and also link art investment more closely to collecting of luxury goods. while these shared investment structures can solve for problems of diversification and liquidity in art investing (horowitz ), they can also potentially destabilize and burst bubbles in the art market (kräussl, lehnert, & martelin ). second, these forms of fractional art investment can also reorient art markets to artists if the equity shares originate with the artists’ studio. this point of origination brings the art market in line with operating companies by focusing 19 most recently, a number of museums have stopped accepting donations from the sackler family based on ties to the opioid crisis. warren kanders, whose company manufactures tear gas canisters among other products, was forced to resign from the board of the whitney museum of american art. although outside the scope of this paper to approach this topic in depth, one can consult the work of decolonizing the museum, w.a.g.e., and other activist efforts, especially the essay “the tear gas biennial” by hannah black, ciarán finlayson, and tobi haslett in artforum (2019) on mr. kanders. this essay arguably tipped the balance of many other forms of protest leading to several artists asking to withdraw their work from the whitney biennial before mr. kanders stepped down from the board. the artists subsequently reinstated their work in the exhibition. 40 on the studio as a producer (whitaker ). that idea could be critiqued as neoliberal or explored as a dynamic alternative to previous attempts at an artist pension trust or other format for shared investment among artists. in addition to these conceptual pathways, blockchain faces numerous more practical and tangible challenges, ranging from the challenges of physical artworks to the risks of governmental regulation. regarding the physicality of artworks, there is not yet a standard way of relating a blockchain record to a physical art object. very few artworks—autoglyphs (bailey ) being an exception—exist on the blockchain itself, and autoglyphs are there as an intentional speculative act of conceptual practice toward blockchain itself. with regard to regulatory risk, the us government has been metabolizing the ways in which cryptocurrencies fit into existing systems of taxation and regulation. both federal and state systems in the united states have been under substantial development and uncertainty, with the federal government periodically ruling on specific company cases. state law is rapidly evolving, and wyoming currently leads states in the development of cryptocurrency law, akin to the way that delaware is the state with highly developed corporate law. these areas are evolving so rapidly that some of the most reliable sources of information are experts who post the securities and exchange commission (sec) determinations and the various legislative updates on twitter.20 toward questions of governance and pedagogy in the most optimistic outcomes of blockchain, the technology democratizes access to art and energizes conversations about the role of art in society. the arts may also contribute important financial innovations for broader investments in creative work and labor compensation. in the pessimistic view, the technology is subsumed by platform companies such as facebook and existing central authorities such as banks and then regulated into a recentralized version of itself. its wings are clipped. just as pessimistically, the idealistic and lucid ideas of blockchain fall prey to the vagaries of forgotten private keys and the nearuniversal need, for most of the population, to rely on information technology infrastructures designed by other people. given these areas of impact on the field, blockchain raises important questions of governance. david yermack has written (a, b) on corporate governance both for blockchain and for museum boards of trustees. especially because blockchain is a 20 for sec rulings, see andrew hinkes, attorney and nyu law professor (@propelforward). for wyoming blockchain news and other developments, caitlin long, the former investment banker, wyoming native, and founder of the wyoming blockchain task force has been a pioneer. see her blog, https://caitlinlong.com/about/, and twitter feed: https://twitter.com/caitlinlong_/. while it may be unusual in academic writing to suggest social media, the function of these sources of that of experts in real time, before their work is digested by academic papers and even journalistic sources, and without the search cost of monitoring sec notices and legislative actions. 41 decentralized technology, the community governance mechanisms of blockchain are critical to the health of the system. these governance mechanisms determine who has a voice or vote in changes to the code or solutions to problems or errors. for arts entrepreneurship, in an already interdisciplinary field, to what extent do the potential ramifications of blockchain technology require arts entrepreneurs, scholars, and managers to understand programming or securities law? in a speculative world, blockchain is as potentially transformative as democracy. yet democracy depends on both popular participation and some forms of judgment by experts. the arts have always had this tension between popular audiences and rarified tastemakers (whitaker ), and answering these questions for blockchain requires further attention to the history of the arts in expanding spheres of taste and participation (lena ). blockchain creates a call to participation that requires us to confront our vulnerability and also our mortality—the reality that if we have not done so already, we will not reverse engineer our lives to have been undergraduate math and computer science majors with joint j.d/m.b.a. training. at the same time, there are matters of degree. we may not all ever learn to pass a bill in the u.s. house of representatives, but we may learn to register to vote and try to maintain a level of knowledge of important legislative issues. whether blockchain takes decades to be widely adopted or is grounded on take-off, the potential of the technology begins to call anyone’s bluff on maintaining disinterest. the structural machinations of change are abstract, yet blockchain’s origin is specific—to the hard efforts in sheer thought of a physicist turned math teacher and a cryptographer who once worked professionally as a juggler. in spite of blockchain’s technological abstraction or media frenzy, haber and stornetta’s story offers a human entry point and story of continuing inquiry. the robustness of haber and stornetta’s (b) original research question—how will we know what was true about the past—transcends money and presents itself as a renewing art project of our time. their question dovetails with some of the highest values of the arts as a field—worthy novelty, authenticity, and public participation. as a field, our responsibilities toward blockchain are those of scholars and practitioners but also of art audiences toward new and unfamiliar work. as sir nicholas serota, former director of tate, once implored the audience of the dimbleby lecture (), “essentially this…is a plea for patience…that your skepticism will gradually diminish and your fear will turn to love…all art was modern once.” references american alliance of museums (). unlawful appropriation of objects during the nazi era. retrieved from 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(). digital art as ‘monetized graphics’: enforcing intellectual property on the blockchain, philosophy & technology, , –. vol. 13 2024–2025 editorial make art as if your life depended on it trauma-informed care in the creative industries olaf kuhlke minneapolis college of art and design i often like to say my job is being vulnerable for sport. —maggie rogers, singer-songwriter the harsh landscape of the arts and creative entrepreneurship the world of art and design, and the creative industries in general, aren’t for the faint of heart. anyone trying to build a career here—especially as an entrepreneur—faces a unique set of challenges that can feel like an obstacle course. the traditional startup world might be brutal, but arts entrepreneurship is its own brand of gladiatorial. there’s the constant need to push boundaries, stand out, fight for attention in an oversaturated attention economy, and monetize work that often emerges from deeply personal places. on the other hand, many creatives usually channel their trauma into entrepreneurship, and you might say that their trauma is at the root of their business endeavors (shepherd and williams, 2020). our current approaches to building successful arts-based businesses, as well as our current scholarly foci in arts entrepreneurship, treat artists working alone or collectively like independent businesses, ignoring one fundamental factor: trauma. many artists carry deep, personal narratives of struggle, loss, and resilience into their work. these stories are often what make their creations powerful. but without support, that same trauma can be what causes artists to burn out, lose direction, or even abandon their work entirely (głaziewicz and golonka, 2024). it’s time to start thinking of trauma-informed arts entrepreneurship as not only a artivate 13 2 humane approach but a smart one. in a creative economy and art market that is increasingly aware of and calling for authenticity and resilience, the trauma-informed care model just might be the competitive advantage we’ve been ignoring. trauma and art are age-old partners. a trauma-informed [care] approach reflects adherence to six key principles rather than a prescribed set of practices or procedures: 1. safety, 2. trustworthiness and transparency, 3. peer support, 4. collaboration and mutuality, 5. empowerment, voice and choice, and 6. cultural, historical, and gender issues. a program, organization, or system that is trauma-informed realizes the widespread impact of trauma and understands potential paths for recovery; recognizes the signs and symptoms of trauma in clients, families, staff, and others involved with the system; and responds by fully integrating knowledge about trauma into policies, procedures, and practices, and seeks to actively resist re-traumatization. (samhsa, 2014, p. 10) historically, some of the most celebrated artists have channeled their inner pain into work that resonates universally. but while trauma can drive incredible creative output, it can also be a barrier to entrepreneurial success. there’s a crucial paradox: the same struggle that makes art relatable and powerful can leave artists vulnerable. these creatives are often the first to face issues like impostor syndrome, anxiety, and burnout—all while trying to build a career out of their passion (carroll, 2022). we need to remind ourselves that creativity is an inherently vulnerable act. it’s a form of storytelling that connects people, sometimes across massive divides—geographically, ideologically, and culturally. but expecting artists to bring that vulnerability to the world while also maintaining the sharp skills and relentless energy needed for entrepreneurship is unrealistic. when we create space to address trauma, we’re not only helping artists thrive; we’re fortifying the cultural impact of their work. why the creative economy should embrace trauma-informed care you might be thinking, “why should the creative economy care?” the answer is simple: first, it’s good business—and second, it’s the right thing to do from an economics and ethics perspective (klamer, 2017). the most successful entrepreneurs are those who can hold both vision and resilience in balance. when artists are trauma-informed—when they have support networks, mentorship, and resources that recognize the impacts of trauma— they’re more likely to succeed. this reduces turnover, increases engagement, and strengthens loyalty—all essential metrics for sustainable ventures in any industry. businesses that create real support structures that understand the human element in productivity outperform those that don’t (bartram and casimir, 2007). creative entrepreneurship can follow the same path. a trauma-informed care model doesn’t just “feel good”; it has tangible returns. and in a sector where the product is often an extension of the artivate 13 3 creator’s inner world, supporting that creator isn’t optional—it’s essential. trauma-informed care creates healthier, more resilient artists who can sustain their careers longterm, which means a stronger, more consistent output that audiences will notice and remember. the trauma-informed entrepreneurial advantage: from the individual to the economy so, what does it mean to be “trauma-informed” in the context of creative entrepreneurship? essentially, it’s a model that considers the mental, emotional, and physical impacts of trauma on an individual’s ability to succeed. it means recognizing that, sometimes, the most successful way forward isn’t pushing harder but working more compassionately— with empathy and intention. when you bring a trauma-informed lens to creative entrepreneurship, you’re not just providing counsel or patting artists on the back. you’re investing in the long-term success of their work. this doesn’t just mean fewer dropouts; it means better work, work that resonates, work that can stand the test of time. trauma-informed entrepreneurship considers the artist’s journey as a whole, which allows individuals to create a more durable impact and body of work. an artist who feels supported and understood will put out work that’s more innovative, more meaningful, and ultimately more valuable. at a community level, trauma-informed creative entrepreneurship can become a cornerstone of local creative economies. in regions where the arts are critical to the cultural fabric—places like minneapolis or austin—supporting artists isn’t just about personal success. it’s about building an economy where creatives can sustain themselves and contribute to the cultural and economic vitality of their communities. fostering healthier, more resilient artists has ripple effects beyond individual success. when artists are supported, they’re more likely to give back, teach, collaborate, and build networks that make their communities more vibrant (densmore-bey, 2023). trauma-informed approaches aren’t just about keeping artists afloat—they’re about enabling these individuals to become cultural leaders. that’s a form of economic resilience that’s hard to find elsewhere. there’s an emerging market opportunity in supporting not just the production of art but the person behind it. a call to action—strategies and research directions to make it work the call for trauma-informed practices in arts entrepreneurship opens a wide range of research opportunities that can support more sustainable and resilient creative industries. here, i’d like to outline key areas where further research is needed and connect them with ongoing scholarly work and emerging trends in the field. artivate 13 4 1. longitudinal studies on the impact of trauma-informed practices there is a growing body of literature suggesting that trauma-informed care in other fields, such as education and healthcare, leads to improved outcomes (samhsa 2014). however, the creative industries lack comprehensive longitudinal studies to evaluate how traumainformed approaches impact the long-term success of artists and creative entrepreneurs. research that tracks artists over several years, examining metrics like career longevity, mental health, productivity, and business growth, is crucial. for example, researchers could investigate the effectiveness of trauma-informed programs in arts incubators, tracking participants’ mental health outcomes and business sustainability over time. programs such as creatives care (https://www.creativescare.org/) and similar initiatives offer fertile ground for such studies. 2. efficacy of mental health integration in creative industry accelerators incorporating mental health support into entrepreneurship programs is an emerging practice, but empirical research on its efficacy in the creative sector is limited. studies could explore how different types of mental health interventions—such as therapy, mindfulness training, and trauma-informed coaching—affect artists’ ability to navigate entrepreneurial challenges. relevant ongoing research includes the work of głaziewicz and golonka (2024), who explore the relationship between mental health and creative output. expanding this to include structured mental health programs in arts accelerators could yield actionable insights. 3. trauma-informed training for stakeholders research is needed to design, implement, and evaluate trauma-informed training for gallery owners, investors, managers, and other stakeholders in the creative economy. studies could measure how such training influences stakeholder interactions with artists and impacts artists’ career satisfaction and business outcomes. for instance, bartram and casimir (2007) highlight how management practices that consider employee well-being improve productivity. applying these principles to creative entrepreneurship and testing their effectiveness could help develop best practices for the creative industries. 4. community-building and peer support models isolation is a significant barrier for many artists. research into community-building initiatives—such as peer support networks, mentorship programs, and collective workspaces—can provide insights into how these models mitigate trauma and enhance resilience. future studies should analyze whether and how artists in trauma-informed communities experience lower rates of burnout and higher levels of innovation compared to those working in isolation. https://www.creativescare.org/ artivate 13 5 5. neurodivergence and trauma-informed practices artists who are neurodivergent often face unique challenges and may benefit significantly from trauma-informed approaches. research into how trauma-informed practices can be tailored to neurodivergent creatives is needed. 6. economic impact of trauma-informed creative entrepreneurship empirical research on the economic outcomes of trauma-informed models is essential to demonstrate their value beyond anecdotal evidence. studies could investigate how trauma-informed practices influence key financial indicators, such as revenue growth, audience engagement, and market expansion. building on the work of klamer (2017), who emphasizes the economic significance of cultural value, researchers can explore how supporting artists’ mental health contributes to a more vibrant and economically resilient creative sector. 7. cross-disciplinary approaches to trauma-informed creative entrepreneurship the intersection of creative entrepreneurship with psychology, business, and social work offers a rich area for interdisciplinary research. collaborations between researchers in these fields can yield holistic models for trauma-informed entrepreneurship at large. conclusion: charting the path forward the research implications outlined here are not just theoretical exercises; they are essential steps toward creating a sustainable and humane model for arts entrepreneurship. by building an evidence base for trauma-informed practices, we can support artists as whole people and fortify the creative industry as a vital part of our economy and culture. if the creative industry wants to remain relevant and commercially viable, traumainformed practices can’t be an afterthought. they’re essential to building the kind of ecosystem that draws in and retains talent, produces work with impact, and makes the arts a thriving part of our economy. the future of creative entrepreneurship isn’t just about creating more artists—it’s about creating a system where artists can thrive, where their work can resonate, and where they’re supported as whole people. i teach and research at an art and design college—the minneapolis college of art and design—where we have embedded a new course, “creating valued workplaces,” into our bachelor of science degree program in creative entrepreneurship. this course felt essential because we believe that attending to each other’s mental and physical health is not an afterthought of entrepreneurship but a centerpiece that reduces stress, burnout, and the development of other traumas that impact artists as they navigate their careers. artivate 13 6 with a trauma-informed foundation, arts entrepreneurship can drive meaningful change in our communities and beyond. let’s envision a future where art is an even more powerful pathway to healing, a community-builder, and an economic force. artivate 13 7 references bartram, t., & casimir, g. (2007). the relationship between leadership and follower in-role performance and satisfaction with the leader: the mediating effects of empowerment and trust in the leader. leadership & organization development journal, 28(1), 4–19. https://doi.org/10.1108/01437730710718218\ carroll, m. (2022). for art’s sake: an exploration of the persistence of imposter syndrome and low confidence in creative fields [university honors thesis]. https://doi.org/10.15760/honors.1280 densmore-bey, a. s. (2023). the artist-developer: a case study of impact through art-centered community development in neighborhoods of color (doctoral dissertation, harvard university). głaziewicz, k., & golonka, k. (2024). when the creative well dries up–burnout syndrome and art block in artists’ sample. thinking skills and creativity, 54, 101692. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tsc.2024.101692 klamer, a. (2017). doing the right thing: a value-based economy. ubiquity press. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv3t5r85 kuhlke, o. (2024, december 13). trauma-informed businesses and entrepreneurship – part 1 – the people | linkedin. retrieved from https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/trauma-informed-businesses-entrepreneurship-part-1-people-olaf-kuhlke shepherd, d. a., & williams, t. (2020). entrepreneurship responding to adversity: equilibrating adverse events and disequilibrating persistent adversity. organization theory, 1(4), 2631787720967678. u.s. department of health and human services. (2014). samhsa’s concept of trauma and guidance for a trauma-informed approach. photo by cottonbro studio, www.pexels.com/photo/20-us-dollarbill-5909813/ https://doi.org/10.1108/01437730710718218/ https://doi.org/10.15760/honors.1280 https://doi.org/10.15760/honors.1280 https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tsc.2024.101692 https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv3t5r85 https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/trauma-informed-businesses-entrepreneurship-part-1-people-olaf-kuhlke https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/trauma-informed-businesses-entrepreneurship-part-1-people-olaf-kuhlke http://www.pexels.com/photo/20-us-dollar-bill-5909813/ http://www.pexels.com/photo/20-us-dollar-bill-5909813/ microsoft word 115-toscher.docx vol. 9, no. 2 fall 2020 special issue: arts entrepreneurship education blank canvas explorative behavior and personal agency in arts entrepreneurship education ben toscher norwegian university of science and technology abstract: the majority of learning in arts entrepreneurship education is experiential (essig & guevara, 2016). experiential and entrepreneurial learning theories indicate that to facilitate entrepreneurial knowledge generation which “enables [entrepreneurs] to recognize and act on entrepreneurial opportunities and to organize and manage new ventures” (politis, 2005, p. 400), individuals need to exercise personal agency and engage in explorative behavior (kolb & kolb, 2009; politis, 2005). if arts entrepreneurship education is to help students generate such entrepreneurial knowledge, arts entrepreneurship educators should create learning environments in which their students can exercise personal agency and behave exploratively. despite this, how students exercise personal agency and explore within arts entrepreneurship education has not been empirically studied. this empirical paper attempts to answer the following question: how do students explore and exercise personal agency in arts entrepreneurship education? using rigor to systematically analyze qualitative data (gioia et al., 2013) from a five-week course in entrepreneurship in higher music education to produce a data structure and model, i find that within a teacher-created learning environment, students balance personal factors (their values and beliefs, habitual modes of thought, prior experience and personal goals) against social factors (social interdependencies and conditions of approval) while taking actions to reduce uncertainty. the findings imply that teachercreated learning environments and engagement in social contexts influences how students exercise personal agency and explore. keywords: arts entrepreneurship education, entrepreneurial learning, personal agency, explorative behavior, gioia methodology. doi: 10.34053/artivate.9.2.115 artivate 9.2 20 introduction research argues that entrepreneurial skills and knowledge are critical for musicians. they must recognize and act upon opportunities, build and utilize networks, manage multiple concurrent roles, and self-manage a series of simultaneous employment engagements to build careers as “enforced entrepreneurs” (bennett & bridgstock, , p. ; bennett, ; breivik et al., ; cawsey, ; coulson, ; teague & smith, ). in response, higher education has called upon arts entrepreneurship education to teach arts entrepreneurship, defined as “a management process through which cultural workers seek to support their creativity and autonomy, advance their capacity for adaptability, and create artistic as well as economic and social value” (chang & wyszomirski, , p. ). arts entrepreneurship education’s growth is considerable, with courses now available in australia, germany, the netherlands, norway, and the uk (brandenburg et al., ; pollard & wilson, ; thom, ; toscher & bjørnø, ; watne & nymoen, ). in the us, as of  there were  arts entrepreneurship courses offered by  institutions, compared with just  institutions offering such courses in  (beckman, ; essig & guevara, ). this growth in arts entrepreneurship parallels the broader field of entrepreneurship education for which “universities are creating courses and programs to deliver entrepreneurial knowledge and competencies to students in a variety of majors beyond business . . . such as the arts” (duval-couteil, , p. –). research lags behind this growth in teaching, as “action and intervention have raced far ahead of theory, pedagogy, and research to explain it” (rideout, , p.). while curricular efforts are documented (beckman, , ; damásio & bicacro, ) and theories and definitions offered (chang & wyszomirski, ; gangi, ), there is an important gap in the arts entrepreneurship literature that empirically examines how arts students are learning in the arts entrepreneurship classroom. the majority of learning in the arts entrepreneurship classroom is experiential (essig & guevara, ), focused on transforming experience into knowledge; so, naturally, experiential (kolb & kolb, ) and entrepreneurial learning (politis, ) theories may be a starting point for examining student learning. these theories claim in order facilitate the generation of entrepreneurial knowledge which “enables [entrepreneurs] to recognize and act on entrepreneurial opportunities and to organize and manage new ventures” (politis, , p. ), individuals need to exercise personal agency and engage in explorative behavior (kolb & kolb, ; politis, ). if arts entrepreneurship education aims to help students generate such entrepreneurial knowledge, then arguably educators should create learning environments in which their students can exercise personal agency—operationally defined as “the ability to accomplish action” (campbell, , p. )—and behave exploratively to transform experience into knowledge. here, explorative behavior is operationally defined as “choosing new actions that are distinct from what they have already taken” (politis, , p. ). this contrasts with exploitative behavior, which refers to exploiting “what is already known, implying individuals learn from experience by exploiting old certainties . . . it is thus about creating reliability in experience . . . the returns are hence generally more certain, closer in time, and closer in space than returns to artivate 9.2 21 exploration” (march, ; politis, , p. ). seen in the light of politis’ theory of entrepreneurial learning, both concepts of personal agency and explorative behavior involve action— and action is argued to be the core of entrepreneurship (mcmullen & shephard, ). this may explain the growth and popularity of action-based entrepreneurship education (rasmussen & sørheim, ; haneberg et al., ). entrepreneurial action may be the means through which students can develop the types of entrepreneurial competencies (morris et al., ) which are often the basis and rationale for creation of entrepreneurship education in the first place. but before students can take entrepreneurial action in the classroom, educators should be interested in how their teaching practice may influence students’ abilities to exercise personal agency and explore. the influence educators may have on their students has been addressed by experiential learning theorists to show how students interact with their learning environment (kolb & kolb, ). using the concept of “learning space,” kolb & kolb compare and examine a graduate management mba program and an undergraduate arts program in order to empirically demonstrate how the differences in the learning styles between the two may be a reflection of the institutional learning environments in which they study. they found that art students tended to be more in the feeling-oriented regions of the learning space (a region relating to concrete experience), whereas management students tended to be more in the thinking-oriented region (related to abstract conceptualization). this should be of significant interest to arts entrepreneurship educators: entrepreneurship education for arts students may not be the same as it is for management students. an anecdote from their study is illustrative—when the researchers asked what texts they should provide art students for a workshop on learning, the provost of the arts school replied “learning is not text driven” for arts students (kolb & kolb, , p. ). this contrasts to management education, which is largely centered around texts. further, the findings of these influential experiential learning theorists have direct relevance for arts entrepreneurship education, in which the majority of learning is assumed to be experiential (essig & guevara, ). it demonstrates how educators help determine the coordinates for experiential learning along both the acting/reflecting or feeling/thinking axes in their learning spaces. we can see how this might influence how students take action, but what about whether those actions are explorative or exploitative, or why explorative behavior is particularly interesting? politis’ () model accounts for both exploitative and explorative types of behavior in entrepreneurial knowledge generation and offers several interesting propositions and arguments about how each type of behavior relates to entrepreneurs at different career stages. these propositions make the study of explorative behavior especially interesting the context of music and arts education. first, politis proposes that those entrepreneurs who rely upon exploration as a model of transforming experience into entrepreneurial knowledge will be more effective in recognizing opportunities—and this exploration is associated with “substantial success as well as failure, implying a larger performance variation” (politis , p. ). considering the wide variation in economic performance and outcomes of artists in the creative economy, which has been noted for its “winner-take-all” dynamics (stern & seifert, ), it could be argued that working artists in their careers are used to explorative action and that students could benefit artivate 9.2 22 from being exposed to this type of behavior. indeed, if we hypothetically compared artists with established careers to those music and arts students in the college classroom, we might find those in higher education are still at a “suboptimal stable equilibrium” in their careers (politis, , p. ). second, politis notes that individual entrepreneurs with a “spiral” and “transitory” career orientation (larsson et al., ) will to a larger extent focus on an explorative mode of behaving and transforming experience into knowledge. these spiral and transitory careers, which can be characterized by a “prefer[ence] to explore new activities related to previous ones in which creativity and personal development become the key motives . . . project oriented and episodic, implying that the competence developed, which consists of skill diversity, networking, speediness, and adaptation” (politis, , p. -) are career characteristics typical of those working as musicians and artists (coulson, ; teague & smith, ). third, politis proposes that the more an entrepreneur relies on exploitation, the more effective they are at coping with the liability of newness (stinchcombe, ). early career artists, like music students, are susceptible to such liabilities of newness and i would argue that such early career artists would first need to focus on exploration in order to achieve a breakthrough in their careers. in our modern world, for example, the large majority of the twentieth century’s recorded music is available at our fingertips through smartphones and streaming services, and new artists must compete with not only contemporary artists but artists and music from the past century in their competition for listeners. this type of “substantial success” or breakthrough is necessary before they can begin thinking about behaving in an exploitative manner in order to manage their liabilities of newness. for example, the type of actions taken by a world-famous rock band like u are likely very different than the type of actions taken by a two-month-old garage band comprised of nineteen-year-olds from sandusky, ohio. the latter must explore more to establish themselves and their career, whereas u can exploit their already established name, reputation, and fanbase. only recently have theories of experiential and entrepreneurial learning been explored in greater depths within the context of art, the arts entrepreneurship literature, and artivate (toscher, ). while experiential and entrepreneurial learning theories have received more attention in the broader entrepreneurship education literature, some evidence observes differences in experiential learning styles of arts students compared to management students (kolb & kolb, ), perhaps limiting the transferability of some findings from the broader field of entrepreneurship education to the subfield of arts entrepreneurship education. further, while we would hope that the substantial amount of empirical research within the broader field of entrepreneurship education (nabi et al., ) and entrepreneurial learning (wang & chugh, ) would assist the arts entrepreneurship field, the subjects in these studies are largely a different population (business students) who have self-selected into entrepreneurship education. in addition to differences in experiential styles found by kolb and kolb (), these two student groups may also have differing career goals and motivations for studying entrepreneurship (chang & wyszomirski, ; toscher, dahle, & steinert, ). thus, practitioners and educators would benefit from a rich, empirically grounded understanding of the entrepreneurial learning processes of students in the arts entrepreneurship classroom. artivate 9.2 23 this empirical paper attempts to answer the question, how do students explore and exercise personal agency in arts entrepreneurship education? the paper proceeds as follows. first, i introduce and discuss the research method, the research design, the empirical setting of the arts entrepreneurship course, the empirical data, and the participants of this study. then, i present and discuss the results from my analysis of the data, which includes a structure of the qualitative data and a conceptual model of how arts entrepreneurship students explore and exercise personal agency in the classroom. finally, i conclude with implications for education and practice. research method—the gioia methodology research method to answer the aforementioned research question, i use a qualitative approach aimed at building theory. this approach is inspired by grounded theory (corbin & strauss, ), guided by analytic rigor (corley & gioia, ; gioia et al., ), and is often referred to as the largely inductive gioia method (gioia et al., ). i use the gioia method to analyze empirical qualitative data consisting of interviews, student learning diaries, a researcher’s journal, and course deliverables from a five-week mandatory course in arts entrepreneurship for a master’s degree program in music and technology (see table  for an overview of the data collected). through analysis, i establish first order codes, second order themes, theoretical subcategories, and finally an aggregate theoretical dimension to build and present a model of how students explore and exercise personal agency in arts entrepreneurship education. research design, empirical context, and the arts entrepreneurship course the empirical context for this study is a five-week entrepreneurship course i designed, planned, implemented, and taught at a large university in norway. a unique aspect of this course was that it was taught in a state-of-the-art distributed classroom teaching environment, with students physically located in two different cities. in both research design and empirical setting, this study is largely a teacher-research approach, through its use of: (a) an insider perspective; (b) a pragmatic and goal oriented approach to solve problems faced by practitioners in the classroom; and (c) a practical approach to answering research questions (baumann & duffy, ). inspired by teacher research and practitioner inquiry, i have researched my own classroom for the purpose of generating knowledge that may contribute to better teaching and learning, and that may help teachers “develop their capacity for making the kinds of sound autonomous professional judgments and decisions appropriate to their status as professionals” (lankshear & knobel, , p. ). this mandatory course in entrepreneurship was part of a master’s degree program in music artivate 9.2 24 and technology. all students had: (a) a bachelor’s degree, (b) personal and/or professional interest in and experience with music, and (c) interest in and experience with technology. the class most closely resembled the “being enterprising” (bridgstock, ) type of arts entrepreneurship education rather than the “new venture creation” or “transitioning” type in arts entrepreneurship education (beckman, ), and students were given a blank canvas with which to iteratively learn about, recognize, and act on an opportunity of their choosing. students were encouraged to act on an opportunity that created either economic, social, cultural and/or environmental value for themselves and society. the course was pedagogically inspired by design engineering (steinert & leifer, ), experiential, andragogical, and action-based learning (neck & corbett, ; rasmussen & sørheim, ), and effectuation (sarasvathy, ). entrepreneurship was framed in the broader opportunity (shane & venkataraman, ) and value-creation framing (bruyat & julien, ) senses for a few reasons. first, due to the heterogeneity of the students (including their educational and work backgrounds—see table ) and the degree’s emphasis on team-based, interdisciplinary learning, students were not tasked with creating a portfolio, an artist website, arranging a concert or other professional development activities that sometimes accompany an arts entrepreneurship career transitioning offering (beckman, ). second, there is empirical evidence (bonin-rodriguez, ; moore, ; j. c. white, ) and theoretical argumentation (toscher, ) that entrepreneurship needs to be reframed appropriately in the context of music education, given the historical conflict and tension between aesthetic values, artistic identity, and neoliberal notions of entrepreneurship. situating entrepreneurship as something to deliver economic, social, cultural, and/or environmental value moves the discipline away from the notion that it has to do strictly with profit (bridgstock, ). finally, what i call the blank canvas approach, where students were free to define the scope of their work within the course, helps answer the research question: how do students explore and exercise personal agency in arts entrepreneurship education? this pedagogical structure, which closely resembles the being enterprising type of arts entrepreneurship education, resulted in a research design in which i could observe how students explored and exercised personal agency based upon their own determinations of value. course timeline and deliverables before week one, i met the students during an orientation session to learn about them, their experience, and their goals, and to understand any potential team dynamics that may emerge. most lecturing occurred during week one, in which i went over the theoretical content provided in precourse readings. after discussion, we went over the deliverables for the course, which were comprised of: (a) a graded team project, in which they were to identify and act upon a valuecreating opportunity, and (b) a nongraded, mandatory individual student learning diary, which consisted of a log detailing the actions they took to act upon their opportunity, reflections describing the action they took, what resulted from that action, how they thought and felt, what they learned, what assumption they were testing with their action, and any connections between this experience and their prior experiences, knowledge, and/or ideas presented both in this artivate 9.2 25 course and in their prior education. this reflective learning diary approach was inspired and informed by previous entrepreneurship education research, which has argued for the importance of synthesizing reflection and action in order to help students generate entrepreneurial knowledge in experiential entrepreneurship education (hägg, ; hägg & kurczewska ). students were encouraged to draw connections between course reading and what they experienced in their project work. i explained the theoretical support for this reflective and experiential learning approach (boud et al., ; dewey, ) to help students understand its value, in addition to being something they needed to do to just pass the course. besides delivering eight entries in their learning diary (four action logs and four reflections, delivered once per week), the graded group project consisted of a final ten-minute pitch presentation before a jury, with a q&a session. students chose the appropriate audience for their pitches, whether it was an investor, a customer, a governmental agency, or other stakeholder. week two featured lectures about value creation and identifying problems. weeks three, four, and five were used to discuss team project progression using a business model canvas (pigneur, ) to guide discussion. single-case embedded design this study uses a single-case embedded design (figure ), where the five-week course in entrepreneurship is the case studied and the embedded units of analysis are the individual students in the case. during the course, each individual student worked within their teams on the course project; students were placed into semester-long teams by the researcher and other music degree program staff to achieve a balance of background, experience, skills, interests, and gender. students worked in these teams for the entire semester in all of their courses in the degree program. the unit of analysis is the individual student, and the data that forms the basis of that analysis is described in table . while some collected data articulates specific events and critical incidents that occurred within the team setting, the goal of this current study was to understand the phenomena of interest at the personal and individual level, not the team level. thus, teams were not explicitly considered as a separate unit or level of analysis. figure  displays the students who were willing to participate in this study and the teams in which they were members. note that only one student from team d was willing to participate in the study. artivate 9.2 26 student participants, limitation of potential biases, and ethical considerations nine out of sixteen students in the course were purposefully sampled and agreed to participate in this study. to avoid biasing both their actions taken within the course and reflections made in their student learning diaries, students were not informed beforehand that their activity in the course could potentially be used at a later date for research purposes, should they consent to participate in such research. this decision was made to limit any potential self-censorship or self-presentation biases from the participants. after the course was completed and grades assigned, i approached the students to tell them about this study and asked if they were willing to participate. students received grades prior to my request for their permission to participate so they would not feel pressured into participating. i told them our relationship would not change should they choose not to participate. notification of this study was sent to the nsd, the norwegian data protection official for research, prior to the commencement of the course and received approval from nsd. participants formally consented to participation through an nsdapproved consent form. figure 1. single case embedded research design artivate 9.2 27 data collection the students i used a purposeful sample strategy to choose participants who could best help me answer my research question about how students explore and exercise personal agency in arts entrepreneurship education (creswell, ). as seen in table , the participants had a substantial range of educational, work, and arts entrepreneurial backgrounds. while many had arts entrepreneurial experience according to a common definition (chang & wyszomirski, ), they all had an interest in performing and/or making music, and they were all enrolled in a master’s degree program offered by an institute of hme. this may represent a wider band of diversity than one may find in a specific arts entrepreneurship setting, compared to, for example a second-year bachelor’s course for classical music performance majors. this relative heterogeneity in the participants created a high degree of variation in the domains of previous knowledge and experience amongst the participants. in addition, the selection of this entrepreneurship course as a week 1 week 2 week 3 week 4 week 5 interviews nine semi-structured interviews, varying in length from 20 to 75 minutes each. a total of 6.03 hours of interviews comprising 117 pages and 34,381 words. x x student learning diaries: reflections nine student reflection journals comprised of 36 total learning reflections, 4 from each student. x x x x student learning diaries: action logs nine student action logs comprised of 62 actions in which students describe actions they took and describe it with the date, time, what it consisted of, whom they spoke with, why they did it, what critical assumptions or hypothesis they were testing, and based on what they learned, their next planned action. the action logs total 44 pages with 4,716 words and also include numerous images. x x x x project status update: business model canvas eight business model canvasses , as populated by the researcher during weeks 3 and 4 of the course, in order to integrate information provided by students via reflection journals and action logs. this enabled the researcher to keep track of student progress on course projects, facilitate group discussion, and to contextualize theoretical content into actual coursework. x x researcher´s journal a journal kept by the researcher containing notes, observations, thoughts, feelings, and analysis related to the course. comprised of 19 pages totaling 8,072 words, this journal was kept between august and december 2018 – covering the period before, during, and after the course. x x x x x x x final project presentation four presentations archived as slide decks, including additional presentation material such as a business plan and a video of a pilot test, which represented the students´ final presentation of their project. x timing of data collectiondescription of datadata collected before entrepreneurship course entrepreneurship course after entrepreneurship course table 1. the data collected artivate 9.2 28 case offered an opportunity to create a pedagogical context that in some respects represents an extreme case. by creating a relatively open course in which students were completely free to explore, recognize, and act upon any opportunity of their choosing, i thought i could potentiate their opportunities to explore and use their personal agency. data analyses data was analyzed following guidelines for inductive qualitative research using analytic rigor (corley & gioia, ; gioia et al., ). this analytical method resulted in building the data structure seen in figure  in the results section. first, i started to analyze the data using an “open coding” approach to identify first-order codes that emerged from the data (strauss & corbin, ; van maanen, ). i identified first-order codes by examining data for each student on a separate basis. this open coding procedure was performed by printing out all of the data on paper and coding chunks of text by highlighting and writing on the paper. these codes were then eventually placed into a spreadsheet to be used in later stages of the analytic process. since i considered each student as a separate unit of analysis, the result was a set of independent codes for each student. i did not reuse a code generated from one student on another student. it was student age educational background previous entrepreneurship education? has pursued a career in arts (arts entrepreneurial experience)? has experience with noncommercial musical activities (e.g. playing an instrument for leisure, being part of a hobby band, etc) reason for taking masters degree additional notes on arts entrepreneurial experience 1 mid 20s bachelors in music technology yes (during bachelors, took one course in entrepreneurship and innovation from social scientific and humanities perspective) no yes gain new professional and academic skills 2 late 30s bachelors in music performance – jazz no yes yes gain new music technology knowledge and skills; earn a masters; build network; expand creative toolset has worked professional as a freelance jazz saxophonist, composer, and music teacher. 3 early 30s bachelors in media and visual studies no yes yes learn new skills and tools to enable new creative expression has worked as a musician, composer, lyricist, vocalist, and writer. additionally, founded and managed design companies and cooperative record label and production companies. 4 mid 20s bachelors in theatre and humanities no yes yes satisfy intellectual curiosity has worked in journalism and film production 5 early 20s bachelors in informatics yes (during bachelors, took courses in economics and entrepreneurship – the latter in which they built a prototype and tested it with users) no yes improve music technology skills 6 early 50s bachelors in music performance no yes yes improve skills, perhaps open pathway to phd has worked in video production for 30 years, the majority of which has run own company. 7 mid 20s bachelors in electrical engineering and music technology yes (during bachelors, took one course in entreneurship for engineers focused on developing a business plan) no yes further specializiation in music technology 8 mid 20s bachelors in financial mathematics no yes yes gain core knowledge in music technology has worked as a drummer, freelance studio engineer and in advertising analytics 9 early 20s bachelors in electrical engineering (acoustics and signal processing) no no yes further specialization in music techology and engineering; explore entrepreneurial opportunity and new product development has worked as video production technician table 2. participants in this study artivate 9.2 29 not until the next step of analysis, in which these codes were aggregated to second order themes, that overlapping codes converged by means of higher-level abstraction. next, i looked for a deeper structure behind my first order codes that could explain my observations using a form of axial coding to group codes into second-order themes (gioia et al., ; locke, ). these second order themes were then grouped into theoretical subcategories, which were sufficiently abstract to encompass the meaning of the underlying data while also situating the results within a more abstract theoretical subcategory. finally, these theoretical subcategories were aggregated into an aggregate theoretical dimension. the first-order codes, second-order themes, theoretical subcategories, and aggregate theoretical dimension were then used to create a data structure (figure ). under this method, gioia argues there is value in a “semi-ignorance or enforced ignorance of the literature” (gioia et al., , p. ). the inductive aspect of my analytical approach to generating first order codes reflects this. however, i did have a pragmatic intention to eventually situate my findings within existing literature to facilitate a meaningful conversation while also being true to the discoveries, whether novel or redundant. this approach is in line with previous research using the gioia methodology (gioia et al., ; patzelt & shepherd, ). thus, when discussing the results in increasingly higher levels of abstraction in this paper, i often present them alongside and in light of existing literature. finally, in order to improve the credibility and dependability of my interpretations of the data, as well as the emergent model and constructs from my analysis (lincoln & guba, ), i relied upon feedback, review, and engagement from peers and outside researchers in the field of entrepreneurship education from a diversity of cultural and educational contexts. this follows several research norms established by other single-author qualitative research studies in management and experiential learning (laasch, ; matsuo, ; smith, ; sonenshein, ) that use the “gioia” method. i received this feedback and review throughout this article’s development as it was presented in courses, at conferences, and through paper development seminars. despite being familiar with literature from the entrepreneurship education and arts entrepreneurship education fields, i restrained any inclination to immediately bind the data to any forms preconceived during initial coding. this was, to a large extent, performed to prevent potential transferability issues in applying previous findings from literature to my own context (lincoln & guba, ). conversely, in order to improve the transferability of my own findings, i have attempted to provide “thick descriptive data—narrative developed about the context so that judgments about the degree of fit or similarity may be made by others who may wish to apply all or part of the findings elsewhere.” (lincoln & guba, , p. ). i have attempted to provide this thick descriptive data through my description of the empirical context, the participants in the study, the types and forms of data collected, and the integration of actual participant quotes in the presentation and discussion of findings. artivate 9.2 30 results and discussion—explorative behavior and personal agency in arts entrepreneurship education the results show that within a teacher-created learning environment, students balance personal and social factors in order to take balanced actions to reduce uncertainty. figure  displays the data structure resulting from the analysis and figure  displays a model of how students take balanced actions to reduce uncertainty in the process of entrepreneurial knowledge generation. this model is comprised of five components. first, the process of generating new entrepreneurial knowledge begins with students who possess existing knowledge before they enter the context of a teacher-created learning environment. in this particular study, this learning environment was the five-week course in entrepreneurship. the teacher-created learning environment and the students are embedded in a broader social context which is not created by the teacher— in the model in figure , this social context boundary is denoted by a dotted line. the next component consists of the personal factors that influence how students take actions within the learning environment, which include their existing values and beliefs, their prior experience and personal goals, and their habitual modes of thought (like whether they tended to think intuitively or analytically, to use reason or feeling). the next component is the social factors that also influence how students act, comprised of conditions of approval and social interdependencies. actions to reduce uncertainty is the next component of the model, which includes concepts such as opportunity recognition, uncertainty, and taking action. the final component is balanced actions to reduce uncertainty, which is essentially an aggregate theoretical dimension that represents how the students in this study behaved exploratively and exercised personal agency, and thus in theory generated new entrepreneurial knowledge. below i discuss each of these components, and at various points use quotations from the students. words in brackets are my own, which i have inserted to improve the clarity of the quotation while preserving the contextual meaning. it should be noted that it is not the aim of this study to test the theoretical validity of entrepreneurial learning and subsequent entrepreneurial knowledge generation (politis, ), thus the students’ existing knowledge and entrepreneurial knowledge they generate is not the analytical focus of this study even though they are present in the model in figure . teacher-created learning environment it may seem obvious, perhaps it is an assumption taken for granted, that teachers are creating the environments in which arts entrepreneurship students learn. however, results from this study help explicate the different dimensions of this learning environment and how they may influence the processes under study. i found four themes that describe the different dimensions of this learning environment and set learning boundaries for students: (i) team-based learning, (ii) theoretical content, (iii) entrepreneurship education, and (iv) establishing a timeline for deliverables. with regard to team-based learning, for example, student  spoke of group decision-making in team-based learning, saying, “after the group decided to focus on loneliness, isolation, artivate 9.2 31 and rehabilitation of prisoners, i decided to gather some information about this problem as it stands in [ . . . ] society today” and student  noted it “was important to get everybody involved.” while statements such as these related to the necessity of establishing consensus to proceed in the team project point to the overall team-based structure of the course, other statements allude to the types of challenges that emerged from the team setting. student  spoke of learning in the team setting, which included dealing “with other people’s emotional boundaries, how far [they] can go with [ . . . ] critique, comment or dislike of something someone proposed.” this learning resulted from emotional disturbances within the team setting, and some students viewed the communication of such emotions as important. as student  said: “one [person] was very . . . [they] didn’t feel welcome anymore. and i had no idea. because people are afraid to say [what they feel]. but i think human emotions are so important to make a team work.” the theoretical content framed how the students went about their coursework and what they felt they learned. the team project was theoretically rooted, at a fundamental level, in uncertainty (knight, ) in the sense that students had to choose a problem to focus on and explore how a solution solves that problem, using information boundaries of their own choosing. as opposed to a teacher-framed or client-framed problem (levy & petrulis, ), they constructed their own sets of information related to a problem and drove the uncertainty reduction process. while this connection between their activities and this process was not repeatedly made explicit to the students and was a bit more implicit, it was discussed in terms of the intended learning outcomes and implied by the pedagogical emphasis on identifying and challenging assumptions through trial. despite this, explicit theoretical content was a notable feature of the learning environment. in terms of entrepreneurship education, student  indicated one of the most important things they learned was “organizing thoughts” and “effectuation. basically solve [a] problem with the means you have.” this “organization of thoughts” was something student two, who has worked for over fifteen years as a professional musician, expressed they wish they had been exposed to during their bachelor studies in music performance. a tool such as the business model canvas was a piece of theoretical content that several students recognized as useful in “organizing their thoughts.” while there were several instances of students using new terminology from the course readings to describe their teamwork and their actions, there were some instances in which words could be a hindrance. student four said that “this terminology is kind of good, but also limits because i instantly think of silicon valley.” silicon valley, entrepreneurship, its terminology, and the resultant values and beliefs that individual students had about these items are resonant with some discussion about entrepreneurship’s connotation in the arts (bonin-rodriguez, ; bridgstock, ), but is more focal to the personal factors component of the model described further below; however, the relevant observation here is that any teacher will, to a large extent, provide the theoretical frame and content used within the course. artivate 9.2 32 while terminology was useful in helping students orient themselves in the course, the underlying context of action-based (rasmussen & sørheim, ) entrepreneurship education elicited a more visceral reaction in their experience. one student borrowed an expression from their culture and said the coursework was like “making a boat while rowing” or “fueling while in the air”; student  was surprised by the practicality of a course in which they tried to “do it themselves,” noting that “with [just] too much theory [about entrepreneurship] our personal working in a team emotional turbulence in group setting importance of expressing feelings in a team challenged by working remotely freeloading is a problem competing agendas harmony from sharing goals team based learning using resources and tools provided by teacher theoretical understanding integrating course literature new terminology helping and hindering students direct observational versus symbolically intermediated understanding of situations coursework as the organization of thoughts theoretical content "making a boat while rowing" students surprised by practicality of course "this course gave freedom" entrepreneur identity as opportunist equating entrepreneurship with practice "use what´s in front of us" problem evolving entrepreneurship education teacher affecting work process through milestones, creating or limiting tendency to procrastinate deadlines causing stress stress causing actionable steps action bias limits and curtails discussion stage-gating entrepreneurship cycle establishing a timeline for deliverables finding balance between art and money political awareness and commentary on economic systems philosophical positions and considerations the joy of creation keep entrepreneurship away from art silicon valley has created problems "art has moral responsibility" values and beliefs dominance of feelings feeling, mood, genre as the essential attractor in music coincidences guiding feeling which guides action logic leads to solution; feeling leads to problem resist old habits of only working with familiar people generating questions to explore problem consistently builds logical argument for action habitual modes of thought balancing outside work and coursework maintaining status as a musician utilizing personal resources money creating sincerity importance of the project and its relation to music professional experience influences strategy prior experience and personal goals pleasing the teacher; following the teacher just meeting requirements to pass course using teacher´s examples and language as reference point affected by content of lecture in framing opportunity justifying approach to teacher seeking teacher approval before trying something conditions of approval building on each others ideas empathizing and considering social consequences of actions individual will diminished in team setting focus on cultural and not monetary value "i can´t make people do it" altruism and social connection entrepreneurs must have morals team more important than individual social interdependecies hypothesizing value add logical calculation of value to customer defining problem based on experience and empathy existence of competitor alters course and confirms problem absence of solution means opportunity exists existence of solutions signal demand rationally theorizes customer segments imagining future business opportunities opportunity recognition abstract problems promote inaction using uncertainty as a creative force "art liberates from rules" "floating around several ideas" the importance of understanding the problem first vagueness causes confusion; unclarity in team more comfortable learning from other people´s experience uncertainty limited time forces action "there is no barrier when i think about it." acknolwedging the limits of knowledge "a huge step" refining pitch to outside world approaching outside world and being surprised from response taking action to alleviate anxiety taking action teacher created learning environment personal factors social factors actions to reduce uncertainty balanced actions to reduce uncertainty first order codes second order themes theoretical subcategories aggregate theoretical dimension figure 2. the data structure artivate 9.2 33 relationship to entrepreneurship wouldn’t really change.” student  thought the course “gave freedom” but also noted that this freedom created responsibility and it can “destroy you.” in some senses, though, the students found relief and ease in taking inspiration from effectuation theory (sarasvathy, ) by deciding to “just use what is in front of us.” this particular student’s team ended up creating a solution for a “superior musical jamming experience” using the state-of-the-art telecommunication equipment that formed the setup of the distributed classroom teaching environment itself. finally, the timeline and timing of the course and required deliverables was a noted feature of the learning environment. researchers have explored how instructor-set deadlines have been shown to regulate student pacing (roberts & semb, ), yet some students prefer to set their own paces. in the learning environment of this study, the only instructor-set deadlines related to weekly delivery of learning diaries and the final presentation of their project. this created a five-week timeframe with no teacher-imposed interim milestones, thus students were responsible for the pacing and progress of their projects. statements from several students indicated how the timeline established by the teacher affected the working process, which either created or limited tendencies to procrastinate based on their group working styles and the students’ own figure 3. a model of how students explore and exercise personal agency in arts entrepreneurship artivate 9.2 34 preferences and schedules. one student felt it was difficult to know how much time “we should spend on these tasks” and that it was at times a challenge to balance individual tasks and groupwork based upon different team members’ tendencies to engage in or avoid procrastination. the final deadline did create a sense of stress, which did prompt students to take “actionable steps.” this action served to alleviate anxiety, as student  described: “we concluded there was not enough time to do both . . . [another team member] was annoyed that we made the decision without them . . . i can’t blame them, but we thought it was necessary to proceed as time is critical.” student ’s team spent a substantial amount of the five weeks deciding which problem to focus on for their project, ultimately leaving little time as they scrambled to explore their solution. student  thought it might have been helpful if i stage-gated the process and “set time limits for different parts of the entrepreneurship cycle.” based on these observations, i note that teacher-imposed interim milestones may result in more action, depending on students’ own time management tendencies—and that this is an aspect of the learning environment an educator can adjust for a desired effect. personal factors personal factors such as values and beliefs, habitual modes of thoughts, and personal experience and goals seemed to have played a role in how the students behaved. as i argued before, the freedom afforded to the students in defining their project is a part of both the course and research design which enabled these factors to emerge. as will be described shortly, these personal factors were balanced with social factors to ultimately take actions that reduced uncertainty. the influence of the personal values and beliefs of the students was revealed through classroom discussion and interviews. my findings are consistent with literature that has explored the tension between art and money the literature describes (bonin-rodriguez, ; bridgstock, ; white, ). student , when engaging in a discussion about terminology and labels, said “i mean this artistic thing is one [thing]. it’s really nice for the soul [and] everything, but i don’t know, i want to keep it away from this entrepreneur thing.” other examples of conversation with the students confirm views that art is imbued with an aesthetic or value-laden dimension, which may at times conflict with money. student  spoke of their personal sense of empowerment in seeing that “art has a moral responsibility,” that in the face of bombardment from immoral images that we as “artists or professors have a moral responsibility.” but it is not just the artist with moral responsibility. through a dialectical dialogue with student , entrepreneurs were characterized as agents with free will, and for this reason entrepreneurs must also be moral. the philosophical positions the students articulated are possibly a basis for other commentary on politics and economic systems that surfaced during the course and interviews. a few times in both individual and group settings, anecdotal examples of entrepreneurs and solutions to problems in the market veered towards discussions of conservative values and environmentally imposed needs to make money and survive. but values and beliefs extended beyond spheres of money and economics; there was a notable commonality over the joy of creation experienced by most in the artistic process and that in this creative sense, artistic innovators were viewed by artivate 9.2 35 some as entrepreneurial. student , when describing the process of agreeing upon a problem to work on with the group, noted the importance of that problem being related to music as a basis to unify common interest and motivation in the team—“ . . . because we’re in the music[ . . . ] [our teammate has been] promoting this female artist and all of us had some music knowledge and all relate to the problem. yeah. we felt it was important to get everybody involved.” student  also noted that their team had to “find an idea that everyone could believe in and relate to” before they could achieve consensus and move forward. prior experience and personal goals were also a personal factor. student , who had over twenty years of experience working as an entrepreneur in video production, noted that they had to overcome their own habit and preference for working with people they have known “for a long time” whom they “know very well.” i interpret this reflection to represent a desire to behave exploratively and explore “new possibilities and domains,” rather than “further development and refinement of [their] knowledge within their specialty” (politis, , p. ). several students noted the challenge of balancing coursework with outside demands—whether academic, professional, or personal. prior to starting the course, student , who had an educational background in electrical engineering and acoustic signal processing, had explored creating an app to replace cochlear implants. when reflecting upon the process of deciding what to work on with their team, they recalled “want[ing] to maybe look into this app development with cochlear implants. i think we briefly considered it . . . i guess we [as a team] weren’t exactly suited [technically for it] . . . i don’t really remember why we went away from that idea.” personal goals of “channeling creativity” and “being true to myself” also influenced how and to what extent individuals were motivated by the team project. interestingly, differing levels of personal flexibility, adaptability, and tolerance for ambiguity seemed to be an influential factor. as student  noted: “i think it’s important to [ . . . ] take the project in one direction . . . then [later] you can turn it again into something else because [it] was not what it was meant to be. and then the team also has to be on the same page when it comes to [ . . . ] mov[ing] it in a [new] direction. but sometimes in teamwork, i feel like someone really wants to have it a certain way because that’s what we said originally.” through my observations and interviews, i noted a difference in what i call the habitual modes of thoughts of the students. this largely relates to how students processed information while making either intuitive or deliberate decisions regarding how to take actions in their project work (hogarth, ). for example, i found that in their learning diaries and explanation of their course of action, students  and  (with engineering backgrounds) consistently explained their reason and logic for doing certain things. they rationally deduced and induced why they thought a market would exist for their chosen solutions. while the basis for this observation is grounded in the exposition of their thoughts, i can fairly surmise that they tended to think more analytically than other students in the course. the more artistically inclined students tended to describe their process as more intuitive than analytic. for example, student , who relayed important events in their life story in which they had been guided by coincidence, serendipity, and feeling to make big decisions, largely viewed entrepreneurial ideas as kind of like an animal that has to “be what it wants to be,” saying, “you can’t really force an idea.” this artivate 9.2 36 contrasts to student  who used empirical responses from a survey to generate user insight and argue for how the idea of their team’s product needed to be. when reflecting on their teamwork, it appears that feelings tended to be used in identifying a problem whereas logic tended to be used in articulating a solution. interestingly, these modes of thinking and meaning-making have been elsewhere discussed within the context of adult learning as a means to address disharmonies or disjunctures, which are often emotive and lead to a learning process (jarvis, ; koulaouzides, ). this finding also seems to be somewhat consistent with the feeling/thinking learning style dichotomy that kolb and kolb () explored in their study of arts and management students. social factors social factors such as conditions of approval and social interdependencies also played a role in how the students behaved. these conditions of approval are conditions students attempted to satisfy in order to be approved by the teacher. the conditions of approval are either formal (like approval for passing the course) or informal (like a student seeking some sort of approval or confirmation that they are on the right path with their project). this included both explicit behavior and statements whose intent were to satisfy the requirements of the course and gain approval by me (the teacher), but also more subtle, tacit behavior to please the teacher by using the teacher’s language or examples or to seek verbal approval, the latter of which have been studied in relation to reinforcement theory (white, ). i consider examples of student behavior that aimed to do minimal work for maximal effect (doing just enough to pass the course) as trying to satisfy some of the formal conditions of approval. but more telling are those instances when students would try to justify their plans or seek approval for their team project to the teacher before actually trying something or exploring something new. these conditions of approval seem to be an embedded factor in any classroom situation or teaching environment, and the student’s habit of falling into an approval-seeking pattern has perhaps been developed and reinforced over their entire education by the time they enter the arts entrepreneurship classroom in a university setting. the social interdependencies of working both within a team and on a project whose development was dependent on finding new information and feedback from other people outside of the classroom in the social context was a notable second-order theme. there were clear examples of students building on their teammates’ ideas about how to proceed with their project but also examples of a single person attempting to dominate the direction of the team. as student  explained: “yeah . . . we have all different backgrounds and different taste in music and everything. for my sake, i would have done something completely different . . . but it’s [about] going away from it and finding a compromise with their interest.” an entrepreneurial project that depends upon actors outside of the classroom also presents its limitations. when reflecting on arts entrepreneurial experience, student  shared that “everybody’s just busy doing their own thing. i really want . . . things [to] start blossoming, but i can’t make people do it.” interestingly, some aspects of these social interdependencies related to goals and outcomes have been artivate 9.2 37 discussed within literature on cooperative learning and social interdependence theory (johnson & johnson, ). irrespective of this goal-oriented social interdependency, students demonstrated that the social-moral consequences of actions had an impact on their behavior. through empathizing, considering the social consequences of actions, and nurturing a sense of altruism and social connection, several students were guided in how to proceed with developing their entrepreneurial idea. student  reflected upon the pain they felt firsthand when feeling lonely after moving to a new city, saying “. . . for me personally it is a relevant problem since i have firsthand experience . . . but creating a space where one can meet people or stay in touch with friends can be a powerful tool in combatting loneliness. . . .” student  also drew upon their personal experience when identifying a problem early on in their project, and extended their situation to a problem facing many other musicians in a potential market, and argued that “this app/service/database is needed and will be worth investing for the common good.” these actions seem to relate to a broader sense that entrepreneurs must have morals due to their own agency and control over the consequences of their actions. actions to reduce uncertainty the students took actions to reduce uncertainty based on some sense of recognizing an opportunity (shane & venkataraman, ). this opportunity recognition occurred both in theory and practice. many students hypothesized how much value their solution would add and logically calculated the value of their solution. student  wrote about their solution to facilitate online music therapy programs for prisoners, which “can be a way to provide daily or weekly therapy programs without actually [requiring physical] visits. so the prisoner can effectively follow up a program without interruption. . . . research suggests rehabilitation programs [here] are not working so well. maybe this is because of the difficulty of keeping the programs running. . . .” interestingly, both the presence of a competitor and absence of a competitor indicated an opportunity for students. student  continued, at a later point, “after searching the internet, i found out many impressive platforms that people are using for many years. among them, [products x, y, and z] seem very popular. so i realized there is a demand for these kinds of platforms and nowadays musicians seem super excited [to do what our product does].” yet, when exploring another opportunity, the same student found “no platforms that provide music therapy through the internet . . . i think this can be an opportunity to bring [our technology to the market].” beyond this, students also engaged in activities such as customer segmentation and the imagination of future product offerings. as student  reflected, “if we have [this] as our trademark, we might think of making other content for the clients we work with.” this course was rooted in uncertainty (knight, ) and it was not a surprise that this emerged as a theme. students noted they “floated around several ideas,” and those having a background in the arts had some comfort with this since “art liberates from rules.” the abstractness of an ill-defined problem was a notable feature that seems to have caused students to be stuck in an inactive state and to learn from other people’s experience instead of generating their artivate 9.2 38 own experiences. student  noted “the less concrete the problem, the harder it is start up with action beyond online research.” student , who had previous entrepreneurship education, explained to their team that “the problem was important” and they should spend time in understanding that before proposing a solution. interestingly, students caught in the vagueness of a poorly defined problem had experienced unclarity within their team’s communications. taking action was one of the effective strategies to deal with the perceived opportunity, the uncertainty around that opportunity, and satisfying the conditions of approval. the limited timeframe of the course forced action. student  wrote that this timeframe forced their team to “just do it instead of thinking too much.” student  reflected on taking an action to alleviate anxiety and stress to “get things done . . . [the action] was needed for our project to proceed.” this action-taking also resulted from an acknowledgement of the limits of one’s knowledge. the learning outcomes from taking action were notable. student  said “. . . this course was more practical, we really went into a project . . . it’s a real-life project that you can do. i mean, we really contacted some clients . . . it’s a huge step.” upon further reflection on how this practicality contrasted with student ’s previous professional experience in statistics, actuary tables, and financial mathematics, they felt some people were just more comfortable with certainty and knowing what would happen but “. . . if you know what is going to happen, then there’s no point of doing anything.” this mindset is perhaps one of the more salient outcomes of the course. when probed further about a favorable response received by student  from a real customer who had potential commercial interest in the solution they worked on during the course, i asked student  what it would take to pursue a potential opportunity even though the course had ended. they responded that “there’s no barrier for right now when i think about it.” conclusion—balanced actions to reduce uncertainty in the beginning of this paper, i set out to answer the question, how do students explore and exercise personal agency in arts entrepreneurship education? my answer is this: in a teacher-created learning environment, students balance personal and social factors to take balanced actions to reduce uncertainty. further, these actions all took place within the context of the teacher-created learning environment that was an action-based entrepreneurship course with project work rooted in uncertainty. while this teacher-created learning environment is itself embedded in a broader social context, the model derived from this study shows that since students balance personal and social factors, teachers may influence how students explore and exercise personal agency by tweaking or adjusting the social factors they have control over in the creation of the learning environment. for example, by having students work individually on their own projects, rather than in teams, certain considerations and aspects of social interdependencies would clearly be affected. one could expect that a student’s own prior experience and personal goals, values and beliefs, or habitual modes of thought may have a greater weight in how they take actions than if they do not have to negotiate a project’s aims, scope, or tasks with other team members. furthermore, the model shows that a student’s own personal agency is indeed influenced by these social factors, and that one may expect that artivate 9.2 39 a student’s own personal agency in a course without any team-based work may be observably different from what was observed in this study. while some may critique the ability of this study’s design to answer the question of personal agency based on a sampling of individual students who worked in teams, a study design based solely on students who worked individually may be a less accurate reflection of professional and academic realities. the need for student graduates who have experience with and are skilled in teamwork, largely due to the nature of modern work, has been widely noted across the world in many academic disciplines (crebert et al., ; dunne & rollins, ; hodge & lear, ; jun, ; kivunja, ). i would submit that in the future, if we are to consider a student’s personal agency—as it is used and defined in this study, meaning the “the ability to accomplish action” (campbell, , p. )—then i think students must eventually work with other people in order to accomplish actions, rather than operate as socially isolated individuals. but more importantly, experiential learning theorists (kolb & kolb, ) argue that learning is the result from transactions between the individual and the environment, which is inevitably comprised of other people. so why not stimulate such transactional learning through teamwork? while the answer and results may seem obvious and intuitive, that does not mean they lack a contribution. obviousness is not antithetical to utility. in some ways, what i found reminds me of the story of a fish who is swimming along one day when all of a sudden, a second fish approaches. the approaching fish asks the first fish “hey! how’s the water today?” to which the first fish replies “water? what’s that?” (wallace, ). it is easy for educators to forget and overlook the subtleties of the environment we are immersed in. it may also be easy to forget that both us and our students are immersed in a learning environment we create. notably, the empirical context of this study was a course most closely resembling the being enterprising (bridgstock, ) type of arts entrepreneurship education, a specific context reflected in the more general theoretical subcategory of teacher-created learning environment in the study’s model (figure ). but future research may address how findings from this study may be applied to the context of a career transitioning (beckman, ) course in arts entrepreneurship. for example, actions to reduce uncertainty may play a smaller role in an arts entrepreneurship course where students are responsible for creating an artist portfolio, writing a five-year plan, or learning how to bookkeep and file taxes as part of their career transitioning. it may also be interesting to systematically investigate how the results and the model from this study apply to different national and even broader entrepreneurship education contexts—how might personal factors such as values and beliefs or personal goals be observed in voluntary entrepreneurship education contexts where management/business students opt into courses and are motivated primarily to start profitable ventures? how might their balance of personal factors against social factors in order to take actions to reduce uncertainty compare to this study’s context? irrespective, learning environments may trigger familiar patterns of teacher-student dynamics students are well accustomed to by the time they reach adulthood. by this i mean a dynamic in which a student focuses only on what i call the conditions of approval—including seeking the teacher’s approval of their ideas for an action before trying something new or testing out that idea related to their entrepreneurial solution. this is a pattern that may demonstrate artivate 9.2 40 the mechanics of the model in figure . asking the teacher for their approval about a potential entrepreneurial solution and action is itself a form of taking action to reduce uncertainty—but the quality of that uncertainty reduction, and the entrepreneurial learning from it, is arguably different if such a student instead approached someone outside the classroom who actually had the problem they were trying to solve. in experiential entrepreneurship education, should the boundaries of certainty and uncertainty be established between student and teacher interactions, or between student and the outside world interactions? according to the model in this study, a teacher could tweak the social factors in this circumstance by doing the following: they could make a policy and tell their students that the teacher will not comment on or give approval based on whether they think something is a good idea or not, and instead students need to get that feedback from acting with real problem owners or stakeholders. this would affect the balance of action-taking to reduce uncertainty. as an example, before the covid- pandemic, many investors would have thought the market for new solutions for livestreaming of music concerts was very small and not very promising. those same investors probably think a bit differently now, given the sudden cancellation of physical concerts and the rapid transition onto online streaming by musical artists across the world. the point is that in a changing world only time and experience can reveal whether something is a good or bad idea. but these conditions of approval also include doing only the work which needs to be done in order to gain approval from the teacher to pass the course, as opposed to self-imposed standards that would help students achieve their broader life goals. if the arts entrepreneurship educator’s goal is student independence, we might be aware of this. these created environments will influence how our students behave within the temporal context of their education. but if the goal of education is to influence how students behave outside and beyond the classroom, what can we do? the first thing we can do is to be aware, as the model in this study shows, that each student has their own sets of values, beliefs, goals, experiences, and preferred styles of thinking that they have developed before they arrive in the classroom. entrepreneurship educators blenker et al. () have argued that this challenge of idiosyncrasy and the unique nature of individual opportunities (shane & venkataraman, ) can be met by embracing an idiosyncratic (as opposed to universalistic) paradigm of entrepreneurship education, where students utilize their everyday practice to understand entrepreneurial opportunities as “individualized and context specific, in the sense that their particular opportunities can only be created on the basis of their individual and idiosyncratic background” (blenker et al., , p. ). the sense of personal agency and empowerment expressed by students as they explored and took their projects outside the walls of the classroom and approached real-life stakeholders in their social context is difficult to understate. despite the benefit of these types of interactions seeming to accrue on a personal level for the individual student (since they feel like they can actually try to affect change), there seems to be an even greater social benefit when considering the social interdependencies i spoke of earlier. in these circumstances, the content of an educational activity moves from the personal (the theoretical which exists in the mind) into the interpersonal (the practical that exists in society). if i was a civil engineering student, i could learn how to draw theoretical plans and theoretically calculate how much it would cost to build a artivate 9.2 41 ladder to the moon—but what would that tell me about why anyone would want a ladder to the moon, who would climb such a thing, or the types of social regulatory processes involved with building such a lunar ladder? in this way i think educators can understand how they may tweak their learning environment in an effort to shift from the theoretical-ideal to the social-real. finally, a consideration of each individual student’s own sensitivity to uncertainty and tolerance for ambiguity might be useful for educators. increasing our efforts to understand and engage our students can go a long way in encouraging them to try things they may not have considered before. and one potentially effective technique to accomplish this can be a bit socratic in nature—if a student asks the teacher whether something is a good idea to try, the teacher may instead ask the student the same question—“i don’t know, do you think it is a good idea to try?” experience has shown me that students already know the answer and have an understanding of why something does or does not make sense. and if the answer involves how somebody else might respond to their action (somebody like a customer, a user, or an audience), then it is incredible how the power of their ability to empathize might just illuminate the previously dark pathways of an uninitiated action. our students can feel and empathize, and we should not overlook the fact that much of the arts is rooted in feeling to begin with. further, it is this process of shifting the center of thinking back to the student (rather than on an expert, a source of information, or the teacher) that itself may be at the heart of the promise of any liberal education to begin with (nussbaum, ). artivate 9.2 42 references baumann, j. f., & duffy, a. m. 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(1975). natural rates of teacher approval and disapproval in the classroom. journal of applied behavior analysis, 8(4), 367–372. https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.34053/artivate.2.1.0028 cover image: photo by rishi s, cc by-nc-nd 2.0 https://www.flickr.com/photos/rajarshi/4367150939/. vol. 11, no. 3 spring 2023 editorial editorial perspectives a futurecasting glossary we invited past, present, and future artivate editors to contribute to a glossary collectively, futurecasting the central ideas advancing our field. their provocations shared here help us build forward together. the entrepreneurial we paul bonin-rodriguez university of texas-austin how and to what benefit might our growing field focus on arts entrepreneurship not as a site of independent excellence but as a result of multiple stakeholders hailed into a process of mutuality, collectivity, and support? i speak of a fundamental transition from “i” to “we” that signals the generosity of engagement required of artistic production. i submit that countering longstanding notions of scarcity first requires a recognition of the abundance of stakeholders in any one work. two books inspire me to think this way. in creative industries (2000), the economist richard caves offers seven “bedrock properties for creative activities and show[s] how they drive organizational patterns in the many markets with substantive creative elements” (p. 2). among them is “the motley crew property,” a term acknowledging that creative production relies on the “close temporal coordination” of the multiple stakeholders who bring any one work to market (p. 10). caves states that he speaks primarily of “the performing arts and creative activities involving complex teams,” yet his term seems applicable to all arts fields where production meets the public (ibid). taking a different approach in the gift: creativity and the artist in the modern world (1982, 2007), the historian lewis hyde posits “that works of art exist simultaneously in two ‘economies,’ a market economy and a gift economy, and only one of these is essential: a work of art can survive without the market, but where there is no gift there is no art” (p. artivate 11.3 2 xvi). hyde, of course, is acknowledging that artmaking itself is rooted in gifting, the product of a relationship that anticipates engagement and exchange. i am equally inspired by my location in a department of theatre and dance, where there’s a lot of emphasis on studio and craft. the students focus on themselves. faculty focuses on the students. it’s lovely. it’s heartwarming. nice to see the students thrive. yet, in the transition from apprenticeship to professional life the students would be well advised to turn the focus around and get to know stakeholders/gatekeepers who maintain the sites where they will work. those stakeholders may include those who operate spaces, a community, or a public. in the process, they will undoubtedly see that there is an abundance of support not only available but requiring cultivation with the same focus they have applied to their craft. after having co-edited this journal since the winter 2019 issue and followed its contents and progress and the scholarship of the arts entrepreneurship field, i have become convinced that the artist entrepreneurship we (re)present is fundamentally teambased. our emerging arts entrepreneurs will benefit from thinking how they can participate rather than thinking in terms of what the field can offer them. references caves, r.e. (2000). creative industries: contracts between art and commerce. cambridge, ma: harvard university press. hyde, l. (2007). the gift: creativity and the artist in the modern world, 25th anniversary ed. new york: vintage books. plural sector e. andrew taylor american university entrepreneurship in most contexts is tied explicitly to business, financial resource, financial risk, and profit. while artistic expression and experience certainly occupy many domains where all four are salient concerns, financial and economic logic cannot begin to encompass the theory and practice of arts entrepreneurship. we can carve out a bit more territory by exploring both for-profit and not-for-profit entity types. but even then, the focus is on “profit” or its absence, not on the alternate logics in play. management scholar henry mintzberg suggests the “plural sector” as an inclusive label to capture the domain of collective action organized by social logic. “the plural sector,” he writes, “is not some middle position between left and right, but as different from the other two sectors as they are from each other. its particular focus is on communities, whereas the other two sectors focus on governments and businesses” (mintzberg 2015). exploring arts entrepreneurship within a plural sector frame (rather than not-forartivate 11.3 3 profit, volunteer, independent, or third sector) can open discovery to a full array of practices, including not only not-for-profit corporations but also unincorporated, cooperative, mutual aid, indigenous, informal, and other forms of collective effort—even social movements (matlon et al 2014). this is a rising and compelling area of innovation and action in the arts. it deserves an inclusive and useful frame. harvard professor howard stevenson defined entrepreneurship as the pursuit of opportunity beyond resources controlled (sinoway and meadow 2012). in arts entrepreneurship, that pursuit can require mastery in multiple domains—economic logic and financial risk (private sector), political logic and public process (public sector), and social logic and community action (plural sector). among the many challenges of arts entrepreneurship is to identify the best terrain(s) to reach the intended destination and to assemble the appropriate people and practices for a successful expedition. the plural sector can and should be among the useful names we give the landscape. references matlon, mina para, ingrid van haastrecht, and kaitlyn wittig mengu ç. 2014. “figuring the plural: needs and supports of canadian and us ethnocultural arts organizations.” plural. mintzberg, henry. 2015. “time for the plural sector.” stanford social innovation review 13 (3): 28–33. sinoway, eric, and merrill meadow. 2012. howard’s gift: uncommon wisdom to inspire your life’s work. macmillan. collaborative organizational culture neville vakharia drexel university organizational culture is a complex construct serving as both a consequence of and an antecedent to how an organization achieves its goals. commonly accepted definitions of organizational culture describe shared assumptions, values, beliefs, and perceptions that are embodied and socialized within an organization. despite this somewhat opaque definition, a large body of research demonstrates how organizational culture drives multiple dimensions of organizational performance. in my own research, i’ve explored how a collaborative organizational culture in creative and cultural organizations can support efforts towards innovation and institutional entrepreneurship. in fact, i found that organizations that more strongly exhibited this type of culture were more likely to engage in innovative practices and programmatic approaches. conversely, a lack of a collaborative culture led to silos, mistrust, and high staff turnover. central to creating a collaborative organizational culture is the role of leadership. it is the leadership of an organization that sets the tone for how an organization’s culture is established. in creative and cultural organizations, i found that leaders who actively and artivate 11.3 4 deliberatively fostered collaboration created a culture in which all staff members felt empowered to collaborate within and outside of their respective roles. they were given the agency to explore new ideas, act entrepreneurially, and learn from failure. however, i found that it was not enough for leaders to simply encourage collaboration for it to become imbued within their organization’s culture. these leaders had to act with intention to create the processes and practices that fostered collaboration—leaders who did not ultimately expressed frustration at their organization’s inability to be innovative and entrepreneurial. ultimately, an organizational culture of collaboration provides an environment to foster new ways of doing things. it can motivate teams and help organizations achieve their goals. like all types of organizational culture, a culture of collaboration is only possible if leaders take an active role in building it. as the director of a small science museum told me in a research interview, “the work we’re doing to be collaborative will push us towards innovation.” worldmaking diane ragsdale minneapolis college of art & design building on a decade of research on effectuation, in 2012 saras sarasvathy posited worldmaking as a primary affordance of the entrepreneurial method as distinct from understanding afforded by the scientific method (p. 2). elaborating on this distinction, she writes: the moment we embrace the notion of worldmaking, we cede the notion of inevitability. we are no longer satisfied with the pursuit of understanding the world as it is or even arguing about the world as it should be. instead, we also have to grapple with plurality, contingency, and possibility of the worlds that could be, the worlds we can make as well as the world we find ourselves in. since we no longer seek to understand what will happen, we have to be ready to explore all the different things that can happen. and all the things that could have happened but did not. moreover, everything we take as given and granted—assumptions, constraints, and objective functions—all become subject to choice and contingency. (p. 11) while the scientific method takes for granted a causal direction between predictability and control, sarasvathy’s entrepreneurial method is a tool for times of uncertainty—when prediction is not possible, but leveraging what is within one’s control (however modest) and learning (i.e., gaining insights and capacity for prediction) through making/taking action (i.e., effectuation) is possible (sarasvathy et al. 2008 as cited in sarasvathy 2012, p. 9). artivate 11.3 5 in an effort to address a related issue—the need to move towards “uncertainty, discomfort and knowledge gaps” when undertaking scenario planning—vervoort et al. (2015) likewise identify worldmaking as a valuable framework. in addition to supporting the need to take decisions in the face of the unknown, along with sarasvathy the researchers assert that a worldmaking framework can support plurality or the “connected need to capture and make productive” fundamental differences in people’s understandings and goals for the future (p. 62). vervoort et al. ground their work in the seminal (1978) contribution, ways of worldmaking, by analytic and aesthetics philosopher nelson goodman, who analyzes the types and functions of symbols and their systems to explore the ways in which it is valuable to talk about multiple, coexisting, true versions of the world (or a pluriverse) rather than a single fixed world and multiple perspectives on it (pp. 2-5). goodman conceptualizes a pluriverse “constructed through creative processes instead of given, and always in the process of becoming” (vervoort et al. 2015, p. 62). importantly, the making of new worlds, in goodman’s view, always draws upon existing worlds: we “divide and combine, emphasize, order, delete, fill in and fill out, and even distort” (p. 17). individually and collectively, we make worlds that are meaningful and that reflect what is most important to us (vervoort et al. 2015, p. 64). in goodman’s approach, art is fundamental to this process (1978) as, to count as art, an object must have “symbolic functions”; and these hold the capacity, through certain methods of pointing, to “contribute to a vision of—and to the making of—a world” (pp. 69-70). sarasvathy conceptualizes worldmaking as an affordance of the entrepreneurial method; however, within artistic realms, worldmaking is often the method itself—and one that directly draws upon the re-combinatory—“taking apart and putting together”— processes already discussed (goodman, 1978, p. 7). the imaginative making inherent to artmaking is essential to radical innovation and the emergence of new ways or worlds (kerr & frasca 2021). the arts are used to “model new worlds so that we can see how we might feel about them” (eno 2022, p. 6) and to “create alternate worlds that may serve as a proposition or a map for substantial change” (bogart 2022). designers and their designs embody and point to the possibilities of new worlds, including those that are more just and eco-conscious; and in doing so they also become a mechanism to catalyze and support the transition to future worlds (escobar 2018, pp. 8-9). in this sense, the arts and design enable “rehearsal for action in real life” (boal 2006, p. 6), including the enactment of democracy by modelling sound, responsible, and healthy ways of being with each other and engaging in community life (east 2016, p. 174). in the realm of social justice, artists engage in a process of “sensing, questioning, intervening in, and reimagining [of] existing arrangements” that holds the potential to reshape our material world and ideas about it (ds4si, 2020). in sum, the arts hold the potential to point to injurious worlds and (ways) to remake them. building on a decade of research into the dynamics of effectuation, sarasvathy asserts artivate 11.3 6 that worldmaking can be “made accessible to all” (p. 8) to the extent that everyone is taught to embrace the entrepreneurial method as part of daily living. i propose that (a) it would be equally valuable for everyone to be taught to embrace artistic methods as part of daily living and (b) that there is a potentially significant contribution to our understanding of worldmaking from artist-entrepreneurs and from scholars of arts entrepreneurship in particular. nelson goodman (1978) writes, “comprehension and creation go on together” (p. 22). as both artists and entrepreneurs evidence time and again, it is through making that we come to understand and move ourselves beyond current frames/logics/paradigms/worlds (kerr and frasca, 2021). if translated to a form capable of being applied in non-arts contexts, the creation/worldmaking methods, practices, and processes inherent to artmaking and art-firm-making could contribute greatly to an understanding of how to collectively imagine/make new ways of relating to ourselves, each other, our built and natural worlds, history, the present, and the future. references boal, a, (2006). the aesthetics of the oppressed. abingdon, oxon: routledge. bogart, a. (2022, november 15). world-making. siti blog. https://siti.org/world-making/. design studio for social intervention: lobenstine, l., bailey, k., and maruyama, a. (2020, july 13). ideas arrangements effects: systems design and social justice. npq. https://nonprofitquarterly.org/ideasarrangements-effects-systems-design-andsocial-justice/. east, a. (2016). rehearsing democracy: enhancing community through the interdisciplinary performance improvisation series, ‘shared agendas’. dance research aotearoa, 4, 171187. eno, b. (2022). foreward in alexander, j. with conrad, a., citizens: why the key to fixing everything is all of us [kindle paperwhite version]. retrieved from amazon.com. escobar (2018). designs for the pluriverse: radical interdependence, autonomy, and the making of worlds [kindle paperwhite version]. retrieved from amazon.com. goodman, n. (1978). ways of worldmaking. indianapolis: hackett publishing company, inc. kerr, i. and frasca, j. (2021) innovating emergent futures: the innovation design approach for change and worldmaking. monee, il: emergent futures lab press. sarasvathy, s. (2012). worldmaking. in a. corbett and j.a. katz (eds.), entrepreneurial action (advances in entrepreneurship, firm emergence and growth, vol. 14, pp. 1-24) bingley: emerald group publishing limited. https://doi.org/10.1108/s10747540(2012)0000014013 vervoort, j.m., bendor, r., kelliher, a., strik, o., and helfgott, a.e.r. (2015). scenarios and the art of worldmaking. futures (74), 62-70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2015.08.0 09. entrepreneurial futures jose valentino ruiz-resto university of florida entrepreneurial futures embrace the transformative potential of the present moment. they enable individuals, organizations, and communities to navigate challenges, seize opportunities, and continuously evolve. three core concepts shape our entrepreneurial futures: creative adaptability, post-covid multimodal creative economy, and migratory https://siti.org/world-making/ https://nonprofitquarterly.org/ideas-arrangements-effects-systems-design-and-social-justice/ https://nonprofitquarterly.org/ideas-arrangements-effects-systems-design-and-social-justice/ https://nonprofitquarterly.org/ideas-arrangements-effects-systems-design-and-social-justice/ https://doi.org/10.1108/s1074-7540(2012)0000014013 https://doi.org/10.1108/s1074-7540(2012)0000014013 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2015.08.009 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2015.08.009 artivate 11.3 7 entrepreneurship. integrating these concepts into arts entrepreneurship education and practice guides innovative approaches for sustainable growth in the ever-evolving arts ecosystem. creative adaptability: today’s dynamic and interconnected society calls on the ability of individuals, organizations, and communities within the arts entrepreneurship field to flexibly respond to and navigate through challenges, changes, and uncertainties. creative adaptability encompasses the capacity to embrace ambiguity, adjust strategies, and seize opportunities for growth and impact. it goes beyond mere survival; it implies the proactive ability to transform adversity into creative energy and to continuously evolve to meet the demands of a rapidly changing world with agility, creativity, and a sense of purpose. post-covid multimodal creative economy: the covid-19 pandemic accelerated the adoption of digital technologies and virtual platforms for showcasing work, reaching wider audiences and generating revenue. this shift not only provided opportunities for remote collaboration and global exchange but also demonstrated the importance of developing new skills and business models to thrive in a rapidly changing landscape. the post-covid multimodal creative economy represents the transformation and diversification of the arts entrepreneurship sector in response to the global pandemic. it encompasses the ability of individuals, organizations, and communities to operate and thrive through various modes of business delivery, including online, synchronous, and inperson asynchronous models. multimodality in the creative economy refers to the flexibility and adaptability to engage with audiences and customers across different platforms and formats, thereby expanding reach, enhancing accessibility, and ensuring sustainability (ruiz et al., 2021). migratory entrepreneurship: in our interconnected and globalized world, artistic and entrepreneurial initiatives have the power to transcend physical borders and cultural barriers. migratory entrepreneurship represents the idea that innovations, products, and services within the arts entrepreneurship field have the potential to influence not only the target community and audience but also to create a ripple effect that transcends geographical boundaries. it goes beyond localized impact and aims to create a broader resonance that reaches new audiences, influences different communities, and stimulates creative and economic growth in unexpected places. references ruiz-resto, jose valentino; lee, derris; and shelton, chris (2021) “entrepreneurial responses to the covid era: a qualitative study of five professional music entrepreneurs,” journal of arts entrepreneurship education: vol. 3:2, article 4. available at: https://digitalcommons.memphis.edu/jaee/v ol3/iss2/4 https://digitalcommons.memphis.edu/jaee/vol3/iss2/4 https://digitalcommons.memphis.edu/jaee/vol3/iss2/4 artivate 11.3 8 pace gary beckman north carolina state university when speaking about the field, holding fast to its potential is critical to many—and with good reason. for the many of us who see daily the potential in our either wide-eyed or suspicious students, envisioning how our field can be made pliable for all is a critical aspect of our endeavor. indeed, this is why many of us teach in the first place; changing a life is as much a privilege as it is pouring the intellectual basis of our teachings into many, many different molds. the accompanying thoughts surrounding the one you are presently reading will likely reflect this potential. yes, scaling, expanding, pushing, and re-envisioning what arts entrepreneurship may be—both now and—in the future is critical to the growth of the field and our students (if not ultimately to their future sense of self-efficacy). what we do in the classroom is vital, yet how we interact and sculpt our field is also important. both are the responsibilities we accept as ones who choose to go about this endeavor. while other expansive thoughts surrounding this one will likely (and should) inspire many, we should note the lesson of basic gardening. a productive plant requires strong roots. keeping in mind that our emerging field will go through trends, phases, etc., we should note that our roots must keep pace with the emerging leaves. if we really mean to support our students with new growth and new fruit, we have a responsibility to make fast the roots of our emerging academic discipline—the scholarship that makes it so. if we envision an academic discipline in the truest sense, we must come to terms with the fact that waiting for others to intellectually engage with building our body of knowledge will only result in a lack of innovation. many ask students to demonstrate the courage to launch a business. we’d likely be more successful educators if we could tell the story of our courage to publish a brick in our emerging discipline’s foundation. this is keeping pace. uniqueness and originality1 linda essig baruch college of city university of new york artists create something unique that has aesthetic value. this uniqueness, the originality of the artist’s work, is also one source of the work’s value in exchange. it is not necessary for an artist to produce multiple copies (i.e., mass production) for there to be arts 1 adapted from “novelty, uniqueness, originality” in creative infrastructures: artists, money, and entrepreneurial action (2022). artivate 11.3 9 entrepreneurial activity. the arts entrepreneurial activity can take place when there is only one unique product that the artist connects with the audience for that work. it is that connection that is at the core of arts entrepreneurial action, whether there is one of something (a performance, an object, a recording of some kind) or many. there is a tension between what art fundamentally is, a unique work that expresses symbolic meaning, and the reproduction of that work. yet there are artists who harness reproducibility as a way to produce an innovation (a creative idea that has impact), enact entrepreneurship (connect work with audiences through a mediating structure), and work efficiently so that they can make the money they need to feed their art. but reproduction of work that was unique in its origin also feeds the capitalist urge to exploit the labor of the artist for financial gain, albeit sometimes to the benefit of organizations that themselves support artists or are part of the cultural fabric of a community. photo by do castle, www.pexels.com/photo/white-clouds-2274729/ the entrepreneurial we plural sector collaborative organizational culture worldmaking entrepreneurial futures pace uniqueness and originality vol. 11, no. 3 spring 2023 new ways of supporting arts entrepreneurship a case study of maniobra javier j. herna ndez acosta universidad del sagrado corazón abstract: this research analyses maniobra, a cultural employment initiative that offers guaranteed income and additional support for three years to selected artists in puerto rico. maniobra’s program design phase and preliminary first year results are analyzed through the author’s personal experience with the project as an arts entrepreneur and scholar. this reflection suggests how to address barriers facing artist initiatives with a lens of diversity, equity, and inclusion. a conceptual framework analyzes the preliminary impacts through a combination of artistic, personal, and economic well-being. the article also highlights the importance of institutional trust in artists and artistic work, expanding traditional philanthropy models. keywords: cultural work, cultural policy, arts entrepreneurship, artistic well-being. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.11.3.193 introduction maniobra is a cultural employment initiative that offers guaranteed income for three years to a group of artists in puerto rico. the project was launched as a strategy to recognize the economic challenges of arts entrepreneurship and to identify models that can be replicated in the future. this article analyzes maniobra’s program design phase and the preliminary results from the first year by using my personal experience with the project as an arts entrepreneur and a scholar. artistic practice has many intersections with entrepreneurial thinking. artists constantly navigate uncertainty to create value. both artists and entrepreneurs start with imagination, creativity, and non-conformity, work to generate disruption, integrate diverse resources from their environment, and assume risks to advance their ideas. although it might be easier to find an entrepreneurial mindset in the arts than in other artivate 11.3 2 occupations, we are still developing knowledge about the practice of artists in entrepreneurship. this research has developed a theoretical framework for arts entrepreneurship that is implemented in this paper. arts entrepreneurship continues to be an academic field under construction. it attempts to define a set of practices in the arts and creative sector, with very different dynamics and implications than other industries. while in some sectors entrepreneurship can be seen mainly as the creation of economic value through cultural work, scholars such as rowan (2010) have argued that it mobilizes a neoliberal strategy of reducing the government’s responsibilities over culture that in turn increases precarity in its creators. among these tensions, we need to find concepts, practices, and guidelines to define arts entrepreneurship as an exercise of creating economic and cultural value within an environment of creative freedom, collaboration, and sustainability. to achieve this, it is necessary to rehearse experiments where the balance between the sustainability of both the venture and the entrepreneur is guaranteed, with the entrepreneur’s sustainability guided by the improvement of their artistic practice, economic well-being, and personal well-being. puerto rico’s recent economic challenges presented an opportunity to explore how to address sustainability for arts entrepreneurs. puerto rico is a caribbean country, a territory of the united states that during the last decade has suffered multiple crisis scenarios including the economic bankruptcy of the government, devastating hurricanes, earthquakes, political crises, and the pandemic that has affected the world since 2020 (bonilla, 2020). these compounding scenarios made visible the precariousness of the cultural sector while also provoking reflections on innovative models to promote arts entrepreneurship. in march 2020, the centro de economí a creativa, inc. (cec), with the support of the mellon foundation, launched the maniobra program. this initiative provides salaries, fringe benefits, health insurance, management services, and an operating budget for 37 artists in 25 cultural projects around the archipelago. the name, translated as “maneuver,” serves as a metaphor for the constant work artists need to do to persist in a creative career. the initiative supports the economic and personal well-being of the artists, guarantees creative freedom, and respects the processes and methodologies of the participating artists to minimize the influence and negative externalities that social investors and philanthropy can sometimes have. these supports provide artists with the security to create new artistic work. the maniobra initiative creates space for artists to develop projects by providing trust-based economic support that recognizes the artists’ trajectory. this article presents maniobra as a case study exploring new ways of understanding and supporting artist entrepreneurs, using my own personal involvement in the work as a reflective tool. the article analyzes the design process of the program and its approach to addressing barriers of similar initiatives for artists and adding a perspective on diversity, equity, and inclusion. a conceptual framework is introduced to analyze the preliminary impact identified through a survey with participating artists focused on well-being. artivate 11.3 3 this article serves as a bridge between my simultaneous maniobra roles as founder of cec, co-designer of the initiative, and lead researcher studying the development, implementation, and impact of the work. the aim of merging these multiple roles through this article is to broaden the discussion on the condition of artists and how to develop innovative initiatives to advance their sustainability. my previous experience as a musician and cultural manager allowed me to experience first-hand the challenges of cultural production in the face of economic and personal conditions that interfere with creative work. this personal experience with artist precarity led me to establish cec as a strategy to innovate new ways of supporting artists and entrepreneurs. after 10 years of working with philanthropy and government as the main social investors in the arts, i was able to launch this new program as a diagnosis and response to the challenges caused by these structures and dynamics. also, cec’s previous work supporting the cultural sector gave the team in-depth knowledge of the field and led us to reflect on the need for new forms of subsidies that are less restrictive and better aligned with artists’ interests and creative agendas. the first phase of the work designing maniobra as an entrepreneurial activity is analyzed here as a case study in order to expand the agenda on the successes and failures of philanthropy in the arts. my professional experiences as both a musician and an arts entrepreneur launching cec undergird the context for maniobra, and my role as a scholar shapes this case study and my analysis of the program’s implications for the arts ecosystem in puerto rico and abroad. research methods used to aggregate and analyze data for this paper similarly reflect my multiple roles in the work. my role in the design of the program since initial conversations with the mellon foundation and later as a facilitator of the advisory team contributed rigorous and reliable data to this research, but also provided anecdotal elements that inform my analysis as a scholar. this data was collected through advisory team meeting minutes and my personal reflections. additionally, a survey carried out among maniobra participants was analyzed using qualitative and quantitative methods to include artist perspectives in the research. this article analyses the maniobra design process and impacts in order to imagine a new route to support the arts directly and with a long-term approach toward sustainability. i argue that risk management methods should be extended not only to artists’ projects but also to new initiatives that are being created to support artists. this can be combined with institutional trust in artists and artistic work, expanding the processes and methodologies of traditional models of philanthropy. evolution of entrepreneurship in the arts the field of arts entrepreneurship has made a series of advances in connecting entrepreneurship and well-being that establish the foundations of this case study. entrepreneurship is a multidisciplinary field that has evolved in recent years. there is an evolving consensus that it represents a process through which people discover, evaluate, and take advantage of an opportunity to develop a new product or service artivate 11.3 4 (shane & venkatamaran, 2000). economic theory continues to influence the research agenda of understanding entrepreneurial behavior, mainly addressed through the creation of wealth and the importance of multiple non-economic motivations for starting an entrepreneurial activity, including satisfaction, personal achievement, and the interest to innovate on top of the current conditions of an industry (ripsas, 1998 & van praag & van ophem, 1995). the issue of opportunities in entrepreneurship is directly connected with the creation and delivery of value (gangi, 2017). in the arts, this does not only refer to economic value but to other dynamics such as cultural, social, educational, or community value added, establishing the foundations of arts entrepreneurship as a creative and managerial activity. the acceptance of these other value dynamics, like the recognition that the orientation of new goods or services does not have to be towards the market, and that the product can be generated solely based on individual motivations of its creator, is another core factor in the fundamentals of arts entrepreneurship. precisely in this way, gangi (2017) points to the multiple value dynamics as a consensus of theories on arts entrepreneurship, following the previous approaches of chang and wyszomirski (2015), essig (2015), and beckman (2014). similarly, the need to import an entire theoretical framework that comes completely outside of the arts has been a great challenge (white, 2019). however, it is important to highlight that each context requires adding nuances for this balance of economic versus cultural value according to its social and political realities to avoid the challenges of colonial practices in the knowledge production process (gaio, et al, 2023). fortunately, approaches such as rindova, barry, and ketchen’s (2009) that frame entrepreneurship as an emancipatory exercise allow us to recognize the liberation and social justice role of entrepreneurship in the arts. according to the authors, that is made visible in the entrepreneur’s interest in achieving autonomy in certain circumstances by authoring new ways to generate change and proposing new discourses on those possible changes. callander (2019) connects these approaches with arts entrepreneurship, arguing that entrepreneurship occurs as an exercise intrinsic to artistic creation and not only as a means to commercialize artistic work. her analysis is central to the case study presented in this article: maniobra prioritizes artistic initiatives connected to social justice, and participating artists are motivated by artistic creation rather than using entrepreneurship as a post-creation tool. in the same way, the ventures supported by the program have played an important role in seeking to transform structures and principles around art, its appreciation, and its stereotypes. this connects with white’s proposal of “organizational attack” (2019) in theorizing arts entrepreneurship. howard becker (quoted in white, 2019) proposes this concept as a coordinated attack on social structures and sacred aesthetic beliefs to create new artworlds. within the literature on entrepreneurship, the topic of well-being has increasingly been discussed since 2013 (sa nchez-garcí a, et al, 2018). the nature of a job which does not have a guaranteed income and is mainly based on scenarios of uncertainty and risk artivate 11.3 5 can have a significant impact on the health and well-being of entrepreneurs. even with the difficulty in measuring the issue of well-being, research has identified variables such as affect, life satisfaction, and aspects of physical health and social well-being (wiklund, et al, 2019). well-being has been approached from two very broad perspectives: hedonic, related to happiness as an integral state of mind, and eudaimonic, linked to self-realization and personal development (wiklund, et al, 2019). the literature establishes a direct relationship with the economic performance of the venture (shepherd, et al, 2019), recognizing that the ups and downs of the entrepreneurship process impact life-work balance and also have a great impact on the entrepreneur’s family members (stephan, 2018 & nguyen & sawang, 2016). also, the importance of autonomy and leisure time is highlighted as a key resource for navigating the challenges of developing a new venture (wiklund, et al, 2019 & shen, et al, 2018). the issue of well-being in artistic occupations has been implicated by the economic challenges these professionals experience. multiple research projects highlight the income “penalty” that artistic work entails versus other occupations that require similar levels of formal education (alper and wassall, 2006). the low-income condition adds to the need for multiple jobs, increasing time management challenges in the completion of artistic work (menger, 2006). research on well-being in the performing arts is approached from multiple perspectives (willis, et al, 2019). one emphasis is on the demands of the job in terms of skills, time, and preparation. in contexts such as theater and music, the high level of performance required and the interrelated fear of making mistakes are significant stressors (kubacki, 2008). in the same way, the social context through teamwork can have positive and negative effects depending on the equity practices among the collaborators. arts entrepreneurship is an autonomous process compared to the dynamics in other economic sectors because other motivations transcend the creation of economic value and the creation of wealth. in the same way, the issue of comprehensive or holistic well-being is raised as an important challenge for entrepreneurs. this is intensified for arts entrepreneurs precisely because of the difficulty of capturing their economic value as well as their artistic, social, and cultural value given that they tend to produce art as a public good. cultural work in puerto rico puerto rico is a caribbean archipelago and a territory of the united states, which means that it operates under a political, economic, and regulatory framework similar to that of the 50 states. in 2006, the country experienced an economic crisis after a federal change in the tax incentive model no longer encouraged multinational companies to locate their headquarters on the island. the country continues to experience an ongoing economic recession at all levels, including declaring government bankruptcy in 2015. further compounding this economic crisis, puerto rico suffered the impact of two powerful artivate 11.3 6 hurricanes in september 2017, and the continued recovery has been very slow, further accentuating inequality (bonilla, 2020). in january 2020, just two months before the first closure caused by the covid-19 pandemic, puerto rico suffered earthquakes for the first time in almost 100 years, which caused major impacts in the southern region. this was further compounded between march 2020 and may 2021 as the whole world navigated the pandemic and almost all of the cultural sector halted face-to-face activity, greatly affecting visual arts, performing arts, and music. changes in cultural consumption patterns during the pandemic also affected the sustainability of cultural work. according to the survey of cultural consumption and participation in puerto rico carried out in 2021 (herna ndez, 2022), the consumption of visual arts fell from 16.6% attendance in 2015 to 12.8%, and the consumption of performing arts fell from 23.1% to 16.5%, even including participation in the wealth of virtual activities. in the case of music events, the percentage of people who participated increased from 22.9% to 30.6% mostly because of virtual events. unfortunately, despite these levels of consumption, very few people paid to attend these events in 2021. for example, only 16.7% of attendees paid for music events, 25% for performing arts, and 12.6% for visual arts. these new trends in cultural consumption tied to expectations of free participation created a great challenge for the economic sustainability of artists and cultural entities. crisis response strategies took a while to reach the cultural sector, possibly due to the high rate of self-employment and the difficulty of demonstrating economic impacts that initial federal aid programs requested. subsequently, multiple alternatives were opened that made it easier for self-employed workers to receive unemployment benefits just like salaried people. even before the covid-19 pandemic, the artistic sector was already facing the economic challenges of the compounding crises in puerto rico. in 2020 a total of 11,197 cultural workers were estimated to be working, representing 0.9% of total employment in puerto rico. similar to many countries, 48% were self-employed as opposed to only 12% of workers across the rest of the labor market. the average income from selfemployment was $16,652, less than across the rest of the labor market where the average was $21,094 (herna ndez, 2023). in the wake of hurricane maria in 2018 multiple support programs arose from united states-based foundations that, until then, had had little presence in puerto rico. in the same way, the federal government began to implement pandemic emergency funds after 2020. this injection of recovery funds has strengthened an ecosystem of support for cultural entities that did not exist before. methodology this study uses a case study methodology to analyze the design process and preliminary results of the maniobra program in puerto rico. the case study methodology was selected artivate 11.3 7 following yin’s recommendation for its relevance when the aim is to explain the why and how of a process or scenario (yin, 2003). the author is also the founder of the organization being studied and facilitator of the design process and uses that experience to develop this case study based on observations, discussions, and analysis that occurred throughout different stages of program development. following the alternatives presented by yin (2003), the author participates as a participant observer with direct involvement in decision-making of the organization. recommendations from patton (2003, 2014) were used to assess the quality of the fieldwork and the documentation in terms of the role of the participant observer, the level of focus of the observations, its perspective, and its scope. despite the challenges of this type of analysis, this method allows access to valuable information and insights difficult to collect from external observation alone (yin, 2003). observations about the design process were aggregated in documentation of virtual meetings held by the advisory committee and meeting notes during the program creation process. additional data about the preliminary impact of the project was collected through a questionnaire sent to the project participants. the design of the questionnaire was similar to the survey of the census of cultural and creative work in puerto rico (herna ndez, 2022). three open-ended questions were added to collect information about the impact of the project on the participants’ artistic practice and on their economic and personal condition. a question about possible negative externalities of the project on their individual artistic practice was also added. the survey was shared with the 37 participating artists from whom 32 responses were received. this questionnaire was administered in november 2022, eight months after the formal start of the program. the responses to the open-ended questions were analyzed and the answers were coded according to the three main axes: artistic practice, economic well-being, and personal well-being. based on the coding exercise, key elements were identified in each of the well-being axes through which the analysis was organized. the artistic practice component was later named as artistic well-being based on the analysis and as a proposal to achieve consistency between the three components. background and context of maniobra maniobra is a guaranteed income program for artists developed by the centro de economí a creativa, inc., an organization founded in march 2020 in puerto rico. the organization was created as a strategy to develop an entity that would serve to advance the needs of the art and culture sector in puerto rico. this organization was incubated by inversio n cultural, a non-profit organization that has carried out research projects, training, and management services for the creative industries since 2008. the new organization would be responsible for implementing labcultural projects (an arts, culture, and creative economy observatory) and nido cultural (“cultural nest,” a management services program). these programs were launched with a combination of funds from entities including the flamboya n arts fund, filantropí a puerto rico, and the mellon foundation. artivate 11.3 8 after the implementation of these programs, internal reflection identifying new needs highlighted the opportunity for greater direct support for artists who lead impact initiatives in their sectors and communities. as part of the diagnosis, the following key needs were identified as the ones that the ecosystem was not yet addressing. 1. lack of diversification in financial support for artistic work – much financing for the arts comes from government entities and foundations. following the regulatory and tax framework of the united states, non-profit organizations must be approved for local (1101.01 of the internal revenue code) and federal (501c3 of the federal internal revenue code) tax exemptions. in the united states, many organizations of this type achieve their economic sustainability through a combination of public funds and private donations thanks to the philanthropic culture of citizenship. in puerto rico, in the absence of a collective philanthropic culture, it is very difficult for entities to depend solely on proposal and government funds, which generally do not cover indirect costs. even so, many entrepreneurial arts projects are structured as non-profit organizations to access these funds. 2. a direct focus on the instrumentalization of creative work – in the case of puerto rico, there are few philanthropic entities focused solely on supporting artistic creation. those entities that support the arts mainly do so through their impact on educational, community, urban, or social dynamics. therefore, regional arts funding initiatives are conditioned on practices whose results measure specific indicators of audiences, communities, or other evidence. often open calls for funding require that applicants carry out new projects outside their strategic priorities in order to access funds. once again, the unique focus on the programmatic part prevents the funds from contributing to the sustainability of the project, accentuating the precarious scenarios in the creative work of the founders. 3. difficulty understanding creative processes and their impacts – creative processes in the arts still lack visibility within much of the philanthropic and government sectors. the magnitude of research, conceptualization, planning, development, and execution of creative projects, representing the early stages of the entrepreneurship process, is rarely understood. therefore, many support initiatives from foundations focus mainly on the production and diffusion stages of the value chain, including concerts, performances, exhibitions, and other examples. the difficulty of incorporating the design and conceptualization stages into grant proposals ends up leaving artists to subsidize these initial activities with their personal time and money, contributing to artist precarity. often direct impacts of a project cannot be achieved in the short term, leaving it to fall outside of the timeframe required by philanthropic and government initiatives. faced with a philanthropic model that requires measuring final impacts in the short term without consideration for the amount of required preparation and planning, many artist initiatives are left out of support opportunities because they cannot meet these unrealistic expectations. many of these aspects have been present in the arts ecosystem for years, although it artivate 11.3 9 should be noted that some were accentuated by the ongoing economic crisis and the reduction in public budgets for arts and culture. this scenario led to the maniobra ideation process. maniobra: a case study this section discusses the process of design, development, and implementation of maniobra as a new initiative to support the arts based on a cultural employment approach. the design of the program stands out as an example of an intrapreneurship process that begins with the identification of a need followed by an open innovation process for developing a new initiative from existing platforms. program design the design of the program was led by the centro de economí a creativa as the primary grantee and the mellon foundation as the lead social investor. as a foundational step, designing a program that fostered economic stability within the community of artists leading projects was validated. next, an advisory committee of five recognized arts and culture professionals was convened. during work sessions, program design elements were developed and validated based on their relevance to the local context of puerto rico and the imperative to avoid imposing external models that do not fully recognize the country’s complex realities. for example, elements of social justice and the geographic diversity were prioritized in selected initiatives, with an emphasis on projects developed outside metropolitan areas and key demographic diversity such as gender and race. in the same way, it was understood that legal structure could not be an obstacle in the selection of the projects, considering that the diversity of the cultural ecosystem in puerto rico includes non-profit entities, artist collectives, cultural ventures, and artist-run spaces, both with and without formal legal structures. the process offered a critical look at two traditional mechanisms for supporting arts and cultural entrepreneurship. first, the annual support model was questioned by recognizing that the processes of implementing a project and complying with funder’s reporting requirements leave very little room for implementation. next, it was suggested that the call for proposals model does not necessarily represent an exercise of equity, considering a context where emergency scenarios overload and wear people down with competitive models that sometimes reward the skill of grant writing beyond merit. finally, two additional risks were identified that the maniobra program was designed to address. first, the lack of funds for new creative project implementation could replicate the self-subsidy model that accentuates artist precarity; and second, failure to maintain program flexibility to adapt according to the emerging needs of the artists and projects selected could undermine their success. artivate 11.3 10 final program maniobra was designed to select 25 arts entrepreneurship initiatives, mainly in the visual and performing arts, organized under any legal or informal structure, with an established artistic career that included elements of social justice. the application invitation process was based on the review criteria recommended by the advisory committee including elements of artists’ career trajectory, location, gender, race, potential for collaboration, and contributions to the cultural panorama of puerto rico. applicants submitted a onepage letter of intent and a detailed proposal for consideration; they were assigned a mentor to support the conceptualization and development of the proposal and budget. the benefits for being selected to participate in the program included receiving a fulltime salary ($48,000) with fringe benefits and a medical plan in addition to an operational budget of $20,000 for executing projects, management services, and professional development trainings. this support would be sustained for three years, renewable every year, recognizing the time required for the implementation of the projects and the importance of economic stability beyond a standard one-year commitment. the salary could be divided between two participants or go to one person, recognizing cases in which there might be more than one founder. the total budget for the three-year program was $8 million. participants for maniobra’s initial cohort, 25 cultural projects with different legal structures were selected. of those projects, 64% are organized as non-profit organizations, yet 44% of those do not have the federal tax exemption. 8% were structured as an llc (limited liability company). the remaining 28% do not have a formal legal structure and include 4 artists collectives and 3 independent initiatives of individual artists. to address geographic diversity, projects are located in 12 municipalities across puerto rico, and 52% of the projects are located outside the metropolitan area. the 37 participants leading the 25 selected projects represent the visual arts (47%) and the performing arts (19%). their ages range from 27 to 65 years, with a median age of 40 years. 48% of the artists are men, while 42% are women, and 10% are non-binary. 72% of the participating artists have a university degree. 68.8% earned less than 50% of their income from their cultural work before starting the program. this includes 53.1% who had part-time jobs and 18.8% who had a full-time job in another field. only 28% of the program’s participants consider themselves white. variable results age range (27-65), median: 40 gender 48% are men race 28% are white education 72% have a university degree artivate 11.3 11 income from arts 68.8% earned less than 50% of total income from arts arts sector visual arts (47%), performing arts (19%) type of organization 64% are non-profit organizations location 52% are outside the metro area table 1. summary of the profile of participants. a range of art activities are represented in the participating initiatives including artist-run gallery spaces, community cultural centers with art programming, and art workshops managed by artistic collectives. other projects include performing arts venues, historical archives, and initiatives that produce performing arts, dance, and popular music. mapping the preliminary impact of maniobra the second key objective of this article is to present a conceptual framework on the possible impacts of maniobra on the participants’ creation and entrepreneurship process. analysis of the 32 survey responses (out of 37 program participants) is based on wellbeing and has been structured into three components: artistic well-being, personal well-being, and economic well-being. although the original program design focused on economic impacts through guaranteed salaries and managed stable work sources, this expanded to artistic and personal well-being based on survey responses. artistic well-being activities described by the participating artists in relation to the process of research, conceptualization, development, and implementation of creative initiatives informed our framing of artistic well-being. many of these stages of the creation process were made visible by the artists themselves. on several occasions, the lack of visibility of the creation processes and the lack of initiatives that recognize the complexity of these processes were highlighted. at this stage, six important elements emerged under artistic well-being: • creative freedom – this component promotes creative freedom within the program artistic personaleconomic diagram 1. dimensions of well-being. artivate 11.3 12 context of diversity by combining opportunities for artistic creation with economic security through operating outside of market logic. this encourages greater diversity within the artistic scene and builds commitment to innovative projects. • focus – this component increases time available for creative activity with a focus on artistic practice. this is intertwined with economic well-being as artists identify the time they spend on part-time jobs as a major distraction that impacts their creativity. • resources – artists highlight the positive impacts of having financial resources to acquire equipment and materials for their work. it is important in both the performing and visual arts to have technical needs addressed in order to freely and fully realize creative projects. • processes – one aspect described as having the greatest impact is investment in the initial stages of project creation that involve research and conceptualization. respondents described how available funding opportunities rarely recognize the necessity of these stages and only focus on the final product. • quality – the artists describe the quality of their work in relation to their time commitment and the resources that maniobra facilitates. they highlight that complex labor scenarios and limited availability of funds typically require sacrificing key elements of cultural production in order to create a project. • collaborations – artists desire the ability to establish collaborations from a scenario of equity. the foundational economic stability of their work makes it possible to identify additional external resources that can be well remunerated to help them achieve a greater enrichment of the artistic projects. these elements of artistic well-being make it possible to establish key considerations for developing programs that support arts entrepreneurship. they represent the opportunity to achieve a balance between economic and cultural value, a unique foundation that differentiates the cultural sector from other industries. each element is observed through quantifiable variables (investment in equipment, materials, time, etc.) and qualitative variables (quality, management of creative processes, etc.). the following quotes illustrate how the participants understand the impacts on their artistic practice: • “in the particular case of the organization, it offered for the first time in its history the opportunity to acquire materials and equipment for cultural and artistic production that will last in the future.” (resources) • “the support of maniobra has given me the opportunity to experiment freely. financial support gives me the freedom to work on my projects without worrying about buying resources.” (creative freedom) • “maniobra program honors the process, research, experimentation step-by-step, and enhances creativity.” (processes) • “receiving a fixed income has changed my performance. i have been able to focus more on quality and improvements to my projects over having to earn income to live.” (quality) artivate 11.3 13 these elements of artistic well-being are relevant for artists and cultural entrepreneurs when collaborating in programs that aim to advance their creative projects. beyond the artist residency model, there are few program alternatives that impact the development of cultural and creative products. economic well-being traditionally, economic well-being is emphasized as the main source of support for artists. as a result, it has received more focus in academic research, finding that many artistic sectors have a lower average income than the rest of the labor market despite having a higher educational level (menger, 2006). similarly, the necessity to also pursue jobs outside the arts in addition to an artistic career has been documented as well as the “arts pool” phenomenon that it promotes, which suggests that artists prefer to take part-time or short-term jobs with low pay in order to maintain flexibility for potential creative work. however, it is important to understand artists’ perceptions of the value added by a stable source of income. four elements of impact emerged in the survey responses. • stable income – receiving a stable source of income through salaries is an immediate direct benefit for artists. however, this change is frequently expressed in terms of its noneconomic impact such as improvements in artistic practice and personal wellbeing. • multiple jobs and grant writing – artists criticize the need to have multiple low-paying jobs. they also challenge the traditional system of applications and grants that requires considerable time and often does not recognize or compensate administrative work or the required planning activities. • innovation – in some cases, artists emphasized the opportunity that maniobra represents to start projects or experiments that had been stopped due to the lack of economic stability. • resilience (resistance) – the recent history of puerto rico poses great economic and social challenges that accentuate scenarios of marginalization, displacement, migration, and defense of communities and natural resources. many artists have assumed roles in community and social struggles, highlighting the importance of economic stability to continue this work in times of crisis. the following quotes add depth of understanding to some of these elements of economic impact on arts entrepreneurs. they highlight the instability caused by depending on funding proposals for realizing projects. • “financially it has been a relief being able to work without the pressure of doing other things to live and being able to concentrate on artistic work.” (stable income) • “it is the first time in my 32 years as an artist that i can create without having to make proposals to survive or do other jobs to be able to make all the payments required in the daily life.” (multiple jobs) artivate 11.3 14 • “my artistic practice is based on projects. the only source of payment is the projects. therefore, all administrative, research, conceptual, documentary, and grant-writing work is not sustainable.” (security) • “i had the opportunity of returning to my hometown to do what i love to do.” (resilience) • “we were going to close our workshop permanently due to gentrification.” (resilience) these examples make visible what academic literature has highlighted about the challenges of artistic work. the lack of income stability and the need to hold multiple jobs has a negative impact on the well-being of entrepreneurial artists. this is visible in time constraints, immobility, displacement, and requiring artists to move to cities and countries with the highest concentration of cultural activity. yet it is underscored by the opportunity for artists to use economic resources as drivers of political resistance. personal well-being personal well-being should always be an important indicator of success for entrepreneurial activity. it places emphasis on the physical and mental health of cultural workers. the census of cultural and creative work in puerto rico (herna ndez, 2022) established that in the non-arts labor market 51% of workers state that they are very happy, while in artistic occupations this percentage was only 26%. similarly, 25% of arts workers state that their physical health status is fair, and 30% believe the same about their mental health status. four elements of personal well-being emerged in the participant survey: • stress – stress arises in response to economic instability and the impacts it has on family and personal lives. it also arises in the uncertainty of project management and development. • self-esteem – the lack of visibility of many previous efforts negatively affected their self-esteem, creating internal questions about whether they should continue their initiatives. participation in maniobra is a recognition of the artists’ trajectory and has had a positive impact on their self-esteem. • live/work balance – economic autonomy allows for a better balance between life and work. although cultural work does not operate in the standard time frames of other professions, the nature of full-time work and the structure of fringe benefits such as vacation and sick days encourage artists to structure their own time to create a division between personal life and work. • family – several participants highlighted the importance of the program in their family environment. with the support, they were able to provide medical insurance and stable economic income to meet family responsibilities. similarly, the ability to better manage their time as described above also has a positive impact on family relationships. artivate 11.3 15 the following examples demonstrate how the participants discussed these elements of personal well-being. • “it has especially contributed to raising the psychological and moral spirits in these difficult moments that we face on our island, puerto rico.” (self-esteem) • “it has given me the opportunity to continue the creative process without interruption by looking for other sources of income.” (balance) • “it has allowed me to dedicate myself fully to the work i do, reducing stressors related to money, establishing a network of artists and collaborators who operate from solidarity, and allowing me to honor moments of rest, thus achieving healthier spaces for creativity and production.” (stress, balance) the look at personal well-being, including its physical and emotional components, is an integral part of entrepreneurial work in the arts. much of the literature still focuses on the creation and development of a company as the axis of entrepreneurial activity, yet in arts entrepreneurship that conversation should be centered on the artist, since often the product or company will not transcend its creator. conclusions this article makes visible an example of a program that supports arts entrepreneurship through long-term investment in artists and in recognition of the value of cultural work. it also demonstrates how the entrepreneurial process itself applies to the design and implementation of support programs. as a mediating structure (essig, 2015; 2022) connecting philanthropy to working artists, maniobra invests time in the imagination, ideation, external validation, iteration, and execution of a flexible support program for artists operating in a highly diverse entrepreneurial ecosystem and responding to interconnected social, environmental, and economic challenges. unlike initiatives that focus primarily on the final artistic product, maniobra recognizes the precariousness of cultural work and guides social investment to prioritize the artistic, economic, and personal well-being of artists. in technological entrepreneurship, venture capital firms recognize the long periods of time that the adoption of innovation requires. therefore, their investments are usually long-term and facilitate the recruitment and retention of high-level, specialized human talent. with venture capital investment in technological production, there is an expectation of high returns and value creation. with philanthropic investment in artistic production, expectations are oriented around social and cultural returns that complement economic performance. however, few artists support programs direct their investments to offset the demands that these expectations place on the high-level, specialized talent of artists. maniobra reimagines the relationship between philanthropy and the arts to make the case for ample investment in both the levels and the length of funding needed to support artivate 11.3 16 artistic practice and its innovations. maniobra’s three-year program design and significant total budget allocation support artists’ investment of time in research, conceptualization, ideation, identification of resources and collaborators, experimentation, and planning— all prelude to artistic creation itself. this strategy supports less visible aspects of arts entrepreneurship work and the complexity of the creative process. it employs an emancipatory entrepreneurial mindset that maneuvers on behalf of artists to develop equitable and effective support structures for their full practice and its returns. recommendations and future research this article has sought to contribute to the arts entrepreneurship literature with a discussion of new ways to support artists who develop creative initiatives. while maniobra is in its first year as of the time of writing, it is expected to broaden the research strategies on the program and its impact, for example, by identifying how the conceptualizations of artistic, economic, and personal well-being established by the participating artists could be translated into a system of indicators for arts entrepreneurship support programs. while this article has focused on maniobra’s positive impact, it is necessary to delve into the possible negative spillovers. for example, the nature of salaried work could imply imposing structures that negatively impact the creative process for artists. similarly, even though established salaries seek to compensate artists within a reasonable scale, their relationship with compensation structures within organizations and projects could create scenarios of inequality. also, despite offering health insurance benefits, some health and wellness practices are still prohibitively expensive within these traditional insurance plans. another important area of research could address how innovation is generated in these cultural projects, be it in artistic practices, management, collaborations, or business models. often the lack of economic stability forces creatives to place their projects into the mainstream to stay competitive. this could discourage innovation as artists seek to avoid the risk of adoption by audiences and philanthropic institutions. it would be interesting to identify whether economic stability has encouraged greater innovation among the participants, something that was preliminarily identified in the survey. initiatives like maniobra, which have intersections with universal basic income (ubi) models or other economic support strategies with continuity, should establish mechanisms to measure impact in the long term, considering the three dimensions of well-being presented in this article. in the same way, it is important to understand how the participants prepare to face the economic, personal, and project sustainability after the closure of the program that lasts three years. as a final reflection, it is important to highlight how this initiative, whose main objective has been to provide direct support to artists, has also facilitated the development of a research agenda on innovative alternatives to support creative work and the personal and economic condition of the artist. this article accentuates the artivate 11.3 17 importance of entrepreneurship as an exercise of emancipation through artistic freedom beyond economic freedom. the research exercise has also made it possible to document and reflect on a process that can represent great learnings for the future in terms of much more democratic dynamics of collaboration/action between philanthropy and the cultural community. it also makes it possible to strengthen the theoretical and practical bridges between artistic work and entrepreneurship as forms of action still under theoretical development. finally, it represents an example of the importance of more action research, bridging researchers and practitioners, and the need to support entrepreneurial initiatives led by scholars who can execute innovative programs based on their research in multiple contexts. arts entrepreneurship requires a support ecosystem that recognizes the production dynamics of cultural activity. it also requires that initiatives be designed around user experience and the needs of entrepreneurs beyond the evaluation and reporting needs of funders. to a large extent, the philanthropic or social investment ecosystem has great potential to apply the same design, entrepreneurship, and innovation methodologies that we aspire to promote in artists and cultural entrepreneurs. references beckman, g.d. 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(2019). a theory of arts entrepreneurship as organizational attack. artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts, 8 (2). doi: https://doi.org/10.34053/artivate.8.2.3 willis, s., neil, r., mellick, c. & wasley, d. (2019). the relationships between occupational demands and well-being of performing artists: a systematic review. frontiers in psychology, 10 (393), pp. 1-20. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2019.00393. yin, r. (2003). case study research: design and methods. sage publications, california. cover image: photo by jo kassis, https://www.pexels.com/photo/photo-ofconcrete-building-4633489/ https://doi.org/10.5465/amp.2017.0001 https://doi.org/10.34053/artivate.8.2.3 introduction evolution of entrepreneurship in the arts cultural work in puerto rico methodology background and context of maniobra maniobra: a case study program design final program participants mapping the preliminary impact of maniobra artistic well-being economic well-being personal well-being conclusions recommendations and future research vol. 13 2024–2025 editorial editors’ introduction olaf kuhlke minneapolis college of art and design e. andrew taylor american university as we open volume 13 of artivate—a rolling-basis volume that will add articles, essays, and reviews through august 2025—we are acutely aware of a shifting conversation around individual risk and collective value in the arts. in one of the opening articles of this volume, amy whitaker explores this shift through the lens of generative artificial intelligence, writing: creativity that benefits all of society requires individual risk, and we need ways of mapping this and thinking about it structurally as both a problem of governance and of economic structuring. in another article that will be published in the new year, a group of scholars—rachel skaggs, molly jo burke, kuo guo, erin j. hoppe, and elizabeth c. cooksey—explore the impact and aftermath of the covid-19 pandemic on the lives and livelihoods of individual artists. here, again, a dramatic and unexpected change in the ecosystem not only challenged conventions of individual practice but also revealed weaknesses in collective systems of compensation and support: . . . the loss of access to social and professional networks, audiences, studio space, performance space, and events cut arts and creative workers off from people, spaces, and situations that previously structured their work and access to opportunities for future work. artists and arts entrepreneurs carry individual risks, even as they provide creative, aesthetic, social, civic, and public value. in private or commercial settings, that risk is often artivate 13 2 mitigated by the promise of ownership and financial return. but in public and plural (voluntary, nonprofit, etc.) contexts, the covenants of risk and reward are complex and everchanging. finally, in his editorial that opens volume 13, co-editor olaf kuhlke calls arts entrepreneurship practitioners, scholars, and supporters to address the human costs at the intersection of art and business through a commitment to “trauma-informed” entrepreneurship. we believe that artivate interrogates a unique and essential domain within these larger systems. and we are eager to invite, review, and share the most compelling scholarship within that domain. we will continue to do so through open calls for articles on any aspect of the discipline (see our aims & scope statement and our submission guidelines for full details) and through more focused calls for special topics (such as our current call for papers on creative economy and cultural entrepreneurship in south asia). the changing landscapes of artistic venture and creative practice demand rigorous and open inquiry. as co-editors, we will continue to shape artivate as an open and dynamic platform for that inquiry. photo by hussein haidar salman, www.pexels.com/photo/lowangle-shot-of-the-museum-of-pop-culture-building-in-seattle11535472/ https://artivate.org/index.php/artivate/about https://artivate.org/index.php/artivate/about/submissions https://artivate.org/index.php/artivate/announcement/view/10 https://artivate.org/index.php/artivate/announcement/view/10 https://artivate.org/index.php/artivate/announcement/view/10 http://www.pexels.com/photo/low-angle-shot-of-the-museum-of-pop-culture-building-in-seattle-11535472/ http://www.pexels.com/photo/low-angle-shot-of-the-museum-of-pop-culture-building-in-seattle-11535472/ http://www.pexels.com/photo/low-angle-shot-of-the-museum-of-pop-culture-building-in-seattle-11535472/ microsoft word 169+redlines_jh_final.docx vol. 11, no. 1 spring 2022 the great generalization organizational adaptation strategies as entrepreneurship in higher music education jacob hertzog university of arkansas abstract: this study sought to measure how higher music education has evolved in response to the music industry’s digital revolution. i utilized a framework of organizational adaptation theory to synthesize five distinct organizational adaptation strategies: decentralization, generalization, specialization, formalization, and inaction. music leaders were surveyed (n = 100) to assess adaptations across ten common domains in higher education. higher music education was found to have undergone a great generalization through the expansion of activities in nearly every domain. consistent with elements of organizational adaptation theory, and like individual musicians, higher music education has been entrepreneurial in response to the digital revolution. keywords: organizational adaptation, higher music education, organizational adaptation strategy, organizational entrepreneurship, decentralization, generalization, digital revolution, music industry, music unit, music leader, great generalization, formalization, specialization, inaction, music, music education. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.11.1.169 introduction musicians are natural entrepreneurs. for centuries, composers, performers, and music makers, in addition to their art, have applied their boundless creativity to commerce and organization building (krueger, ; myers, ; tschumck, ). haynes and marshall argue that “‘musician’ and ‘entrepreneur’ are two sides of the same coin, reflecting the same cultural root within capitalist modernity” (, p. ). the music industry of the twentieth century gave rise to entrepreneurial record labels, music publishers, venues, and concert promotors (hull et al., ). artivate 11.1 2 the very genesis of hip-hop, currently the most popular musical genre worldwide, synthesized musical expression with entrepreneurial virtuosity to break through to mainstream audiences (international federation of the phonographic industry [ifpi], ; snell & söderman, ). due to the music industry’s digital revolution and rise of new economic models, the era of the recorded music industry waned in the early s, so music creators and music firms adopted new business strategies, new forms of art, and new ways to connect with audiences (fairchild, ; morris, ; smith & telang, ; tschmuck, ). economist alan krueger () argued that innovations in music have influenced innovation across other cultural industries and the economy as a whole. against this backdrop of innovation, the educational systems that train musicians have been subject to the same artistic and market forces that have produced entrepreneurial behavior from music creators (gandre, ; miller, ; tschmuck, ). music programs in colleges, universities, and conservatories (higher music education) evolved alongside the modern music industry; thus they face the same challenges (butt, ; gandre, ). contrary to the music industry’s slow evolution in the twentieth century however, the digital revolution in the music industry presented higher music education with an environmental paradigm shift demanding discipline-wide evolution. this study sought to explore higher music education’s response to this digital revolution. while previous research has focused on individual programs (kelman, ), music administrators (sorensen, ), or music students (bennett, ), this study utilized a framework of organizational adaptation for a field-level approach. drawing upon nine major theories of organizational adaptation, i created an organizational adaptation strategy typology to operationalize and measure the strategies that individual music programs are employing as a response to the digital revolution. the major research question in this study was: what organizational adaptation strategies are music programs using to adapt to the digital revolution in the music industry? within this question this paper address two specific levels of inquiry: . what organizational adaptation strategies do programs exhibit in specific domains? . what organizational adaptation strategies does the entire field exhibit? in light of the connection between individual musicians and entrepreneurial behavior, this study also sought to compare these organizational adaptation strategies to organizational entrepreneurship on a broad scale. theoretical framework major mid-century theories of organizational adaptation describe multiple pathways through which organizations respond to a changing or turbulent environment (aldrich, ; khandwalla, ; sporn ). from nine major theories and chaffee’s () constructs of organizational strategy, i synthesized a typology of five organizational adaptation strategies to serve as the framework for this study. entrepreneurial behavior is present across several of these major organizational adaptation theories. as sarasvathy () writes: “the essential agent of artivate 11.1 3 entrepreneurship is an effectuator: an imaginative actor who seizes contingent opportunities and exploits any and all means at hand to fulfill a plurality of current and future aspirations” (p. ). in their exploration of arts entrepreneurship, callander and cummings () highlight “remaking: renewal” as one of multiple dimensions of entrepreneurship. relevant to academic organizations is the conceptualization of “entrepreneurship as a process for reorganizing an existing organization or institution” (p. ). this type of entrepreneurial remaking and renewal through reorganizing and expanding is characterized by the organizational adaptation strategy of generalization: the expansion of organizational activities without changing organizational structure. generalization as an organizational adaptation strategy is well represented in prior literature. quinn and cameron’s () work on the life cycles theory of organizations describes the formative stage of an organization’s existence as entrepreneurial—a time when organizations are occupied with “innovation, niche formation and creativity” (p. ). aldrich’s () contributions to population ecology theory describe the need for organizations to expand their activities when the shape of their environmental niche evolves. in resource dependence theory, organizations need to generalize their scope of activities to acquire new resources (pfeffer & salancik, ). strategic choice theory, the backbone of contemporary management literature, describes the concept of domain offence by which organizations seek to exploit new weaknesses in a changing environment (child, ). in contrast to generalization, four other organizational adaptation strategies can be synthesized from existent organizational adaptation theory: () decentralization, () specialization, () formalization, and () inaction. in () decentralization, organizations respond to change by breaking their structure into more semi-autonomous units. this behavior is described in strategic choice theory (child, ) as domain creativity, wherein organizations create new structures to expand into new environments. contingency theory posits that organizational structures become more organic and fluid in challenging environments (donaldson, ; lawrence & lorsch, ). decentralization represents the late stage of quinn and cameron’s () life cycles model; elaborate structures are a hallmark of mature organizations. more contemporary theories such as the network organization theory (powell, ) highlight the power of information sharing and lateral structures within organizations. the antithesis of generalization is an organizational adaptation strategy of () specialization in which an organization “doubles-down” and either invests greater resources in current activities or eliminates fringe activities (bastedo, ; child, ; gumport & snydman, ; sporn ). population ecology theory prescribes this strategy as occurring when organizations face changing amounts of environmental resources (aldrich, ). the domain defense concept within strategic choice (child, ) additionally positions organizations as choosing to focus on only their core strengths. contrasting with the strategy of decentralization is () formalization: an organizational adaptation strategy that consists of creating organizational structures around previously fringe activities. (birnbaum, ; cameron & quinn, ; child, ; khandwalla, ). major top-down action is present in cybernetic theories (ashby, ) as well as the theory of symbolic action (pfeffer, ) where leadership plays a powerful role in organizational direction. the aforementioned life cycles theory includes a artivate 11.1 4 consolidation stage encompassing a formalization strategy, and resource dependence theory ascribes centralizing managerial control as an effective way to manage dependencies (quinn & cameron, ; pfeffer & salancik, ). finally, in the face of dramatic environmental change, an organization can also do nothing. () inaction as an adaptation strategy is commonly attributed to lack of decision-making abilities (khandwalla, ) or the general isomorphic principals often at play in organizations with strong professional traditions such as higher education (donaldson, ). table  displays each synthesized organizational adaptation strategy with its operational definition and major theoretical sources. table 1: typology of five organizational adaptation strategies synthesized from nine major theories strategy definition theoretical sources decentralization an organization splits its structure into a greater number of autonomous or semi-autonomous units. contingency theory (lawrence & lorsch, ); network theory (powell, ); life cycles (cameron & quinn, ) generalization an organization diversifies its activities without substantial alteration in organizational structure. life cycles (cameron & quinn, ); population ecology (aldrich, ); strategic choice (child, ) inaction an organization makes no changes, either intentionally, or unintentionally. institutional isomorphism (dimaggio & powell, ); cybernetics (ashby, ) specialization an organization “doubles-down” and invests a greater share of its resources and energy in its current activities or eliminates less-effective activities. population ecology (aldrich, ); strategic choice (child, ); formalization an organization strengthens managerial control over all activities or builds structure around fringe activities in order to exert centralized direction. life cycles (cameron & quinn, ); cybernetics (ashby, ); symbolic action (pfeffer, ); resource dependence (pfeffer & salancik, ) literature review scholarship on higher music education has blossomed over the last twenty years, and jørgensen () argues that “research into higher music education has come of age” (p. ). however, little of that scholarship focuses on the way in which higher music education reacts and interacts with the music industry (jørgensen, ). scholars as diverse as khandwalla () (organizational studies), gandre () (higher music education), and tschmuck () (music industry), all demonstrate that the organizational environment for higher music education is the music industry; thus titanic economic shifts in the music industry would necessitate adaptation in higher music education. tschmuck () comments specifically on the “obligation of music education institutions to provide such knowledge and skills for a new generation of artivate 11.1 5 artepreneurs” (p. ). the obligation described by tschmuck () stems from the paradigm shift caused by the digital revolution in the music industry. beginning with the proliferation of digital recording— the launch of napster in the late s and culminating in the rise of digital streaming platforms—each component of the music industry transformed to become more complex and democratized for music creators (fairchild, ; tschmuck, ). the recorded music industry, previously based upon the manufacture and sale of physical recordings, is now dominated by major technology firms that control music streaming and digital distribution (nordård, ). this has created a paradox of access wherein musicians have greater ability to create, distribute, and promote music, yet the music industry’s skewed distribution of revenue and notoriety in favor of the top one percent of artists has only increased (coelho & mendes, ; krueger, ). this same trend plays out in the arena of live music where musicians have capitalized on touring to replace income generated by physical sales, driving up concert ticket prices (krueger, ). as social media platforms have become the major modes of music discovery, and entrepreneurial virtuosity becomes the coin of the realm for music creators, this paradox of access in the music industry portends profound change within higher music education (krueger, ; mulligan, ). gandre’s  historical study of the seven independent conservatories in the united states dating back to the nineteenth century represents an impressive body of scholarship on how music institutions have adapted to their changing environment. through creative expansion, conservatories weathered shifts in enrollment, financial challenges, and new demands from students and faculty (gandre, ). gandre’s work precludes the digital revolution, but it showcases numerous examples of organizational behavior consistent with the strategies previously described. while not an empirical study, the history of the national association of schools of music (nasm)—the specialized accrediting body for music—illustrates how the field of higher music education evolved into a more formalized and regulated academic discipline (nasm, ). similar to critiques of accreditation across higher education (e.g., young et al., ), nasm’s history additionally elucidates how accreditation in music has both facilitated and prevented change (nasm, ). perspectives on individual actors in higher music education occupy many of the conversations around adapting to the digital revolution. sorensen’s () survey of department chairs found that the lived experiences of music department chairs highly influence their efforts to lead change. studies of music students and alumni frequently highlight the challenges faced by musicians trying to prepare for the post-digital music industry. bennett’s () work demonstrated the need for greater integration of music industry business training into curricula across higher music education. addressing this need is the subject of kelman’s () research on entrepreneurial learning in music. her hands-on learning projects guide students in practicing music industry skills such as artist booking, management, and entrepreneurship. while change among literature in higher music education is rare, literature on the need for change in higher music education is abundant and profound. owing to the digital revolution in the music industry, “[t]he rationale for change in higher music education comes in part from artivate 11.1 6 the increasing prevalence of complex careers across the labour market” (rowley & bennett, , p. ). a landmark report by the college music society (cms) in  challenged music programs to provide an “option rich environment” for students that reflected the breadth and diversity of contemporary music careers (college music society, , p. ). this sentiment is echoed by numerous scholars and practitioners, along with the idea that entrepreneurship itself be included in all post-secondary musical training (bartlett & tolmie, ; bennett, ; harrison & grant, ; kelman, ; latukefu & ginsborg, ; myers, ; teague & smith, ; tschmuck, ; young, ). across higher education literature, organizational adaptation is both a singular topic and one woven into the fabric of the discipline. studies focusing exclusively on organizational adaption, such as sporn’s () study of six major universities or hilbun’s () work on liberal arts colleges, prove the value of organizational adaptation as a powerful analytical tool in higher education. furthermore, higher education is the setting for foundational ideas within organizational adaptation theory, such as cameron’s () work on post-industrial environments and birnbaum’s () theories on cybernetic principals in higher education. these studies share an institutional-level perspective on multiple challenges faced by colleges and universities ranging across political, economic, organizational, and social issues (birnbaum, ; hilbun, ; spron, ). common themes spanning the spectrum of higher education scholarship are present in studies of both organizational adaptation in higher education and higher music education research specifically. in both fields, bodies of literature exist in ten clear domains. each domain reflects research documenting change, or the need for change, in some aspect of higher music education: . curriculum (e.g., bennett, ; cms, ; myers, ; young, ). . co-curriculum (e.g., kelman, ). . full-time faculty (e.g., bok, ; miller, ; parkes, ). . part-time faculty (e.g., miller, ; parkes, ; stanley, ). . admissions policies (e.g., kajikawa, ; snell & söderman, ; tschmuck, ). . leadership (e.g., child, ; khandwalla, ; sorensen, ; sporn, ). . online curriculum (e.g., cms, ; nasm, ; myers, ; spilker, ). . governance changes (e.g., bastedo, ; bok, ; cameron, ; christensen & eyering, ; sporn, ). . facilities (e.g., alexandar, ; christensen & eyering, ). . external partnerships (e.g., alexander, ; christensen & eyering, ; kelman & tschmuck, ). these domains additionally represent areas of change within higher education that can be both universally understood by administrators and other constituents and examined more narrowly in the context of music programs. the theoretical framework establishes the power of organizational adaptation theories to illuminate the nature of change in higher education (cameron, ; hilbun, ; manning, ; sporn, ). additional scholarship clearly artivate 11.1 7 demonstrates that: (a) the music industry has been significantly disrupted by the digital revolution (krueger, ; tschmuck, ), (b) there is great need for change within higher music education in response (e.g., bennett, ; cms, ; myers, ), and (c) there is sporadic documentation of organizational adaptation in higher music education; but no previous fieldlevel studies exist. methods i designed a survey instrument using qualtrics to quantify, measure, and assess the organizational adaptation strategies of higher music education programs. this instrument is called the higher music education organizational adaptation survey. the original survey encompassed goals outside the scope of this paper and included a total of fifty-seven items, each corresponding to one of three question types: organizational adaptation strategy, environmental perception, and institutional and leader characteristics. only the results of the organizational adaptation strategy of the survey and demographic results are presented in this paper. the population surveyed was composed of music leaders—occupying positions such as department chair or dean—from institutions participating in the higher education arts data services (heads) annual survey of music programs. most of these institutions are accredited by the national association of schools of music (nasm). specifically, the study focused on those institutions that grant either baccalaureate, masters, or doctoral degrees in music. music leaders provide annual data to nasm and heads about their programs, therefore i constructed a database of  music leader contacts by visiting the public websites of each institution listed in the – heads report. an initial invitation to participate was sent to each contact containing a link to the survey followed by three reminder emails exactly one week apart. from the original  emails sent,  surveys were successfully delivered. following four weeks of data collection,  valid responses were obtained for a response rate of .. to operationalize and measure organizational adaptation strategy, the survey included forty dichotomous items across ten domains covering the five previously discussed organizational adaptation strategies. four items were included in each domain. similar to methods used in quantitative organizational research by khandwalla () and lundvall and kristensen (), the survey asked participants to respond “yes” or “no” to a statement about their music program in the past five years. the period of five years was selected to account for the pace of change within higher education as well as the most recent music industry innovations, such as digital streaming and social media (bok, ; smith & telang, ). each item described an action corresponding to an organizational adaptation strategy of decentralization, generalization, specialization, or formalization in each of the ten domains: curriculum, co-curriculum, full-time faculty, part-time faculty, admissions policies, leadership, online curriculum, governance changes, facilities, and external partnerships. i wrote the items in the survey section based on the literature review as crocker and algina () allow that researchers may create items based upon prior research where concepts or behaviors “that have been most frequently studied by others are used to define the construct of interest” (p. ). artivate 11.1 8 i created a scoring scheme for the scale that expressed the complexity of organizational adaptation strategy (sporn, ) by allowing respondents to select multiple responses to items in each domain across the typology spectrum. “yes” answers corresponding with decentralization were coded . “yes” answers corresponding to generalization strategies were coded . specialization strategies with “yes” answers were coded -, and strategies of formalization with “yes” answers were coded -. all “no” answers were coded , considered as corresponding to the strategy of inaction. for reference in the analysis, items were coded for each strategy and each domain (i.e., g corresponds to the generalization strategy in the domain of full-time faculty). the seven demographic items in this survey were: free-standing/embedded status, public/private status, music unit region (using the ipeds regions), music unit size, types of degrees offered, music leader background, and music leader current position. all data analysis was performed using statistical package for the social sciences (spss) software and descriptive statistical analysis was conducted on all the organizational adaptation strategy (oas) items (rea & parker, ). validity in this study was heavily dependent upon the face validity of each item on the survey instrument (croker & algina, ). the items were written to express actions and vocabulary commonly known to administrators and faculty in higher education (bok, ; ruben, et al., ). since many items contained the term music unit, this term was defined in the survey’s introduction as a blanket term referring to a music department, music school, music college, or independent music conservatory or institution. reliability was assessed using croker and algina’s () recommendation of coefficient alpha as an appropriate lower bound for reliability in survey research. this coefficient was evaluated for the -item oas scale (a = .). results sample prior to analysis, a frequency analysis of the demographic results was performed. this sample included more public (.) than private music units (.), and it was overwhelmingly composed of embedded music units. the size ranges of music units were relatively even, with slightly fewer music units included that contained over  students. demographic results for music unit status, free-standing or embedded status, and size range are presented in table . table 2: music units’ status, organizational type, and size music unit status* frequency percentile public  . private  . organizational type** frequency percentile free-standing  . artivate 11.1 9 embedded  . size range by number of music majors** frequency percentile -  . -  . -  . -  . +  . *n = ; **n =  the results for the region of music units in this sample were skewed toward those in the southeast (.), with uneven distribution across the other region categories. music units in this sample conferred a wide variety of degree combinations. for ease of analysis, these categories were combined to reflect those music units where the highest degree conferred was either bachelors (.), masters (), or doctoral (.). results for the region and degrees conferred items are presented in table . table 3: music units’ region and highest degree conferred region* frequency percentile new england  . mid-east  . great lakes  . plains   southeast  . southwest  . rocky mountains  . far west  . degrees conferred** frequency percentile bachelors  . masters   doctoral  . *n = ; **n= music leaders in this sample primarily had backgrounds in classical performance or composition (.), and those with music education backgrounds represented the second largest category (.). all other background types were small proportions of this sample. the most prominent position held by music leaders was department chair (), with other positions sparsely represented. all results for music leader background and current position are displayed in table . artivate 11.1 10 table 4: music leaders’ primary background and current positions music leader primary background frequency percentile classical performance or composition  . jazz or pop performance or composition  . music education  . music business or law  . musicology or music theory  . music technology or music production  . outside of music  . music leader current position frequency percentile department chair/head  . program director  . dean  . chief academic officer   president  . other  . n =  individual domain organizational adaptation strategies to assess music units’ responses in each individual domain, frequency tables displayed the number of institutions responding “yes” and “no” to each oas item, providing a portrait of the kinds of adaptations in which programs are engaging to respond to music industry change. in the domain of curriculum items, formalization was the dominant strategy with . of respondents answering “yes.” however, generalization also represented a high percentage of “yes” answers (.). although music units adopted curriculum strategies in large percentages, specialization through the discontinuation of elective courses outside of current programs represented the lowest percentage of “yes” responses (). domain results for curriculum are displayed in table a. table 5a: domain: curriculum item strategy n yes () no () d. we have created one or more new programs decentralization  . . g. we have created new courses in subjects where we previously had not offered instruction generalization  . . s. we have discontinued elective courses that did not fall within current programs specialization    f. we have created new courses to better fulfill aspects of our unit’s mission formalization  . . artivate 11.1 11 in the domain of full-time faculty, formalization was the dominant strategy with . of “yes” responses compared to decentralization (.), generalization (.), and specialization (.). domain results for full-time faculty are displayed in table b. table 5b: domain: full-time faculty item strategy n yes () no () d. we have hired new full-time faculty as program directors, coordinators, or department heads decentralization  . . g. we have hired full-time faculty in subject areas where we previously had no specialists generalization  . . s. we have eliminated full-time faculty positions with specialties outside of our traditional offerings specialization  . . f. we have hired new full-time faculty as required by our mission or strategic plan formalization  . . the part-time faculty domain results indicated a strong preference among respondents for a strategy of generalization with . answering “yes” to hiring part-time faculty in previously unrepresented subject areas. approximately / of respondents indicated “yes” for items corresponding to decentralization () and specialization (.). although full-time faculty hiring was found to be most consistently aligned with formalization, part-time faculty hiring trended toward generalization. domain results for part-time faculty are displayed in table c. table 5c: domain: part-time faculty item strategy n yes () no () d. we have hired new part-time faculty as program directors, coordinators, or department heads decentralization    g. we have hired part-time faculty in subject areas where we previously had no specialists generalization  . . s. we have eliminated part-time faculty positions with specialties outside of our traditional offerings specialization  . . f. we have promoted one or more part-time faculty to full-time positions formalization  . . artivate 11.1 12 generalization was also dominant in the domain of admissions policies. a large portion of music units indicated the adoption of more musically inclusive audition policies (.). differentiating policies by program, a decentralization strategy, was utilized by nearly ½ of music units (), and slightly less than ¼ of responding music units engaged in a reimagining of admissions policies for all programs (.), a formalization strategy. domain results for admissions policies are displayed in table d. table 5d: domain: admissions policies item strategy n yes () no () d. we have differentiated admissions policies based on students’ intended program decentralization    g. we have altered our audition policies to include greater varieties of musical style generalization  . . s. we have narrowed our audition requirements to become more selective for one or more current programs specialization  . . f. we have created new admissions policies for all programs formalization  . . unique in this study, the leadership domain found music units favoring a strategy of specialization () over the other strategies. however, a large percentage of respondents also indicated the adoption of strategies of generalization () and formalization (.). the decentralization item received “yes” responses from . of respondents. domain results for leadership are displayed in table e. table 5e: domain: leadership item strategy n yes () no () d. our leadership has focused on creating new divisions, areas, or departments decentralization  . . g. our leadership has focused on expanding the curriculum generalization    s. our leadership has focused on reinforcing our existing strengths specialization    f. our leadership has focused on creating a new strategic plan formalization  . . a clear preference for a generalization strategy was displayed in the domain of online curriculum with . of music units indicating they had created new online elective courses in artivate 11.1 13 subject areas where previously no instruction had been offered. the creation of entirely new online programs was indicated by . of respondents, and  of music units indicated they had transferred existing programs online. results for online curriculum domain are displayed in table f. table 5f: domain: online curriculum item strategy n yes () no () d. we have created new online programs decentralization  . . g. we have created new online courses in subjects where we previously had not offered instruction generalization  . . s. we have discontinued one or more online programs specialization  . . f. we have transferred existing programs online formalization    music units favored generalization in the governance domain with . of respondents answering “yes” to the expansion of existing committee or administrative units’ functions. decentralization also received a high percentage of “yes” responses (.), and approximately / of music units (.) indicated they had increased oversight of committees or administrative units, a formalization strategy. music units indicated a reluctance to specialize in the governance domain as only  of respondents answered “yes” to narrowing the duties of committees and administrative units. all results for the governance domain are shown in table g. table 5g: domain: governance item strategy n yes () no () d. we have created new committees or administrative units decentralization  . . g. we have expanded the functions of existing committees or administrative units generalization  . . s. we have narrowed the duties of committees or administrative offices specialization    f. we have increased oversight of committees or administrative units formalization  . . music units were almost evenly split between generalization and decentralization in the cocurriculum domain, slightly favoring new programs (. “yes” responses) over expanding existing programs ( “yes” responses). few music units indicated they had discontinued cocurricular programs (.), and approximately ¼ expressed a formalization strategy of increased administrative involvement (.). the results also more broadly suggest that about artivate 11.1 14 / of music units are adding or expanding co-curricular programing. domain results for cocurriculum are displayed in table h. table 5h: domain: co-curriculum item strategy n yes () no () d. we have created new co-curricular programs, organizations, or activities decentralization  . . g. we have broadened the activities of existing co-curricular programs generalization    s. we have discontinued co-curricular programs specialization  . . f. we have increased administrative involvement in co-curricular programs formalization  . . results in the domain of facilities were heavily skewed toward the generalization strategy (modification of existing facilities), which was selected by . of respondents. decentralization in the form of creating new facilities was engaged in by only . of responding music units. the discontinuation of older facilities (specialization), and the acquisition of facilities externally (formalization) were both utilized by less than  of music units, . and ., respectively. results from the facilities domain are displayed in table i. table 5i: domain: facilities item strategy n yes () no () d. we have built or created new facilities decentralization  . . g. we have modified existing facilities in order to accommodate a broader range of activities generalization  . . s. we have discontinued the use of older facilities specialization  . . f. we have acquired facilities from external organizations formalization  . . generalization was slightly favored in the external partnership domain, receiving . “yes” responses. developing new partnerships, a strategy of decentralization, was also utilized by over half of music units (.). music units demonstrated reluctance to discontinue partnerships, a specialization strategy, with only . of respondents indicating “yes” on this item. interestingly, . of units indicated increasing administrative involvement in external artivate 11.1 15 partnerships, a strategy of formalization. results from the domain of external partnerships are displayed in table j. table 5j. domain: external partnerships item strategy n yes () no () d. we have developed new partnerships with external organizations decentralization  . . g. we have expanded the scope of our existing collaborations with external organizations generalization  . . s. we have discontinued external partnerships or collaborations specialization  . . f. we have increased administrative involvement in external partnerships formalization  . . the major feature of these results is the collective trend toward organizational adaptation strategies of generalization across the field of higher music education. this trend is most prominent in the domains of part-time faculty and facilities, but it is also favored in admissions policies, online curriculum, governance, and external partnerships. leadership was the only domain in which specialization was the dominant strategy, and co-curriculum was the only domain in which decentralization was the dominant strategy. formalization was indicated by the greatest number of respondents in both curriculum and full-time faculty domains. importantly, even in domains where generalization was not the dominant strategy, it was indicated by a large percentage of music units, leading to the conclusion that generalization is omnipresent across the sample. small differences separated generalization from the dominant strategy in curriculum and co-curriculum (<), and the most pronounced difference was in the leadership domain (). the full-time faculty domain showed greater formalization than generalization by .. table  highlights the percentage of music units in each domain employing the dominant organizational adaptation strategy and the percentage employing generalization when generalization is not dominant. table 6. dominant organizational adaptation strategies domain dominant organizational adaptation strategy music units utilizing dominant strategy () music units employing generalization () curriculum formalization . . full-time faculty formalization . . part-time faculty generalization . artivate 11.1 16 admissions policies generalization . leadership specialization   online curriculum generalization . governance generalization . co-curriculum decentralization .  facilities generalization . external partnerships generalization . furthermore, in nine of the ten domains, the generalization strategy was adopted by more than / of music units (µ = ). full-time faculty was the only domain in which less than / of music units are employing a strategy of generalization. table  demonstrates the prevalence of generalization across higher music education by domain. table 7. generalization strategies by domain in higher music education domain generalization item percentile curriculum we have created new courses in subjects where we previously had not offered instruction . full-time faculty we have hired full-time faculty in subject areas where we previously had no specialists . part-time faculty we have hired part-time faculty in subject areas where we previously had no specialists . admissions policies we have altered our audition policies to include greater varieties of musical style . leadership our leadership has focused on expanding the curriculum  online curriculum we have created new online courses in subjects where we previously had not offered instruction . governance we have expanded the functions of existing committees or administrative units . co-curriculum we have broadened the activities of existing co-curricular programs  facilities we have modified existing facilities in order to accommodate a broader range of activities . external partnerships we have expanded the scope of our existing collaborations with external organizations . field-level organizational adaptation strategies multiple composite scores were created to address the organizational adaptation of higher music education at the field-level. using the coding system described previously, the total organizational adaptation strategy (oas) score of each institution was summed to create a composite oas score that was reflective of that institution’s overall organizational adaptation tendency. the oas composite scale has a range from - to . fixed points on the composite score scale correspond to theoretical nodes of organizational behavior. a score of  would be interpreted as extreme decentralization with extreme generalization (a music unit adopted every single artivate 11.1 17 decentralization and generalization strategy). scores near  would signify a heavy reliance on decentralization while scores near  would correspond to a predominance of generalization. a music unit that responded “no” to all questions would score a perfect zero and would be associated with a strategy of extreme inaction. mirroring the positive end of the scale, scores clustering near - would indicate heavy adoption of specialization strategies while scores near - would indicate a reliance on formalization. finally, - would indicate a music program responding “yes” to every specialization and formalization item on the survey. the absolute value of each of the institution’s responses was summed to create the absolute value of the organizational adaptation strategy score, |oas|. this score, with a range of –, reflects an institution’s efforts at overall change, weighting more extreme strategies (i.e., greater amounts of organizational change) of decentralization and formalization (cameron, ) more heavily than generalization and specialization. oas scores that reveal overall tendencies, and |oas| scores which reveal overall change, provided useful discipline-spanning data when averaged across institutions. four individual oas composite scores were also created for decentralization, generalization, specialization, and formalization. these scores awarded a “” for “yes” answers to any of the items corresponding to that strategy and a “” for items corresponding to the other three strategies. each individual oas composite score had a range of -. an additional composite score for inaction was created by awarding a “” for each “no” response and a “” for each “yes” response. the inaction composite score had a range from - and represented the level of inaction employed by music units. the mean, minimum, maximum, mode, and standard distributions of each composite score were examined to assess the distribution of institutions’ responses across the organizational adaptation strategy typology and individual strategies (crocker & algina, ). first, the  items on the oas scale were evaluated for reliability (a = .). as croker and algina () recommend values >. for reliable scales, the oas scale is in an acceptable range. oas scores were then evaluated for the entire sample (n = ) on a histogram to confirm a normal distribution. following this assessment, the composite scores for each organizational adaptation strategy—decentralization, generalization, specialization, formalization, and inaction—were also assessed for normality via histograms. through prior coding in qualtrics, all composite scales and scoring were already present in the exported data set. to gain a macro-understanding of the organizational adaptation strategy trends in higher music education, descriptive statistics for oas, the organizational adaptation strategy composite, |oas|, the total adaptive action composite, and individual organizational adaptation strategy composites are presented in table . table 8: descriptive statistics for organizational adaptation strategy variables scale n min max mode µ s total oas  -   . . absolute oas     . . artivate 11.1 18 decentralization composite     . . generalization composite     . . specialization composite     . . formalization composite     . . inaction composite    a .  a multiple modes exist;  and . because organizational adaptation strategies are not exclusive constructs, these composite scores provide insight on the mixture of organizational adaptation strategies employed by music units. the oas score mean (.) supports the individual domain results indicating an overall field-wide trend toward strategies of generalization. the relatively high mean of generalization (.) compared to decentralization (.) and formalization (.) additionally buttresses this large-scale trend. specialization has the lowest mean (.), an indication that music leaders answered “yes” to fewer specialization items than any of the other strategies. the inaction composite was found to have a mean of . and a range nearly spanning all possible scores (-). the |oas| score mean (.) was near the center of the range (-) but slightly skewed toward less total adaptive action and greater numbers of lower scoring items, generalization and specialization. following the descriptive assessment, oas scores were evaluated using frequency plots to display how music units were arrayed across the organizational adaptation typology as indicated by their oas scores. in addition to the nodes for fixed and extreme oas scores, table  presents oas scores across the entire range of organizational strategies along with the percentage of music units trending toward each strategy. table 9. distribution of oas scores on the organizational adaptation typology spectrum organizational adaptation strategy oas composite score range scores () extreme decentralization with extreme generalization   exclusive decentralization   trending toward decentralization   . exclusive generalization  . strategies trending toward generalization   . extreme inaction  . strategies trending toward specialization -  . artivate 11.1 19 exclusive specialization -  strategies trending toward formalization - -  exclusive formalization -  extreme formalization with extreme specialization -  n =  the high percentage of oas scores trending toward generalization (.) further indicate that on the field-wide level, music units are choosing adaptive actions that compose an organizational adaptation strategy consistent with generalization. across the results, other strategies are utilized by music units while, as a field, higher music education’s response to the digital revolution in the music industry is firmly in the generalization range. institutional and music leader characteristics analysis across institutional and music leader characteristics was performed for each of the composite scores. scores for music unit region, public/private status, free-standing/embedded status, and music leader current position did not indicate significant differences. however, following a recoding of the size groups—disaggregating the data by music units’ size and highest degrees conferred—yielded an important conclusion in this study. more complex music units had higher mean oas scores and mean |oas| scores than less complex music units. this implies that more complex units exhibited greater levels of adaptive action and greater levels of generalization when compared to less complex music units. comparative composite scores for music unit size and degrees conferred are indicated in table . table 10. composite scores by music unit size and highest degree conferred size n µ oas µ |oas| µ d sum µ g sum µ s sum µ f sum µ i sum <   .  . . . . . >   . . . . . . . degree n µ oas µ |oas| µ d sum µ g sum µ s sum µ f sum µ i sum ba  .  . . . . . ma  . . . . . . . phd  . . . .  . . artivate 11.1 20 discussion the great generalization higher music education has responded to the digital revolution in the music industry by engaging in a great generalization over the past five years. results from both individual responses and composite scales align to paint a portrait of a discipline clearly choosing generalization as a preferred organizational adaptation strategy. because higher music education exists within the broader music industry, any employment of adaptation strategies can be considered a response to this radical environmental change (aldrich, ; daft & weick, ; khandwalla, ; smith & telang, ; tschmuck, ). across many common domains within higher education, music units have expanded their scope, functions, and activities. this great generalization is consistent with contemporary entrepreneurial trends within the music industry and is congruent with several major tenants of organizational adaptation theory. gumport and snydman’s () research confirmed that the expansion of both “bureaucratic and programmatic structures” (p. ) of academic organizations allow more areas of knowledge to be legitimized by the academy, “a major intellectual role for society” (p. ). the music industry has become eminently broad, encompassing new fields, technologies, corporate sectors, and entire professions that did not exist only a decade ago (benett, ; kelman & cashman, ; krueger, ; tschmuck, ). a corresponding generalization of higher music education is entirely appropriate to this radical environmental change. as musicians have learned new skills sets in art and business (morris, ; spilker, ), higher music education has broadened its curricula to expand what is taught. the need for “option-rich curricula that involve student choice in tandem with carefully planned curricular options” (myers, , p. ) is directly addressed through these efforts by music units to add programs, courses, online courses, and full-time and part-time faculty. the great generalization spans beyond teaching and learning to encompass new co-curricular activities for students, an approach exemplified by projects such as kellman’s () youth music industries. more broadly still, the internal architecture of higher music education organizations has broadened to include more functions and roles played by faculty and staff. importantly, music units showcase generalization beyond their institutions, with greater external engagement indicated by over / of respondents. as hoeven and hitters () write: “it is vital that live music organizations collaborate with local music schools and other educational institutions to provide internships and performance opportunities” (p. ). this study’s results support the key role that higher music education may play in the construction and flourishing of music ecosystems. musicians and scholars impress the importance of modern music students preparing for portfolio careers: the musical and non-musical skills needed to operate in many different areas of music simultaneously, creating a patchwork of income sources and activities (bartlett & tolmie, ; cms, ; kardos, ; latukefu & ginsborg, ; myers, , nasm, ; tschmuck, ). the great generalization in higher music education suggests that institutions are creating portfolio music programs wherein myriad musical and commercial instruction and artivate 11.1 21 activities occur. to understand the value of the great generalization, its impacts can be assessed from the perspectives of both individual music units and the discipline as a whole. while contemporary music students certainly reap the benefits of the great generalization through greater opportunities, music faculty, staff, and administrators must work to balance demand, costs, and overall mission to ensure success. an organizational adaptation strategy of generalization may carry significant risks. for an individual music unit, adopting a generalization strategy may cause the addition of too many options without requisite enrollment or revenue growth. new courses, degree programs, faculty, online infrastructure, or external partnerships that are not met with enthusiasm from students or increased applications may be viewed as unsuccessful experiments and a drain on the entire music unit (christensen & eyering, ; miller, ). as with all expansion in higher education, generalization risks incurring expenses more quickly than revenue (bueller, ). on top of the additional resource requirements that a strategy of generalization incurs, significant questions remain about the quality of teaching and learning during periods of organizational expansion. if individual music units are able to support the many simultaneous additions to their activities, then learning outcomes may improve as a result of such programmatic broadening. however, expansion without quality could ultimately lead to less successful music units and unclear learning goals across too many programs and activities. a deeper examination of the organizational adaptation strategy results elucidates potential ways that music units are working to balance the costs of generalization. within domains commonly regarded as the “core” of academic organizations, such as full-time faculty, curriculum, and co-curriculum (hendrickson et al., ), music units exhibited more formalization and decentralization. domains representing more “fringe” activities, such as external partnerships, online curriculum, and part-time faculty (bok, ; miller, ), exhibited comparatively more generalization. generalization strategies across domains are more cost effective than decentralization or formalization. single online courses are cheaper to produce than entire online programs; adding an extra program with a trusted partner may be cheaper than creating a new relationship from scratch, and part-time faculty generally cost less than full-time faculty (alexander, ). in the entrepreneurial work of remaking an organization (callander & cummings, ), music units may be employing generalization strategies to compete in new areas while controlling costs and accommodating existing resources. this behavior reflects a central tension within academic organizations; the need to experiment and innovate is often at odds with organizational and resource constraints (manning, ; sporn, ). similar to gumport and snydman’s () research, higher education’s historically slow accrual of curricula, activities, and functions is mitigated by human, budgetary, and traditional bulwarks (bok, ; bueller, ; thelin, ). at the field-level, the great generalization may ultimately increase competition between music units. bok () explains that “competition among institutions creates a constant pressure to respond to student needs, while also generating much effort to improve and excel” (p. ). since all music units are facing the same digital revolution and working to respond to the same needs (bennett, ; sorensen, ), the risk of mission creep and isomorphic artivate 11.1 22 tendencies is exceptionally high (bastedo, ; bok, ; dimaggio & powell, ). as music units have historically defined themselves around narrow missions and goals (i.e., training orchestral musicians or jazz composers) (gandre, ; stanley, ), expanding programmatic missions and activities to accommodate for the vast, new music industry may threaten traditional core identities. while music units may be ultimately influenced by each other in this respect, organizational theory suggests that the influence of their environment (the music industry) is the driving factor for change (aldrich, ; khandwalla, ). the digital revolution in the music industry exhibits no signs of slowing down; from the evolution of the musical metaverse to new digital streaming platforms and social media apps (i.e., tiktok), the music industry environment for higher music education is fantastically dynamic (smith & telang, ). as long as the music industry continues to evolve new careers and new disciplines—as well as new genres of music for performance and scholarship—the great generalization in higher music education may only accelerate. the great generalization as organizational entrepreneurship the great generalization in higher music education represents a significant moment of organizational entrepreneurship for the discipline that not only highlights the unique nature of music in academe but portends the manner in which other areas of post-secondary education may adapt to the twenty-first century economy. when examined in combination with the decentralization found in this study, higher music education has tremendously diversified. khandwalla () connects diversification to entrepreneurship in his findings: “diversification became an important top management goal also when the top management was entrepreneurial and risk taking” (p. ). this is especially true in turbulent, dynamic environments such as the music industry (tschmuck, ). higher music education’s internally complex environments (miller, ; manning, ) may also provide the catalyst for such broader diversification and generalization as greenman’s () work illustrates: the need for “entrepreneurial action to resolve complexity in the inter-institutional system [and] to translate ideas into collective goals and organizational practices” (p. ). in quinn and cameron’s () “entrepreneurial stage”, “the success of an organization will tend to be associated with its flexibility, growth, resource acquisition and development of external support” (p. ). indeed, this is exactly what this study demonstrates; music units have been investing in experimentation and expansion to grow and adapt. the most intriguing conclusion of this observed organizational entrepreneurship shaped by quinn and cameron’s () theory is the fact that music units’ response to the digital revolution may represent merely an early-stage response to an industrial shift only twenty years old. although most music units date back decades or even centuries (miller, ), the digital revolution may have produced a “reset” in their organizational behavior. in contrast to cameron and quinn’s () descriptions of mature organizations as occupying a formalization or decentralization-centric stage of organizational development, the “entrepreneurial” stage (the artivate 11.1 23 first stage of the organizational life cycle) more accurately describes music units in the postdigital era. they are experimenting with niche formation, innovation, and perhaps even identity. returning to previous stages is in fact predicted by life cycles theory whereby “organizations may recycle through the sequence [of organization stages] again as a result of unusual environmental events” (cameron, , p. ). consistent with this concept, the digital revolution has caused music units to organizationally regress toward their earlier, entrepreneurial state. in revisiting the entrepreneurial state, music units are actively pursuing new organizational identities and markets in the hopes that such efforts will successfully sustain the organization in a challenging environment. callander’s () work in arts entrepreneurship demonstrates the value of multiple theoretical approaches to the subject. specifically, she highlights how “emancipatory theory emphasizes change creation over wealth creation. in the emancipation model, the entrepreneur seeks to break up the status quo and break free of perceived constraints” (p. ). indeed, music units working to emancipate their organizations from previous constraints and traditions (i.e., curricula, audition requirements, faculty expertise) represents entrepreneurial organizational behavior. resource dependence theory describes entrepreneurial behavior as firms working to increase “product lines” (pfeffer & salancik, ). broadening audition policies, adding new online courses, co-curricular activities, and elective courses all suggest efforts to attract students that may not have formerly been “customers” of each individual music unit. the goal ambiguity ubiquitous in higher education complicates any discussion of a purely output-based approach to analysis (manning, ), however, this study demonstrates that the great generalization has significantly increased higher music education’s inputs and outputs. reluctant entrepreneurs although musicians are known for their entrepreneurial skills (morris, ), scholarship and popular sentiment reflect the complex relationship that music makers hold with their own identities as entrepreneurs. haynes and marshall () found that “[t]he views expressed by the musicians that they are entrepreneurial by necessity rather than choice echo the arguments found in existing critical accounts of creative labor” (p.). music as a field has been hit hard by the market forces and neoliberal philosophies of employability (butt, ). in contrast to traditional attitudes about music as a core attribute of the enlightened and educated human (gandre, ), the contemporary music student is aware of their own need to commercialize their skills (bennett, ). music units in this study may be hayes and marshall’s () “reluctant entrepreneurs,” working to adapt even when adaptation necessitates unwanted change. from the population ecology perspective, music units adopting generalization strategies allows them to move outside of their narrow range of activities: “some organizations that are unable to acquire enough resources by specializing in a limited range of products or services manage to survive by becoming generalists” (aldrich, , p. ). if becoming a generalist allows an organization to survive at the expense of its core mission or identity, how might that organization evaluate the efficacy of such adaptation? higher music education’s tendency to exhibit more generalization and entrepreneurial behavior in domains at the periphery of their artivate 11.1 24 organization’s activities (i.e., hiring part-time faculty) offers a clue. similar to musicians who may develop new secondary or tertiary skills, such as digital marketing, while maintaining their core identity as musicians (haynes & marshall, ; morris, ), music units may view entrepreneurship as an attempt to branch out without substantial alteration in the main body of their work. the theories of cybernetics additionally expound that organizations can haphazardly accrue activities simply through chasing possible opportunities (ashby, ; birnbaum, ). music units in this study may be accidentally generalizing when faculty, staff, and students are all pushing the organization in new directions without strong centralized leadership (birnbaum, ; sporn, ). complexity and entrepreneurial behavior in this study, two proxies for organizational complexity—music unit size and highest degree conferred—acted as de facto predictors of the total amount of organizational adaptation strategies adopted. music units with higher complexity exhibited significantly more generalization overall. contrary to quinn and cameron’s () theory in which the more nimble and younger organizations will exhibit more generalization and entrepreneurial behavior, this study illustrates that larger, more complex music units that are often regarded as less nimble in higher education (bastedo, ; bok, ) were the more adaptable music units. this conclusion also challenges common practice thinking about larger organizations as difficult to change (khandwall, ). if large music units with multiple degree levels can adopt a variety of adaptation strategies in the face of the digital revolution, it presents a positive future for complex music units in the digital age. however, the opposite may be true for less complex music units. those that are lacking in resources may be unable to adopt a successful concoction of adaptation strategies or sufficient entrepreneurship to survive and grow. this would be consistent with the historical research by gandre () wherein music units were susceptible to failure when they were unable to adapt to their changing environment. in this respect, music units may resemble liberal arts colleges and other small institutions in their vulnerability to environmental change (hilbun, ; thelin, ). because music units are so varied in their scope and mission (nasm, ), less complex music units may well have niche markets and less need to adapt to their changing environment. in this respect, demographic results must be interpreted carefully to be equitable to all types of music units. this study does imply that music units choosing to utilize fewer adaptive actions should have concrete reasons for such a choice so as not to reflect a cybernetic approach (birnbaum, ; child, ). musical foreshadowing a crucial consideration that results from this study is the importance of entrepreneurship as organizational behavior in all of higher education. though much has been written on organizational entrepreneurship in higher education (e.g., buller, ; christensen & eyering, ; seikkula-leino & salomaa, ), this study demonstrates that single discipline units facing artivate 11.1 25 extreme environmental change employ predominantly generalization behavior consistent with theories on organizational adaptation and entrepreneurship. in the early stages of the digital revolution, the changes in the music industry were recognized as a harbinger of trends to come in other economic sectors (fisher, ). similar digital revolutions have now transpired in the newspaper industry, the film industry, the book publishing industry, and increasingly, higher education itself (alexander, ; levine & van pelt, ; smith & telang, ). from its very inception, higher education as an organizational field has tended to generalize and expand (bastedo, ; thelin, ), but now it may need to increase the pace of this change and engage in more dramatic and dynamic entrepreneurial behavior as digital technology advances. just as in the music industry, technology firms and disruptive innovations are permeating the higher education ecosystem and adding to the turbulence of the environment (alexander, ; levine & van pelt, ). the risks that academic organizations take by not adapting to this digital revolution in higher education will far outweigh the risks of engaging in entrepreneurial experimentation. higher education leaders in every field should examine higher music education’s efforts at evolution for insights on the entire enterprise; for while some music units will be successful, longevity is by no means assured. the history of post-secondary musical organizations is littered with closures, mergers, and missteps (gandre, ; miller, ). however, successful adaptations in the music discipline may point the way for all of higher education as this study demonstrates that music is becoming more broad, more accessible, more outward facing, and more diverse. these are promising trends that should be emulated across the academy. despite the potential for music units to adopt generalizing behavior in a reticent manner, it remains that they are remaking their organizations for the new era. from the perspective of musicians themselves, music units are in fact imitating the enterprising, entrepreneurial behavior of music creators (morris, ; young, ). in so doing, they will certainly continue to thrive in the post-digital age. limitations the main limitation in this study was the small sample size (n = ). while this is common in the social sciences (rea & parker, ), higher music education is also limited by small population size. limiting the scope of respondents to only higher music education in the united states also limited the potential for a larger sample size and comparative analysis between music units domestic and abroad. a further and natural limitation was the reduction of all possible organizational behaviors down to forty dichotomous items. absent in this study was a “second level” of detail on music units’ behavior. while the results showed that they are adding new courses, which courses was not measured. an additional limitation was the homogeneity of the survey respondents themselves. each respondent was an academic leader in higher music education, thereby eliminating the perspectives of other organizational members such as faculty, staff, and students. because higher music education leaders are internal stakeholders in higher music education, a natural limitation of this study was the lack of perspectives from those outside higher music education, especially those in the music industry environment. a final artivate 11.1 26 limitation of this study was the lack of outcome variables. although this study measured organizational adaptation strategy, perhaps imperfectly, no outcome variables were assessed. followup research could easily utilize a similar methodology for organizational adaptation strategy and include outcome variables common in higher music education such as enrollment, philanthropic success, or learning outcomes and graduation data. such work could broaden the scope of this research to include other areas of higher education. suggestions for future research and recommendations for practice the most logical follow-up to this study would be qualitative research on how higher music education is adapting to the digital revolution. the complex nature of entrepreneurship in academe validates such an approach (seikkula-leino & salomaa, ). organizational adaptation studies should be conducted on other disciplines within higher education, and on higher education organizations in the digital age. similar to the music industry, the most valuable questions will concern the interplay between higher education and technology firms entering or looking to enter the post-secondary landscape (krueger, ; levine & van pelt, ). all entrepreneurship comes with risk, and the great generalization in higher music education represents individual and collective risk for music units. drawing from multiple organizational theories (e.g., aldrich, ; quinn & cameron, ), this study suggests music units should practice “strategic generalization”: ensure that efforts to generalize and decentralize do not inadvertently lead to expansion in all areas. once a new environmental niche has been discovered, music units should focus resources on those successful adaptations and cease further exploratory expansion. the sooner music units arrive at new market areas through the great generalization, the more quickly they will be able to stay ahead of the higher education landscape and the more likely their success will be in the digital music era. gandre’s () work demonstrated that higher music education is always on the edge. adapting to the evolving digital revolution may continue to pose challenges for higher music education. however, musicians and music units show remarkable resilience when faced with the need to adapt. adaptation has even inspired some of the greatest rock stars. higher music education must take its advice from the wisdom of david bowie on his  release changes: “turn, and face the strange.” references aldrich, h. 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(1983). understanding accreditation. jossey-bass. note: this study has irb approval from the university of arkansas. cover image credit: in your ear studios, richmond, va, will fisher, wikimedia commons: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/file:neumann_u87_condenser_microphone_on_the_piano_-_studio_a,_in_your_ear_studios.jpg vol. 12 2023–2024 narrowing the gap implications of arts business training on artist labor market outcomes christos makridis arizona state university university of nicosia jonathan kuuskoski university of michigan abstract: this paper investigates whether entrepreneurship training subsequently impacts artists’ labor market outcomes. collecting data from major universities, we find that only 9.7% have arts entrepreneurship certificates; just 11.4% have any required arts entrepreneurship classes. analyzing data from the american community survey (acs) and controlling for demographic factors, fine arts graduates are 1.3% less likely to be employed and earn 8.7% lower annual earnings. however, individuals with both arts and entrepreneurial business training earn more and offset the earnings disadvantage by roughly a half. these results underscore the importance of integrating art entrepreneurship education with the sustainability of the arts sector. keywords: arts entrepreneurship, arts business, employment, earnings, wages, entrepreneurship pedagogy. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.12.1.182 i. introduction there is growing empirical evidence that the arts and cultural sector contributes substantially to the united states economy. as of 2021 arts and culture contributed just over $1 trillion or 4.4% of gross domestic product (u.s. bureau of economic analysis, 2022). that impact is manifested by arts workers, who both create new artistic offerings and facilitate the production and distribution of such offerings. beyond direct economic impacts (e.g., sales of tickets to live performances and events, production of artistic goods, web-based services, and arts education, etc.), additional, indirect socio-economic benefits of the arts are created through arts education during early childhood (makridis et al., 2022) and via the ways arts promote social capital and reduce political polarization and bring people artivate 12 2 with different ideological perspectives together (makridis, 2020). despite the immense socio-economic value that artistic labor creates, arts graduates in the united states have poor job prospects (cascone, 2018) and the sector exhibits high uncertainty for workers (menger, 1999). if artists tend to be highly educated, then why do they hold poor labor market prospects? although the returns to college attainment have declined over the past decade (valletta, 2018), there is substantial heterogeneity across degrees (hastings et al., 2013). much of the decline is concentrated heavily among arts majors: in fact, by the time students reach retirement, only 32% of arts and music graduates have recovered their college costs (cooper, 2021). furthermore, makridis (2023) shows that artists have been earning less than their non-artist peers over time. one potential reason stems from the growing importance of social and other general skills that are often acquired and cultivated through business training (deming, 2017). scholars have investigated the ways in which access to business training, often through the integration of arts entrepreneurship, can manifest positive outcomes beyond just venture creation. following the work of essig (2015), hart (2018), nytch (2018), rabideau (2018), and roberts (2012), arts pedagogies that integrate business training can foster greater employability, the creation of new arts ventures, intrapreneurship (entrepreneurial activity within existing organizations), project-based collaborations, and social impact. a recent survey among alumni finds that the three largest skill gaps reported are those they use “for financial and business management skills, entrepreneurial skills, and networking and relationship building” (skaggs et al., 2022, n.p.). in fact, alumni report those skills as essential for advancing and sustaining arts career prospects. the primary contribution of this paper is to explore the role of business training in the arts and suggest a renewed focus on entrepreneurship curricula for artists. first, we begin with a historical exploration and theoretical framing of how business training is deployed within the arts and the value of these skills for artists. next, we draw on the u.s. census bureau between 2009 to 2019 (ruggles et al., 2022), restricting our sample to college graduates. finally, based on that data set, we examine the degree to which participation in arts business training impacts employability and earnings amongst arts graduates. ii. background and theoretical framework a. precarity and the arts job market our paper contributes to an ongoing discussion in arts pedagogy about the value of business training and exactly how to go about it. over the last two decades, business training has been bundled within the arts entrepreneurship programs that have proliferated exponentially across both universities and conservatories (beckman, 2007; essig & guevara, 2016; fayolle et al., 2016; white, 2013)—a response driven both by increasing economic precarity amongst artists and institutional awareness about those alumni outcomes artivate 12 3 (strategic national arts alumni project, 2012). a decade ago, the strategic national arts alumni project (snaap) annual report—which, at that time, encompassed 36,000 arts alumni across 66 institutions—indicated that more than 80% of working artists had to maintain employment outside of the arts for job security (strategic national arts alumni project, 2012, p. 19). follow up studies on the snaap data set showed similar indications of precariousness. for example, lindemann, et al. (2012, p. 22) observed that 50% of artists who stopped working professionally did so because they could find better paying work in other fields, and frenette (2020, p. 3) observed a 65% skills gap reported by arts alumni around financial and business management skills. white’s (2013) initial analysis in response to the snaap data postulated that integrating arts entrepreneurship education could serve as an intervention to remedy skills gaps and foster greater resiliency amongst future professional art makers. other scholars have long indicated that entrepreneurship training may be potent in transforming both professional outcomes and elevating artistic leadership skills (essig, 2015; rabideau, 2017; roberts, 2012; toscher, 2019). our paper builds upon that conversation by exploring the relative saliency of arts business training on employment and income. relatedly, our results align with economic literature on artists as entrepreneurs. for example, piano and al-bawwab (2021) developed a supply-side theory for explaining when artists specialize in both artistic and entrepreneurial capabilities. they find that “high art” markets incent artists to perform both tasks, whereas “low art” markets lead to a decoupling. as per capita income in society has risen, the market for “low art” has also risen, along similar lines as cowen and tabarrok (2000). furthermore, piano (2021) applies the framework to renaissance italian painters, explaining why and when some of them performed both artistic and entrepreneurial duties. finally, oates and baumol (1972) and baumol and baumol (1994) were among some of the first economists to study competitive forces in the art market. the precarity facing arts graduates derives from both internal motivations and external constraints. popovic and ratkovic (2013) argue that many artists are willing to risk oversupplying the job market because of their inherent passion for their work and desire for self-discovery and actualization. employers are often aware of and take advantage of artists’ intrinsic motivations, which has led to the rise of contract work positions and the displacement of opportunities for full-time employment (throsby, 2010). menger (1999) articulates the problem field-wise: “[j]ob rationing and an excess supply of artists seem to be structural traits associated with the emergence and the expansion of a free market organization of the arts” (menger, 1999, p. 1). artists are thus being driven to choose self-determined career paths in lieu of employment because of the precariousness of the arts employment marketplace. artists are 3.6 times more likely to be self-employed than other workers (“artists and other cultural workers,” 2019, p. iii). however, research shows artists are more likely to pursue selfartivate 12 4 employment because they feel forced to do so due to a “lack of choice” and general economic precarity (feder & woronkowicz, 2022, n.p.). these findings correlate to the observation that 60% of trained artists who elect to pursue non-arts professions did so due to higher or more consistent pay in those other fields (strategic national arts alumni project, n.d., p. 28). additionally, factors such as the level of student debt and social class of an artist—namely, cultural capital in the form of specialized knowledge or industry contacts—can impact the degree to which an artist stays in the field (frenette & dowd, 2020). these inequities can further exacerbate precarity for those artists with fewer means in their pursuit of an artistic career. as current job market conditions have a detrimental impact on arts employment probabilities, entrepreneurship training has been identified as a potential intervention to facilitate more agency around career choice and longevity. arts entrepreneurship, which integrates business skills within artistic contexts, has been shown to increase the probability artists will seek entrepreneurial career paths (guo & mcgraw, 2022). yet significant, related skills gaps are reported in those areas—entrepreneurial, financial, and business management skills—by arts alumni (frenette & tepper, 2016). the disruptions caused by the covid-19 pandemic have fomented additional uncertainty around career planning, further motivating artists to bolster their entrepreneurial and management acumen (skaggs et al., 2022). while prior research has focused on the intersection of entrepreneurial training and artists’ pursuit of entrepreneurial career paths, this paper investigates the degree to which access to business training might impact artists’ employability and earnings. b. modalities of arts business training while business training has been available at universities and colleges for well over a century, integrated arts business training is a relatively new field. in 1969, the wisconsin school of business at the university of wisconsin-madison launched the first master of arts—business in arts administration (“bolz center for arts administration,” n.d.). the new york foundation for the arts, founded in 1971, was amongst the earliest independent agencies to offer business training for professional artists (“new york foundation for the arts,” n.d.). additional programs emerged in subsequent decades under the banners of music business, arts entrepreneurship, and arts management. notable examples include the entrepreneurship center for music at the university of colorado, boulder (founded in 1999), and the institute for music leadership, originally the arts leadership program (founded in 1996), at the eastman school music, as well as columbia college chicago’s arts entertainment and media management program, founded in 1992, and the pave program in arts entrepreneurship at arizona state university in 2006 (beckman, 2007). arts management and music business programs proliferated from the 1970s as well, including new artivate 12 5 york university’s masters of arts in music business, which grew out of their arts administration program, founded in 1971 (“history of nyu arts administration programs,” n.d.), and berklee college of music, which launched its music business major in 1992 (“a brief history,” n.d.). barnet and dixon (2014) observed 113 undergraduate and 14 graduate music business programs across the u.s, and, as of 2023, the association for arts administration educators lists 63 undergraduate and 94 graduate arts management programs within their international network (“programs archive,” n.d.). arts entrepreneurship programs subsequently proliferated in the first decade of the twenty-first century, many having developed out of career service programs, as conservatories and universities began to grapple with the employment challenges facing graduates in the wake of the emergence of the gig economy (beckman, 2007; beckman, 2011; white, 2013). the great recession served as a wake-up call for many schools, who were confronted by the gaps reported by alumni around entrepreneurial and business skills as manifesting barriers to sustainable careers (strategic national arts alumni project, 2012; frenette, 2020). access to entrepreneurship training within tertiary arts education grew exponentially between 2006 and 2016, at which point 372 programs of some type were being housed at universities across the country (essig & guevara, 2016). arts entrepreneurship in practice delivers business training in a variety of ways, from advancing individualized career development to new venture creation (beckman, 2007; beeching, 2005; cutler, 2009; essig & guevara, 2016; rabideau, 2018). common definitions frame entrepreneurship in the arts, at least in part, as a mechanism by which artists use business skills to create new ventures—specifically, as an interventional business practice adapted towards cultural production (essig, 2015; preece, 2011; rabideau, 2018; roberts, 2012; white, 2015). much of that work also investigates the ways entrepreneurship training can intersect with broader professional considerations. gary beckman provided a flexible framework for arts entrepreneurship as “both an aspect of professional development and a discrete educational trajectory,” which may manifest either towards the goal of new venture creation or as a means to transition more generally into professional life (beckman, 2007, p. 89). others define entrepreneurship in the arts as a praxis for artists to understand and navigate their socio-economic ecosystem. for example, several scholars explore entrepreneurism as a mechanism by which artists may become effective advocates around social and aesthetic issues, such as cultural representation, labor policy, and the inherent value of art making (chang & wyszomirski, 2015; hausmann & heinze, 2016; taylor et al., 2015). linda essig has embraced arts entrepreneurship as a highly inclusive continuum of practice, “[a] discovery and creation process for connecting means with desirable ends through an appropriate mediating structure within the arts and culture sector” (essig, 2015, p. 242). entrepreneurship encapsulates business training holistically towards creating value, both in a personal sense and for the world at large. despite the field’s proliferation, relatively few institutions offer formalized, artivate 12 6 curricular business training as part of degree programs. a national survey by essig and guevara (2016, p. 13) observed just 99 arts entrepreneurship degrees, minors and certificates available amongst u.s.-based research institutions, regional universities, art and design schools, liberal arts colleges, community colleges and vocational/technical schools. additionally, no singularly dominant arts entrepreneurship framework has emerged, which reflects the still highly experimental nature of the field. educators and practitioners thus continue to choose working research definitions that best suit their modalities of practice. as a result, universities and arts conservatories deliver entrepreneurship training in various guises, from supporting the launch of new ventures to preparing graduates to innovate as employees within existing organizations, as well as resources designed to catalyze applied learning through self-directed projects. the kinds of training offerings that support such activity have also diversified—from degrees and certifications to granting programs, a la carte course offerings to ad hoc coaching services, and from pitch competitions to venture incubators. the field of arts entrepreneurship therefore provides contextual business training to most professional situations artists might find themselves in (white, 2015). research activities span books, case studies, white papers, empirical research studies, practitioner serious games, and academic journals. the focus of this study specifically investigates the impact of curricular business training on employability and earnings outcomes for arts graduates. however, the field also lacks sufficient empirical research to foster consensus around a particular theoretical framework or definition of practice (essig & guevara, 2016). the focus of this study is to provide one such contribution by examining the relative efficacy of business training, specifically in a curricular context, on the economic viability of working artists. iii. data and measurement a. the rationale for measuring curricular arts business training there are four primary reasons for specifically observing arts business curriculum, as evidenced by the field’s literature. first, the goal of curricular integration has been central to the development of arts business education. the earliest major study on arts entrepreneurship, by beckman, claimed that “[c]lassroom instruction is the primary mechanism of formal arts entrepreneurship education” (beckman, 2007, p. 90). essig’s early research suggested that suffusing entrepreneurship across the curriculum could allay concerns within institutions around resource allocation and create more buy-in from colleges and universities of various sizes (essig, 2009). in contrast, the first music business and arts management programs were curricular in nature, which established a precedent for other programs that have since followed (“bolz center for arts administration,” n.d.; barnet & dixon, 2014). artivate 12 7 curricular content naturally provides progressive, contextual learning that can amplify applied learning (internships, self-guided projects, venture creation, etc.) but even in isolation offers pathways to deeper learning compared with one-off, or even sequential, co-curricular offerings. indeed, the dominant foci of the most widely used academic publications in the field over the last two decades have centered around pedagogical applicability—how to translate business concepts for artists, how to integrate arts business concepts into arts curricula, how to train arts faculty members as facilitators of arts business skills in the classroom, and how to create more conducive arts business learning contexts within academia (beeching, 2005; beckman, 2011; beckman 2022; boyle-clapp et al, 2016; feist, 2013; hart, 2018; nytch, 2018; passman & glass, 2023; radbill, 2017; rabideau, 2018). second, while facilitating curricular content may seem more laborious and slowpaced as compared to creating new co-curricular offerings, the development of courses and degree programs demonstrates a deeper institutional commitment to the integration of arts business training. curricular integration is already a common pretext for scholarship on strategies for sustaining entrepreneurship training more broadly within academic contexts, which may account for this trend in the descendent fields of arts entrepreneurship and arts business training (archino et al., 2020; fayolle et al., 2016; tuominiemi & benzenberg, 2021). delivering curricular content often also requires collaboration across units and thus may formalize the ways in which arts students have access to business training. the integration of business skills through entrepreneurship training in particular is a construct that has been levied as a tool for amplifying the impact of tertiary arts education and thus also often plays into narratives around the ways in which universities may serve as anchors for both developing new business models and to spur economic development. the greater depth offered by curricular content, coupled with its tendency to be more sustained within institutions, underlies this argument (ashley & durham, 2021; bryan & harris, 2015; hausmann, 2010). third, co-curricular content varies to such a degree from institution to institution that tracking pedagogical effectiveness continues to perplex the field. previous studies have painted broad strokes of correlation between access to business training and career readiness, yet they also consistently point both to the challenges of cataloging and quantifying the impact of specific arts business training resources (beckman, 2011; hart, 2018; rapisarda & loots 2021; roberts, 2010; white, 2013). scholarly interest in training efficacy is responsive to the broad persistence of an entrepreneurial skills gap reported by arts alumni, despite the proliferation of entrepreneurial training programs in the arts (frenette, 2020; strategic arts alumni project, 2012). three other kindred research projects have approached the question of training efficacy through broader lenses. one recent delphi study surveyed experts and unpacked 43 entrepreneurial mentorship best practices for academic practitioners, finding that artivate 12 8 “mentoring and classroom-based entrepreneurship education can be complementary” (hanson, 2021, p. 18). another recent study using snaap data explored whether arts alumni’s perceived preparedness in critical thinking, leadership, business management, and artistic skills during their tertiary training had a significant association with those alumni’s subsequent predilection to pursue either freelancing careers or new venture creation (guo & mcgraw, 2022). they found that preparedness in business management and artistic specialty “. . . are positively associated with the probability of taking any of the entrepreneurial career paths” (guo & mcgraw, 2022, p. 16). finally, a recent snaap special report examining motivations amongst professionals to stay versus leave the arts concluded that “artists would greatly benefit from more entrepreneurial-focused curricula within higher education” (frenette & dowd, 2020, n.p.). while these general findings indicate that curricular content might have a significant impact on the outcomes of arts graduates, specific studies on the effectiveness of curricular offerings have yet to be published. finally, curricular business training is captured by the census bureau’s american community survey (acs), which allows us to associate whether business training amongst arts graduates translates to better employment and earnings outcomes. delivering arts business content in the classroom is thus more than a potent formula for sustaining and amplifying the impact of arts business training. it is a key limiting parameter that facilitates the analysis of the efficacy of business training on arts graduates. b. methodology and analysis of the american community survey (acs) in order assess prevalence of curricular business training amongst arts graduates, we gather individual-level data from the american community survey (acs) by the census bureau between 2009 and 2019. we restrict our sample to college graduates and deflate earnings by the 2012 personal consumption expenditure (pce) index. for each individual, we see their employment status, hourly wage, and a wide array of demographics. starting in 2009, the acs allows us to see individuals’ formal degrees. we focus on fine arts degree holders, a specific set of business degree holders, and everyone else. our focus on fine arts includes: drama and theater arts; music; visual and performing arts; commercial art and graphic design; film, video, and photographic arts; art history and criticism; studio arts; and miscellaneous fine arts. we align our classification of business as much with entrepreneurship as possible, so we specifically code respondents as having a business degree if they take “business management and administration” or “marketing and marketing research.” we have experimented with other business sub-degree programs, such as finance and accounting, and have found that our main results become null, suggesting that simply taking business classes is not a panacea to learning entrepreneurship—the specific type of class matters. table 1 below documents these summary statistics across different partitions of the labor market with at least a college degree, including for the pooled sample in the acs. we artivate 12 9 report our main demographic characteristics of interest, coupled with labor market outcomes. fine arts degree holders are slightly younger, more female, and whiter than their non-fine-arts counterparts. they are also slightly less likely to be employed, have lower hourly wages and annual earnings, and work less per week. the income differences are especially striking: fine arts degree holders make an average of $50,866 per year, whereas their counterparts make $73,349 per year. turning towards those with an arts degree but with or without some business degree, we see large differences in the share of females. for example, those with art and business degrees are 26% male, whereas those without business but with arts degrees are 40% male. interestingly, however, the raw differences in earnings between those with and without business degree experience (and with an arts degree) are minor: those with business degree experience only earn roughly $1,000 more per year. as we will explain shortly, these raw differences confound many potential omitted variables. for example, highly competent artists might choose to add an alternative major, such as mathematics or writing, rather than business, which would create negative selection effects. in our eventual regressions, we will control for many demographic and occupational differences to mitigate concerns about spurious correlations and omitted variables bias. while we are not aware of any way of linking respondents in the acs with the actual school they attended, the acs still provides the most comprehensive data available to study arts entrepreneurship over time and on a nationally representative sample. because we can see the degree program that a respondent has participated in, coupled with a wide array of demographic and labor market information (including occupation and industry), we can study the returns from having some business exposure. formally, to understand the employment and hourly wage differences between those with and without fine arts bachelor’s degrees, we estimate multivariate models of the form: 𝑦𝑖𝑡 = 𝛾𝐴𝑅𝑇𝑖𝑡 + 𝜉(𝐴𝑅𝑇𝑆𝑂𝐶𝐶𝑖𝑡 × 𝐴𝑅𝑇𝑖𝑡) + 𝜙(𝐵𝐼𝑍𝐷𝐸𝐺𝑖𝑡 × 𝐴𝑅𝑇𝑖𝑡) + 𝛽𝑋𝑖𝑡 + 𝜁𝑜 + 𝜆𝑡 + 𝜀𝑖𝑡 where 𝑦𝑖𝑡 denotes individual 𝑖’s employment status in year 𝑡, 𝐴𝑅𝑇 denotes an indicator for whether the individual has a fine arts degree, 𝐴𝑅𝑇𝑆𝑂𝐶𝐶 denotes an indicator for whether the individual is in an arts occupation, 𝐵𝐼𝑍𝐷𝐸𝐺 denotes an indicator for whether the individual has a business administration double major, 𝑋 denotes a vector of individual demographic traits, and 𝜁 and 𝜆 denote fixed effects on occupation and year. standard errors are heteroskedastic-robust. our vector of demographic controls include age, gender, and race (white, black, asian) and marital status. these controls help us mitigate bias that might emerge from composition effects related to preferences for the arts over other degree programs or occupations and/or other constraints (e.g., family commitments). we restrict the sample to college degree holders in the acs, reducing the sample size considerably as roughly a third of workers hold a college degree. we are mainly interested in the marginal effect of a fine arts degree on hourly wages or employment, artivate 12 10 as well as the interaction effects with working in an arts occupation and holding a business degree. we classify arts occupations by standard occupational classification (soc) codes, namely “art and design workers” and “entertainers and performers, sports and related workers.” when an indicator for employment is our outcome variable, we simply layer on controls for potential heterogeneity in capabilities or preferences. however, when log annual earnings is our outcome variable, we can exploit variation within the same occupation (i.e., artists with and without business degrees), comparing people with similar levels of age, gender, race, and marital status within the same occupation over time, thereby reducing concerns of a spurious correlation. the main concern associated with interpreting the coefficients from this regression as causal is the presence of selection effects. that is, people with higher ability or skill are more likely to select certain jobs and majors. for example, in a world where all the most capable learners and workers select into a computer science degree program, then our marginal effect of fine arts on wages will be downwards biased. similarly, if less capable learners and workers select into business, that will further downwards bias our marginal effect on the interaction. we view the business degree as a proxy for some amount of entrepreneurship training since such courses, at least at a theoretical level, have become standard. but we also recognize that the coefficients might reflect a broader suite of human capital—not just entrepreneurship training. in reality, the direction and size of the bias is not fully known, so we do our best to control for confounding demographic characteristics (e.g., age, race, gender, marital status) and two-digit occupation fixed effects in a sequential manner. that ensures that our comparisons are on observationally equivalent people in similar major occupations rather than comparisons between, say, a cashier and a manager. another concern with this setup is that our data only allows us to see formal degree holders. we do not, for example, observe whether individuals have undertaken a certificate program or even non-degree coursework. we believe that our results are likely to hold since degrees proxy for exposure to certain curricula, which should be reflected in any arts business curricula, too. artivate 12 11 table 1: summary statistics from the census bureau pooled fine arts non-fine arts arts and business arts and nonbusiness mean sd mean sd mean sd mean sd mea n sd age 44.5 13.4 42.2 13.6 44.6 13.4 38.6 12.4 42.3 13.6 male 0.49 0.50 0.40 0.49 0.49 0.50 0.26 0.44 0.40 0.49 married 0.65 0.48 0.54 0.50 0.66 0.47 0.48 0.50 0.54 0.50 white 0.81 0.39 0.85 0.36 0.81 0.39 0.84 0.37 0.85 0.36 black 0.07 0.25 0.04 0.20 0.07 0.25 0.06 0.24 0.04 0.20 asian 0.09 0.29 0.06 0.24 0.09 0.29 0.06 0.23 0.06 0.24 employed 0.94 0.24 0.92 0.27 0.94 0.24 0.93 0.25 0.92 0.27 hours worked/w eek 40.7 12.2 38.3 12.8 40.8 12.1 39.9 12.0 38.3 12.9 hourly wage 39.6 203.5 30.8 188.4 40.0 204.1 29.6 97.8 30.8 189.2 annual earnings 72377 77043 50866 56589 73349 77700 51698 5402 9 5085 7 56617 observations 5570791 240868 53299 23 2592 2382 76 iv. differences in labor market outcomes for fine arts and other college graduates table 2 below documents these results across a range of specifications that sequentially control for greater degrees of heterogeneity. starting with column 1, we see that fine arts majors are 1.4 percentage points less likely to be employed than their counterparts. that gradient remains identical even after controlling for demographic characteristics. while business majors are more likely to be employed, we do not see a statistically significant interaction effect between arts and business degree holders (column 3). that could reflect the low incidence of unemployment among people with a college degree in general. turning towards column 4 where we switch our outcome variable to the log annual earnings, we find that fine arts majors earn 26.7% lower earnings than their counterparts. as we add additional demographic controls, the economic magnitude declines slightly to a 18.5% wage gap but remains significant (column 5). we subsequently add two-digit occupational fixed effects, controlling for differences in the types of jobs that people with an arts major select into, lowering the magnitude to a 8.4% wage difference (column 6). next, we turn to column 7 where we allow for heterogeneous treatment effects among those fine arts degree holders who also have a business degree. based on our artivate 12 12 earlier theoretical motivation, we expect that those with some business education would be better off than their counterparts. like before, fine arts majors have a 8.7% earnings disadvantage, but those who also have a business degree earn an additional 4.2% more per hour. the net effect of holding an arts and business degree is still negative (6.5% earnings disadvantage) relative to their counterparts, but it is roughly half as negative as fine arts degree holders who do not also have a business degree. in other words, those with both an arts and business degree tend to earn higher earnings even after controlling for many possibly confounding factors. is this just a feature of double majoring? to answer that question, we can estimate column 7 controlling for an indicator for whether an individual has double majored, comparing those with an arts and business degree with their counterparts who double majored in other degree programs. this produces qualitatively similar results: the interaction effect on a fine arts and business degree declines from 0.042 to 0.029 but remains statistically significant (p-value = 0.026), suggesting that selection effects into double majoring are relevant but cannot explain the entirety of the result. finally, we turn to column 8 where we allow for an interaction effect between working in an arts occupation and holding an arts degree. these fine arts workers make an additional 6.8% more in annual earnings, almost completely offsetting the wage disadvantage of a fine arts degree. likely, the strong positive interaction effect reflects the benefits of working in a job that aligns with the human capital investments and interests during college. table 2: evaluating the differences between fine arts and other majors over time. the table reports the coefficients associated with regressions of an indicator for whether an individual is employed (columns 1-2) and the log hourly wage deflated with the 2012 price of consumption (columns 3-5) on an indicator for whether the individual has a fine arts bachelor’s degree, an indicator for whether the individual also has a business degree, their interactions, conditional on controls and fixed effects. controls include age, gender, marital status, and race (white, black, asian). dep. var. = is employed log annual earnings (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) fine arts ba -.014 ∗∗∗ -.014 ∗∗∗ -.013 ∗∗∗ -.267 ∗∗∗ -.185 ∗∗∗ -.084 ∗∗∗ -.087 ∗∗∗ -.091 ∗∗∗ business [.001] [.001] [.001] .004 ∗∗∗ [.000] [.002] [.002] [.002] [.002] [.001] [.002] fine arts ba × business .002 [.006] .042 ∗∗∗ [.013] fine arts ba × arts occupation .068 ∗∗∗ [.006] r-squared .00 .01 .01 .00 .13 .35 .35 .35 artivate 12 13 sample size 5570791 5570791 5570791 5219604 4671481 4671481 4671481 4671481 individual controls no yes yes no yes yes yes yes occupation fixed effects no no no no no yes yes yes year fixed effects no no no no no yes yes yes sources: american community survey (2009-2019). these results also complement recent empirical evidence by makridis (2023), who finds that the relative earnings among artists, relative to non-artists, has further declined since 2006: whereas artists would earn 15% less than their non-artist peers with similar age, education, race, and gender, now they earn 30% less. furthermore, when restricting the set of individuals to those with at least a college degree, those with a fine arts degree incur an earnings and employment penalty even if they work in the arts. in addition, those with a master’s degree also earn much less than their artist counterparts with a college degree. while makridis (2023) does not interpret these as causal effects—especially as they may reflect negative selection into further study among those artists who have yet to “make it”—they nonetheless underscore the importance of exposure to business training among artists, particularly in providing additional skills, networks, and other opportunities to help navigate a challenging labor market and build resilience. while we have endeavored to control for a wide variety of potentially confounding factors and show that the differences in earnings are driven by exposure to business training, our data paper nonetheless has several shortcomings. first, arts degree holders who also have a business degree are only 1% of the sample. that this proportion is small should not come as a surprise; the findings align with previous research showing relative scarcity of curricular programs (barnet & dixon, 2014; essig and guevara, 2016; “programs archive,” n.d.). second, there is unfortunately no way to connect the respondents in the acs with the specific college that they attended. ideally, we could measure exposure to business training at the individual level directly rather than inferring from their degree program. however, that will generally cause us to recover an “intent to treat,” which may cause attenuation bias if anything since we will infer business treatment when none may have happened. in that case, our estimates would be overly conservative. third, we do not have a measure of quality in arts business training. in practice, we know that there is substantial heterogeneity in teacher quality and even institutional access, which contributes to post-graduation career outcomes and placement. however, that should only produce attenuation bias rather than change our main results. finally, we do not have direct measurement of individuals’ participation in arts business training. rather, we only have a proxy based on the individuals’ exposure to business curriculum. still, the analysis above effectively positions curricular business training as a artivate 12 14 proxy for arts-focused business exposure for two reasons. first, while the low frequency of arts majors also earning a business degree indicates that practice is not common, it is reasonable to assume arts students who do take business courses may do so to gain information relevant to their career interests. arts business curricular content offered within arts colleges, or in partnership with arts colleges, could thus create advantages for those interested in such training—the psychological and course credit barriers may be smaller, and those courses generally will be more accessible as they are scheduled in unit around other required courses. the rise of arts entrepreneurship, music business, and arts management programs reflects those goals. however, additional research is required to determine the degree to which arts unit-based business courses are, indeed, more accessible than business school-based courses. future work should aim to harmonize individual-level data on employment and wages with higher education data degree attainment through the use of the longitudinal employer household dynamics (lehd) fielded by the census bureau, for example. the lehd tracks individuals over time across employers but would require augmentation with state-level data on educational attainment, which is only possible in a subset of states. such data would also allow researchers to identify how different employers value different sets of skills and educational backgrounds, and whether these valuations have changed substantially over time as the arts sector has also changed. we have taken an initial step towards such an analysis by compiling the 2022 us news and world report list of top universities (2022-2023 best universities in the world, 2022). we reviewed the catalogs for the top 185 institutions (table a in the appendix), examining the curriculum at each of these institutions and looking for any arts entrepreneurship certificate and coursework related to arts business available for students. we find that just 9.7% (18) colleges offer a curricular arts entrepreneurship certificate program while 11.4% (21) require at least one arts business course—representative of arts entrepreneurship, music industry, or arts management topics. these rates of incidence supplement previous findings by essig and guevara (2016), barnet and dixon (2014), and white (2013), and reinforce the challenges artists face in integrating arts business training into their degree programs. there are several limitations to this work, however. first, data on rates of participation in specific courses, minors, certificates, or even degrees is not readily observable at the institutional level from the us news and world report. second, the variety of nomenclature used to represent arts business content varies from school to school, which means that the incidence of such training may be underor over-represented. some institutions may indeed deliver embedded arts business training through courses that are not listed explicitly as such. third, the list includes schools outside of the united states, which is asynchronous to the united states-based acs data. these issues are outside the scope of this paper, and we leave them to future research. artivate 12 15 v. conclusion each year, thousands of new arts graduates enter the labor market. but many of them have a tough time finding employment and, even among those who do, many still struggle to pay their bills and earn a living within the arts. some colleges and conservatories have launched arts entrepreneurship, arts management, or music business programs to improve those outcomes, but the criteria for such programs and their relative efficacy remains in question and many programs have yet to do so. the purpose of this paper is to examine the value of arts business training quantitatively. we synthesized the literature on the growth of arts business training and the field’s motivations. using data from the census bureau’s american community survey between 2009 and 2019, we also estimated the association between having both an arts and business degree and both employment and earnings outcomes. we find that, while arts graduates earn 8.7% less than their non-arts graduate counterparts, those with a business degree only earn 3.5% less. in other words, having both arts and business exposure offsets roughly half of the earnings disadvantage that arts graduates incur. similarly, we find that those arts graduates who also work in an arts occupation only earn 2.3% less per year rather than 9.1% less among those graduates in non-arts occupations. our results control for demographic differences (e.g., age, race, gender, etc.) and compare workers in similar occupations. these findings have higher education policy implications. first, curricular business offerings for arts students—those that translate and apply business content within arts environments—have a positive impact on the future earnings of arts graduates. given the rarity of such programs, integrating business curricula within higher education training requirements should be a priority for institutions of all types, and there could be social value in conditioning or allocating federal resources to fund such programs. coupled with findings on the potentially negative returns to a college education (makridis, 2023), these results highlight the ways colleges can help promote greater diversity of human capital for their artist graduates. otherwise, colleges risk continuing to produce more arts graduates that the labor market cannot accommodate, putting graduates in even greater financial precarity and debt. beyond advancing professional outcomes, institutionalizing such training based on tangible outcomes could also be leveraged as a recruiting and fundraising tool. similarly, it appears that delivering business training specifically in an arts training context is relevant to catalyzing better earnings outcomes, suggesting that cross-unit collaborations—drawing from knowledge in the business school but translated and applied within an arts college or department—may be more effective than simply motivating artists to take business classes. additionally, this study proposes that further research is needed to fully understand how institutions might deliver the most effective approaches to leveraging entrepreneurial, management, and business content in the curriculum. first, how might exposure to artivate 12 16 business training impact the ability of artists to launch and sustain businesses? given that artists are 3.6 times more likely to be self-employed than other workers (“artists and other cultural workers,” 2019, p. iii), the ability to generate income independently may be as important as, if not more important than, employability in terms of the longevity of artist careers. further study is also required to understand the degree to which exposure to business training impacts the longevity of new artistic enterprises and whether curricular or co-curricular training modalities better serve those ends. in order to understand the latter question, additional research is also needed to further explore which factors motivate artists to pursue business classes, the degree to which courses advertised as delivering arts entrepreneurship, arts management, and music business do, in fact, encapsulate business training, and what other barriers exist that limit access to business training. finally, questions remain about the factors that might influence which specific courses might more directly impact future earnings amongst artists. for example, curricular content may be blended, combining business training with more generalized career services content such as how to find employment, how to prepare application materials, how to negotiate, and other ancillary training. it is yet unclear whether such a blended approach would enhance effectiveness in terms of employability and future earnings. nonetheless, we show that curricular business education, when delivered effectively, can have tangibly positive impacts on the outcomes of arts graduates and positions that work as important to explore further as an essential component of artistic training today. artivate 12 17 appendix table a: top universities with and without arts business curricula rank university has arts entrepreneurship certificate has curricular requirement (coursework of some kind) 1 harvard university no no 2 massachusetts institute of technology no no 3 stanford university no no 4 university of california--berkeley no no 5 university of oxford no no 6 columbia university no no 7 university of washington no no 8 university of cambridge no no 9 california institute of technology no no 10 johns hopkins university no yes 11 university of california--san francisco no no 12 yale university no no 13 university of pennsylvania no no 14 university of california--los angeles yes no 15 university of chicago no no 16 princeton university no no 17 university college london no no 18 university of toronto no no 19 university of michigan-ann arbor yes no artivate 12 18 20 imperial college london no no 21 university of california--san diego yes yes 22 cornell university no no 23 duke university no no 24 northwestern university no no 25 university of melbourne no no 26 swiss federal institute of technology zurich no no 27 tsinghua university no no 28 university of sydney no yes 29 national university of singapore no yes 30 new york university no yes 31 washington university in st. louis no no 32 university of edinburgh no no 33 king's college london no no 34 nanyang technological university no no 35 british columbia institute of technology no no 36 university of queensland australia no no 37 university of copenhagen no no 38 university of amsterdam no no 39 university of north carolina--chapel hill no no 40 monash university no yes 41 university of new south wales no no 42 university of no no artivate 12 19 pittsburgh 43 university of texas-austin yes no 44 king abdulaziz university no no 45 peking university no no 46 sorbonne universite no no 47 university of munich no no 48 catholic university of leuven no no 49 karolinska institute no no 50 utrecht university no no 51 mcgill university yes yes 52 ohio state university-columbus no yes 53 university of wisconsin--madison yes no 54 heidelberg university no no 55 university of minnesota--twin cities no yes 56 australian national university no yes 57 icahn school of medicine at mount sinai no no 58 georgia institute of technology no no 59 university of manchester no no 60 universite paris saclay no no 61 university of maryland--college park yes yes 62 erasmus university rotterdam no no 63 university of colorado-boulder yes no 64 university of zurich no no 65 boston university no no artivate 12 20 66 university of adelaide no no 67 universite de paris no no 68 university of california--davis no no 69 university of california--santa barbara no no 70 e cole polytechnique federale of lausanne no no 71 university of southern california no yes 72 university of illinois-urbana-champaign yes yes 73 vanderbilt university no no 74 emory university no no 75 technical university of munich no no 76 university of hong kong no yes 77 university of tokyo no no 78 humboldt-universita t zu berlin no no 79 university of western australia no no 80 pennsylvania state university--university park yes yes 81 wageningen university and research center no no 82 chinese university hong kong no yes 83 leiden university no no 84 university of glasgow no no 85 vrije universiteit amsterdam no no 86 university of california--irvine no no 87 university of barcelona no no 88 university of no yes artivate 12 21 groningen 89 rockefeller university no no 90 university of oslo no no 91 university of birmingham no no 92 ghent university no no 93 university of bristol no no 94 university of helsinki no no 95 freie universita t berlin no no 96 lund university no no 97 king abdullah university of science and technology no no 98 university of southampton no no 99 university of arizona no no 100 university of florida no no 101 university of geneva no no 102 carnegie mellon university yes no 103 aarhus university no no 104 university of california--santa cruz no no 105 hong kong university of science and technology no no 106 shanghai jiao tong university no no 107 radboud university nijmegen no no 108 michigan state university yes yes 109 university of cape town no no 110 queen mary, university of london no no 111 university of science & no no artivate 12 22 technology of china, cas 112 university of virginia no no 113 uppsala university no no 114 university of bern no no 115 universidade de sa o paulo no no 116 zhejiang university no no 117 university of bologna no no 118 university of auckland no no 119 brown university no no 120 university of bonn no no 121 university of padua no no 122 weizmann institute of science no no 123 stockholm university no no 124 hong kong polytechnic university no no 125 sapienza university of rome no no 126 university of texas southwestern medical center--dallas no no 127 kyoto university no no 128 purdue university-west lafayette no no 129 university of technology sydney no yes 130 london school of hygiene and tropical medicine no no 131 rutgers, the state university of new jersey-new brunswick yes yes 132 seoul national university no no 133 mcmaster university no no artivate 12 23 134 university of gothenburg no no 135 baylor college of medicine no no 136 nanjing university no no 137 university of alberta yes no 138 university of basel no no 139 university of sheffield no no 140 texas a&m university-college station no no 141 city university hong kong no no 142 fudan university no no 143 indiana university-bloomington no no 144 autonomous university of barcelona no no 145 case western reserve university no no 146 university of warwick no no 147 university of alabama-birmingham no no 148 university of massachusetts--amherst yes no 149 university of go ttingen no no 150 university of leeds no no 151 oregon health and science university no no 152 university of montreal no no 153 university of nottingham no no 154 university of utah no no 155 university of liverpool no no 156 curtin university no no 157 university of newcastle no no 158 university of hamburg no no artivate 12 24 159 sun yat-sen university no no 160 university of chinese academy of sciences no no 161 technical university of denmark no no 162 university of rochester no no 163 university of exeter no no 164 university of sussex no no 165 arizona state university--tempe yes no 166 cardiff university no no 167 rice university no no 168 university catholique of louvain no no 169 university of calgary no no 170 university of california--riverside no yes 171 university of milan no no 172 tel aviv university no no 173 university of freiburg no no 174 delft university of technology no no 175 university of iowa yes no 176 huazhong university of science and technology no no 177 northeastern university no no 178 queensland university of technology no no 179 university of colorado anschutz medical campus yes no 180 eberhard karls university, tu bingen no no 181 universite grenoble alpes (uga) no no artivate 12 25 182 university of aix-marseille no no 183 university of bergen no no 184 university of lausanne no no 185 technical university of dresden no no artivate 12 26 references 2022-2023 best universities in the world us news and world report. 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(2019). entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education: a conceptual framework. artivate, 8(1), 3–22. https://doi.org/10.1353/artv.2019.0003 throsby, d. (2010). economic analysis of artists' behaviour: some current issues. revue d'économie politique, 120: 47-56. tuominiemi, k., & benzenberg, s. (2021). entrepreneurial pathways in art: an introductory course for undergraduate students in arts entrepreneurship. artivate, 10(1). https://doi.org/10.34053/artivate.10.1.106 u.s. bureau of economic analysis (bea) | arts and culture. (2022). retrieved september 3, 2023, from https://www.bea.gov/data/special-topics/arts-and-culture valletta, r. (2016). recent flattening in the higher education wage premium: polarization, skill downgrading, or both? working paper 22935. cambridge, ma: national bureau of economic research. white, j. c. (2013). barriers to recognizing arts entrepreneurship education as essential to professional arts training. artivate, 2(1), 28–39. https://doi.org/10.1353/artv.2013.0002 white, j. c. (2015). toward a theory of arts entrepreneurship. journal of arts entrepreneurship education, 1(1). https://doi.org/10.46776/jaee.v1.33 cover image: photo by marvin meyer on unsplash, www.unsplash.com/photos/people-sitting-down-near-tablewith-assorted-laptop-computers-syto3xs06fu https://artsadministration.org/programs/?program-filter-degrees=&program-filter-state=&deg=undergrad&opt=all&cnt=all https://doi.org/10.46776/jaee.v3.85 https://doi.org/10.1353/artv.2012.0005 https://doi.org/10.18128/d010.v12.0 https://snaaparts.org/findings/databriefs/how-covid-19-has-impacted-the-needed-skills-of-arts-graduates https://snaaparts.org/findings/databriefs/how-covid-19-has-impacted-the-needed-skills-of-arts-graduates https://snaaparts.org/findings/databriefs/how-covid-19-has-impacted-the-needed-skills-of-arts-graduates https://snaaparts.org/uploads/downloads/reports/snaap-151617-recent-grads-aggregate-report.pdf https://snaaparts.org/uploads/downloads/reports/snaap-151617-recent-grads-aggregate-report.pdf https://doi.org/10.1353/artv.2015.0001 https://doi.org/10.1353/artv.2019.0003 https://doi.org/10.34053/artivate.10.1.106 https://www.bea.gov/data/special-topics/arts-and-culture https://doi.org/10.1353/artv.2013.0002 https://doi.org/10.46776/jaee.v1.33 http://www.unsplash.com/photos/people-sitting-down-near-table-with-assorted-laptop-computers-syto3xs06fu http://www.unsplash.com/photos/people-sitting-down-near-table-with-assorted-laptop-computers-syto3xs06fu vol. 13 2024–2025 creative social entrepreneurship curriculum development a case for democratizing arts administration education jaleesa wells university of kentucky rachel shane university of kentucky abstract: while entrepreneurship in education continues to grow, the arts and arts administration fields are trailing behind new, innovative, and enterprising curriculum development and progress. the continued rise of online learning environments creates opportunities for dynamic partnership development that democratizes the current structures of entrepreneurship education within the arts. this article presents the case of creative social entrepreneurship curriculum development as an opportunity to democratize arts administration education, highlighting the innovative online learning approach of the department of arts administration at the university of kentucky. it outlines the background of the emerging arts and entrepreneurship education landscape and specifically highlights the opportunity gap to develop an enterprising culture across arts and arts administration curriculum and in partnership with historically black colleges and universities (hbcus), which presently lack arts administration and entrepreneurship curricula in their art and design programs. importantly, the article illustrates the possibilities of transdisciplinary curriculum development through the creation of an online certificate series in creative social entrepreneurship and provides the concepts, context, and framework for curriculum development. the value of democratizing curriculum development is through innovative approaches within cross-institutional partnerships within and between institutions. as such, this article highlights the possibilities of building partnerships with hbcus as part of the development process for the creative social entrepreneurship certificate program series. keywords: creative social entrepreneurship, democratizing education, arts administration, sdg 4: quality education. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.13.1.215 artivate 13 2 introduction entrepreneurship remains one of the top competencies in the cultivation of dynamic leaders across industries, sectors, and economies. however, entrepreneurship education has been underdeveloped as a comprehensive curriculum within arts, arts administration, and creative and cultural industries (cci) education. furthermore, as interests in social progress, sustainability, and responsibility continue to rise, there is an emerging interest in the intersections between the arts and social entrepreneurship in both research and practice. yet, there has been little to no attention paid to the educational opportunities of teaching social entrepreneurship to artists and creative practitioners. this article and the case presented illustrate the process of developing certificate programs in creative social entrepreneurship, focusing on curriculum development and cross-institutional partnerships for the sustainable future of entrepreneurship education. the gap in curriculum presents the following main questions: what are the best practices for developing a social entrepreneurship curriculum geared towards artists and creative practitioners, and what are the democratizing opportunities for crossinstitutional partnerships in certificate program development? the majority of educational programs in the arts focus on developing artistic skills and practices within particular arts disciplines, such as acting programs in theatre, performance and composition programs in music, and studio art programs in the visual arts. because of the focus on developing artistic practices, these programs are largely missing any educational courses on developing a career as an artist. unless students seek out experiential learning opportunities, such as internship and apprenticeship programs, career readiness is lacking in art students’ educational development. furthermore, art students rarely have the opportunity to develop entrepreneurship competencies as part of their arts educational curriculum. emerging from empirical research on past and present creative social entrepreneurs and enterprises, creative social entrepreneurship as a curriculum can be described as the skills-based practice of establishing new ventures that combine creative methods with commercial strategies to improve the economic, environmental, political, and social wellbeing of society. due to its hybrid nature, there are a plethora of opportunities embedded within this burgeoning field of study, such as the opportunity to establish a transdisciplinary enterprising culture for students and the opportunity to build crossinstitutional partnerships with arts programs that may not have the resources to develop entrepreneurship curriculum and that are external to the principal partner. ultimately, collaborative partnerships serve as mission-driven opportunities to make entrepreneurship accessible to students from marginalized and/or minoritized communities that are sorely underrepresented in the creative and cultural industries, especially the arts. artivate 13 3 entrepreneurship education in the creative and cultural industries extant literature identifies three distinct approaches to entrepreneurship education in the creative and cultural industries (ccis). the most widely used in the us is the dual program curricular approach where art students complete courses across two programs of study: their specific art discipline courses and general business courses (beckman, 2007). an alternative approach that has gained traction in the last decade in the us is the embedded singular course, typically labeled “arts entrepreneurship”, within an arts degree curriculum (ibid). according to empirical studies, a third approach found mostly in the uk and europe is the enterprising culture (carey & naudin, 2006) approach which involves a comprehensive set of courses within degree areas such as creative enterprise, cultural entrepreneurship, and business of the arts. a key difference between these three approaches is that the first two are traditionally established by arts programs and the third exists in business school programs. the objectives of each approach are different. the dual program approach leans towards the application of the arts in business and provides students with a liberal arts perspective wherein being an artist is a parallel practice to doing business. in this approach, entrepreneurship knowledge is decontextualized from the unique enterprise circumstances of the ccis. academics have classified this approach as a “new venture creation” approach, as the perceived nature of business school education is to train students towards establishing corporate business structures. as such, art students do not learn the dynamics of entrepreneurial career readiness through self-employment (beckman, 2007; rapisarda & loots, 2021). the singular-course approach aims to remedy this issue by educating art students on the broader conceptions of entrepreneurship and training students in the skill of having an entrepreneurial mindset for their career development (essig, 2017; bridgstock, 2012; chang & wyszomirski, 2015; toscher, 2019). however, this approach does not provide a pragmatic understanding of entrepreneurship and positions art students pursuing arts administrative courses to augment their enterprise knowledge outside of coursework. transcending the previous two approaches, the enterprising culture approach develops an entrepreneurship curriculum that illuminates the dynamics and intricacies of “connect[ing] the individual with their social context,” and it emphasizes a curriculum built upon “personal and social emergence, contextual learning, and the negotiated enterprise” (rae, 2004, p. 494). this approach offers a comprehensive curricular methodology that is focused on the social science dynamics of artists and art-based enterprises as intertwined, interlinked, and contributive within society. based on these strategies, the enterprising culture is the best approach for developing a co-curricular and cross-curricular certificate program, as it focuses on the dynamic understanding and application of entrepreneurship within the creative and cultural artivate 13 4 industries. the enterprising culture approach, though presently limited to business school settings, provides a holistic approach to teaching creative social entrepreneurship because it combines creative individual contributions with socioeconomic and sociocultural values (raffo et al., 2000). this approach also allows for a curriculum that applies arts-relevant learning structures to an entrepreneurship curriculum, such as the inclusion of a critical review (also known as ‘the crit’, a presentation of student work in progress for the purposes of giving and receiving comprehensive feedback) and a degree show (the exhibition of an art student’s final project) within the learning and assessment model (carey & matlay, 2007, p. 440). as such, student outcomes would involve the development of new ventures, the pursuit of a dynamic freelance artistic career, the establishment of a hybrid cultural leadership model, the emergence of a new creative social practice, or a combination of these and more pathways. furthermore, the enterprising culture curricular approach highlights the possibilities of social innovation emerging from the ccis. arts administration, entrepreneurship, and the arts at hbcus historically black colleges and universities (hbcus) are higher education institutions unique to the history of the us and established as safe educational havens for black students. the majority of hbcus are located in the southern us and in non-urban and rural areas. despite there being many established arts programs at hbcus, there are no established and operating arts administration related programs (mack, 2020). there is virtually no literature that explores the implications of creative social entrepreneurship education in hbcus. however, in recent years there has been a rise in hbcu entrepreneurship centers (for example, the pnc national center for entrepreneurship established at howard university in 2021 and the bank of america center for entrepreneurship established at spelman college in 2021). while the impact of these centers on black artists and creative professionals has yet to be seen, the implications include greater economic adaptability, resiliency, and opportunity for both black students and hbcu institutions (andrews et al., 2015). as black students become leaders in their industries, there is a major onus on hbcus to be “catalysts of change in the development and promotion” of black-owned enterprises (adebayo et al., 2001, p. 166). though entrepreneurship development centers provide significant opportunities to students, they are limited by their geographic locations, exclusive to their situated institutions, and mainly present extracurricular programs. they serve as hubs for entrepreneurship learning to a much wider community and are good stewards of business investment from community stakeholders. while these are important forms of non-formal learning, combining them with formal learning opportunities allows for the development of leaders who understand the dynamics of social, legal, environmental, and political decision-making in business (ibid, 170-171). the formal educational context creates a artivate 13 5 “‘safe environment’ to develop creative ideas” where experimentation, trial and error, and idea formation and strategic application occur and “ideas [can become] a guiding force for future business activity” (raffo et al., 2000, p. 356). however, many hbcus still lack formal entrepreneurship programs and more so lack programs related to the various combinations of art and business. furthermore, there is a significant gap in the literature that has explored the issues of business literacy amongst hbcu arts graduates. only a handful of studies have emerged in the last ten years exploring the implications of arts administration, leadership, and management education on black-owned and black-led arts and cultural organizations (mack, 2020; curtis, 2020; green, 2017; wooden, 2016). while entrepreneurship education in the arts has expanded, these programs are still relatively new and not widely available or accessible to all arts-focused students. one possible reason for this gap is due to the lack of available, qualified, skilled faculty able to develop programs and facilitate courses (carey & naudin, 2006, p. 524) and sustain a relevant research agenda to inform teaching. another possible reason is the lack of innovative and adaptable delivery formats and systems. as such, many programs do not have robust online learning systems and processes. the online learning system offers an opportunity to expand the reach of entrepreneurship education in programs that wouldn’t otherwise have access to qualified and experienced faculty, such as arts programs at hbcus. context of online education in the department of arts administration arts administration as an academic discipline began offering degrees in the united states in the 1970s. these early degrees were almost all launched in the dual program model utilizing business along with arts courses. the first alternative format arts administration degree program was offered by goucher college. launched in 1988, goucher offered a “low-residency” program where students spent some summer weeks on campus and the rest of the program was offered via telephone conference calls and mailed homework submissions. twenty years later, two private universities began offering online-based degrees in arts administration. in 2013, the university of kentucky (“uk”) became the first public state university to offer an online degree in arts administration. this also marked the beginning of non-residential requirements for degrees in arts administration. the ma in arts administration at uk offered a 100% online, asynchronous program allowing students to study from anywhere in the world, in any time zone. the ma in arts administration was just the third online degree program offered by uk. this required the program be built as a singular course curricular model as there were very limited course offerings online for students and even fewer faculty familiar with artivate 13 6 online instruction experience.1 while the degree was built in a single course model, the faculty hired to build courses came from transdisciplinary backgrounds. most faculty held degrees in an artistic discipline (e.g., music, art history, theatre) as well as in business, public policy, law, or the humanities. few, in these earlier years, had degrees in arts administration because so few degrees were offered at higher education institutions. the department of arts administration while arts administration as both a field and curricular discipline developed in a transdisciplinary approach, the traditional structures of american universities produced obstacles. first, degree programs developed across different colleges; some were set in business schools, others within fine arts or arts and sciences. at uk, the ba degree was developed outside of the department or school as an “interdisciplinary program” embedded within the college of fine arts. the interdisciplinary status of the degree aligned philosophically with the transdisciplinary approach to the curriculum. however, it posed logistical and structural obstacles within the higher education bureaucracy. notably, faculty could not tenure within an interdisciplinary program; rather, faculty must tenure to a department or school. this is not unique to uk. since faculty had a wideranging array of degrees from a variety of academic disciplines, the development of tenured faculty lines was prolonged within an environment unsure of how to categorize its instruction or research. this issue was significant at uk where the first full-time faculty member in the program was denied tenure (a decision later overturned by the university president). as the program grew in size and visibility, hiring also became problematic. qualified applicants for faculty positions were rejected by the administration because their degrees were outside of the college of fine arts (meaning there was nowhere the potential hire could be tenured within the college). with two degrees and a growing need to establish an unambiguous academic discipline, the faculty aligned with the program sought “department status.” this status would allow a broader hiring pool from all transdisciplinary areas and the tenuring of faculty directly in arts administration. it will also permit more extensive curricular offerings under this new curricular umbrella. as of 2016, uk became the first dedicated department of arts administration in the country. 1 the ba in arts administration at uk, launched in 1988, was created utilizing the dual program curricular approach. students completed a curriculum in business, economics, and art form along with several specific courses in arts administration. “arts administration” course requirements (“aad courses”) grew from two courses at the program launch to six courses in 2010. as the field evolved and the program grew, more courses were added in arts administration and course requirements in business decreased. as of 2024, the ba now requires over twenty-eight specific courses within the arts administration discipline. while still requiring courses in arts disciplines, the degree no longer relies on business and economics coursework. artivate 13 7 an autoethnographic case of creative social entrepreneurship curriculum development creative social entrepreneurship is a rising field of study combining the concepts of creativity, social value, and enterprise development into a hybrid form of entrepreneurship and organization (wells 2015, 2019). while more research studies have emerged over the last few years on the unique dynamics of creative social entrepreneurship across the globe (mclean, 2020; pearse & peterlin, 2019; permatasari et al., 2021; permatasari et al., 2023; qu & zollet, 2023), the majority of this research exists outside of the us, leaving a dearth of understanding in the american context. building upon over ten years of empirical work by jaleesa (wells 2015, 2016, 2019, and 2022), creative social entrepreneurship is made up of two distinct but interrelated actors: the creative social entrepreneur and the creative social enterprise operating within the ccis. initially, the development of a creative social entrepreneurship curriculum began with the traditional approach to entrepreneurship education within an arts administration program: the single-course approach. however, through a series of conversations between jaleesa and rachel, rachel encouraged jaleesa to pursue the development of a full certificate program utilizing her research and framing as the basis for the curricular development. instead of embedding within the current curriculum, as is the usual approach to entrepreneurship education for artists, the certificate would serve as a catalyst for building an enterprising culture within the department of arts administration and college of fine arts at uk. this required specific buy-in from the chair, dean, and broader university stakeholders in order to continue. while jaleesa soft-pitched the course idea to the chair, rachel, and received departmental buy-in, two key subsequent pitches supported buy-in from the administration for the comprehensive certificate program development: (1) jaleesa invited the chair, dean, and instructional designer to her final pitch on her creative social enterprise to investors during a 2023 entrepreneurial bootcamp; and (2) rachel pitched a combined certificate and cross-institutional partnership initiative to the dean when presented with the opportunity to create a provost-funded curricular initiative within the college of fine arts. the success of these two pitches helped to garner key administrative support for what would become further reaching cross-institutional partnering, both across uk and crossing the fields of arts education and arts administration education. in parallel, the success of these two pitches provided grounding for the piloting of a democratized certificate program by gaining buy-in and investment to hire diverse and socially embedded course developers for the seven certificate courses, and time to cultivate crossinstitutional partnerships with hbcus. artivate 13 8 curricular design and framework embracing an enterprising culture philosophy, the curricular design adapts rae ’s (2004) triadic model for entrepreneurial learning and creates a creative social entrepreneurship curricular development framework that directly aligns with its co-constructed, hybrid dynamics, as shown in figure 1. the descriptions below also align each theme to programlevel learning objectives. the creative and cultural industries as ‘contextual learning’ the creative and cultural industries serve as the contextual learning that surrounds the actions of the two actors of creative social entrepreneurship: the creative social entrepreneur and the creative social enterprise. while there are clear definitions of the creative and cultural industries in parts of europe, there is no unified definition of them in the united states. as such the industries can be composed of any type of market activity that exists, operates, or intersects with creative activities. this can mean that a freelance designer is as much a part of the creative and cultural industries as a well-established broadway theatre. in curriculum development, this theme is shaped by learning creative economic dynamics in relation to community, opportunity recognition through creative market figure 1: a framework for creative social entrepreneurship curriculum development. artivate 13 9 research, and applied theories of creative and social entrepreneurial action. the programlevel learning objective is to connect critical thinking with resourcefulness by analyzing situations and constructing applicable solutions to address economic, environmental, political, and/or social problems in and around the creative and cultural sector. the creative social entrepreneur as ‘personal and social emergence’ a key characteristic of a creative social entrepreneur is their keen interest in and pursuit of opportunities that intersect within hybrid values. they strive to resolve resource constraints through the skill of entrepreneurial bricolage (di domenico et al., 2010) and by coupling and merging their intersecting creative, social, and enterprising values and activities (wells, 2019). the development of an enterprising identity plays a crucial role in the activities, orientation, and operations of the creative social entrepreneur. their belief and values system and the expressions of their individual selves are influenced by their broader surroundings, such as their interactions within the creative and cultural industries, engagement with communities, educational background, and support systems (dimitriadis et al., 2017; nelson et al., 2016; york et al., 2016). the stereotypical expectation to be ‘business-like’ often serves as a hindrance to creative social entrepreneurs and their creative ambitions and social intentions (wells 2019, 2022). thus, it is important to build a curriculum that positions creative practice as a bridge between social venturing and income generation. in curriculum development this theme is shaped by the co-construction and practice of a hybrid entrepreneurial identity, identifying opportunities to embed in communities, and the emergence of a hybrid leadership identity. the program-level learning objective is to apply strategic, creative, and persuasive communication skills across a range of dynamic audience, consumer, and stakeholder contexts, as well as to interpret strengths, challenges, and risks within the ideation process, by utilizing a range of creative methods to strategize and implement feasible ideas in new, emerging, or existing creative and cultural markets. the creative social enterprise as ‘negotiated enterprise’ the best description of creative social enterprise is as the organized form that holds, and potentially protects, the activities of a creative social entrepreneur, team, or group of creative social entrepreneurs. this form can take shape as a project, a start-up, a venture, a business, a portfolio of clients, etc., and it can be formally incorporated or informally organized. creative social enterprise does not have a specific definition due to its adaptability to its hybrid context, which allows creative social entrepreneurs to develop adaptive capacity and strategic innovation skills to meet the needs of their communities (wells, 2015, p. 12). developing a creative social enterprise plays a crucial role in understanding the intersections between “creative production, business innovation, financial sustainability, and social empowerment” (wells, 2015, p. 52). ultimately, the artivate 13 10 value of a creative social enterprise lies in its emergent nature, where enterprise value is connected to “understanding structure, stability, and growth” within and between creative and social values (wells, 2016, p. 13). in curriculum development, this theme is shaped by participation in new creative social venture development; interlinked meaning between creative, social, and enterprise values and practices; negotiated management of hybrid roles and team dynamics; and empowering stakeholder networks. the program-level learning objective is to design a strategic process that communicates their market, leadership, consumer, operational, financial, and innovation knowledge toward the value creation of their creative social enterprise. utilizing this framework, the online certificates in creative social entrepreneurship combine theoretical and empirical perspectives with the development of practical skills and opportunity recognition for application in real life of new social venture issues faced by those establishing and managing creative social innovation driven enterprises. each certificate is designed to expand the entrepreneurial experience, knowledge, and skills of creative practitioners and professionals, both emerging and established, who are currently ideating and building new social ventures in the creative and cultural industries. democratizing education in arts administration: concluding insights the transdisciplinary makeup of the department and its innovative approach to online education offers a unique opportunity for faculty to develop curricular programs alongside their research. this opportunity further contributes to the democratization of arts administration education in distinct ways. firstly, the online learning environment allows students from across the country with diverse backgrounds, and at various stages of their careers, to participate in courses together. this environment significantly expands knowledge development within arts administration, as a particular cohort is widely heterogeneous. secondly, building new curricular programs based on active faculty research allows for current and future-focused innovation to be embedded and taught to contemporary students. information and course content are up-to-date, relevant, adaptable, and extremely timely due to this research-informed and applied theory teaching approach. jaleesa’s research in creative social entrepreneurship is a good example of bridging research with teaching and building educational scope for applied theoretical knowledge. it is at this curricular juncture that the opportunity for cross-institutional partnership development emerged. so, thirdly, the online education approach of the department provides further support for democratizing education by establishing cross-institutional partnerships and making entrepreneurship education accessible to marginalized students who are severely underrepresented in the arts and in arts administration. the artivate 13 11 transdisciplinarity of the curriculum in creative social entrepreneurship catalyzes the opportunity to establish an enterprising culture in the department and in the field of arts administration, which further creates opportunities for finding course developers and instructors outside of the geographic boundaries and who are deeply embedded in, researching, and practicing creative social entrepreneurship themselves. this particularly addresses the issue of program sustainability as the curricular content can be constructed virtually and ‘move’ with a course author. overall, the curricular development creates a more nimble, scalable, and multi-faceted learning environment for students, as well as a research-centered teaching environment for faculty. as highlighted, within higher education the bureaucratic and traditional structures and systems can present obstacles to new approaches and innovations within curricular offerings as well as the development of external partnerships. the onus of curriculum development is mainly rooted in the faculty. faculty are charged with new course and program development as well as modifications to existing curricular offerings. since faculty are primarily siloed within their departments and schools of like-minded and educated peers, building relationships and partnerships outside the norms can be daunting. it is important for administrators to provide incentives (e.g., internal grant funding) in order to encourage faculty to expand their thinking beyond the department and school boundaries. partnerships that have emerged from within the curriculum development of creative social entrepreneurship include the opportunity to partner with offices within the university, such as working with course developers from the arts extension office and the office of commercialization and technology. additionally, there was the opportunity to work across colleges by partnering with our business school at the dean’s level of administration and funding. these partnerships, as mentioned, include the process of negotiating up and across to receive buy-in from the chair, the deans, the offices, and the provost. university administration support is critical to the success of the curricular development and to a much greater process of developing partnerships than what might be expected. in this case, uk’s provost offered an internal funding program to support activities that were “transdisciplinary in nature,” “innovative,” and “collaborative” (uk 2023). at the time of the funding announcement, the department of arts administration was already aware of and contemplating approaches for two matters that had surfaced within our discipline: the lack of social entrepreneurship support and education for artists and the absence of arts administration programs at hbcus. subsequently, the funding call spurred the development of new solutions combining the multiple approaches to create new transdisciplinary outcomes: a creative social entrepreneurship curriculum inclusive of individual courses and certificate programs (undergraduate and graduate), and a pilot partnership program with an hbcu to offer an “add-on” certificate to its arts-practice curriculum. here, the department was proposing the development of a curriculum in the artivate 13 12 “new venture creation” approach (as described above) while simultaneously carrying out the complexities of new venture creation within its own creative venture. the curricular concept of creative social entrepreneurship was developed by jaleesa, a junior faculty member within the department of arts administration who saw the need for the teaching application of her research area. through discussions, what began as one course on the topic grew into a robust certificate offering. jaleesa, as a junior faculty member, did not yet have the experience of managing courses or programs through the curricular approval process—a rather arduous and complicated system with eight levels of review and approval. thus, the first partnership and collaboration began internally between the chair and junior faculty member. the collaboration allowed for mentorship on curriculum development, program delivery considerations, and systems navigation. development of these innovative offerings is structurally complicated—from collaboration with uk institutional offices and staff members to negotiations about course ownership to partnership formation and trust building, and with the logistical delivery of a program across two different universities in two different states. externally, partnerships with institutions outside of the university play a crucial role in meeting the wider impact of curriculum development, which is to nurture entrepreneurial knowledge and skill development in future creative social entrepreneurs. we entered into this initiative without a clear external partnership with an hbcu but understood the wider implications that a lack of entrepreneurship and arts administration education has on the growth, development, and progression of the arts. this is especially true in a time when diversity, equity, accessibility, inclusion, and justice are in constant conversation within and around arts organizations and cultural institutions. but in order to build partnerships, there needs to be cultivation and nurturing of a relationship built on trust and mutually beneficial opportunities. thus far, we have made connections with and are working towards these relationships, finding common ground and meeting needs on both sides. importantly, the responsibility to catalyze and pursue these partnerships is for us to be flexible and adaptable to build relationships and find commonality with our external partners. recommendations and future developments while we have come far in both the curricular and partnership development of our initiative, there is still much to be accomplished and to learn. we have summarized our case into three themed recommendations for moving forward, as shown below. recommendation 1: the transdisciplinary online program development there are several factors that contributed to the curricular program development: (1) the impetus of transforming research into teaching and learning, (2) the transdisciplinary makeup of the department allowing for an enterprising culture to emerge, and (3) the artivate 13 13 robust, dynamic, and established online education approach embedded within the department. the key to leveraging these factors is recognizing the opportunities for curriculum development between them. as such, it is recommended that faculty identify and leverage the opportunities within their departments and across institutions in order to bridge diverse forms of research and learning. utilizing an entrepreneurial approach to course development by listening to and collaborating with a diverse range of faculty members allows for the creation of impactful curricular development beyond the confines of the institution. recommendation 2: partnering within and across the principal institution factors that allowed for partnering across the institution include the forging of relationships in what can be considered more support-based offices. however, we saw these offices as filled with entrepreneurial resources to embed in the creative and cultural industries from dynamic angles, such as accessing an arts extension artists network and utilizing the innovation resources from the office of technology and commercialization. in our case, we also found these partners to be important contributors to the curriculum development as course developers of one or more courses in the certificate programs. thus, it is recommended that curriculum developers consider what is outside of their immediate, academic realm of knowledge and resource development. recommendation 3: partnership development between collaborating institutions factors that created the opportunity for collaboration between institutions stem from the first two mentioned above. the transdisciplinary and online curriculum and the partnering within the university allowed a new door to open and directly address the gap in knowledge that many students of color and marginalized practitioners do not presently receive in their arts education experience. it is here that the impact of merging researchinformed curriculum, an online learning approach, and cross-institutional partnering fuels a drive towards democratized arts administration education. thus, it is recommended to leverage this unique opportunity and to build long-lasting relationships that are mutually beneficial between two or more collaborating institutions. artivate 13 14 references adebayo, a. o., adekoya, a. a., & ayadi, o. f. 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(2022). entrepreneurial hybridity: concept and context in creative and cultural organizations. in m. godwyn (ed.), research handbook on the sociology of organizations (1st ed., vol. 1, pp. 208–220). edward elgar publishing. https://doi.org/10.4337/9781839103261.00020 wooden, g. e. (2016). quantifiable diversity in the arts: how historically black colleges and universities (hbcu) can increase diversity in arts administration [master’s thesis]. goucher college. york, j. g., o’neil, i., & sarasvathy, s. d. (2016). exploring environmental entrepreneurship: identity coupling, venture https://doi.org/10.1080/08985626.2016.1155744 https://doi.org/10.1108/jrme-07-2018-0036 https://doi.org/10.25124/jmi.v21i1.2536 https://doi.org/10.3727/152599523x16830662072107 https://doi.org/10.1108/00400910410569614 https://doi.org/10.1108/00400910010353653 https://digitalcommons.memphis.edu/jaee/vol3/iss2/6 https://doi.org/10.1353/artv.2019.0003 https://strathprints.strath.ac.uk/61553/ https://doi.org/10.48730/kked-c763 https://doi.org/10.48730/kked-c763 https://doi.org/10.4337/9781839103261.00020 artivate 13 16 goals, and stakeholder incentives. journal of management studies, 53(5), 695–737. https://doi.org/10.1111/joms.12198 cover image: photo by vonecia carswell on unsplash, www.unsplash.com/photos/four-person-holding-each-otherswaist-at-daytime-0ammmujiieq https://doi.org/10.1111/joms.12198 http://www.unsplash.com/photos/four-person-holding-each-others-waist-at-daytime-0ammmujiieq http://www.unsplash.com/photos/four-person-holding-each-others-waist-at-daytime-0ammmujiieq introduction entrepreneurship education in the creative and cultural industries arts administration, entrepreneurship, and the arts at hbcus context of online education in the department of arts administration the department of arts administration an autoethnographic case of creative social entrepreneurship curriculum development curricular design and framework the creative and cultural industries as ‘contextual learning’ the creative social entrepreneur as ‘personal and social emergence’ the creative social enterprise as ‘negotiated enterprise’ democratizing education in arts administration: concluding insights recommendations and future developments recommendation 1: the transdisciplinary online program development recommendation 2: partnering within and across the principal institution recommendation 3: partnership development between collaborating institutions vol. 12 2023–2024 book review cases on arts entrepreneurship margaret j. wyszomirski the ohio state university abstract: cases on arts entrepreneurship (tonelli, m., & heise, a. [eds.]. [2023]. cases on arts entrepreneurship. edward elgar publishing) presents a collection of thirteen case studies that will be much appreciated by professors who teach and students who are studying entrepreneurship in the arts. each case study exhibits a similar framework: a descriptive narrative that runs between seven and sixteen pages, including references; teaching notes that include an abstract, learning outcomes, keyword topics, discussion questions, a seventy-five-minute class plan, and supplemental readings (if any). the editors provide a brief introduction to the book’s purpose as well as a seven-page concluding chapter that identifies five themes that emerge across chapters: exposure to the arts at a young age, network and relationship building, kindness and collaboration, financial management, and balancing multiple income streams. keywords: arts entrepreneurship, case studies, arts management, entrepreneurship, arts entrepreneurs. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.12.1.210 cases on arts entrepreneurship presents a collection of thirteen case studies that will be much appreciated by professors who teach and students who are studying entrepreneurship in the arts. editors mark tonelli and andrew heise represent two core disciplinary perspectives on the subject—prof tonelli is an associate professor in the school of music at millikin university and professor heise is an assistant teaching professor in the department of entrepreneurship and management at the henry w. bloch school of management at the university of missouri, kansas city. each case study exhibits a similar framework: a descriptive narrative that runs between seven and sixteen pages, including references; teaching notes that include an abstract, learning outcomes, keyword topics, discussion questions, a seventy-five-minute class plan, and supplemental readings (if any). the editors provide a brief introduction to the book’s purpose as well as a seven-page concluding chapter that identifies five themes that emerge across chapters: exposure to the arts at a young age, network and relationship building, kindness and collaboration, financial management, and balancing multiple income streams. artivate 12 2 the thirteen cases included in this volume examine entrepreneurs across a wide range of artistic disciplines and occupations. six chapters deal with musicians working in a variety of occupations (such as performer, educator, songwriter, recording producer, arts administrator, and social service provider) in various genres and in assorted organizational settings (freelance, ensemble, for-profit business, nonprofit organization, festival, project and/or individual production; chapters 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, and 12). an additional case tracks the career and impact of a self-made contemporary chamber opera impresario (chapter 11). other performing arts cases include a choreographer/dancer motivated by a scarcity of suitable and affordable concert venues who decided to address this need by developing an annual showcase festival benefitting many dance companies (chapter 3). the first of three theater cases examines the career and impact of a theater director who built a career as an institutional entrepreneur aiming to bridge the boundaries between professional commercial theater and amateur academic and community theater to develop a tributary theater system (chapter 5). a second theater case follows a multi-talented dancer, actor, choreographer, and producer who eventually focused on the occupation of makeup designer (chapter 7). a third case looks at a trained actor who undertook a career as a law enforcement professional, then combined these two very different professions to pursue a successful career specializing in portraying policemen and detectives on tv and in film (chapter 13). there is also a visual arts case of two high school friends who developed an interest in pottery-making and decided to create a dual mission enterprise—a coffeehouse and pottery studio (chapter 1). the last case follows a classroom project in which students from design, marketing, videography, photography, arts entrepreneurship, and arts administration worked with a faculty member to create a student consulting venture to provide creative services to community clients (chapter 9). in general, case studies examine real-world phenomena within a set context to determine generalizations, insights, and patterns. these, in turn, support efforts to formulate concepts, construct and test theories, acquire a deeper understanding of a topic, and perhaps deduce knowledge that can be applied to decision-making, educational training, or strategic thinking. the state of research and theorization regarding arts entrepreneurship has not developed to the point where case studies can be used to test theories. but the case studies in this volume add to the literature that will build toward an ability to theorize and conceptualize. these cases of arts entrepreneurship present a mix of description, explanation, and exploration. each focuses on the experience of a single individual (or a small group of individuals) over a lengthy period of time. many cases follow the long career trajectory of its subject. many of the cases focus on career entrepreneurship of a particular creative individual. a few are more focused on the entrepreneurship development of a business venture or an organization. details of the life history and occupational development of each specific artist or venture enrich the descriptiveness of the phenomenon of art artivate 12 3 entrepreneurship as practiced. the behavior, choices, and opportunities of the individual subjects are treated as explanatory evidence of entrepreneurial activity, opportunity awareness, risk-taking, and adaptation that contribute to the subject’s ability to advance, learn, and achieve both artistic and financial rewards. this set of 13 cases reveals both similarities and differences depending on the context of their specific fields, the social and economic circumstances of the time, and the skills and experiences of a particular entrepreneur. together this complement of cases expands the exploration of arts entrepreneurship and contributes to a better understanding of this complex phenomenon. the strength and primary value of cases on arts entrepreneurship are the quality and variety of the cases themselves. also helpful are the teaching notes that accompany each case. however, as someone who has taught classes on arts entrepreneurship, i found some of the class plans likely to require more than seventy-five minutes. the sections that frame the collection—the short introduction to the book and the final chapter identifying common themes—are less well-developed. for example, the theme concerning the balancing of multiple income streams could pay more attention to how income diversity was an outcome of building portfolios of artistic and occupational options, which in turn involved networking and attention to lifelong learning, including the acquisition of financial management skills. the cases provide extensive information about how individual arts entrepreneurs are motivated to find and/or create opportunities both in terms of artistic goals and financial streams. the cases also demonstrate that arts entrepreneurship is a lifelong strategy of sequential as well as consecutive opportunity recognition and development. while the role of happenstance is vividly noticed in the case studies, its relation to the importance of context goes unremarked. some of the particularly well-developed cases—such as diane ragsdale’s study of theater director and producer margo jones, stacey tirro’s study of dancer/choreographer/festival administrator astrid von ussar, and hannah grannemann’s study of opera impresario beth morrison—suggest a particular subset of arts entrepreneurs who have a formative impact on a field as well as their own career. cases in arts entrepreneurship is most likely to be useful as a complement to other books and articles that have tried to further the field by developing frameworks for understanding and studying arts entrepreneurship. it is the integration of conceptualization and case studies that can inform future research, which in turn can facilitate teaching and practicing arts entrepreneurship. cases on arts entrepreneurship has made an important contribution in adding to our knowledge of arts entrepreneurs in a variety of creative settings. vol. 13 2024–2025 arts entrepreneurial work in changing contexts sustaining creative life and work after covid-19 rachel skaggs the ohio state university erin j. hoppe miami university, ohio molly jo burke the ohio state university elizabeth c. cooksey the ohio state university kuo guo zhejiang university abstract: the covid-19 pandemic significantly shifted the context of artistic and creative work, forcing individuals to adapt to wide-reaching changes in the way they operated in both work and life. relying on interviews with data from 66 u.s.-based arts graduates, this article speaks to needs in sustaining creative life and work after the first year of the pandemic. interviewees related that their needs for a sustainable creative work and life were primarily that they needed the social and physical distancing restrictions of the pandemic to end, more time and capacity to be creative, and monetary support. ultimately, we argue that the changing context of the pandemic required substantial entrepreneurial ability toward being adaptable, superseding capacity for creativity during the first year of the pandemic. our findings reflect that when arts entrepreneurs’ self-structured careers required new or intensified effort toward nonarts aspects of their work, their feelings of, or capacity for, creativity may be diminished. keywords: arts entrepreneurship, covid-19, pandemic recovery, artistic careers, creativity, united states, adaptability, non-standard work. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.13.1.185 introduction immediately at the onset of the coronavirus pandemic, the united states’ arts sector and creative industries took a massive hit. though all artists and creative workers were affected in some way, negative impacts of the pandemic were felt differently depending on career stage, arts discipline, and structural position within one’s field. recovery programs artivate 13 2 targeted at artists in the u.s. were initiated at the federal level, but these efforts did little to shift the structural foundations that make artists, who are precariously situated even in the normal course of their work, and did not offer long-term solutions for artists as they looked toward a post-covid future. thus, as arts and creative workers shifted their work and personal lives to accommodate the realities of life during the pandemic, they found themselves dealing with the normal challenges and precarity of creative careers while simultaneously adapting to mandatory governmental, social, and economic changes in how they self-managed their careers. according to established theories, arts entrepreneurship is a way of connecting means and ends mediated through a particular structure (essig, 2015) or a process of “innovative choices and risks intended to recombine resources and pursue new opportunities” (chang and wyszomirski, 2015, p. 11) wherein arts and creative workers create value. arts entrepreneurs are perhaps uniquely positioned to deal with changes, like those brought on by the pandemic, as arts entrepreneurial skills position individuals to apply extant resources and skills toward new, changing opportunities. in this article we rely on evidence from interviews with 66 arts graduates based in the united states to examine the question of what interviewees say they needed to sustain their creative and working lives after the first year of the pandemic. the most frequent responses to this question are examined in this article, with interviewees most frequently stating that addressing the acute challenges of the pandemic and their own capacity to be creative were their greatest needs for sustaining their creative life and work. in their taxonomy of arts entrepreneurship, chang and wyszomirski state that arts entrepreneurship should support arts and creative workers’ “creativity and autonomy,” as well as “advance their capacity for adaptability” (2015, p. 11). however, our findings illustrate some degree of disconnect in arts and creative workers’ capacity to act creativity during a time when they necessarily exercised their capacity for adaptability at an unusually high level. our findings suggest that there are perhaps limits to, or imbalances in, the coupling of these two features, creativity and autonomy with capacity for adaptability, within arts entrepreneurial work as times when mediating structural or contextual change. theoretically, these answers, situated within the context of the pandemic, provide an opportunity to examine important intersections of concepts within arts entrepreneurship theory. practically, these findings reflect that in self-structured portfolio careers, periods of new or increased effort toward addressing the non-arts aspects of work contribute to arts entrepreneurs not having sufficient capacity for, time for, or feelings of creativity. background and literature review theoretical understandings of the work arrangements and affordances for arts entrepreneurs highlight the inherent flexibility of this kind of non-standard work. in the gig work and portfolio careers that characterize much of the arts and creative industries, workers are responsible for finding and piecing together opportunities to financially and creatively artivate 13 3 sustain themselves (lingo and tepper, 2013; wyszomirski and chang, 2017). for some artists and creative workers, the flexibility afforded by entrepreneurial, self-structured work arrangements can be adaptive and support the development of a strong career. however, for many workers the complexities and challenges of self-structured working arrangements makes work in the arts and creative industries ambiguous, unstable, and even untenable. all working arrangements have become more precarious and more flexible in the neoliberal era that began in the late 1980s; even employees of large organizations find themselves in work arrangements that leverage increased flexibility to the benefit of employers while shifting the risk of market conditions onto workers (cornfield, campbell, and mccammon, 2001; smith, 1997; kalleberg, 2011). because of such society-level shifts toward a more precarious world of work, all workers, even organizational employees, are subject to frequent job changes, often due to organizational changes (smith, 2001) and weak internal labor markets (cappelli, 2001). for this reason, it is not only self-employed workers and freelancers in arts-based work who can be thought of as arts entrepreneurs. even arts and creative workers who are employed in organizations are still subject to the multiple job holding, side-work outside of their primary job, portfolio careers, and other precarious situations (menger, 1999; throsby and zednik, 2011). in effect, the majority of arts and creative workers are free agents who hold a series of shortand medium-term contracts or shortand medium-term relationships with employers or clients. the arts entrepreneurship perspective is to some degree situated within and in response to a broader understanding of precarious work, so these free agentic working arrangements fit well within conventional understandings of arts, creative, or cultural entrepreneurs as freelancers, gig workers, self-employed workers, and business owners (see, e.g., khlystova et al., 2022; wyszomirski and chang, 2017; frenette et al., 2018; woronkowicz and noonan, 2019). as such, understandings of arts entrepreneurship position the concept as a mechanism for understanding how artists and creative workers can self-manage their careers. pre-covid understanding of creative work and arts entrepreneurship in the united states before the covid-19 pandemic, scholars had considered myriad uncertainties and inequities impacting artistic and creative careers. there is some degree of consensus regarding the resources that artists need in their career paths, including education and training, financial security and monetary support, and social ties to others in artistic occupational communities (menger, 1999; lingo and tepper, 2013; menger, 2006). most directly, the strategic national arts alumni project (snaap) survey asks arts alumni currently working in the arts what resources they need in their careers but lack. reports from these data show that resources artists lack for their careers are, in descending order of reported prevalence, publicity and recognition of their work (26%), networks (18%), business advising (16%), loans (15%), studio space (11%), equipment (9%), and performance space artivate 13 4 (5%) (skaggs et al., 2017) broadly, these responses indicate the importance of having a strong community of colleagues and audiences through publicity and recognition of their work and networks (44%), business and financial resources through business advising and loans (31%), and the space and equipment to do their work (25%). given this body of research, relevant to an arts entrepreneur’s ability to be adaptable throughout the course of a career, there exists a strong understanding of the structures that support and impede artistic and creative careers. outside of the structures and resources that arts entrepreneurs need for career maintenance, there are likewise entrepreneurial practices that scholars have shown to be important for arts entrepreneurs. the arts entrepreneurial mindset is increasingly emphasized by scholars, especially the necessity of including it in collegiate education for artists and creative workers (chang and wyszomirski, 2015) to promote strong, sustainable careers for arts and creative workers. the entrepreneurial mindset is not only about new venture creation; rather it reflects understandings that entrepreneurial learning leads to broadly applicable competencies (toscher, 2019) that can be used in a variety of work arrangements. when combined with entrepreneurial skills, an entrepreneurial mindset can help generate financial means to support creative work (beckman and essig, 2012). however, while many artists and creative workers realize the necessity to learn entrepreneurial skills after they start their business (welsh. et al., 2014), there is a significant entrepreneurial skill gap across cohorts of u.s. arts graduates (skaggs et. al, 2017). for those who do learn entrepreneurial skills, it is importantly known to be a “practice of self-preservation” that helps them to maintain creativity and autonomy in their artistic work (robinson and novak-leonard, 2021, p. 17). thus, research supports the idea that career skills, which might allow an arts entrepreneur to be adaptable, are related to and support the creative aspects of arts entrepreneurial work. in addition to needed resources, skills, and entrepreneurial mindset, arts and creative workers presumably need creativity. in the united states, individuals think of creativity more broadly than only in terms of the arts, and there are enduring connections between the conception of creativity and art (novak-leonard, skaggs, and robinson, 2022). entrepreneurial artists do see themselves as creative, and their understanding of their own creativity crosses domains within and beyond their artistic practice, extending from the individual into the community (robinson and novak-leonard, 2021). creativity is as much a social process as an individual one (godart et al., 2020; wohl, 2021). context, whether defined as creative places, creative groups, or creative eras (e.g., farrell, 2001; frenette, 2019; peterson and berger, 1975), shapes how creativity happens and what emerges from individual and collective creative processes. covid-19’s impact on arts and creative workers in the united states according to florida and seman (2020), the impact of covid-19 to the american creative economy was devastating. analyses in their report showed an estimated loss of 30% of all jobs and 15% of total monthly wages among those in creative occupations. among the artivate 13 5 more than 10,000 artists who responded to the americans for the arts’ (2020) covid survey, 31% were working in a non-creative job in addition to their work in the arts, almost half had been furloughed or laid off, and 80% reported a decline in revenue-generating creative productivity. given that the arts and creative industries account for 4.5% of the united states’ gdp and 3.4% of the total workforce, sector-wide impacts of the pandemic are reflected in cancelled events, monetary loss, venue and organizational closures, and loss of jobs, gigs, and working hours (guibert and hyde, 2021; noonan, 2020). the pandemic’s effects on the united states’ artists and creative industry workers were immediate, but its fallout continues. throughout this time period, questions of how artists could sustain their work and identity emerged, including what a sustainable career might mean for artists during the pandemic. sustainability might include things like a regular income, a physical place to do work, capacity to do work, affected by mental health, emotional health, time, and support for artistic identity (caust, 2021). entrepreneurs’ identities are constructed to suit their cultural conditions or situations (ratten, 2020), so it is likely that individuals would find that their artistic identity was challenged during the massive period of change brought on by the pandemic. the effects of covid-19 created dissonance between how many artists viewed their role, purpose, and reality. closures, social distancing, financial struggles, and physical and mental health concerns all impacted the status quo that shape artist identities, sometimes leading to identity crises, that is, uncertainty about themselves and their roles (szostak and sulkowski, 2021). these massive cultural and economic shifts forced artists and arts organizations to adopt significant, recurring adjustments that changed repeatedly as understandings of the severity and nature of the pandemic changed. in response, some artists and creative workers acquired new skills in order to adapt and maintain the careers they had already built before the pandemic (sargent, 2021; skaggs, hoppe, and burke, 2021). in short, arts and creative workers during the pandemic had to exercise their capacity to adapt to new circumstances. the arts and creative industries are notably social in nature, with informal connectivity, collaboration, and relationships structuring much of the creation, production, and distribution of art (e.g., menger, 1999; hesmondhalgh and baker, 2010). in addition to the direct labor and economic impacts of the pandemic, lockdowns, and social distancing, the structural underpinnings of daily life were significantly disrupted during the pandemic. closures of schools, daycares, and adult care facilities shifted care work increasingly into the home and predominantly onto women, lowering women’s labor force participation relative to men in the u.s. and europe (collins et al., 2021; bariola and collins, 2021; feng and savani, 2020) for both artists and non-artists. the social world of artists during the pandemic shifted to online spaces and away from typical modes of creating, selling, performing, and engaging in the artistic work and arts participation (buchholz, fine, and wohl, 2020; dowd, tai, and zaras, 2023). this shift in particular increased the need for technological and digital skills, which were necessary in adapting to life and work that was increasingly mediated by digital technologies (belfiore and lee, 2020; skaggs, novakartivate 13 6 leonard, and barbee, 2024). these shifts, including moving businesses, classes, and exhibitions or performances online were a heavy lift, requiring significant time, effort, and increased resources given to acquiring new technology and digital skills to adapt to an era of primarily online work. despite the overwhelming challenges of the pandemic for the arts and creative industries, some question if covid-19 presented a moment of exogenous crisis or simply an exposure of the cracks and inequities that characterize business as usual in the business of art (comunian and england, 2020). even in normal times, let alone during crises, artists and creative workers find themselves in labor markets that place them in a challenging position of balancing passion with the constraints of a precarious structure (frenette, 2016; paulsen, 2021; rosenstein et al., 2013, woronkowicz, 2015). the covid-19 pandemic significantly shifted the context of the already precarious world of artistic and creative work, forcing individuals to adapt to wide-reaching changes in the way they operated in both work and life. when we say “context” throughout this article, we follow established writing in arts entrepreneurship theory that seeks to define the pathways that arts entrepreneurs use to connect their work to clients, audiences, employers, and other supporters. chang and wyszomirski’s (2015) definition of context falls within what they call “external environments”, which include arts fields, regions and locales, organizations, and businesses (p. 25). linda essig’s (2015) conception of “mediating structures” is similar and includes firms and artist collectives (p. 242), and wyszomirski and chang (2017) call these sorts of organizations, networks, and conventions in artistic and creative professions the “established professional support structure” (2017, p. 3). by these definitions, the context of arts entrepreneurial work during the pandemic was significantly altered, with organizations shuttered, events cancelled, employment and contracts lost, and both spontaneous and routine gatherings with colleagues stopped. the context of these sweeping changes leads us to ask whether and how the changing context of this period shaped how arts entrepreneurs working within this context envision the sustainability and future of their careers. within an understanding of arts entrepreneurial theory, we posit that the sweeping changes in context during the pandemic impacted other aspects of the definitional framework of arts entrepreneurship outlined by chang and wyszomirski (2015): arts and creative workers’ ability to be adaptable, their capacity to be creative, and their perception of their ability to create economic value in their work. data and methods to understand artists and creative workers’ ability to be adaptable and to be creative, given the altered context presented to them in the first year of the pandemic, we draw on qualitative data from sixty-six in-depth semi-structured interviews with arts graduates during the first year of the covid-19 pandemic. we conducted recorded interviews on zoom with verbal consent from participants and transcribed them verbatim in accordance with this project’s irb agreement. interviews lasted on average 56.14 minutes. artivate 13 7 interviewees were solicited from social media posts and university alumni listservs, leading to a sample of u.s.-based arts alumni from a broad range of ages and disciplinary backgrounds. select socio-demographic characteristics are presented in table 1. this convenience sample is not representative of u.s. arts entrepreneurs or even of u.s. arts graduates and is thus limited, but the individuals interviewed do approximate much of the sociodemographic profile of respondents of the 2017 strategic national arts alumni project (snaap) surveys (see, frenette et.al., 2018). as a group, this sample of artists is more homogenous than the wider u.s. population in terms of racial and ethnic background (national endowment for the arts, 2019). our sample is also more educated than artists as a wider occupational group, with all interviewees holding at least a bachelor’s degree due to the research project’s focus on arts graduates. in addition to the socio-demographics of our sample presented in table 1, our interviewees were engaged in a wide array of artistic practice, including visual arts (31%), performing arts (41%), media arts (11%), arts administration, education, or history (13%), and architecture or design (3%). forty-five percent of interviewees had a multi-disciplinary artistic practice, reflecting extant quantitative research about arts graduates (frenette et.al., 2018). we use these occupational categories to align our work with snaap since our sample deals specifically with collegiate arts graduates; this methodological alignment is thus limited in scope related to the complexity of arts entrepreneurs currently working in the u.s. creative sector. our findings should therefore be evaluated with this in mind and are likely to err on the conservative side in terms of the impact that the pandemic and other challenges have had on more precariously situated arts and creative industry workers. we recruited and interviewed these arts graduates as individuals, not as members of any specific organization or profession. only a small minority were organizational employees whose work and creative life were fully supported by that organization. as such, essentially all interviewees fit the description of someone with a portfolio career. in having a portfolio career, characterized by free agency and self-structuring, they had to manage their approach to dealing with the pandemic mostly on their own. even employees had to interpret and adapt to their organizations’ pandemic policies in flexible ways that worked for their specific work and home situation. as discussed above, the dynamics of precarity that structure arts and creative labor markets push most all arts workers, whether employed or self-employed, to adopt arts entrepreneurial practices. for this reason, despite some heterogeneity in the primary employment arrangement of these interviewees, conceptually their work and careers are unfolding within the realm of arts entrepreneurship. artivate 13 8 table 1: sociodemographic characteristics of interviewees (n=66) x̅ p̂ interview length1 56.14 age2 43.06 race/ethnicity white 86% black 2% hispanic 3% asian 3% multiracial 6% all non-white 14% gender male 44% female 47% nonbinary or genderfluid 9% identifies as lgbtq+ 15% identifies as disabled 21% marital status married/partnered 54% single 46% number of children 0.79 highest degree earned bachelor 32% master 59% doctoral 9% 1 measured in minutes 2 measured in years to analyze our interview data, we followed a flexible coding procedure (deterding and waters, 2018). first, we index coded the interviews to link key research questions with interviewees’ answers. the index code of particular interest in this analysis is linked to the penultimate question asked of interviewees: “what do you need to help sustain your creative life and work now and in the future?” index coding reduced the total corpus of data germane to this research question down to 57 single-spaced pages of relevant artivate 13 9 responses from 53 interviewees, with answers varying in length from a few short sentences to multi-page elaborations. we then applied analytic codes within this index code to define the patterned variations in artists’ answers to this particular question. the analytic codes that emerged during this process were: monetary support (16), covid (18), and sustaining creativity and time for creativity (30). table 2 shows the distribution of codes across answers, including the frequency of specific patterns of overlapping codes. codes are not mutually exclusive, and it was common for single respondents’ answers to be coded as including more than one code. additionally, codes that were present but infrequently included: lack of job-seeking training, versatility toward future trends, mental health, and mentorship. together, these analytic codes structure the arc of the findings section in this paper and contribute to constructing an emergent understanding of what arts graduates say they need as they enter a postcovid future. any personally identifying details have been obscured within quotes and descriptions to ensure interviewees cannot be identified. table 2: analytic code combinations and frequencies across responses code frequency monetary support 3 monetary support + covid 3 monetary support + creativity and time 9 covid 11 covid + creativity and time 3 creativity and time 17 monetary support + covid + creativity and time 1 none 6 total 53 findings in their influential 2015 article in artivate, chang and wyszomirski’s definition of arts entrepreneurship is: “arts entrepreneurship is a management process through which cultural workers seek to support their creativity and autonomy, advance their capacity for adaptability, and create artistic as well as economic and social value” (p. 11). in our findings, we elaborate upon the three analytic codes that were most frequent in our analyses of 66 interviews with arts graduates asking them what they need to sustain their working and creative lives. while not an exact match to chang and wyszomirski’s definition, the three most frequent analytic codes in our research broadly map onto the three parts of the definition: monetary support (create value), covid (advance adaptability), and artivate 13 10 creativity (support creativity and autonomy). prior findings from our team’s research, reported by [blinded] in 2021, indicated that arts graduates during covid-19 had significant needs in terms of access to social networks of audiences or collaborators, business advice and accurate information about how to do their work during the pandemic, and access to space and equipment to do their work effectively (skaggs, burke, and hoppe, 2021). the interviewees also noted that they did lack some skills that were necessary for successfully navigating their work during the pandemic, notably technological and collaborative work (skaggs, hoppe, and burke, 2021) and lacked or had mixed-access to opportunities for building and sustaining social capital in their careers (skaggs, 2024). across all of our interviews, arts graduates discussed the ways that they adapted to the changes brought on by the pandemic, such as moving their classes online, setting up a home office or home studio that meets the basic work needs, and cancelling or postponing work that could not take place safely (skaggs, hoppe, and burke, 2022). the concerns outlined here suggest that some interviewees found limits to how adaptable they could be— without vaccines and access to physical spaces and communities, they felt stuck. these individuals took on significant amounts of labor and expended considerable personal and professional resources to adapt their work to the constraints of the pandemic. we now turn to the focal empirical and theoretical concerns of this paper. at the end of our interview with each arts graduate, we asked what they needed to sustain their creative life and work after the onset of the pandemic. our coding process identified widespread concerns about the pandemic itself and about needs for the time and capacity to be creative. another concern was aimed at acquiring monetary support to reduce precarity in their careers, an ongoing and well-documented need among arts and creative workers that predates the pandemic but gives credence to the idea that the pandemic further exposed cracks in the arts and creative labor market, particularly in the limits to arts entrepreneurs in accessing or actualizing economic value. in alignment with our theoretical framework and toward elaborating a more nuanced theory about the relationship between adaptability and creativity among arts entrepreneurs, we focus now on how arts graduate interviewees conceptualized their concerns about the pandemic and about their ability to be creative. monetary support despite a focus on the potential continuing impact of the pandemic on their creative lives and work, artists highlighted the outsized impact money and economic precarity had on their potential for sustaining their creative life and work. thirty percent of interviewees (16) noted such structures of economic precarity, most often citing the need for financial support or stability in earnings for artistic work. in reference to income and finances in exchange for artistic work, a 33-year-old visual artist said: “there’s no real support so you can’t continue to build your studio because you don’t have the money to do it. you can’t continue to make the artwork that you want to make because you can’t afford to buy the artivate 13 11 materials that you want.” he went on to say, “having those opportunities is probably the thing that i see affecting my careers and artists, the most. if those kind of pick up, if i don’t start seeing more opportunities show up on the internet and all these kind of application websites—then, you know, the career as an artist is still going to continue slowly.” a 32-year-old musician said: “i would like to be like as financially stable as possible.” she continued, adding, “i like to have a good work situation so that i can do my art, because obviously, you know, what i do unfortunately doesn’t pay much. like performance, if i could, i would just perform for a living and play all the music i love and care about and make my living that way but that’s not really possible.” also thoughtful about the financial system that underlies work in the arts, a 45-yearold glass artist said, “you know, how much do you make an hour? i don’t respond to that. i don’t make anything an hour. i donate an hour of my life. so, time is the only thing we have, you know . . . as i’ve kind of reached the nexus of my life at this point and it sucks because it’s really hard not to dive into the bottle of whiskey or you know, and just try to drown out these thoughts because it’s stifling at this point in my career, you know. you’re at your mid-career and you’re having to start all over again, and i just don’t know.” these representative responses from artists show how artists process their need for monetary stability and support as being central to making their art, having good career opportunities, and being able to sustain a career that has been developed over their working lives. considerations about monetary support are primarily focused on earned income, but other artists were insistent that their needs for the future included external support from the government or from grantors to support their artistic work and organizations. one interviewee, a nonbinary photographer in their 20s, said that what they needed for a strong future is simple: financial support. they were frank, stating, “the easiest thing would be like more money from the government.” a 23-year-old arts administrator said that she anticipated a number of local arts nonprofits dissolving over the next few years and that government or local monetary support would be needed to stop these organizations from folding. speaking to the ongoing issue of procuring grants, work, and clients within a portfolio career, a choreographer in her late 40s found financial support to be the most important thing she required for the future of her creative life and work. she replied to the question about what she needed, saying, “money. any funding. the time and energy wasted on grants that i don’t get or awards i don’t get or jobs i don’t get, you know piecing together essentially a minimum wage salary each year. it’s piecing together $1,500 to $2,000 at a time, and i’m tired of having, you know, eight contracts and keeping track of eight different contracts. so, like this is the system needs to change to really support this work.” other supports that artists needed were, most notably, business advice and mentoring to support their continued artistic work. these needs were often paired with hopes for a stronger economic future. for instance, a fifty-two-year-old dancer and choreographer had been working with a business coach but said, “i feel like i definitely need that support, but i can only sustain paying her for so long because i don’t have enough income artivate 13 12 coming in, and my credit cards can only sustain me for so long.” she felt that she was in a “chicken-and-egg” situation, saying, “if i could make enough money, and then i could be in my own space . . . and then if i could hire the proper marketing people who could really help push me and put me in front of audiences and help me look good and have the right audio.” exasperated, she said, “it’s almost like a whole other profession.” it is clear that this artist needed support so that the administrative and business side of her work does not eclipse her ability to make and perform art. covid-19 concerns not surprisingly, covid-19 was a top concern for many arts and creative workers in considering what they needed to sustain their creative life. of the fifty-three respondents who answered the question of what they needed to sustain their creative life and work in the future, 34% of respondents (18) spoke of the impact that they perceived the pandemic would have moving forward from the time of our interview. responses, though united by their attention to covid-related themes, expressed concerns stemming from the virus itself and vaccine uptake, the need to return to collaborative work or in-person spaces with audiences, and general worries about long-lasting changes brought on or accelerated by covid. these responses were primarily centered around needs for either community or space. both themes were linked to fears about physical health and safety, and many people expressed hope that vaccines might solve this problem.1 illustrating the contours of the changing context and external environment of u.s.-based arts and creative work during the first year of the pandemic, it is clear that access to opportunities, spaces, and networks was limited, vastly altering the context within which the entrepreneurial action occurs. vaccines were mentioned primarily in relation to the performing arts where they were viewed as essential to gathering audiences again or shifting back to in-person performances and exhibitions of artistic work. given the timing of our interviews, between november 2020 and march 2021, when vaccines were available to some individuals based on age and health status though not yet available to the general adult public in the united states, it is unsurprising that vaccines were top of mind. expressing the centrality of the vaccine to a post-covid future, a forty-five-year-old woman who is in the performing arts and music education said of what she needs to support her creative and artistic future: “there’s nothing. aside from a vaccine.” some covid-related concerns centered around a return to working collaboratively with peers and colleagues. an arts educator in his forties held similar sentiments, saying, “all i could do at this point is just hope that they get the vaccine and that this virus eventually goes away and things will go back to normal.” a female arts administrator in her fifties whose optimism toward the future relies on an efficacious vaccine reported, “well i’m super excited about the vaccine. i’m super 1 these interviews were collected between november 2020 and march 2021, before the vaccine was widely available for all americans. interviewee outlook and hopefulness was somewhat different depending on whether they were interviewed before the vaccine rollout began. artivate 13 13 optimistic that if they can get it rolled out that we can resume some kind of normalcy. i would, you know, be right up there first in line to start supporting some of the arts organizations that are coming back and the students who want to be on campus.” relatedly, the future of audiences gathering to re-engage in arts participation was top of people’s minds, particularly for performing artists. other responses directly invoked a loss of the physical space needed to do work and concerns about the future implications of a move to digitally mediated work, art and interactions with others. “a lot of [the] time my apartment feels more like a prison,” said the arts educator quoted above. a classical musician in his twenties reported that he “just need[s] space again, like in whether it’s physical space or just something. i just need some place somewhere to do something that’s not my apartment. i’ve occasionally done recording projects with friends like virtually, but that’s, i mean, it’s a little bit unfulfilling.” just as pre-covid arts alumni said that space for creating and performing art was not as readily available as needed, artists looking toward a post-covid future also expressed the need to access and inhabit physical spaces and social communities outside of the home. both vaccine uptake and the need for access to physical spaces for making, performing, and gathering were rhetorically linked to normalcy in the context of access to audiences, collaborators, and spaces where they would typically create, perform, teach, or administer arts and creative work. in the dramatically altered day-to-day context of the covid-19 pandemic, the loss of access to social and professional networks, audiences, studio space, performance space, and events cut arts and creative workers off from people, spaces, and situations that previously structured their work and access to opportunities for future work. despite having emerging or established careers and college degrees in the arts, their previous repertoire of strategies and tactics were not appropriate for the altered context of the pandemic. this limitation spurred considerable efforts toward adapting work to the realities of the pandemic. the considerations needed to create, produce, and share artistic work when social and physical distancing were required necessitated adaptations to business and creative practices (e.g., creating and marketing online classes to new audiences; staging zoom theatre productions and rehearsing online; working with students in new digital modalities). despite this effort to adapt, many of our interviewees had essentially hit a limit of how much they could adapt in the moment without access to the ability to gather with others in shared spaces. creativity and time thirty interviewees (57%) spoke of the need for pathways toward sustaining their creativity and making time for their art in the future. creativity and expression were themes present in several artists’ responses. a painter in her fifties said, “i think to sustain my career i need new and different discoveries that sharpen my senses and just make me awe inspired. and that’s what i try and do with my work, so i have those experiences and i try to capture [them].” likewise, a writer and editor in her fifties found that throughout the artivate 13 14 pandemic she had “a low motivation problem for a while, because everything just seemed so devastating. and i think that’s where the mental health component was coming in. but then i had this shift where i realized that when i started reading again, and when i started enjoying words again, that i realized, ‘oh, this is how i’m going to sustain my motivation.’ by giving myself this gift of sitting down and writing, or reading, or researching, or interviewing or pre-interviewing people. like, that’s where the joy comes back.” discovery, creativity, and motivation are invoked by these interviewees. more broadly, responses indicated a true deficit of creativity during the pandemic that, without substantial effort, they worried may continue into the future. related to creativity itself, numerous interviewees forwarded time and routine as an essential resource that they need in support of their future artistic work. a non-binary dance artist in their twenties said, “that would be helpful if i could just like have more time to like to think creatively. because right now it’s really just in the evenings and weekends.” a performance artist in his sixties hoped, “certainly, getting back into some kind of performance routine so that i can practice the art that i’ve been studying all my life.” a twenty-nine-year-old arts educator and fiber artist found that working from home got in the way of having a well-structured routine for work, artmaking, and non-work time. she answered, “i think i just need for myself to be a better manager of time and to be able to really have those hard stops of, like, i’m going to work from 8:00 to 2:30 today. and then i’m going to just close my computer, and i’m going to do something else . . . just like pick up my crochet hook and crochet something without thinking about my business, without thinking about anything else.” one visual artist and educator in his thirties who had taken on a primary caregiver role for his children during the pandemic replied, “the biggest thing is still time.” he found that he did not have enough time to engage in his personal artistic practice while focusing on domestic caregiving, teaching, and supporting his arts students. a performing artist in his mid-thirties said, “for me, i think for future creativity i need to be better about setting up my life in a way that allows me to be creative without too many barriers. and it’s possible . . . with this experience, i definitely feel like i have the ability now to create a workflow and like a schedule that is realistic.” workflow, time, and scheduling were impeded for many artists based on their numerous, sometimes conflicting commitments, exacerbated during the pandemic’s erratic lockdown and work-fromhome phases in the u.s. a musician in his late sixties spoke of his creative work and generating new ideas being stymied by the lack of community and exposure to other artists and their ideas. he said, “i want to sustain it,” and continued by clarifying, “i need to get out and talk and listen to other people . . . without that resource, things kind of fall flat.” a thirty-eight-year-old arts administrator said she was secure in her career’s financial structures but found that her creativity had suffered during the pandemic; she felt “selfish in a way” when taking the time that she needed to be creative. she continued, “to be honest, it’s like i have to make myself bored of regular home stuff before i can get into the zone of making art.” finally, she said that in terms of what she required to be able to sustain a future of creative artivate 13 15 work and life, her ultimate needs are “having the time and not worry about like these other, you know, maslow needs.” the invocation of maslow’s hierarchy of needs shows an understanding that, like numerous other artist interviewees, her needs to make a living with her art and care for her personal and family needs leaves her feeling guilty if she takes the time needed to really get “into the zone of making art.” as respondents noted, they experienced the need for time to be creative, even as they were given significant free time through the various lockdowns, time gained from not commuting to work and the pause on events and social gathering. at first glance, this seems to be a paradox. however, the context within which these interviewees were working and living shifted dramatically during the pandemic. just as concerns with adapting to the pandemic stemmed from the lack of access to normal organizing structures (e.g., social relationships with peers and colleagues, audiences, spaces for creating and performing, and events), so too did lack of creativity appear to be tied to the loss of these normal organizing structures. additionally, the contextual loss of structure, either as routine, project-oriented goals, or general normalcy, created a mental block for many individuals, weakening their ability to be creative. co-occurring themes the occurrence of the three themes outlined above were not mutually exclusive. one response directly cited links to all three themes: the pandemic, monetary support, and the intersections of time and creativity. a theatre and music artist in his thirties said: i think i just need the unemployment check [to] keep coming in. and i think i’ve sort of found a routine where i can kind of feel like i can be creative and feel like i can produce art. whether or not anyone will hear it, i don’t know, and maybe that doesn’t matter, you know, at the end of the day; maybe it’s enough to just write something and have it be there. i think that, in terms of when this is all over, it’s really just about getting people to go to [the] theater again. i don’t know, that’s sort of like a magic, like kind of thing to say. i don’t know that there’s one sort of simple [fix] like a vaccine. i mean, that’s a great start, but i don’t know. even if we’re all vaccinated by august [or] july, are people going to want to sit in a crowded theater? while some artists’ responses did focus on at least one of the issues detailed above, there was some degree of co-occurrence of the themes in other answers. of responses that invoked more than one of these themes, the most common combination was monetary support with creativity and time (9). the same number of artists’ answers dealt with monetary support and covid (3) and with covid alongside creativity and time (3). in addition to the clear importance or salience of issues related to the covid-19 pandemic, financial support, and creativity, other less-frequent themes came through in the interviews. four artists spoke of needing to be adaptable, learn new skills, or job training. two artists brought up specific mental health concerns at this point in the interview, artivate 13 16 suggesting that mental health and wellness, whether directly related to the pandemic or not, is a relevant issue of concern in artists’ continuing creative life and work.2 lastly, two artists spoke of needing community for their work, one invoking the need for mentorship and one saying that they required a network. discussion following the call within the existing literature to use the arts entrepreneurship taxonomy as a way to identify relevant variables toward building models to better understand arts entrepreneurship (chang and wyszomirski, 2015), this article investigates how massive shifts in one variable (context) during the covid-19 pandemic impacted other aspects of their creative life and work. our findings indicate that within the arts entrepreneurial framework, changing contexts have sweeping implications for arts entrepreneurs, potentially impacting their ability to be creative and their capacity to adapt. necessarily, a contextual change requires adapting, and it seems that, at least in this case, the significant energies were spent adapting rather than on being creative or making time for creative work. perhaps in time periods with less change individual arts entrepreneurs might better balance their creativity and adaptability. these findings suggest that adaptability and creativity are not necessarily equally available and that situations that require significant adaptability may inhibit creativity or at least perceived capacity for creativity. given the effort needed to acquire needed skills and resources to adapt to the demands of working during the pandemic, it is not surprising that these interviewees would feel that they had less time and capacity to be creative. in particular, this finding is perhaps unsurprising given their lack of access to the structures that had previously scaffolded and supported their work (e.g., social networks, events, jobs and contracts). within essig’s (2015) conception of entrepreneurial action as connecting means to ends, it would seem that these u.s.-based arts graduate interviewees marshalled their means toward the ends of adapting to the massive changes of the pandemic. instead of being able to balance capacity for creativity and adaptability to incremental or minor changes, interviewees had to devote time to understanding a quickly-changing context and make decisions about how to respond to the changes. despite the clear importance or salience of issues related to the covid-19 pandemic, financial support, and issues relating to creativity, other less-frequent themes came through in the interviews. in this analysis, we discuss concerns about the covid pandemic in relation to the stress of adapting to new circumstances. it is worth mentioning that an additional four interviewees spoke of needing to be adaptable outside of the context of the pandemic, for example, through learning new skills or job training. further, two participants brought up specific mental health concerns, suggesting that mental health and 2 only two interviewees talked about mental health and well-being as what they needed to sustain their creative and working lives after the first year of the pandemic, which is the primary framework of this aspect of our research. to be clear, mental health and well-being were larger themes throughout the interviews and are not theorized as a primary aspect of this article. artivate 13 17 wellness, whether directly related to the pandemic or not, are a relevant issue of concern in artists’ continuing creative life and work. lastly, two interviewees spoke of needing community for their work, one invoking the need for mentorship and one saying that they required a network. each of these categories is likely relevant for further research in relation to arts entrepreneurship but is outside of the scope of the current study. our findings suggest that concerns around the pandemic and concerns in terms of time and capacity to be creative are illustrative of the connections between arts entrepreneurship, creativity, and adaptability in changing contexts. though the focus of these interviewees’ responses was distinctly on either covidspecific concerns or the loss of time and capacity for creativity (indeed, only four responses invoked both of these concerns within their answer), the same contextual changes led to both concerns. it is possible that the need for additional time and capacity for creativity could have also been a concern prior to the beginning of the pandemic; however, the specificity of responses related this concern to structural and relational changes in interviewees’ professional and personal lives due to, and during, the pandemic, which suggests that this concern was linked to the pandemic. conclusion this research highlights needs that artists expressed toward supporting their creative life and work after the first year of the pandemic and theoretically ties them to the changing context of the pandemic. our findings imply that access to, or capacity for, creativity are limited when work activities are especially taxing in other areas. while the pandemic was the cause of the changed context, instrumentally the new context for arts and creative work was characterized by the consequences of the pandemic: a lack of access to networks, spaces, events, and routines that previously structured artistic and creative work. in the absence of these structures, time and capacity for creativity was reduced due to increased time and effort spent on adapting to the new context. it is no surprise that artists and creative workers wished for a vaccinated future without lockdowns and social distancing. fulfilling immediate physical safety needs would promote reconnection with others through collaboration, co-presence in artistic spaces and at arts events, and allow for social and economic benefits to grow across artistic communities. while artists and creative workers have found numerous ways to shift their efforts into digital spaces, reconnecting in physical venues and in-person communities remains important to artists. since this phase of our research concluded in 2021, there was a slow trickle of rescheduled arts events and reopened venues, and in subsequent years there has been a return to and creation of what some would call a “new normal”. despite hopes or insistences that the pandemic is over, the threat of new variants, regional variations in vaccine access and hesitancy, along with recurring periodic resurgences of the virus (sargent, 2021) make interviewees’ concerns about covid and a rebounding of the art world a current concern, not just one that was left behind in 2020 or 2021. future research should continue to monitor the lingering impacts of the pandemic on artists and artivate 13 18 creative workers after the urgency of a need for the vaccine has passed and should address some of this study’s limitations (e.g., by recruiting a sample that more closely matches the sociodemographic and educational characteristics of the american workforce). many study participants reported that they need time and mental space to be creative during the early onset of the pandemic. still more felt that they just were not able to be creative in the ways or to the extent that they would like. solutions for supporting and cultivating creativity, time for creative thought and practice, and routine are not easy to identify. how should policymakers and other arts advocates solve a systematic need for more time and space to think and create? in short, this expressed need is likely intimately tied to structural concerns that shape arts entrepreneurial work. within the u.s. arts and creative ecosystem, the public is more supportive of artists self-funding their own work than they are of other pathways to funding, including public funding (novak-leonard and skaggs, 2021). while it is easy to take a cynical view of this support for individualism over public support for artists, support for self-funding, that is, an arts entrepreneurship-focused approach might provide an opportunity for tailoring efforts toward improving structural support for arts entrepreneurs, aligned with other small business venture investments, in the united states. the complexity and intensity of self-structuring a career consumes the time and mental space that might be fruitfully used for creative practice, so efforts made to support individuals in such careers could hold potential. similarities between existing research from before the pandemic and our own emphasize that the difficulties experienced by arts and creative workers during the first year of the pandemic were stacked on an already precarious, unstable, and inequitable context within which arts and creative careers unfold. given the knowledge that essentially all arts and creative workers exist within a precarious structure, working to address the structural issues that require individuals to be adaptable to near constant changes in the context of their work is 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(2019). “entrepreneurial learning in arts entrepreneurship education: a conceptual framework.” artivate 8(1), 3–22. welsh, d. h. b., onishi, t., dehoog, r. h., & syed, s. (2014). “responding to the needs and challenges of arts entrepreneurs: an exploratory study of arts entrepreneurship in north carolina higher education.” artivate 3(2), 21–37. wohl, h. (2021). “innovation and creativity in creative industries.” sociology compass 16(2), 1-11. woronkowicz, j. (2015). “artists, employment and the great recession: a cross-sectional analysis using us current population survey data.” cultural trends 24 (2),154–64. https://doi.org/10.1080/09548963.2015.1031481. woronkowicz, j., & noonan, d. s. (2019). “who goes freelance? the determinants of self-employment for artists.” entrepreneurship: theory and practice 43(4), 651. wyszomirski, m., & chang, w. (2017). “professional self-structuration in the arts: sustaining creative careers in the 21st century.” sustainability 9(6), 1035–35. cover image: photo by molly jo burke. vol. 11, no. 2 fall 2022 editors’ introduction neville vakharia drexel university paul bonin-rodriguez university of texas at austin welcome to artivate: a journal of entrepreneurship in the arts 11.2. the beginning of a new year brings a sense of renewal and growth. we’re encouraged by the continued growth of our journal’s scope, reach, and impact brought about by our dedicated editorial board, authors, peer-reviewers, and our publishing partners at the university of arkansas press. artivate is truly a team effort that is helping to shape the future of our growing and maturing field. the articles in this issue span a broad spectrum of arts entrepreneurship fields of inquiry. in “from gung ho heroes and their tragic counterparts to catalyst characters: figures of the cultural entrepreneur in the scholarly literature,” sara malou strandvad encourages us to move beyond the traditional stereotype of the creative entrepreneur as either a hero or a tragic figure, extending the current literature to create a more collaborative and catalyzing view. chikelue chris akabuike’s “entrepreneurial engagements: its motivations and challenges among undergraduate students of nsukka arts school in nigeria” offers a quantitative analysis of sculpture students who pursue art-related entrepreneurial opportunities to support their studies. though focused primarily on motivations, akabuike’s findings invite considerations of how policymakers in academia, and in business, might support and prepare students for their efforts. charlie wall-andrews also speaks to policymakers in academia and business in her findings. her “meta-analysis on the importance of entrepreneurship in canada’s music industry” applies quantitative and qualitative analyses of key entrepreneurial skills and traits in business to the case of the music industry, particularly in the face of digitalization, and proposes systems of support. artivate 11.2 2 our issue concludes with kathryn l. brown’s review of jason c. white’s new book, innovation in the arts: concepts, theories, and practices, observing that the book’s precise explication of its key terms has much to offer to the field of arts entrepreneurship. finally, this new year brings about another exciting change in artivate’s continued evolution. after close to five years of serving as co-editors, we are handing over editorial leadership to a new team of four talented and dedicated co-editors who will continue the journal’s growth and success. by expanding the number of co-editors, artivate will be able to do even more to connect with our field, communicate our work, and expand the types of offerings we provide. throughout our tenure, we have been committed to a fieldbuilding project by working to bring forth new authors and ideas and expanding the editorial team. we are pleased that our goals are shared by this new co-editorial team: • olaf kuhlke, chair of arts entrepreneurship, minneapolis college of art and design • diane ragsdale, director and scholar of master of arts in creative leadership, minneapolis college of art and design • jose valentino ruiz-resto, phd, assistant professor and program head of music business & entrepreneurship, university of florida • andrew taylor, director of the arts management program, american university we will remain on the editorial board and provide continued support to our new editorial team. we’re thrilled to have such an incredible group of people leading artivate into its next chapter, and we look forward to a bright future for our journal and our field. photo by anni roenkae, pexels.com/photo/multicolored-abstract-painting-2860810/ vol. 12 2023–2024 editorial editors’ introduction olaf kuhlke minneapolis college of art and design diane ragsdale minneapolis college of art and design e. andrew taylor american university entrepreneurship, at its essence, involves the discovery of new means-ends relationships (shane and venkataraman 2000). arts entrepreneurship infuses both means and ends with creative, expressive, and aesthetic practice (essig 2015). so, this twelfth volume of artivate follows a similar impulse. with this volume, artivate explores multiple means to achieve its intended ends. our leadership team now comprises three new coeditors eager to combine their time, attention, advocacy, and networks to this important next chapter. our first steps have been to update the journal’s description and submission policies in collaboration with our publisher, the university of arkansas press. in addition, with volume 12 artivate is transitioning to a rolling-publication basis. rather than anchoring our releases in two full issues, we will now publish articles throughout the academic year as they are available. this will make the journal more timely, relevant, and responsive to our authors and growing community. these innovations in our means are all intended to sharpen and amplify our longstanding ends: to disseminate new thinking and perspectives on arts entrepreneurship theory, practice, and pedagogy. we hope these changes inspire new conversations across the community and that new and established authors trust their work with us. we are publishing a set of editorial essays to launch volume 12 to help catalyze conversations and contributions and mark the editorial team transition. the first is by outgoing coeditors paul bonin-rodriguez and neville vakharia, who reflect on the field-building focus of their tenure. the following three essays are authored by each of the new coeditors, exploring the origins and nature of our relationship to the field of arts entrepreneurship as well as the areas of inquiry that those origins inspire. https://www.artivate.org/index.php/artivate/about https://www.artivate.org/index.php/artivate/about/submissions artivate 12 2 while our coeditor narratives are idiosyncratic, two cross-cutting themes seem to unite our areas of inquiry: 1. arts entrepreneurship at the intersection of a rapidly shifting cultural environment: how is arts entrepreneurship evolving in response to the climate crisis; generative ai; collective trauma; the entirely legitimate demands for more inclusive and just workplaces; trends toward collective, decentralized, and nonhierarchical forms of management; and the need to imagine and make new worlds together? 2. moral and ethical boundaries in the arena of arts entrepreneurship: are we paying sufficient attention to cultural appropriation, commodification, commercialization, the tension between the publicness required of 501c3 nonprofits, the autonomy and authority needed by artists and entrepreneurs, and the impacts of business language and framing on how we make sense of and take action in art worlds? we hope that these essays inspire a similar reflection among our community and encourage a more expansive conversation and examination of entrepreneurship in the arts. we also endeavored to signal this interest in the following statement on our shared understanding of arts entrepreneurship, which you can find on our website: the editors of artivate understand “arts entrepreneurship” as the pursuit of creative and expressive opportunity beyond the resources at hand. this can manifest as both (1) entrepreneurship aimed at creating artistic, cultural, or aesthetic value alongside other forms of value creation; and (2) the application of artistic methodologies, ontologies, and habits of mind to the process of entrepreneurship. we understand entrepreneurship as a process, orientation, and practice employed by individuals, teams, organizations, public agencies, communities, cities, states, and countries. our profound thanks to outgoing coeditors paul bonin-rodriguez and neville vakharia for their five years of extraordinary service at this publication, for their involvement in this evolving field, and for their contribution to the “editorial perspectives: what’s past is prologue” article featured in this volume. they have fostered and shaped our shared understanding of arts entrepreneurship in its many manifestations. they have also been generous with their time and guidance these past few months as we have taken on stewardship of artivate. we look forward to working and learning with you, to explore and expand how we understand, describe, and apply arts entrepreneurship in more diverse and dynamic ways. thank you for taking the time to read “editorial perspectives: what’s past is prologue.” if you are interested in serving as a peer reviewer for artivate, or if you have an article you would like to submit, please contact us. https://www.artivate.org/index.php/artivate/about mailto:editors@artivate.org artivate 12 3 references essig, linda. “means and ends: a theory framework for understanding entrepreneurship in the us arts and culture sector.” the journal of arts management, law, and society 45, no. 4 (october 2, 2015): 227–46. https://doi.org/10.1080/10632921.2015.1103673. shane, scott, and s. venkataraman. “the promise of entrepreneurship as a field of research.” the academy of management review 25, no. 1 (2000): 217–26. https://doi.org/10.5465/amr.2000.2791611. photo by mitchell luo, www.pexels.com/photo/photo-of-a-colorful-ceiling-3685175/ https://doi.org/10.1080/10632921.2015.1103673 https://doi.org/10.5465/amr.2000.2791611 http://www.pexels.com/photo/photo-of-a-colorful-ceiling-3685175/ http://www.pexels.com/photo/photo-of-a-colorful-ceiling-3685175/ vol. 12 2023–2024 from portfolio to platform career navigating the promise and pitfalls of a sustainable and meaningful life in the performing arts mark clague university of michigan abstract: written as a concise guide for students and working professionals, this article1 examines and critiques the “portfolio career” in arts professional development to offer an alternative conceptual strategy to forge a sustainable life. eight modes of arts work are explored (performing, teaching, creating, writing, healing, manufacturing, distributing, and administering). the “platform career” is proposed as an extension of and possible solution to the shortcomings of the portfolio career. in the platform model, one professional activity serves as a financial base for the artist’s panoply of creative work, providing health insurance and other employment benefits plus additional financial stability to reduce financial and emotional precarity. keywords: portfolio career, arts career development, platform career. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.12.1.203 ask a performing artist how they earn a living, and they will likely give multiple answers. as a career path and survival strategy, artists often make money by doing not just one but several things. even those famous for a single, high-profile achievement—such as the prize-winning playwright, composer, or performer—often did other types of work on their journey to success. once there, they may continue to do a range of work— 1 this essay is based largely on lectures i have given annually to first-year music students at the university of michigan since 2004 (see also clague 2011). my understanding of the portfolio career is indebted to related conversations over the years with colleagues, including angela beeching, susan booth, nee chucherdwatanasak, david cutler, antonio cuyler, aaron dworkin, kelly dylla, linda essig, chris genteel, jonathan kuuskoski, jeffrey nytch, jeremy peters, rachel roberts, peter witte, and nathaniel zeisler, among others. artivate 12 2 performing, teaching, creating, administering—in part to supplement their income or, just as importantly, to earn another kind of profit—meaning and purpose. often in the arts, doing one thing is a job, while doing several things can forge a career. this essay is intended as a concise, accessible guide for students and working professionals in the performing arts who aspire to a multifaceted, meaningful career. creators working in architecture, visual or digital arts, creative writing, and design may also find this article useful. it is meant to inspire thinking by suggesting a conceptual pathway from an experimental, start-up phase of career exploration (the portfolio career) to a still dynamic but sustainable structure for artistic work that is both financially viable and personally rewarding (the platform career). the strategy outlined in this article builds upon more than two decades of teaching and mentoring at a professional school of music, theater and dance. the main inspiration for sharing this approach is to suggest a framework that describes what many young artists are doing, especially in the years immediately following graduation from a professional art school, while also permitting current students to explore a broader range of possibilities for earning a living in the arts. much of professional study encourages an increasingly narrow specialization. this essay nurtures a broad openness to possibility. the strategy described here is also grounded in historical and economic research. my home discipline as a scholar is history. i have long investigated the careers of influential artists, striving to consider the whole, three-dimensional range of their professional activities and not just the one thing that made them famous. arts economics is a secondary area of my research as financial structures are intimately intertwined with arts activity across time, and what people pay for can tell us a lot about what they value and care about. this article further depends on research done by colleagues in arts entrepreneurship, business, public policy, and the social sciences. these scholars use surveys, economic data, and other tools to trace professional trajectories in the arts. to keep the article brief, this related research is only mentioned briefly in the text. readers looking to deepen their understanding are directed to the accompanying notes and citations for additional context, support, and criticism. there is much to learn from this ever-expanding field of arts career research.2 with this caveat and suggestion on the table, let us proceed. the portfolio career the “portfolio career” is nothing new. the term is credited to business management thinker charles handy (handy 1989, 1994), but the idea has deep roots in history and practice. composer virgil thomson discussed the approach in 1939 to explain “how composers eat” (thomson 1939), and others have argued that the approach can be found as far back as the 16th century (weber 2004, barker 2021). more recently, arts 2 podcasts, such as creative peptalk, dance careers: unfiltered, makin’ it happen; a career in the performing arts, duet: the music teacher’s partner, great music teaching, and the diy musician podcast, just to name a few examples, can also be a good source of information for working artists. artivate 12 3 entrepreneurship scholars and educators have explored the concept as part of a contemporary career strategy (munnelly 2022, and kuuskoski forthcoming) and often as part of complete books focused on career advice (cutler 2009, beeching 2010, 2019, radbill 2013, herstand 2017, rabideau 2018, nytch 2018b). the “portfolio” notion in the portfolio career refers to a collection of different work activities meant to increase opportunity, income, resilience, and fulfillment. multiple activity streams and their associated earnings (both monetary and personal) are merged into one larger solution. perhaps most importantly, a portfolio approach requires the artist to stretch their professional comfort zone. they must experiment with a range of work possibilities and thus discover a personal mixture of activities and their related skills, interests, motivations, and passions to forge their career path. the types of work included in the portfolio career concept are often quite traditional and conventional, even as they respond to new technologies and social needs. an arts portfolio can combine entrepreneurial ventures, gig-based freelancing, and traditional salaried work. history is filled with artists, both famous and not-so-famous, who have combined different activities into a successful and influential career. iconic examples include dancer-choreographer george balanchine (homans 2022), musician and composer wolfgang amadeus mozart (dworkin 2019), and actor-playwright william shakespeare (dworkin 2019). more recent examples include tap dancer savion glover (glover 2000, hasday 2006), musician caroline shaw (wilhoite 2015), and theater artist robin frohardt (robinfrohardt.com). you need not be a famous star to make this strategy work for you (essig 2022). the portfolio career strategy may be common, but it is not easy (latukefu 2022, westgarth 2023). it is also not for everyone. a portfolio career requires relentless hustle and renewal, courage, patience, and resilience. it is a practical strategy for making a life in the arts. yet, the portfolio career’s characteristics of flexibility, adaptation, and opportunity creation are not only its strength but the root of its main disadvantage—financial precarity (menger 1999, alper 2006, lingo & tepper 2013, moore 2016). this guide begins by reviewing eight modes or types of professional arts activity in which music, dance, and theater professionals typically work. next, it explores how a portfolio of several of these activities can help artists discover a recipe for economic and personal success that adapts to changing circumstances and needs. nevertheless, it is vital to understand that the portfolio career strategy has both positive and negative aspects. its promise and pitfalls are also explored, and i propose a potential solution—the platform career.3 while its name may suggest making money as a social media influencer or by using a website to find gig work or recruit donors, the word “platform” here does not refer to a technology application, even as some artists have used social media or crowdfunding 3 to our knowledge, this understanding of the “platform career” was first articulated publicly by myself and jonathan kuuskoski in miami as part of a joint presentation to new world symphony fellows in april 2017. artivate 12 4 platforms to professional advantage (tosatto 2019, blaising 2021, handke 2022). the word platform is here used literally as a base to stand upon. this platform supports you and your artistic work. in essence, the platform career is a variation on the portfolio model. one professional activity develops over time into a stable “platform” of more dependable income that includes benefits such as health insurance (clague & kuuskoski 2017). standing more securely on this platform, the artist may continue to explore additional professional possibilities and passions. as the artist’s goals and opportunities shift, new activities can be nurtured and a new platform created. experimentation, growth, and change are core components of the portfolio-to-platform strategy. the eight economic modes of the performing arts, plus one performing artists typically work within eight modes or types of economic activity (crawford 2001, 149; clague 2011; witte 2023).4 knowing these modes and using them strategically can help the artist develop a personalized professional vision, revealing how their talents, passions, interests, and training might help forge a viable career. these eight modes are as follows. 1. performing not surprisingly, performing is the most typical and visible economic mode in the performing arts. over 80% of portfolio artists include performance work in their activity mix (davidson 2022, munnelly 2022). the artist traditionally earns a wage for singing, acting, dancing, etc., in a venue for a live audience. performers are usually paid a fee for each “service,” say a staged event or concert, plus a similar per-service wage for preliminary rehearsals. this work can be paid under an ongoing contract with an ensemble or company, or it can be done as freelance “gig” work in which performances are contracted one at a time. income in this area is typically immediate and direct. the problem with gig work is that it can be sporadic. 2. teaching here, the artist is paid to provide instruction to others in their craft. such teaching can be one-to-one or for small groups or classes. pupils include youth, other aspiring 4 the eight modes of economic activity in the performing arts are expanded and adapted from musicologist richard crawford’s book america’s musical life: a history (w.w. norton, 2001), where six “lines of work” are proposed: “composing, performing, teaching, distributing (or publishing), writing about music, and manufacturing musical instruments and other goods” (149). i first wrote about them in clague 2011, 172. in addition, arts administrator peter witte suggested the category of healing to me. note that the categories are flexible. specific activities such as repairing, marketing, or legal work can overlap categories and could even be considered separate modes. the list here is meant to be comprehensive but generalized and can be adapted to better fit specific industries. a 2013 future of music coalition report, for example, analyzed forty different income streams specifically for musicians (dicola 2013, 12). artivate 12 5 professionals, or adults looking to explore an art form. teachers may receive a salary from an institution, such as a music store, non-profit cultural center, dance studio, public school, or university. they might also teach as a solo “independent contractor,” compensated directly by each student per lesson (boyle 2020). public school teachers and university professors are professionally credentialed; private lesson teachers often are not but rest on their reputation of success. some artists may work under supervision in schools as “teaching artists” on behalf of a cultural organization. historically speaking, teaching is the performing artist’s second most common economic pathway next to performing itself. even mozart taught lessons. some 68% of respondents to a 2022 survey reported that teaching was part of their portfolio career (munnelly 2022). income in this area is often immediate and relatively regular. 3. creating—composing, choreographing, and playwriting performing arts creators invent art in the form of repeatable templates for performance— such as scripts, choreographies, or musical scores. playwrights imagine narrative dialogue for plays, movies, and television shows. choreographers create patterns of movement. composers create symphonies, pop songs, and jazz standards, movie scores, or commercial jingles (collinson scott 2017). when a creator has a salaried position or commission, income can be immediate and direct. if not, creative work is often speculative—done in hopes that it can be sold, published, and licensed later. in this way, creative work can provide an ongoing revenue stream through royalties and performance fees. owning and managing one’s intellectual property, such as copyrights, is thus vital to this pathway (frith 2004, dicola 2013). such royalty or licensing income may take time to develop. historically, artists who retain their copyrights have better potential for long-term economic success (frith 2004, dicola 2013). 4. writing and researching artists know their fields of practice as insiders and thus can bring significant insight to work as scholars and critics. they can uncover their art forms’ history, aesthetics, and social dynamics and share this knowledge with other specialists, students, or a broad public. writing and researching generate money through publishing, research grants, or teaching or librarianship. income can be slow to develop and sporadic, but grants and institutional wages as an archivist, program annotator, journalist, or professor can make this work financially viable and sustainable. a terminal degree (such as a ph.d. or mfa) is generally required to become a university professor in this area. 5. healing arts therapies are a growing area of professional arts activity and often require specialized training in an accredited program, such as in music therapy (hogan 2001, junge 2019, artivate 12 6 arttherapy.org). artists without health credentials can sometimes perform healing work under supervision, say within a retirement community or clinic environment. an example would be “comfort care” musicians who play an instrument to help patients fall asleep or manage stress in a hospital setting (hoover 2021). such work is generally “gig” work but may be done under an ongoing contract and with an hourly wage. a second type of healing work serves performing artists directly. for example, wellness and medical providers, such as physicians, physical therapists, and emotional counselors, might focus their work on supporting the physical and mental health needs of other performers. often, these artist-serving medical professionals have a performing arts background themselves. this work requires additional professional training, such as a physical therapy or medical degree, that can result in salaried positions. 6. manufacturing/making things those trained in the arts are often well-positioned to design and manufacture arts-related products. such goods include audio or video recordings, sheet music or published scripts, signal effects pedals, clothing, instrumental reeds and accessories, pianos or saxophones, costumes, and stage sets. a subset of manufacturing is maintenance and repair, and such work ranges from managing an arts-related information technology infrastructure to fixing trumpets or tuning pianos. income can be per job or salaried. salaried work typically involves joining a pre-existing firm as an employee. if you invent or make your own products and can afford to grow this income stream more slowly, you may wish to create your own manufacturing company. 7. distributing/selling things distributing is selling art products to consumers, such as running a brick-and-mortar record store, guitar shop, etc., or operating an online store to sell sheet music, scripts, costumes, or dance shoes. as an artist, you can use your knowledge to help others find the right tools and gear. selling can be paired with manufacturing the goods to be sold. gaining experience as an employee can be a useful place to start if you want to run your own business eventually. if you work for others, income can be relatively immediate; if you create your own sales channels from scratch, income may take time to develop. a subset of distributing is legal representation in the arts, such as protecting and leveraging copyrights and trademarks, which may require a law degree. 8. administering arts administration is the management and strategic support of arts activity (cuyler 2020, stein 2022). typically, the arts administrator works within an organizational environment, such as a non-profit orchestra, theater or dance company, a school, or a for-profit business, as a salaried or hourly employee. some administrators create their own artivate 12 7 organizations. roles range from executive director or president to jobs in marketing, fundraising, production, artistic affairs, diversity and inclusion, admissions, licensing, product development, and other roles. representation for individual artists is another related area. in this case, the services of the performing artist—say a conductor, dancer, actor, or ensemble—is the product to be sold. work as an agent is often paid as a commission on work secured for the artist. 9. the non-arts job non-arts employment is a ninth bonus category that often complements performing arts work (herstand 2017). non-arts work can supplement arts-related income and can be very creative and personally satisfying as well. artists have specific skills that can be transferred to other fields and professions where they are highly valued (bertrand 2020, peters 2024). these transferrable skills include flexibility and creativity, problem-solving, the ability to work independently, staying focused to perfect a task, teamwork and other interpersonal skills, an openness to constructive feedback, planning and project management, public speaking, writing and communication, event management, and more. nonarts jobs that work well for artists have traditionally included hourly office and restaurant work. many artists have used non-arts jobs to advantage. the composer charles ives, for example, made a living in business that allowed him to ignore the commercial marketplace and thus write experimental music that did not “sell.” his compositions later earned him a pulitzer prize (burkholder et al.). it is a strategy and not a sign of failure to combine artistic work with non-arts work (throsby 2011). in fact, a 2022 survey concluded that 38% of portfolio artists earned some income from non-arts work (haapakorpi 2022, munnelly 2022). the appendix to this article provides a worksheet to help artists explore these modes of artistic and non-arts work. this personal arts activity inventory invites the artist to catalog their work history and interests to nurture a broader conception of professional activity that might provide both monetary income and personal satisfaction. worksheet results will identify possibilities for the portfolio career or exploratory start-up phase of an artist’s career. mentors can use the sheet in a workshop setting, while individual artists can use it as a self-management tool. the portfolio career: promise and perils the portfolio career combines two or more modes of work into a full-time living (see figure 1), and research with working artists affirms the practice of doing more than one thing and creating one’s own opportunities. a 2011 survey of some 5000 musicians by the future of music coalition, for example, notes that 89% of musical artists earned income from at least two activities and that 39% earned from four or more. the activities combined most commonly were performing and teaching (dicola 2013, 12, 23; munnelly 2022). previous research has suggested that 70% of musicians juggled multiple roles (thomson artivate 12 8 2013). maybe most compellingly, a long-term survey of alumni from collegiate professional arts programs indicates that 77% of graduates report having been self-employed at some point in their career (snaap 2017). this is supported by freelance worker data for artists in the u.s. census bureau’s current population survey from 2003 to 2015 (woronkowicz 2019). the nea similarly concludes that artists frequently work as independent contractors, indicating that self-employed work is 3.6 times more likely in artistic careers than for those in non-arts professions (nea 2019). such studies show that artistic careers are quite often portfolio careers. trombonist ingram lee, for example, launched his musical career by working in three modes: performing, teaching, and distributing. he performed regularly with several orchestras and chamber groups; taught both as an independent contractor in several middle and high schools and also as the trombone studio instructor at a regional college; and, finally, he distributed trombones and mouthpieces as the sales representative for a custom instrument maker. he worked long hours and purchased health insurance through the local musicians union. during this period, he also put as much as 30,000 miles on his car annually, driving from gig to gig, but his creative life was rich and varied. he loved teaching and had the satisfaction of performing as well as helping others improve as musicians. the skills he developed as a sales representative further enhanced his teaching and performing work. he helped students and colleagues find an instrument that propelled their growth, and he also learned to customize his own trombone to optimize his playing (lee 2021). portfolio careers have both advantages and disadvantages. on the plus side, they are flexible, adaptive, self-directed, and individual. they are characterized by variety and figure 1. the portfolio career, an exploratory, professional strategy for the performing artist artivate 12 9 permit the artist to pursue their own unique interests. they eschew routine. such careers are also resilient. if one mode of activity falters, other modes can be added or increased. for example, if a symphony goes on strike and performance income dries up, the instrumentalist who also teaches can recruit more students to make up for lost income. a 2022 study concluded that there were three primary motivations for pursuing a portfolio career: artistic fulfillment (92%), time commitment and schedule/flexibility (85%), and payment/ability to earn a living (82%) (munnelly 2022). both a plus and a minus of the portfolio lifestyle is the hustle (pippen 2019, 424–44). portfolio artists must continually seek new opportunities—more performances, more students, more sales, more gigs. this hustle is both a blessing and a curse. for some, the hustle is fun and rewarding, generating a higher income or new possibilities. the portfolio artist need not wait for a job opening but can generate their own opportunities. however, opportunity creation requires almost continuous effort and energy. not everyone finds joy in the hustle. such a life also includes regular disappointment. for every new opportunity realized, there are likely dozens of inquiries that go unanswered or promising leads that consume time but prove fruitless. relentless optimism, skilled personal and professional networking, and emotional resilience are characteristics vital to the hustle. the skills needed can be developed in work and internship experiences. research has likewise shown that internships can nurture long-term success (frenette 2020). one’s personal identity is typically an artistic strength and a source of expressive inspiration. your story can help audiences understand your art. it is nevertheless important to note that the portfolio career exists within the too often antagonistic context of society at large, both its explicit prejudices and hidden biases. people who are regularly confronted by racism and other forms of discrimination—for example, women, people of color, trans people, immigrants, and the undocumented—may well face these same pernicious hurdles as a portfolio artist (peterson 1985, topaz 2022). on one hand, the ability to generate opportunity gives the portfolio artist unusual agency to circumnavigate bias. the entrepreneur who confronts a closed door is taught to create a new door. yet others may nevertheless try to prevent any door you create from opening. instead, embrace those allies who will celebrate your work and help you to open those doors. seek out those audiences and opportunities for which what makes you special is a strength. several scholars have criticized the portfolio career model as anti-worker and a neoliberal trap that devalues the artist (moore 2016, nytch 2018a, ritchey 2019, deresiewicz 2015 & 2020, chucherdwatanasak 2022, enriquez 2022). employers can readily take advantage of arts workers. pay for gig work, for example, is sometimes poor, below a living wage, and often does not include compensation for practice and preparation. union protections rarely apply to freelance or gig workers, so the portfolio artist assumes employment risks personally (manchester 2009). there is no paid sick leave or vacation time. a teacher loses income, for example, if they fall ill and cannot teach. performances can be postponed or canceled without compensation. health insurance, retirement savings plans, and family leave are the responsibility of the self-employed (kristal 2007; woronkowicz artivate 12 10 et al. 2020). even worse, artists can internalize this insecure life as normative, as if the starving artist trope is not only to be expected but something to which a real artist aspires (bartlett 2019, opara 2019). love of the work should never be a rationalization for low pay and insecurity (scolere 2019). professional arts educational programs and their faculties can also be criticized for training too many artists relative to opportunity demand in the overall economy. a winner-take-all culture is typical. schools celebrate their superstar alumni but often fail to keep track of the many others who do not find a living in the arts. the portfolio career itself can be a tool for this manipulation. less ethical institutions may use a too-optimistic rhetoric of freedom, innovation, and self-sufficiency to convince prospective students and their parents of the promise of the entrepreneurial arts career while minimizing its inherent challenges and risks (chucherdwatanasak 2022). any claims that the portfolio career strategy is a failsafe plan are simply false. further, arts entrepreneurship is often overly glorified. failure is celebrated as a purely learning opportunity, and its emotional toll on the individual is shunted aside (morgan 2012). if an artist is unable to secure a professional living, their shortfall is too often blamed entirely on the individual—as a failure of talent, artistry, or effort rather than as a deficiency of the arts economy itself. the arts profession in the united states is far from perfect. it can be unfair and also can be criticized for providing poor wages, limited job security, and unequal access to opportunity (opara 2019, morningstar 2022). success is due to many factors outside of sheer ability and effort, such as family money, supportive mentors, timely grant programs, scholarship opportunities, and more than a bit of luck. merit is only one factor. the performing arts could do better. artists are motivated by passion, but passion cannot pay the rent or provide for retirement. compensation for artists must facilitate not only an event but the community arts ecosystem. artist collectives, cooperative publishing, and artist-led ensembles or companies could be built from the start as more just and equitable business models (bain 2012). yet, portfolio artists necessarily confront their personal economic needs urgently as individuals. they need to pay rent each month. developing multiple income streams is thus a valuable tactic to address immediate financial needs within the context of an extant capitalist system. the central and most critical problem with the portfolio career is financial precarity (jeffri 2003, bain 2012, van assche 2020). too often, the hustle can be an act of survival. it is expensive to make rent, cover student loan payments and insurance premiums for instruments and gear, pay for professional clothing or coaching, access rehearsal spaces, and afford transportation to the next audition, not to mention providing for other basic needs such as food and healthcare. even as it provides opportunities to adapt, the portfolio career is inherently unstable. this is in part because u.s. labor law does not require employers to pay benefits to parttime employees. state laws differ, but federal regulations in the affordable care act require that employers offer health insurance only to those working 30 hours or more per artivate 12 11 week (healthcare.gov). as a result, combining multiple part-time jobs into a full-time living often fails to provide benefits such as health insurance or a retirement plan (brustein 2005). the self-employed portfolio artist must instead purchase health insurance on their own. they also need an emergency savings account for when work dries up and must likewise provide for their own retirement, say by opening a personal roth ira savings account. such a self-constructed financial safety net requires disciplined financial management. in practice, however, saving for the future may be all but impossible when today’s expenses consume limited earnings. the platform career: one solution to reduce precarity transitioning to a platform career can reduce the precarity of the portfolio model. in a platform career, the artist extends one mode of activity into a primary income source (typically at least half-time or three-quarter time, depending on state law or employer policy) that serves as a reliable economic base and provides basic benefits such as health care and retirement savings (see figure 2). such platforms are often found through a cultural organization, business entity, or educational institution. as a gigging bassoonist in chicago, for example, this author made money performing with orchestras and in commercial studios, as well as from teaching private lessons, operating a mail-order music supply company, and managing a youth chamber music program. during this same time, however, i completed a ph.d. in musicology, which later allowed me to become a full-time university professor. the university job now serves as my professional platform. it provides the benefits and base income that allow me to pursue additional entrepreneurial projects. in my career, i have worked in all nine modes described above. even now as a university professor (which involves teaching, research, and administrative service), i have worked outside the university: performing on my instrument, writing books and liner notes, giving pre-concert talks, and serving on non-profit boards. some of these activities provide additional income; others do not. all these activities, however, also allow me to explore new interests, develop new skills, make new contacts, and find purpose by giving back to my community. by providing financial stability, platforms further provide a base from which to figure 2. the platform career, a more stable configuration of the portfolio model. artivate 12 12 explore new portfolio opportunities. a stage designer, for example, might have a 75% position with benefits at a local college but also design sets for a regional playhouse or work with an entertainment venue to create decorations for weddings or commercial photo shoots. these additional opportunities might offer more income, more creative satisfaction, or both. note that the designer continues to work at the college, earning regular income and benefits, even as they explore outside opportunities. the platform thus does not replace the portfolio. instead, the platform structure supports the artist, allowing them to pursue a portfolio of activities. it is a more stable configuration of the portfolio career model. one mode of work provides a financial and emotional base for a range of creative expression. having a reliable platform shifts the portfolio approach away from a survival strategy and towards a sustainable career model. dancer demi shields created a professional portfolio as a dancer in new york city, combining a recurring seasonal position with the radio city rockettes with choreography and commercial dancing for parties, cruises, and social events as a crowd enhancer. to this performance work, he added everything from teaching to part-time work in arts administration, fundraising, tech startup offices, bartending, and restaurants, as well as writing for a dance magazine and short-term gigs as a film extra, all while chasing auditions for broadway. he subsequently moved to detroit and developed a platform career, working in arts education and outreach for a university while continuing to dance as a freelance choreographer, performer, and teacher. combined atop an arts administration platform, his career provides more financial security but still “fulfills a personal mission” (shields 2023). professional platforms can also be created from scratch. clarinetist kari landry, for example, is a full-time employee of the akropolis reed quintet, an ensemble she cofounded as a music student. after ten years of playing concerts and winning competitions with the ensemble, kari was able to leave a half-time arts marketing position to work for her ensemble full-time. she now serves the ensemble as both a performer and an administrator, bringing the marketing savvy she learned in her previous job to her multifaceted role in the quintet as a musician, publicist, and fundraiser. the quintet is now a 501(c3) non-profit entity that provides her with health and retirement benefits as well as income. her administrative work began with an internship, and now she also teaches a class in non-profit creation and management at a university. she owns a home and has started a family (landry 2023). vocalist sam williams created the one-woman show “american patriots” exploring political division as a capstone project while completing her graduate degree. during school and immediately after, she pursued a series of arts administration jobs to learn skills in marketing and fundraising, enlisting her supervisors as mentors. all the while, she grew her show into a full-length evening with collaborating artists. she soon founded her own socially-driven production company—art impacts, llc—and after securing grant and donor funds, alongside invitations to workshop and perform her show, she gradually cut back on her work for others from full-time to part time and finally to work artivate 12 13 solely for herself. combining her work as an arts leader, singer, and producer, she plans to launch a series of socially engaged multimedia works (williams 2024). platforms, even if they are relatively stable, are not necessarily permanent. a current platform cannot be taken for granted. its maintenance requires excellence, dedication, and flexibility. in this sense, the platform career is not exceptional but is like all employment. for this reason, maintaining a portfolio of activity atop a platform keeps other possibilities alive. if needed or desired, one of these supplemental activities can become a new platform. the portfolio also serves to counteract the sometimes routine nature of platform work by providing new outlets for creativity and additional rewards, whether financial or personal. the portfolio-to-platform strategy allows the individual to explore not only making money but making a difference, finding meaning in the work. as of 2024, trombonist ingram lee, for example, moved to a new town and initially found work in a full-time position working in sales for a musical instrument company. finding little joy in customer service work, he resigned and returned to portfolio work including teaching. having experience in self-managed portfolio work allowed him the flexibility to consider not just financial but personal satisfaction among his career requirements (lee 2024). as arts professionals, it is all too easy to forget the joy and pleasure that originally motivated us to dedicate our lives to the arts. it is thus important to remember that the profits gained through arts work have the potential to include both economic and personal rewards—both the money needed to sustain one’s life and the personal satisfaction needed to make one happy, however you define that for yourself (e.g., financial security, time for family or personal wellness, meaning and mission). your goal should not be just one or the other. this may be the reason that most portfolio artists (despite the risk and effort involved) report that they prefer their varied career lifestyle. they embrace the portfolio career as both a necessity and a choice (munnelly 2022). art and money need not be in opposition. in recent writings by arts entrepreneurship theorist linda essig, she uses the ancient figure of the ouroboros (a snake eating its own tail) to suggest that art (the head) can thrive on money (the tail) if innovation and entrepreneurship (the body) are fueled by the artist’s personal mission (essig 2015 & 2022). identifying your personal mission can transform your career and transform the world. similarly, arts sociologist megan jordan suggests that such mission-driven artistry may be found in a growing social activism that itself may be a new form of arts entrepreneurship (jordan 2023). my own research into the arts business strategies of composer george gershwin offers a historical example. for gershwin, there was no conflict between art and money, between writing music that was both popular and excellent. excellence meant sophisticated, modern, and emotionally compelling music. to accomplish this, gershwin explored the latest compositional models from composers such as claude debussy and alban berg. for gershwin, excellent music would also necessarily be popular and thus profitable. gershwin used these profits—from his first hit song, “swanee,” and his iconic piano concerto artivate 12 14 rhapsody in blue, for example—to finance more speculative endeavors from the tone poem an american in paris to his folk opera porgy and bess (clague 2020). money is the fuel of the portfolio-to-platform strategy. think of yourself as a business and use your money wisely as capital to be invested in yourself and your career. be aware that portfolio careers demand careful financial record-keeping. success as an entrepreneurial artist requires using tax law correctly and to advantage (riley 2016, milam 2019). it is vital to deduct all legitimate expenses from your taxable personal income and thus reduce your tax payment to maximize your resources. as a portfolio-toplatform artist, you are a business entity. you are your own agent, manager, producer, publicist, photographer, videographer, and social media guru. to that list, also add accountant and tax professional. one hurdle to establishing a multifaceted arts career is emotional. it can be intimidating or even frightening to experiment with new career possibilities. by definition, exploring the new puts one outside of their comfort zone. as artists, we hold ourselves to extremely high standards of skill honed over many years of intensive study. we tend to perfectionism. insecurity, if not imposter syndrome, is rarely far away, even for established professionals. exploring a new mode of work, however, necessarily makes one a beginner. give yourself permission to try. expect that you will be on a learning curve and know that it is okay to be uncomfortable. discomfort is a normal part of the learning process. being aware of your emotional journey will not only assist your personal development but will make you more empathetic to students and collaborators. one study showed not only the importance of mental health and well-being for arts careers but demonstrated that physical exercise was positively associated with artists’ well-being (shaughnessy 2023). as a portfolio-to-platform artist, your biggest assets are your energy, commitment, and passion. for many artists, the drive to make art is a calling not to be denied. the question is not whether to be an artist but rather how to make being an artist possible. if this describes you, the portfolio-to-platform strategy can help you to develop and organize your potential into a viable living. it can allow you to support yourself while gaining experience and skills. it can sustain your work financially as you discover your purpose and maximize joy. at its best, the portfolio-to-platform career strategy is an ongoing journey that encompasses personal growth, economic reward, and the opportunity to pursue a meaningful artistic life. this type of career is a choice. it is not easy. it is never guaranteed. but for those in the arts who fully understand its opportunities and challenges, the portfolio-to-platform career strategy can make a life’s work possible. artivate 12 15 appendix: personal arts activity inventory name: ______________________________________________ date: ________________ 1. have you ever earned money for an arts-related activity? yes no uncertain 2. have you found joy and meaning in an arts-related activity? yes no uncertain 3. in which of the following modes of arts economic activity have you already been engaged and how? check the box for any work you are doing, have done, or hope to do. describe your work briefly and indicate if you earned money or joy from each. add activities that you would like to try. put a star next to three things you’d like to prioritize. performing (earned $$ joy)—describe: teaching ($$ joy)—describe: creating ($$ joy)—describe: writing ($$ joy)—describe: healing ($$ joy)—describe: manufacturing ($$ joy)—describe: distributing ($$ joy)—describe: administering ($$ joy)—describe: 4. do you find that non-arts work benefits your creative activity? yes no unsure why? artivate 12 16 5. in which environments do you thrive? (check all that apply) working alone working with others being paid volunteering having direction creating my own agenda having a supervisor other: ______________ other: ______________ 6. in which activities do you feel at your best? | which activities might be a future platform? 7. what next step might you take to explore a professional activity more deeply? could your network or an internship help? artivate 12 17 references alper n. o. & wassal g. h. (2006). artists’ careers and their labor markets. handbook of the economics of arts and culture 1: 813– 64. https://doi.org/10.1016/s1574-0676(06)01023-4 bain, a. & mclean, h. (2012). the artistic precariat. cambridge journal of regions, economy and society 6:1, 93–111. https://doi.org/10.1093/cjres/rss020 barker, n.j. 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(2010). the modern history of art therapy in the united states. charles c. thomas. https://www.ccthomas.com/details.cfm?p_isbn13=9780398079413 kjar, d., montanari, a., & thomas, k. empowering the portfolio musician: innovative chamber music pedagogy for the 21st-century artist. the chamber musician in the twenty-first century. multidisciplinary digital publishing institute. https://doi.org/10.3390/books978-3-03897-563-2-4 kuuskoski, j. (forthcoming). from portfolios to platforms: entrepreneurship and the twenty-first century pianist. in the cambridge companion to piano pedagogy, ed. madden. cambridge university press. kristal, n. (2007). no insurance? no problem. back stage west 14:3, 3. landry, k. (2023). interview with the author. latukefu, l. & pollard, j. (2022). how can we prepare music students for early career challenges. british journal of music education 39:2, 218–31. doi:10.1017/s0265051722000122 lee, i. (2021 and 2024). interviews with the author. lingo, e. & tepper, s. j. (2013). looking back, looking forward: https://www.ccthomas.com/details.cfm?p_isbn13=9780398079413 https://www.ccthomas.com/details.cfm?p_isbn13=9780398079413 artivate 12 20 arts-based careers and creative work, work and occupations 40:4, 337–63. https://doi.org/10.1177/0730888413505229 manchester, r. a. (2009). health care reform and the health of performing artists in the us medical problems of performing artists 24:4, 155–156. https://www.proquest.com/docview/196342879 menger, p. m. (1999) artistic labor markets and careers. annual review of sociology 24, 541–74. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.25.1.541 milam, b. (2019) exploring financial literacy of independent musicians in the gig economy. honors theses 642. university of southern mississippi. https://aquila.usm.edu/honors_theses/642/ moore, a. (2016). neoliberalism and the musical entrepreneur, journal of the society for american music 10(1), 33–53. https://doi.org/10.1017/s175219631500053x morgan, g. & wood, j. (2014). creative accommodations: the fractured transitions and precarious lives of young musicians. journal of cultural economy 7:1, 64–78. https://doi.org/10.1080/17530350.2013.855646 morningstar, n. (2022) everyone’s an artist? class, precarity, and the distribution of creative labor. focaal—journal of global and historical anthropology, 1–14 https://doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2022.081801 munnelly, k. (2022). motivations and intentionality in the arts portfolio career: an investigation into how visual and performing artists construct portfolio careers. artivate 11(1) (spring), 1– 17. https://doi.org/10.34053/artivate.11.1.163 national endowment for the arts. (2019). artists and other cultural workers: a statistical portrait. https://www.arts.gov/impact/research/publications/artists-and-other-cultural-workers-statistical-portrait nytch, j. 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(2019). “the boundaries of ‘boundarylessness’: revelry, struggle, and labour in three american new music ensembles,” twentieth century music 16(3), 424–44. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1478572219000288 rabideau, m. (2018). creating the revolutionary artist: entrepreneurship for the 21st-century musician. rowman & littlefield. https://rowman.com/isbn/9781538109915/creating-therevolutionary-artist-entrepreneurship-for-the-21st-centurymusician radbill, c. f. 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(2019). brand yourself, design your future: portfoliobuilding in the social media age. new media & society, 21(9), 1891–1909. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444819833066 shaughnessy, c., waddell, g., perkins, r., campbell, a., & williamon, a. (2023) modelling arts professionals’ wellbeing and career intentions within the context of covid-19. plos one. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0292722 stein, t.s., and bathurst, j. r. (2022). performing arts management: a handbook of professional practices. allworth, 2nd ed. https://www.skyhorsepublishing.com/allworthpress/9781621536949/performing-arts-management-secondedition/ shields, d. (2023). interview with the author. strategic national arts alumni project (snaap). (2017). aggregate frequency report, snaap special report. center for postsecondary research, indiana university. https://snaaparts.org/findings/reports/aggregate-frequency-report thomson, k. (2013). roles, revenue, and responsibilities: the changing nature of being a working musician, work and occupations 40(4), 514–25. https://doi.org/10.1177/0730888413504208 thomson, v. (1939). “how composers eat” in the state of music. william morrow & co. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_state_of_music/qlvgaaaamaaj throsby, d. & zednik, a. (2011). multiple job-holding and artistic careers: some empirical evidence. cultural trends 20:1, 9–24. doi: 10.1080/09548963.2011.540809 topaz, c.m, higdon, j., epps-darling, a., siau, e., kerkhoff, h., mendiratta, s. & young, e. (2022). raceand gender-based under-representation of creative contributors: art, fashion, film, and music.” humanities and social sciences communications 9:221. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-022-01239-9 tosatto, j., cox, j. & nguyen, t. (2019). an overview of crowdfunding in the creative and cultural industries. in handbook of research on crowdfunding. edward elgar publishing, 269–302. https://www.google.com/books/edition/handbook_of_research_on_crowdfunding/6dajdwaaqbaj van assche, a. (2020). “survival artists” in labor and aesthetics in european contemporary dance. palgrave macmillan, 87–114. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-40693-6_5 weber, w., ed. (2004). the musician as entrepreneur, 1700–1914: managers, charlatans, and idealists. indiana university press. https://www.google.com/books/edition/the_musician_as_entrepreneur_1700_1914/trqmmhiw6nkc westgarth, d. (2023). portfolio careers: are they the answer? bdj in practice 36, 16–19. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41404-0232194-4 wilhoite, m. (2015). shaw, caroline (adelaide). in oxford music online. oxford university press. https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.2277536 williams, s. (2024). interview with the author. witte, p. (2023). presentation to prospective students. university of the pacific. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444819833066 https://doi.org/10.1177/0730888413504208 https://doi.org/10.1080/09548963.2011.540809 https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.2277536 https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.2277536 artivate 12 22 woronkowicz, j., soni, a., freedman, s. & simon, k (2020). how have recent health insurance expansions affected coverage among artist occupations in the usa? journal of cultural economics 44:1, 117–154. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10824-01909352-5 woronkowicz, j. & noonan, ds. (2019) who goes freelance? the determinants of self-employment for artists. entrepreneurship theory and practice 43:4, 651–72. https://doi.org/10.1177/1042258717728067 cover image: photo by surfacewarriors, https://www.flickr.com/photos/55244200@n05/28965562082 https://doi.org/10.1177/1042258717728067 https://www.flickr.com/photos/55244200@n05/28965562082 https://www.flickr.com/photos/55244200@n05/28965562082 vol. 13 2024–2025 the music industry: an entrepreneurial ecosystem charlie wall-andrews toronto metropolitan university wendy cukier toronto metropolitan university abstract: this paper conceptualizes the canadian music industry as an entrepreneurial ecosystem, applying an ecosystem lens to a creative sector where artists act as entrepreneurs. by examining systemic conditions such as finance, networks, leadership, talent, knowledge, and intermediary services, it highlights how cultural, economic, and institutional forces interact to generate innovation and value. at the same time, benefits are unevenly distributed: women, racialized professionals, and other equity-deserving groups face persistent barriers to mentorship, leadership, and professional services. the music industry therefore illustrates both the potential and the paradox of entrepreneurial ecosystems. it raises a central question: how can an entrepreneurial ecosystem be considered productive when systemic exclusion prevents full participation? keywords: entrepreneurial ecosystem, arts entrepreneurship, music industry, inclusion. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.13.1.225 1. introduction the music industry is more than a cultural field; it is a dynamic and multifaceted economic system shaped by creativity, technological disruption, and evolving patterns of entrepreneurship. at its core are musicians and songwriters whose creative labor drives value creation, but surrounding them is a complex network of intermediaries, institutions, and infrastructures that together determine how music is produced, distributed, and consumed (passman, 2021; wikstro m, 2013). while scholars have long examined these dynamics through lenses such as industrial organization (negus, 1999), cultural production (caves, 2000), and digital transformation (tschmuck, 2012), no studies have artivate 13 2 applied an entrepreneurial ecosystem (ee) framework to understand how the music industry functions as a system that enables—or constrains—entrepreneurial activity. the ee perspective emphasizes the interdependence of actors and conditions that foster productive entrepreneurship within a region or sector (stam & van de ven, 2021; wurth, stam, & spigel, 2022). traditionally anchored in regional studies and high-growth firm contexts, ee research highlights systemic conditions such as networks, leadership, finance, talent, knowledge, culture, institutions, and demand as critical for entrepreneurial success (stam, 2015). applying this framework to the music industry not only enriches our understanding of cultural and creative entrepreneurship (beckman & essig, 2012; woronkowicz, 2021) but also exposes the unique ways in which music, as part of the cultural and creative industries (ccis), complicates conventional assumptions about entrepreneurship. unlike sectors where entrepreneurship is often measured in terms of firm growth or venture capital, music ecosystems thrive on intangible value creation, symbolic goods, and a precarious labour force of self-employed artists (hill, 2019). moreover, viewing the music industry through an ee lens underscores critical questions about equity and inclusion. scholars have noted that entrepreneurial ecosystems often privilege already-advantaged groups, and it’s unknown if ee’s risk reproducing inequality rather than reducing it (wurth et al., 2022). these critiques resonate strongly in the music sector, where systemic barriers—such as gender discrimination, racial inequities, and the underrepresentation of marginalized voices— continue to shape career trajectories (smith et al., 2021; strong & raine, 2019). addressing these inequities is not only a moral imperative but also a necessary condition for fostering a resilient and innovative ecosystem capable of sustaining cultural and economic vitality. this paper conceptualizes the canadian music industry as an entrepreneurial ecosystem, drawing on stam and van de ven’s (2021) framework to analyze how systemic conditions—networks, leadership, finance, talent, knowledge, institutions, culture, infrastructure, demand, and intermediary services—shape opportunities for innovation and entrepreneurship. by integrating a gender and diversity lens, the study highlights both the enabling features and exclusionary practices within the ecosystem. in doing so, it offers a novel contribution to both ee scholarship and arts entrepreneurship research by demonstrating how a framework developed in the context of high-growth business sectors can be adapted to illuminate the distinctive realities of the music industry. ultimately, this analysis argues that the canadian music industry exemplifies an ee whose vibrancy depends not only on creative innovation and digital transformation but also on its ability to address systemic inequities. positioning the music industry within ee theory provides a powerful framework for scholars, policymakers, and practitioners to better understand how entrepreneurial activity in the cultural sector can drive both economic growth and inclusive cultural development. artivate 13 3 1.1. music industry the music industry operates as an interconnected system of live performance, recorded music, publishing, and intermediaries that enable artists to reach audiences. rather than a linear value chain, it functions as a network of interdependent actors—artists, labels, promoters, publishers, venues, platforms—whose collaboration generates both cultural and economic value (caves, 2000; passman, 2021). this systemic nature parallels entrepreneurial ecosystems (ees), which emphasize how networks, institutions, and resources collectively shape entrepreneurial outcomes (stam & van de ven, 2021). the live sector illustrates these interdependencies, as artists rely on booking agents, promoters, and venue owners to access audiences and manage financial risk (brennan & webster, 2011). in recorded music, digital disruption has transformed artist–label relationships, with streaming services and 360 deals redefining revenue flows and market access (marshall, 2013; kjus, 2022). publishing and copyright frameworks remain essential for monetizing creativity, though inequitable access to rights management often disadvantages marginalized creators (towse, 2017; smith et al., 2021). digitalization further intensifies the entrepreneurial character required of music creators: independent artists are now expected to act as marketers, data analysts, and business owners alongside their creative practice (baym, 2018; haynes & marshall, 2018). these dynamics mirror ees by showing how innovation depends on resource flows and institutional frameworks and also reveal how inequities in access to networks and capital risk reproduce systemic exclusions (wurth, stam, & spigel, 2022; strong & raine, 2019). 1.2. arts entrepreneurship there is growing interest in the linkages between the arts, entrepreneurship, and innovation. nevertheless, the ideas of arts, entrepreneurship, and of the overlaps between them have lacked definition, especially in terms of how arts and entrepreneurship interact. this article proposes a definition of art entrepreneurship both as a concept and as a topic of study. the definition scholars can use to anchor the definition is that “arts entrepreneurship is about leveraging opportunities and taking risks in the pursuit of new ideas that ultimately support activities in the cultural and creative industries” (woronkowicz, 2021). arts entrepreneurship is a dynamic intersection of the creative impulse and the entrepreneurial spirit with the goal of bridging the aesthetic values of art with the economic demands of the market (beckman and essig, 2012). unlike traditional business ventures, arts entrepreneurship focuses on the development of innovative ideas and ventures in the arts sector, which includes music, visual arts, performing arts, literature, and other cultural expressions (chang & wyszomirski, 2015). individuals and organizations in this field are motivated by a desire to create, promote, and sustain economically viable artistic endeavours (essig, 2015). the growing recognition of arts artivate 13 4 entrepreneurship in academic and practical settings emphasizes its critical role in fostering cultural enrichment and economic development, demonstrating how artists can also be entrepreneurs who make significant contributions to both cultural landscapes and economies (chang & wyszomirski, 2015). research on arts entrepreneurship frequently emphasizes the unique challenges and opportunities that artists and cultural organizations face as they navigate the complexities of both the artistic and business worlds. the literature suggests a multifaceted approach to arts entrepreneurship, including the development of business acumen among artists, the value of networks and collaborations, and the role of innovation in the creation and marketing of artistic products and experiences (bridgstock, 2013). unlike more traditional sectors, arts entrepreneurship requires a delicate balance between artistic integrity and financial sustainability, necessitating strategies that are both creative and practical. this balance reflects the sector’s inherent tensions between art for art’s sake and art as a commodity, which fuels ongoing discussions about value, quality, and authenticity within the arts entrepreneurship ecosystem (ellmeier, 2003). researchers and practitioners do not yet agree upon a common definition of entrepreneurial ecosystems (stam and van de ven, 2015). entrepreneurship is the act of identifying, assessing, and taking advantage of chances to develop new products and services (schumpeter 1934; shane and venkataraman 2000).the notion of an ecosystem, or “ecological system,” is drawn from biology where it refers to “a biotic community, its physical environment, and all the interactions possible in the complex of living and nonliving components” (tansley 1935 cited in stam and van de ven, 2015). the entrepreneurial ecosystem refers to a set of elements including multiple actors, institutions, and resources that interact to form the context in which ventures are created, grown and sustained (stam & spigel, 2016) each of these components plays a vital part in creating and maintaining an ecosystem that supports entrepreneurship (stam and van de ven, 2015). leading ee scholars have acknowledged a theoretical gap in the literature concerning the application of the ecosystem model to other industries. in addition, they note the lack of attention to equity issues and power relationships. for example, wurth et al. (2022) noted: “[d]ue to the many avenues for exclusion and discrimination in entrepreneurial ecosystems it is not at all clear who entrepreneurial ecosystems are for and if they can play a role in reducing inequality or if they instead contribute to its reproduction.” wurth et al. (2022) explain that many ee privilege the white, male, mainstream demographic of entrepreneurship (abraham, 2020; huang et al., 2020). this paper conceptualizes how the canadian music industry functions as an ee and how this ecosystem affects equity, diversity and inclusion for musician entrepreneurs. artivate 13 5 2. theory ee scholarship emphasizes how entrepreneurship emerges through the interaction of multiple actors, institutions, and resources within particular contexts, often urban or regional (stam & spigel, 2016). early research in the late 1980s and 1990s marked a shift away from viewing entrepreneurship as an individual or personality-based activity toward understanding it as a process embedded in broader economic, cultural, and social systems (steyaert & katz, 2004). this holistic perspective underscored that entrepreneurship is not only a matter of individual talent or risk-taking but also depends on the enabling conditions and support structures within which actors operate. bahrami and evans (1995), for instance, highlighted the significance of regional actors and social dynamics in shaping entrepreneurial outcomes. while the concept of ees has become central in entrepreneurship studies, it remains theoretically fragmented. ees are often compared to clusters, industrial districts, and regional innovation systems, but differ by placing entrepreneurs—rather than firms or technologies—at the center of analysis (cavallo et al., 2019; acs et al., 2017). despite the proliferation of conceptual models, empirical studies remain limited (hsu et al., 2017), and the field continues to wrestle with definitional clarity and operationalization (wurth, stam, & spigel, 2022). one key tension concerns whether ees are inherently place-based or whether they can also be understood as digitally mediated, particularly in the wake of the covid-19 pandemic. the crisis disrupted traditional spatial dynamics and accelerated attention to digital ecosystems, where entrepreneurship increasingly depends on online platforms, streaming technologies, and social media (purbasari et al., 2021; audretsch et al., 2024). applying the ee framework to the music industry offers unique insights into how systemic conditions shape entrepreneurial opportunities and constraints. the music industry can be understood as an ecosystem in which artists, intermediaries (such as managers, promoters, and publishers), institutions, and infrastructures interact to generate cultural and economic value. like entrepreneurial ecosystems more broadly, this industry depends on the circulation of resources, knowledge, and social capital to foster innovation and sustain productivity (stam & van de ven, 2021). yet the sector also highlights challenges for ee theory: the “exceptional economy” of the arts (abbing, 2002) complicates traditional metrics of growth and success, while digital disruption and platformization have reconfigured how value is created and distributed (baym, 2018; towse, 2020). another important development in ee theory is the growing attention to equity and inclusion. critics argue that ecosystems often privilege white, male, and elite entrepreneurs, raising questions about whether ees reduce or reproduce inequality (wurth et al., 2022). this critique is particularly relevant to the cultural and creative industries (ccis), where structural inequities limit access to networks, funding, and leadership opportunities for marginalized groups (strong & raine, 2019; smith et al., artivate 13 6 2021). a critical approach to ee application therefore requires not only identifying enabling conditions but also examining barriers to participation. by situating the canadian music industry within an ee framework, this paper contributes to both entrepreneurship and arts management scholarship. the framework illuminates how ecosystem conditions such as networks, finance, talent, culture, and institutions structure opportunities for artists and intermediaries, while also exposing how systemic inequities limit inclusion. in doing so, it bridges ee theory—traditionally developed in business and regional innovation contexts—with the realities of cultural production, offering a more nuanced account of how entrepreneurial ecosystems operate in industries where creativity, identity, and equity are as central as capital and growth (catala et al., 2023; wang, 2023). 3. methods 3.1. secondary source and literatures analysis this study employed a careful and multi-layered methodological approach to analyze how the music industry incorporates the components of the ee framework. the research design was rooted in secondary data analysis, drawing on a broad range of peer-reviewed articles, case studies, policy reports, and industry documents. to ensure rigor, sources were identified through systematic searches in academic databases such as google scholar and jstor, as well as specialized journals and publications focused on the music industry, entrepreneurship, and the cultural and creative industries. selection criteria emphasized the reliability of the source, the explicit inclusion of entrepreneurial concepts, and the relevance of findings to the music sector. a thematic analysis technique was applied to organize and interpret the literature. sources were coded and categorized according to recurring themes connected to ee conditions, such as resource mobilization, network formation, leadership, institutional frameworks, and innovation. additional emphasis was placed on identifying the role of exogenous factors, including technological disruption and the covid-19 pandemic, which significantly altered the spatial and digital characteristics of entrepreneurial activity. this thematic process enabled the researchers to synthesize diverse perspectives and highlight how systemic conditions shape entrepreneurial opportunities and constraints in the music industry. the analysis also involved a comparative dimension. insights from general ee scholarship were contrasted with findings specific to the cultural and creative industries, allowing for a critical examination of where music industry dynamics converge with, or diverge from, established ee frameworks. special attention was given to issues of equity, diversity, and inclusion to ensure the analysis captured both enabling and exclusionary mechanisms within the ecosystem. artivate 13 7 by triangulating evidence across academic, industry, and policy sources, this methodological strategy provided a comprehensive and nuanced understanding of the music industry as an entrepreneurial ecosystem. the approach ensured that the analysis was both theoretically grounded and practically relevant, capturing the complex interplay between creativity, entrepreneurship, and systemic conditions in a rapidly evolving sector. 3.2. primary data this paper conceptualizes the canadian music industry as an ee by drawing on secondary data, including peer-reviewed literature, industry analyses, and policy reports. in particular, two recent primary data studies provide an empirical foundation: advance’s industry analysis & the value of black music report (diversity institute, 2024), which surveyed 1,702 respondents, and enablers and barriers to success in canada’s music industry (diversity institute & music canada, 2021), which surveyed approximately 624 artists entrepreneurs and professionals across the sector. these studies capture lived experiences of discrimination, funding access, mentorship, and career sustainability, offering large-scale insight into systemic barriers and enabling conditions. while this paper uses these reports as secondary sources to situate the music industry within ee theory, their original survey data provides a robust empirical base that can inform future, more targeted ee research. by synthesizing conceptual ee literature with these primary data insights, this paper establishes a theoretical foundation for subsequent empirical studies examining the canadian music industry as a functioning entrepreneurial ecosystem. 4. results 4.1. formal institutions in ee literature, formal institutions refer to the regulatory, legal, and governance frameworks that establish the “rules of the game” for entrepreneurship (stam & van de ven, 2021). these include the quality of governance, rule of law, corruption levels, and policy infrastructures that either incentivize or constrain entrepreneurial activity (ceresia & mendola, 2019). canada ranks highly in global governance measures, with relatively low perceived corruption (knoema, 2020), suggesting a supportive institutional environment for entrepreneurship more broadly. within the canadian music industry, formal institutions play a pivotal role in shaping entrepreneurial opportunities for artists and music businesses. core examples include federal policies such as the canada music fund, which was established to improve access, strengthen entrepreneurial capacity, and ensure that canadian artists are globally artivate 13 8 competitive (house of commons canada, 2009). equally important are intellectual property regimes and collective rights organizations (e.g., socan, cmrra, re:sound), which govern copyright protections and royalty flows that underpin the monetization of music. canadian content (cancon) requirements and public funding bodies such as factor, the canada council for the arts, and ontario creates further illustrate how government policy and institutional design directly structure the ee for musicians, affecting who can access capital, visibility, and career sustainability. at the same time, recent studies highlight that the presence of strong institutions does not automatically guarantee equitable outcomes. advance’s industry analysis & the value of black music report found that black artists are overrepresented in funding applications to factor but experience disproportionately high rejection rates, demonstrating inequities in access to institutional supports. similarly, the enablers and barriers report documented systemic gaps in mentorship and career development for women and equitydeserving groups. these findings underscore that while canada’s formal institutions provide a robust foundation for entrepreneurship in music, the distribution of benefits is uneven. thus, applying the ee framework to the music industry requires both acknowledging the strength of canada’s institutional environment and critically examining how institutional mechanisms reproduce or mitigate inequities. 4.2. culture in ee theory, culture refers to the shared values, norms, and beliefs that determine whether entrepreneurship is perceived as a desirable and legitimate career path (stam, 2015). it can be assessed by rates of self-employment, the prevalence of start-ups, and the societal status of entrepreneurs (global entrepreneurship monitor [gem], 2019). in canada, gem data suggests that early-stage entrepreneurship is relatively common, but the transition from start-up to established business remains difficult (gregson & saunders, 2020). within the cultural and creative industries, however, entrepreneurial culture manifests differently. hill (2019) reports that 52% of canadian artists are selfemployed—compared with only 12% of the general workforce—with musicians and singers constituting the largest share. this underscores both the entrepreneurial orientation of music work and the sector’s precarity, reflecting what abbing (2002) terms the “exceptional economy” of the arts, where symbolic value often outweighs financial stability. in the music industry, entrepreneurial culture is not only about risk-taking or firm creation but also about how society values music careers. despite the outsized contributions of musicians to canada’s economy and cultural identity, societal narratives often frame artistic work as unstable or secondary, undermining the legitimacy of music entrepreneurship as a long-term career path. this perception interacts with systemic inequities. recent studies show that while music is widely consumed—black music alone artivate 13 9 accounts for an estimated 65% of streaming market share in canada—black and equitydeserving artists continue to face barriers in funding access, representation, and recognition. similarly, women and underrepresented groups report exclusion from mentorship and leadership pathways, even as they disproportionately pursue entrepreneurial routes such as self-employment. these dynamics reveal a paradox: music entrepreneurship is culturally celebrated in terms of both output and innovation, yet it is structurally undervalued as a legitimate and sustainable career. from an ee perspective, canada’s cultural environment demonstrates strong entrepreneurial participation within the arts but limited societal and institutional reinforcement of that participation. for the music ecosystem to thrive, cultural attitudes must shift toward valuing artistic entrepreneurship as both legitimate and essential to canada’s economic and cultural future, with inclusive recognition of the diverse communities driving the industry forward. 4.3. finance in ees, finance is a critical condition that enables entrepreneurs to mobilize resources, manage risk, and sustain innovation. access to venture capital, angel investment, and institutional funding are consistently cited as determinants of ecosystem vibrancy (stam & van de ven, 2021; wurth et al., 2022). where financial systems are strong, they foster productive entrepreneurship; where they are weak or exclusionary, entrepreneurial activity is stifled. in the canadian music industry, financing structures operate differently from highgrowth business ecosystems. rather than relying primarily on venture capital, artists and music entrepreneurs typically depend on a patchwork of funding sources: public programs such as the canada music fund and factor, provincial agencies like ontario creates, municipal arts councils, collective rights organizations (e.g., socan royalties), and private sponsorships. labels and publishers also play a central role by providing advances, though these often come with contractual trade-offs that limit long-term autonomy. in recent years, crowdfunding platforms, micro-grants, and sync licensing have emerged as alternative mechanisms for financing music entrepreneurship, reflecting broader shifts toward digital and distributed models of support. however, recent equity-focused studies highlight persistent disparities in access to finance. advance’s industry analysis & the value of black music report shows that black artists submit a disproportionate number of applications to factor but experience higher rejection rates, revealing structural barriers within canada’s most prominent funding body. similarly, women in the enablers and barriers report identified mentorship and financing as critical obstacles to career advancement, with black women entrepreneurs facing particular difficulty securing loans and investment. these findings artivate 13 10 underscore that while formal financing mechanisms for music exist in abundance, systemic inequities continue to shape who benefits from them. from an ee perspective, canada’s music industry demonstrates both the strength and the limits of finance as an enabling condition. the presence of extensive public support reflects a unique policy commitment to cultural entrepreneurship, yet uneven access undermines inclusivity and constrains the ecosystem’s potential. ensuring equitable access to finance—through reforms in grantmaking, targeted funds for underrepresented groups, and more transparent allocation processes—is essential for a music ecosystem that is not only innovative but also sustainable and just. 4.4. demand consumer appetite is a defining driver of entrepreneurial ecosystems, and in the case of music, demand manifests across streaming, live performance, licensing, and broader cultural consumption. recent industry data underscores this vitality: music consumption in canada has risen at an annual rate of 10.6%, surpassing pre-pandemic levels (mrc data, 2021). socan’s annual report further confirms robust market growth, with more than $348 million in royalties distributed in 2021—marking a 10% year-over-year increase. digital revenues are particularly significant; canadian creators earned a record $104 million in digital royalties that year, reflecting a 32% average annual growth rate (socan, 2021). these trends illustrate a market with expanding domestic demand and growing international recognition of canadian music. evidence from advance’s study highlights how demand for black music specifically drives canada’s cultural exports: between 2019 and 2022, black music accounted for approximately 65% of the top canadian streaming charts, generating an estimated $339 million cad in subscription revenues. yet, despite this disproportionate market share, black music professionals remain underrepresented in leadership roles and face systemic barriers in accessing resources to sustain careers. the disjuncture between high consumer demand and inequitable institutional recognition suggests that demand alone does not translate into equitable opportunity within the ecosystem. live music further illustrates how demand fuels entrepreneurship. following pandemic restrictions, there has been a marked resurgence in audiences for concerts and festivals, with many artists noting a heightened appreciation for live performance (abma, 2021). public funding structures also play a role in stimulating demand by subsidizing ticket prices and supporting festivals, thereby ensuring access across diverse audiences. however, the enablers and barriers report indicates that systemic inequities affect which artists are booked, showcased, and supported, with women and equity-deserving artists often excluded from headline opportunities despite demonstrated audience interest. taken together, these indicators point to a paradox within canada’s music ecosystem: demand for music is strong and growing, particularly for genres rooted in black creativity, artivate 13 11 yet the benefits of this demand are unevenly distributed. from an ee perspective, strengthening the connection between consumer appetite and inclusive entrepreneurial opportunity is essential for building a resilient and equitable music ecosystem. 4.5. networks in ee theory, networks capture the density, diversity, and quality of relationships that connect entrepreneurs to collaborators, mentors, and resources. strong networks foster knowledge spillovers, resource mobilization, and innovation, while fragmented or exclusionary networks constrain entrepreneurial potential (stam, 2019). in empirical research, collaboration rates and cross-sector connections are often used as indicators of ecosystem vibrancy. the music industry is inherently network-driven. collaboration between artists, engineers, producers, managers, and promoters is essential to the creation and circulation of music. studies of collaboration patterns confirm that artists and engineers serve as central nodes in music networks, with recording projects bringing together diverse roles in concentrated hubs (budner & grahl, 2016). industry organizations, collectives, and informal peer groups further expand these ties, enabling musicians to access opportunities, audiences, and professional development. in this sense, the music industry exemplifies ee principles: entrepreneurial outcomes depend less on isolated talent than on embeddedness within networks that enable creative and commercial activity. yet, critical perspectives show that access to networks is unevenly distributed. music canada’s enablers and barriers report found that 62% of respondents identified networking opportunities as a key enabler of success, while 50% overall reported they always or often had access to networks. disaggregated results reveal significant inequities: only 33% of black respondents, 46% of other racialized respondents. similarly, advance’s study highlights that black music professionals—despite representing the majority of streaming consumption—remain underrepresented in decision-making spaces and mentorship networks from an ee perspective, these findings highlight the dual role of networks: they are the lifeblood of collaboration and innovation in music, yet they also act as gatekeeping mechanisms that reproduce systemic exclusion. building inclusive, accessible networks is therefore critical not only to individual career sustainability but also to the vibrancy of the music ecosystem as a whole. 4.6. leadership within ee theory, leadership refers to the capacity of individuals and organizations to provide guidance, coordination, and vision for collective action. leaders often act as convenors, boundary-spanners, and advocates, shaping agendas and mobilizing resources to sustain ecosystem vibrancy (stam, 2016; stam & van de ven, 2021). in business artivate 13 12 contexts, leadership is commonly measured through the presence of high-profile entrepreneurs or coordinating institutions. in the music industry, however, leadership extends beyond firm founders to include artists, executives, advocacy organizations, and cultural influencers who collectively guide the direction of the sector. leadership in canada’s music ecosystem operates at multiple levels. at the organizational level, entities such as caras, cima, capacoa, music canada, and the canadian federation of musicians play influential roles by lobbying for policy reforms, convening stakeholders, and setting industry standards. this is in addition to formal institutions such as socan, cmrra, and others mentioned above, where leaders of these organizations play a crucial role in leading and shaping the canadian music industry. reports on industry preparedness stress that effective leaders must combine technical knowledge of the music business—including revenue models, rights management, and digital supply chains—with empathy for artists, literacy in data analytics, and awareness of global policy frameworks (leboeuf, 2019). at the artistic level, musicians themselves often serve as leaders by mobilizing fan communities, advocating for equity, or shaping cultural narratives. these distributed forms of leadership illustrate the ee principle that ecosystems thrive not on hierarchy alone but on collaborative, multi-level guidance. from an ee perspective, leadership structures not only shape industry direction but also mirror systemic inequities. critical perspectives, however, highlight persistent inequities in who occupies leadership positions. advance’s industry analysis & the value of black music report found that black professionals remain severely underrepresented in senior executive roles, despite black music accounting for the majority of streaming consumption in canada. similarly, the enablers and barriers study revealed that women and equity-deserving artists report limited access to mentorship and career development pathways that would position them for leadership roles. this disconnect reflects broader concerns in ee scholarship: leadership is an enabling condition, but when concentrated among homogeneous groups, it risks reproducing systemic exclusions rather than fostering collective prosperity. from an ee perspective, leadership is thus both an enabling and constraining force in canada’s music industry. the presence of strong advocacy organizations and policy leaders demonstrates the sector’s institutional capacity, yet exclusion from leadership roles undermines inclusivity and long-term resilience. strengthening diverse leadership pipelines—through mentorship, governance training, and equitable access to decisionmaking spaces—is essential for cultivating a music ecosystem that reflects canada’s cultural diversity and fosters sustainable entrepreneurship. artivate 13 13 4.7. talent in ee theory, talent is typically measured by the proportion of highly educated adults in a population on the assumption that education is a proxy for skills, innovation capacity, and entrepreneurial potential (stam, 2016). while this approach may hold in knowledgebased industries, it is limited when applied to the arts, which represent what abbing (2002) describes as an “exceptional economy.” in the music industry, artistic excellence and creative entrepreneurship often flourish outside of formal educational pathways. many globally successful artists—including beyonce , rihanna, britney spears, and celine dion—achieved prominence without completing higher education, illustrating that in music, talent and originality outweigh credentialism as drivers of success. within canada’s music ecosystem, talent remains the bedrock of value creation, yet it is cultivated through diverse means. some artists develop through conservatories, universities, or formal training, while many others acquire skills through informal networks, community mentorship, or self-directed practice (lunny, 2019). this heterogeneity suggests that the ee framework must be expanded to account for industries where talent is assessed less by degrees and more by creative output, entrepreneurial adaptability, and the ability to mobilize audiences. equity-focused studies further show that while talent is widely distributed, access to opportunities that nurture and showcase it is not. the enablers and barriers survey found that many respondents—particularly women and equity-deserving groups—identified the lack of mentorship and professional development as major obstacles to realizing their potential. advance’s report similarly highlighted that black artists, despite driving the majority of streaming consumption, remain underrepresented in positions that translate talent into sustained careers. these findings suggest that the issue is not talent scarcity but systemic inequities in how talent is recognized, supported, and rewarded. from an ee perspective, the music industry underscores the need to reconceptualize talent as a multidimensional resource. rather than equating talent with formal education, indicators must capture creative skill, entrepreneurial orientation, and equitable access to career development. only by broadening the concept of talent can the ee framework fully account for the dynamics of the music ecosystem. 4.8. knowledge a vibrant ee depends on the continuous circulation of knowledge—whether through formal education, professional development, or the tacit learning that occurs within networks and communities of practice (stam & van de ven, 2021). in the music sector, knowledge is not limited to academic credentials or research investments; it encompasses artistic skill, entrepreneurial literacy, and the ability to adapt to evolving technological and cultural landscapes. artivate 13 14 canada has developed a range of infrastructures that support knowledge-sharing for music entrepreneurs. major conferences and showcases such as canadian music week, mutek montreal, and breakout west—funded through the factor collective initiatives program—serve as hubs for education, mentorship, and industry dialogue. organizations such as the socan foundation provide professional development grants, while accelerators like rbc launchpad, td incubator for creative entrepreneurship, the remix project, and the house cultivate entrepreneurial capacity among emerging artists (malli & fielding, 2020). these programs demonstrate that knowledge in the music industry is multi-dimensional: it spans creative practice, business acumen, rights management, and digital strategy. despite these investments, evidence shows that access to knowledge-building opportunities is uneven. the enablers and barriers report found that mentorship and training remain critical gaps: while 62% of respondents identified networking and 61% collaboration as enablers of success, many equity-deserving groups reported lacking consistent access to such opportunities. advance’s study similarly revealed that black music professionals—who dominate canadian streaming consumption—remain underrepresented in leadership and mentorship spaces that transmit knowledge essential for long-term sustainability. for ee analysis, the lesson is clear: knowledge cannot be reduced to research and design expenditure or university linkages. in cultural sectors like music, knowledge is tacit, experiential, and deeply embedded in community and practice. to strengthen canada’s music entrepreneurial ecosystem, equitable access to mentorship, professional training, and leadership development must be prioritized alongside traditional investments in knowledge infrastructure. 4.9. intermediate services a key condition of entrepreneurial ecosystems is the presence of robust intermediary services—specialized inputs that allow entrepreneurs to focus on core activities while accessing the expertise and infrastructure needed to scale (stam & van de ven, 2021). in most sectors this includes legal, financial, and marketing services. in music, intermediaries span a wide range of functions: artist and repertoire (a&r), publishing, management, distribution, legal services, publicity, and promotion. these intermediaries bridge the gap between creative talent and the marketplace, helping artists to professionalize, reach audiences, and sustain careers. evidence suggests that the music industry invests heavily in such services. the canadian independent music association reported that in 2013 approximately cad 2.5 billion was invested in a&r development. globally, the international federation of the phonographic industry (ifpi) reinvests around 15.6% of revenues into a&r, a higher proportion than r&d investment in pharmaceuticals (14.4%) or computer services (9.9%) (ifpi, 2014). these investments underscore that, within music, intermediaries are not artivate 13 15 peripheral but central to innovation and value creation, operating as the r&d engine of the cultural economy. yet, as with other ecosystem conditions, access to intermediary services is uneven. the enablers and barriers report found that artists from equity-deserving groups frequently cited difficulties in securing managers, legal representation, and agents— services that are critical for breaking into professional circuits. advance’s study likewise showed that black artists, despite their dominance in canada’s streaming market, often struggle to access publishing and management structures that translate popularity into sustainable careers. this exclusion highlights a structural imbalance: the industry invests heavily in intermediary services, but the benefits are not distributed equitably across all creators. from an ee perspective, the strength of canada’s music ecosystem depends not only on the scale of investments in intermediary services but also on equitable access to them. ensuring diverse representation among managers, a&r representatives, and publishers—and creating transparent pathways for artists to connect with these services—is essential to fully realizing the ecosystem’s innovative and entrepreneurial potential. 4.10. outputs: productive entrepreneurship productive entrepreneurship is widely considered the ultimate outcome of an entrepreneurial ecosystem, defined as activity that contributes to net economic output or enhances the system’s capacity for future value creation (baumol, 1993; stam & van de ven, 2021). in a healthy ecosystem, the interaction of resources, networks, and institutions results in entrepreneurial outputs that generate innovation, employment, and cultural impact. the canadian music industry illustrates this principle clearly. supported by public financing, collective rights organizations, and intermediary services, canadian artists consistently achieve global recognition—drake, the weekend, justin bieber, daniel caesar, and shawn mendes are among the most prominent examples of music entrepreneurs whose creative output has translated into worldwide economic and cultural value (billboard, 2021). beyond superstar success, productive entrepreneurship in music includes a broad range of outputs: recorded works, live performances, streaming platforms, sync licensing for film and advertising, merchandise, education, and emerging digital business models (passmore, 2019). together, these outputs demonstrate how music entrepreneurship contributes both directly and indirectly to aggregate value creation in canada and abroad. however, critical perspectives show that the benefits of these outputs are not distributed evenly across the ecosystem. advance’s study highlights that black music— representing roughly 65% of canada’s streaming charts between 2019 and 2022—drives artivate 13 16 enormous demand, yet black professionals remain underrepresented in executive and leadership positions that shape how this value is captured. similarly, the enablers and barriers report found that women and equity-deserving artists face systemic barriers to accessing sustainable career opportunities, mentorship, and financial supports. these inequities signal that while canada’s music ecosystem generates significant outputs, it does not fully achieve the inclusive, sustainable entrepreneurship envisioned in ee theory. from an ee standpoint, the canadian music industry demonstrates the vibrancy of productive entrepreneurship but also underscores the need to address systemic barriers to participation and benefit-sharing. strengthening inclusivity within the ecosystem will not only advance equity but also enhance the system’s long-term capacity to innovate and generate value. while stam & van de ven (2019) purport a general model of an entrepreneurial ecosystem, a more focused approach is necessary to understand the underlying mechanisms and actors in a music industry entrepreneurial ecosystem. table 1 utilizes the original framework developed by stam and van de ven (2019) and applies it directly to the canadian music industry based on passmore’s (2019) guide to the music industry, as well as our effort to create a description. table 1. application of stam and van de ven’s ee elements to canada’s music industry gender and diversity lens ee element application to music industry equity, diversity, and inclusion lens networks artist collaborations, professional associations, mentorship structures, and cross-sector linkages women, black, and other equity-deserving professionals report limited access to industry networks; inclusive mentorship and association reform are needed leadership executives of labels, publishers, industry organizations, and advocacy bodies leadership roles remain dominated by men; women and racialized leaders are underrepresented despite diversity initiatives finance public grants, royalties, venture investment, a&r spending, and sponsorships marginalized artists face barriers to funding, lower success rates in grant applications, and limited private investment opportunities talent artists, creators, producers, and training programs (formal and informal) education pipelines exist but access is inequitable; recognition of non-traditional artivate 13 17 career paths and support for diverse talent development are essential knowledge research, industry reports, conferences, tacit knowledge, digital literacy initiatives underrepresentation of equitydeserving groups in research and data; need for equityfocused industry knowledgesharing and capacity building intermediary services managers, booking agents, publishers, lawyers, marketing firms, distributors biases in gatekeeping roles (management, a&r, legal) restriction of marginalized artists’ ability to scale careers; inclusive intermediary practices are needed formal institutions government policy (e.g., canada music fund, copyright law, cancon), collective rights management strong public investment but inequities persist in distribution; policies must better address systemic racism, sexism, and accessibility culture music festivals, awards, industry events, representation in media persistent gender and racial inequities in recognition (awards, festival lineups); industry criticized for misogyny and exclusionary norms infrastructure recording studios, live venues, digital platforms, rehearsal spaces access to venues and recording spaces is limited for women and racialized professionals; minority-owned infrastructure is underfunded demand audiences, streaming consumption, global export markets market preferences and algorithms can reinforce biases; greater promotion of underrepresented artists is needed to expand equitable demand 5. discussion this paper advances the application of ee theory to the music industry by examining three interrelated systemic conditions—talent, intermediary services, and knowledge. consistent with stam’s (2015) framework, ecosystems are sustained not by isolated actors but by the interaction of multiple components that enable innovation, entrepreneurial entry, and long-term value creation. in the context of music, this interdependence is particularly evident: talent provides the creative foundation, intermediary services artivate 13 18 connect artists to markets and audiences, and knowledge infrastructures enable continuous adaptation in an evolving digital environment. together, these conditions illustrate how the music industry functions as an entrepreneurial ecosystem, where artistic and economic outputs are co-produced through collaboration, investment, and institutional support. the analysis further underscores that a healthy music ecosystem depends on more than the presence of resources—it requires equitable access to them. while canada invests heavily in artist development, professional services, and capacity-building programs, empirical evidence demonstrates that access to these resources is uneven. as highlighted in the enablers and barriers study, women and equity-deserving artists report significant challenges in accessing mentorship, networking, and intermediary services, which are central to entrepreneurial growth. similarly, advance’s report reveals that although black music drives the majority of streaming consumption in canada, black professionals remain underrepresented in leadership and decision-making roles. these findings reveal an important limitation of current ee scholarship: while ecosystem models often assume that resources and services are broadly accessible, in practice systemic inequities shape who benefits from them. a second contribution of this analysis lies in reconceptualizing how ee conditions are measured in the cultural sector. standard ee metrics—such as education levels for talent or r&d expenditures for knowledge—are insufficient for capturing the dynamics of the music industry. talent in music is often cultivated outside formal educational systems, emerging instead through experiential learning, mentorship, and community practice. similarly, knowledge creation is not limited to university-industry partnerships but also includes cultural transmission, digital literacy, and the sharing of tacit expertise within networks. intermediary services, typically conceived as professional or financial support functions in other sectors, play an outsized role in music as the primary mechanism through which talent is discovered, developed, and scaled. these adaptations suggest that ee theory must expand to account for the exceptional economy of the arts (abbing, 2002), where value is co-produced through creativity, collaboration, and cultural capital rather than solely through conventional business inputs. finally, this discussion emphasizes the centrality of equity and inclusion as ecosystem conditions in their own right. prior research has demonstrated that diversity enhances innovation and resilience across industries (cukier et al., 2014; hennekam, 2022). within music, inclusive pathways into leadership, mentorship, and professional services not only reflect broader social values but also expand the ecosystem’s creative and economic potential. by foregrounding issues of access, this paper highlights the need to reconceptualize ee health: productive entrepreneurship should not only be measured in terms of aggregate economic output but also in terms of equitable participation and benefit-sharing across diverse communities. in this sense, the music industry offers a artivate 13 19 critical lens for advancing ee theory, demonstrating both the potential and the shortcomings of existing frameworks when applied to cultural industries. 6. conclusions the complex interactions among the systemic conditions of the ee and the canadian music industry reveal how culture, business, and policy coalesce to shape artistic production, distribution, and consumption. financial resources, regulatory frameworks, entrepreneurial education, and a culture of creativity all contribute to the ecosystem’s capacity to sustain innovation and adapt to technological change. these dynamics have enabled canadian artists to reach global audiences through streaming, digital distribution, and new performance formats, illustrating how the music industry thrives within a flexible and resilient ee. at the same time, this study has shown that the ee framework, when applied to the music industry, must be both expanded and interrogated. traditional indicators—such as formal education for talent or r&d expenditure for knowledge—fail to capture the unique dynamics of cultural production, where tacit knowledge, artistic skill, and cultural capital are central. moreover, the canadian music industry underscores that productive entrepreneurship, the ultimate output of an ee, remains unevenly distributed. discrimination and systemic barriers hinder equity-deserving groups from accessing mentorship, intermediary services, networks, and leadership roles. in practice, this means that while the ecosystem produces substantial cultural and economic value, the benefits are not equitably shared. this observation reveals a deeper theoretical gap. as wurth et al. (2022) argue, ee scholarship has not yet sufficiently examined how ecosystems perpetuate inequality. the music industry makes this problem explicit: despite evidence that black artists dominate streaming markets and women constitute a significant share of the workforce, these groups remain underrepresented in positions of influence and face barriers to sustainable careers. such exclusion is not peripheral but systemic—it constrains the ecosystem’s innovative capacity and limits its aggregate productivity. this raises a central question that goes beyond music: how can an ecosystem be considered productive if large segments of its participants are set up to fail based on their identity? by framing the canadian music industry as an ee, this paper contributes to both entrepreneurship and creative industries research. it demonstrates that entrepreneurial ecosystems are not neutral structures of support but socially embedded systems that can reproduce inequities as much as they enable innovation. for ee theory, the implication is clear: measures of ecosystem “health” must extend beyond aggregate outputs to include questions of equity, inclusion, and access. for creative industries, this perspective highlights the need to design interventions that dismantle systemic barriers and foster artivate 13 20 diverse participation, ensuring that talent is not wasted and opportunities are not restricted. future research should continue to explore these intersections. the accelerating digital transformation—through artificial intelligence, blockchain, and new modes of global circulation—will reshape how music is created, monetized, and governed. local and indigenous music scenes also require closer attention, as they reveal how cultural expression and entrepreneurship interact under conditions of global exchange. investigating these dynamics can deepen understanding of how entrepreneurial ecosystems evolve and how they might be restructured to support both innovation and justice. overall, the music industry shows that the promise of entrepreneurial ecosystems cannot be realized without equity. a system that excludes marginalized voices cannot be deemed fully productive, no matter how much value it generates in aggregate. by centering inclusion as an essential condition of ecosystem health, this paper calls for a reimagining of ee theory and practice—one that recognizes that equitable participation is not only a moral imperative but also a driver of innovation, resilience, and long-term sustainability. artivate 13 21 references abbing, h. 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(2020). popular music fans and the value of concert tickets. popular music and society, 43(1), 57-77. wikstro m, p. (2020). the music industry: music in the cloud. john wiley & sons. wurth, b., stam, e., & spigel, b. (2022). toward an entrepreneurial ecosystem research program. entrepreneurship theory and practice, 46(3), 729–778. https://doi.org/10.1177/1042258721998948 yende, s. j. (2022). the quest for new digital skills for opera artists and opera companies during the covid-19 pandemic. journal of foreign language education and technology, 7(6), 1-12. cover image: photo by maxbelchenko, www.shutterstock.com/es/image-photo/crowd-concert-stagelights-hands-air-2585250841?dd_referrer= https://doi.org/10.1177/1042258721998948 1. introduction 1.1. music industry 1.2. arts entrepreneurship 2. theory 3. methods 3.1. secondary source and literatures analysis 3.2. primary data 4. results 4.1. formal institutions 4.2. culture 4.3. finance 4.4. demand 4.5. networks 4.6. leadership 4.7. talent 4.8. knowledge 4.9. intermediate services 4.10. outputs: productive entrepreneurship 5. discussion 6. conclusions microsoft word 154+redlines_cwa_mel-final.docx vol. 11, no. 1 spring 2022 advancing equity in arts entrepreneurship a case study on gender equity and empowerment in music production charlie wall-andrews toronto metropolitan university mary elizabeth luka university of toronto scarborough abstract: the authors conduct an empirical investigation of the national equity x program to understand not just the barriers that women face in becoming producers and developing business skills to move their career forward as artist entrepreneurs in canada but also how emerging professionals feel about their perceived opportunities. the authors first situate the study within the literature on equity and inclusion in the creative sector and the importance of the music industry in this context. they then use an impact assessment framework that incorporates key indicators around equity and inclusion, aesthetic goals and approaches, and accessibility measures to help organize six rich clusters of data drawn from respondents (n=397). using iterative open coding of open-ended responses to semi-structured questions, as well as critical discourse analysis, the authors examine the clustered data to illustrate or address these impact measures and to tease out the implications of each cluster of data. the analysis of the six clusters of data can help the sector (and their funders and policymaking supporters) better understand priorities for entrepreneurial capacity-building, including professionalization, technical skills, self-development, a sense of belonging through networking, entrepreneurial development, and emotional engagement in the sector. while the study does not suggest that systemic discrimination can be overcome any time soon, it does provide evidence of the ways in which women creatives in music believe that becoming more proficient in technical and business skills will help them; it also illustrates their optimism about being able to overcome discrimination. this generates a more complex understanding not just of some of the challenges faced by diverse women artist-entrepreneurs within canada’s music ecosystem but also perceptions about how they aim to overcome these challenges. the article concludes by outlining future work required to ameliorate system-wide discrimination in arts entrepreneurship. keywords: small business, artists, equity, music, music production, community education, women, gender issues, empirical study, emotional coding. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.11.1.154 artivate 11.1 2 introduction in this paper, we focus on how equity can be created among women and diverse artists aspiring to professionalize their careers by learning production and entrepreneurship skills. music producers play a pivotal creative role in the creative economy as entrepreneurs: they have a significant amount of control over the work that musicians release because they oversee the entire process of song creation (smith, ; shepherd, ). however, this group continues to be dominated by men, as detailed below. women have historically been underrepresented in the music industry and have faced systemic barriers (smith et al., ). one example is fanny mendelssohn, a nineteenth century german composer who composed more than  works including her  masterpiece, easter sonata, which was originally credited to her brother, the renowned composer felix mendelssohn. it took almost  years for her to receive the recognition she deserved (cbc radio, ). given the economic importance of entrepreneurs and small businesses in the music industry (cima ; ontario creates, n.d.; statistics canada, ), it is important to understand why women in the industry continue to face barriers, especially those working as producers. in this article, we first situate the study in literature and previous empirical research on equity and inclusion in the creative sector, then we outline our methodology. as an emergent case study, we use an impact assessment framework that moves beyond—but can also include—economic and business measures to look at the responses of women involved in the nationally competitive equity x production mentorship program (yin, ). we then examine six clusters of data that provide us with information to analyse using key impact indicators to create equity in canada’s industry and to better understand the challenges and barriers for women and diverse artists. the clusters of data include professionalization; technical skill-building discourse; self-development goals and strategies; the importance of a sense of belonging; the use of entrepreneurial and small business discourses; and emotional engagement within the sector, including motivation, frustration, and optimism. the equity x program is an intensive professional development experience intended to help remedy the severe underrepresentation of women producers in the sector by providing professionalization through mentoring, networking, and skill-building. equity x is funded and hosted by the socan foundation in canada. the equity x program was developed in  in response to the findings of research conducted between  and  by the annenberg inclusion initiative (smith et al., ). the program was implemented with the goal of mobilizing the strengths of creative hubs, networks, and entrepreneurial incubators as sites of professionalization and support. we examined preliminary feedback from program applicants to explore their understanding of the music industry as an entrepreneurial or small business environment. we found that aspiring participants tend to be keenly aware of their limited business and technical skills but do not describe themselves as entrepreneurs. they are also fully cognizant of the systemic nature of discrimination in the field, but they maintain an optimistic and enthusiastic outlook about their own potential, seeking targeted training and business incubation programs as a way of overcoming barriers. we conclude by identifying arts entrepreneurship literature artivate 11.1 3 that has not explored how critical or equity theory can be leveraged to better support underserved and underrepresented creative communities in hope that this paper will encourage further investigation. literature review in this article, since we examine the lack of equitable representation in the field of music, it is useful to first situate our approach in the broader literature on equity and diversity in the creative sector. we are then able to contextualize the situation for music entrepreneurs in the broader creative economy, specifically the music industry in canada. the literature on arts entrepreneurship has not yet converged on equity or targeted approaches to better serve marginalized artists, however, many aspects of the arts are highly inequitable. we explore the creative economy in the music industry, state of equity and inclusion, and impact indicators. creative economy and the music industry over the last two decades, creative industries have seen explosive growth in so-called creative incubators and hubs (essig, ; gill et al., ). these can be understood as operational infrastructures that can help develop, commercialize, and disseminate products. they are also used to foster a cultural district and offer coworking or presentation spaces for professional creative workers to share skills, networks, and current work. incubators are especially important because the arts sector is a crucial part of our social fabric and the economy. crosswick and kasynska () recently explored innovation spaces and cultural districts around the world and found that in addition to economic benefits, these spaces made important social contributions by fostering the development and availability of diverse creative work and approaches— both within the incubators themselves and in nearby public spaces. incubators and creative hubs are sites that can host education in strategic creative practices and skill-building for community identity and cohesion. they can make a city or region more liveable, not just for creative workers and businesses but also more generally for communities of users, consumers, and citizens. crosswick and kasynska () found that these sites have drawn the attention of creative and knowledge workers as well as investors, funders, and tourists. international research has revealed that investment in the arts and culture sectors creates jobs at lower costs to taxpayers and business owners compared to more capital-intensive industries (hesmondhalgh, ). in north america, the canadian cultural satellite account has documented the importance of the arts and culture sector to the health of our economy. according to its  report: “overall, the culture sector—which accounted for . of the total culture and sport gdp—rose . in  [. . .]. the culture sector accounted for over , jobs in , a . increase from ” (statistics canada, ). to build towards a more inclusive creative economy, previous research has found that creative hubs and networks can help communities to grow in sustainable ways, including communities that are marginalized, dissenting, or underrepresented (hassan, ; luka, ; yung, artivate 11.1 4 ). many studies have used economic measures of success to evaluate sites of activity in the culture sector, including large aggregate information such as gdp or more targeted information such as recording or merchandise sales, performances, or more broadly diversified revenue streams (dempwolf et al., ; essig, ). as a result, it is also important to understand the scope and potential economic impact of this field of work. according to recent data analysed by ontario creates, the music sector is one of the key economic development agencies in the country. and while it was hit hard by the global covid- pandemic, the sector is poised for growth: the canadian music industry generated us. billion in . it is projected that  will mark a significant drop of -. to just under  billion, followed by a dramatic increase over the following two years for a combined annual growth rate (cagr) of . between – . (ontario creates, n.d.) previous research has confirmed that entrepreneurs are key economic drivers in canada. in this study, we define entrepreneurs as done by hisrich (), whereby an entrepreneur is characterized as “someone who demonstrates initiative and creative thinking, is able to organize social and economic mechanisms to turn resources and situations to practical account, and accepts risk and failure.” the canadian music scene is largely driven by the independent music industry. the canadian independent music association (cima) is a not-for-profit national trade association representing the english-language, canadian-owned sector of the music industry. according to its website, its stakeholders consist of small businesses including record producers, record labels, recording studios, managers, agents, licensors, music video producers and directors, creative content owners, artists, and others who are professionally involved in the sound recording and music video industries. the local, global, and commercial successes of canadian independent artists reflect the viability of indie music as a small business model. for example, in , research firm nordicity resulted in a report on the independent music scene commissioned by the cima. the report, titled sound analysis, revealed that the canadian independent music industry has had a positive and measurable impact on the national economy (). in , the industry generated approximately  million in revenues and contributed more than  million to the canadian economy; and it contributed . million to the canadian gdp for every  million of industry revenue. at the time, it was estimated that more than , canadians were employed in the industry,  of whom are artists (cima, ). in , , professionals were involved in the music publishing and sound recording segment of the industry alone, along with a portion of the , live performance professionals (statistics canada, ). equity and inclusion in the music industry while there are different approaches to equity theory (huseman et. al., ; leventhal, ; adams, ; morand & merriman, ), we ground the study on the understanding that a person's beliefs regarding what is fair or unfair can shape their motivation, attitudes, and behaviors (adams, ). furthermore, unlike equality, the notion of equity recognizes that each artivate 11.1 5 person has different circumstances and requires access to specific resources and opportunities needed to reach an equal outcome (kabanof, ; just health action, ). women and gender-diverse artists have historically been underrepresented in the professional ranks of musicians in the western world, across genres (sisario, ). anecdotally, we have seen that the number of women musicians at canada’s music festivals and women holding technical jobs, such as sound engineers, remains low (friend, ). a  study of ontario’s music industry found numerous issues with regard to gender diversity, including lower pay overall, lack of opportunities for executive roles, low exposure, and multiple facets of systemic gender discrimination (women in music canada, ; pelloquin, ). in canada, a study by women in music canada (wmc) showed a similar trend in the underrepresentation of women. they looked at organizations within the music industry, in terms of representation of women and the roles that women play, which are often supporting and administrative roles and rarely senior management positions. through an online survey of  women working in seven different positions across ontario’s music industry, wmc found that in , women were least likely to work in “music production” roles ( of respondents). women in the music industry also receive lower pay overall, and those in ontario get about  of their total working hours from supplemental jobs outside of the music industry, accounting for approximately / of their total working time in jobs outside of the music industry (women in music canada, ). o’sullivan () compared motivating factors between men and women in the dublin music industry and found that women lack a sense of belonging, and they tend to leave the music industry because of insurmountable barriers. these barriers and challenges for women in the music industry are not new phenomena, but recent empirical studies, advocacy coalition movements (e.g., women in music, metoo, / across the board), and inclusivity initiatives (e.g., un sustainability goals, socan foundation) are now serving as catalysts; the music industry is now being held accountable for empowering women and fostering equity. so far, then, what we have seen is that economic and participation indicators outline the gaps and absences of women in the music industry as a site of small business and entrepreneurial activity. women and female-identified individuals are disturbingly underrepresented in the production of music in north america: according to one recent report, only about  of producers listed on the top  billboard charts are female (smith et al., ). research has revealed similar findings in other lucrative and high-profile industries including finance (orser, ) and media and arts production (coles et al., ; women in view, ), but the music scene has its own unique reasons for the reproduction of this underrepresentation (samuelson, ). one music producer involved in the equity x program commented: finding support and resources to further my learning has been difficult as it is pretty much a boy’s club when it comes to producers [. . .]. misgendering, transphobia, misogyny, sexism, and racism are all present in these circles and it is very hard to feel comfortable and safe to work and learn in these types of groups. it is often why i choose to work alone at home, but the sheer loneliness and isolation of being one of very few qpoc [queer persons of colour] in a local arts artivate 11.1 6 scene is very discouraging for creativity—we need community and support to thrive. (equity x program, ) women and female-identified producers continue to face barriers, lack access to resources and education, and are less successful in terms of evolving financially and creatively in an industry rife with personal connections, sexism, racism, and other inequities (snapes, ). many studies have reported that the canadian musician industry lacks gender diversity in terms of leadership; only  of canadian music companies are headed by women (pwc, women in music, ). the united nations (un) has stressed the need for the economic empowerment of women and has established several sustainability goals, including one intended to achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls, noting that “[g]ender equality is not only a fundamental human right, but a necessary foundation for a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable world” (un, ). empowering women is known to boost productivity, increase economic diversification and income equality, and lead to other positive development outcomes (international monetary fund, ). however, women continue to face barriers and challenges in the music industry and are grossly underrepresented in creative and business leadership roles. this brings us to a consideration of the broader creative economy, the role of creative incubator experiences, and then to the music industry specifically. impact indicators to better understand why this is the case, we can look at three categories of impact indicators that reach beyond economic and business measures: aesthetic and cultural, accessibility and inclusion, and knowledge-sharing and sense-making (luka, ). these groupings of indicators provide us with a way to frame the emergent coding we undertook and map a pathway towards thinking about how goals around equity can be realized in the music industry. for example, our cluster—() professionalization, () self-development, and () entrepreneurial discourse—findings address three aesthetic and cultural success indicators directly, such as the ability to: develop entrepreneurship and professionalizing networks and practices in the cultural sector; to practice leadership, facilitation, and inclusive skills development; [and] to construct or make available conditions for new opportunities to a broader spectrum of artists, creative workers, and community members. (luka, , p. ) accessibility indicators emphasize modes of inclusiveness, from physical accessibility to social inclusion, starting with “basic proportional inclusion of social groups” (luka, , p.), which is clearly not reflected in the music sector. our cluster , , and  findings speak to this crucial indicator, as we show below. finally, knowledge-making and sensemaking indicators include “information gathering; peer-exchanges; ecology growing” as well as “narratives of start-up or experimental ingenuity or creative entrepreneurship combined with arts, culture, and creative practices” (luka, , artivate 11.1 7 p. ), each of which were evident in all the cluster findings, as explored below. in the next section of the article, we review our methodology before moving on to a discussion of our findings. methodology our analysis focuses on equity x as a case study (yin, ) to explore the problems faced by women and underrepresented artist entrepreneurs as they try to advance their career in the music industry, particularly with respect to producing their own music. socan circulated an open-ended survey to applicants, and we were provided with anonymized access to analyze the responses. we used an iterative open coding approach (rivas, ) to tease out emergent themes and emotions. the results yielded rich qualitative data with a combination of deductive and inductive findings, which are discussed below, along with insider information from the creator of the program, who has worked with equity x participants for the first two years of the program. one of the co-authors of this article was responsible for the design of the equity x program. they drew from previous work led by the women entrepreneurial knowledge hub (wekh) (cukier & hassannezhad, ). the wekh helps advance women entrepreneurs from diverse backgrounds by serving as an inclusive innovation ecosystem linking micro-, meso-, and macro-level factors with the potential to advance women’s entrepreneurship. as noted above, previous research has demonstrated that creating an inclusive ecosystem can advance women’s entrepreneurship and that entrepreneurship can help drive economic development among underrepresented demographics (cukier & chuvashia, ). for example, creative hubs that focus on the specific needs of artsand media-based entrepreneurs and practitioners can foster success among typically underrepresented demographics (luka et al., ; ester, ; harvey & fisher, ). respondents were recruited by socan using a series of communications and promotions organized by the organization and also in conjunction with industry partners (including ableton canada, signal community), promotional partners (including songwriters association of canada, screen composers guild of canada, women in music canada, music canada), and other music industry associations across canada: these partners were selected to ensure diverse communities across canada have the opportunity to participate in the program. successful applicants who completed the program shared details about whether and how the program had taught them new skills and influenced their feeling of empowerment, and they also provided feedback for future improvements to the program. the qualitative survey included deductive, semi-structured questions related to career goals, skill development goals, discrimination, and further support that might be needed upon completion of the program. the dataset includes data from two cohorts compiled at two different times (fall  and spring ). a privacy officer at a partner organization anonymized and aggregated the data and removed any responses that were submitted by an individual more than once. the final anonymized dataset included responses from  female-identifying artivate 11.1 8 individuals applying to the equity x program with the goal of learning to become producers and entrepreneurs. our preliminary analysis revealed six clusters of keywords that respondents used to describe what they were looking for in terms of skill-building, access, education, networking, and other areas. the open coding approach generated lists of keywords, which yielded an initial set of potential thematic groupings; we then parsed and counted keywords that we subsequently reorganized by using discursive context as well as the specific words used; they were then color coded. the six clusters provide us with indicators to better understand the challenges and barriers for women and diverse artists in the music sector. these include professionalization; technical improvement discourse; self-development goals and strategies; the importance of belonging; the use of entrepreneurial and small business discourses; and emotional engagement in the sector, including motivation, frustration, and optimism. findings arts entrepreneurs many respondents would be regarded as arts entrepreneurs. we used critical discourse analysis (cukier et al., ) to explore how artists operate as small businesses, including how they articulate themselves as entrepreneurs, how they talk about their own businesses and careers, and what types of conversations could help mitigate systemic and other forms of discrimination. woronkowicz and noonan () examined self-employment behaviour among artists in the united kingdom based on census data from –. they found that those working in the arts are generally freelancers and have a unique entrepreneurial profile as artists. becoming an “artrepreneur” (essig, ), i.e., learning to be more entrepreneurial, is arguably necessary for artists to generate a livable income. however, in another empirical study, haynes and marshall () found that while artists are precarious and are generally involved in entrepreneurial activities, they tend to be resistant to being labelled as entrepreneurs. this resistance to the entrepreneurial mindset could serve as a barrier to success and thereby prevent artists from reaching their full potential. we explore these issues and others below. in the study we conducted, all our respondents identified as women. of these, . selfreported as francophones; . as an indigenous people; . as black, indigenous, and racialized; and . as deaf or persons with disability. there may be overlap among the groupings. they lived in ontario (.), quebec (.), british columbia (), alberta (.), eastern provinces (.), and other locations (.). cluster : professionalization the first cluster (n=  mentions) involved terms related to professionalization, i.e., professionalization, work, experience, career). the professional needs of entrepreneurship clearly emerged as a theme, even when respondents did not use terms commonly related to entrepreneurship or to conducting business. for example, we observed little to no discussion of basic artivate 11.1 9 business skills such as incorporation, copyright, accounting, budget, resource management, etc. table 1: professionalization discourse term number cumulative professional   career   experience   work   while respondents spoke in more depth and with more confidence about building technical skills (see cluster  below, n= ) to support creative production, the frequent iteration of the desire to improve professional skills in this context (whether articulated as “professional,” “career,” “experience,” or “work” skills) suggests that respondents were keenly aware that they did not yet possess the language to articulate specific business development and sustainability language, although they might (or might not) have already been using entrepreneurial or business tools and approaches in the development of their production, distribution, and marketing efforts. examples of respondents that shared terms pertaining to professionalization include: producing will advance my career because i have studied a broad range of music from world music to all things classic pop. i'm able to make exceptional music as a musician & vocalist in the traditional context of how artists create. however, in order for me to progress i need to learn how to create more advanced material using modern technology and engineering. (equity x program, ) building my skills in recording and music production will elevate my career and help me to become a better and more knowledgeable producer. not only will it help me to produce my own music at a more professional level, it will also open up opportunities to record and produce other artists as well as be a better mentor to up and coming artists. (equity x program, ) i need more access to tangible resources and learning spaces to continually exercise and develop my skills. i have developed a fear and anxiety around teaching myself technical music skills so i need the space to thrive with my accomplishments and build proactive from my mistakes, with unwavering opportunity for career growth. (equity x program, ) cluster : technical improvement discourse the term tech came up frequently as it relates to self-production and control over production, including skills, produce, training, tech[nology]. access to opportunities to develop necessary technical skills was not only framed as an aspiration, but lack of skill was articulated as a barrier to taking control of creative output and professional goals artivate 11.1 10 table 2. technical improvement discourse term number cumulative skills   produce   production   training   record   tech   respondents were determined to build their professional technical skills and felt that within the industrial environment, enough skill could potentially transform them into expert producers. however, most were already highly technically proficient. for example, one applicant noted: when i arrive in a bar to play my music with my friend (he’s a man), the technicians always ask him about our needs for our gear and other technical stuff, but it’s me that is in charge of that. i always feel like i have to prove to others that i have my place. when people talk to me about my band with my friend, they always assume i’m only singing and he composes, produces and plays all the music by himself, but we do it all together. (equity x program, ) another applicant noted: in my career, i have absolutely felt discriminated [against], compared to my male colleagues in the music industry. when i would play shows, i would always hear comments from the male sound tech or stage hands, when i would be in the music store buying equipment, i would always feel judgment from the staff, and when i would talk to other musicians, producers, sound techs, etc. it was always like they were speaking down to me, and it was like i was barely even there. (equity x program, ) as reflected in these excerpts, women experience barriers articulated as presumed technical proficiencies—even when they are observed working in roles that require superior skills that leverage technology. this issue is complicated by another obstacle to professional work as music producers: software costs. according to the canada council for the arts (), the typical income for an artist in canada is ,, about  lower than the median of all workers (,). the purchase of professional music production software, such as ableton (about ,), is therefore a significant investment, potentially cost prohibitive. even if artists are capable and motivated to learn technology and production skills, access to the appropriate tools and resources is an additional barrier for female-identified artists, given the existing power imbalance as outlined in the annenberg inclusion initiative. additionally, affordability and access can be further complicated by lack of confidence among female producers. the term learn came artivate 11.1 11 up frequently (n=) in multiple contexts, including this cluster of technical improvement discourse, the self-development cluster, and the sense of belonging cluster of data. more research is needed to clarify and address which forms of resistance are involved in making the sector less welcoming to women. cluster : self-development discourse the self-development cluster (n=  mentions) included terms such as hope, self, confidence, and grow. a good example is an applicant’s following excerpt: i think my biggest challenge has been standing my ground and trusting my own knowledge and style around male-identifying music creatives when it comes to working on recording and mixing [. . .] i guess that could be something everyone is working on, but i feel like women have to kind of be extra sure of themselves in the creating music and the music industry in general. (equity x program, ) table 3. self-development discourse term number cumulative self   confidence   grow   dream   hope   inspire   learn   improve   based on their experience with equity x as a community-based learning experience committed to sharing knowledge and achieving equity in the sector, the self-development cluster of data embodies the old adages that women (or racialized people, e.g.) need to be twice as capable as men for half the recognition. the capacity-building impulse is articulated here as the need for self-development and (below) as a sense of belonging based on networking and mentoring to foster and support self-development. previous research has revealed that female small business owners prefer the kind of informal learning that was generated in the equity x program, especially networking and mentoring (sharazfized, ). but the perception of needing to be the “best” (technically, and in terms of self-development), potentially undercutting self-confidence, also speaks to the lack of support for women in this business, and it helps explain the perpetuation of discrimination. this becomes clearer in the fourth cluster: sense of belonging. cluster : sense of belonging discourse this cluster included terms such as mentor, collaboration, community, and networking. respondents were very aware of the need to build community by sharing ideas and professional artivate 11.1 12 practices. however, the lived experience of many respondents was disturbed by resistance from some segments of the established field. one applicant noted: as a female producer i find that it is difficult to have access to important production tips without either contacting other producers who are usually male or taking classes. i find that many male producers do not want to share techniques that they have learned in music production in order to remain competitive. (equity x program, ) table 4. sense of belonging discourse term number cumulative collaboration   community   network   mentor   support   connect   share   many respondents commented that establishing a sense of belonging and feeling empowered through peer support is a challenge for women interested in becoming producers and developing technical skills in the music industry, in part because there are so few women and, as the quote above suggests, that men tend not to share information with women (and potentially with other men). many women simply leave the music industry due to a lack of support and this sense of belonging. based on the responses to the equity x program that we examined, the program seems to have been perceived as one of few opportunities for meaningful networking and collaboration to foster bonding and trust. programs such as equity x, which create networking and community-building opportunities, may serve as an important pathway to help more women evolve and sustain their careers as producers. this brings us to another issue of concern that comes through clearly in cluster : the degree to which, in an industry that is highly entrepreneurial, women producers do not describe themselves as businesspeople or entrepreneurs. cluster : entrepreneurial discourse as in cluster  (professionalization), the terms used in cluster  (e.g., business, entrepreneur, money, knowledge) rarely referred directly to specific business skills: entrepreneurship, copyright, accounting, budget, resources, etc. one exception is the following excerpt: learning to produce music will advance my artistic career since it would allow me to become a female producer, mixing engineer and master engineer in addition to already being a composer as well as a singer and artist. since my female colleague and i would like to start a music production business together in ontario and quebec, learning how to produce music is artivate 11.1 13 fundamental to the success of our business. learning how to produce music will also provide us with the opportunity to collaborate with other female producers and artists. (equity x program, ) table 5. small business discourse term number cumulative business   resource[s] [management]   money   entrepreneur   (record) release   knowledge   most respondents instead referred to entrepreneurial aspirations without using formal business terminology, which signals the critical need to build familiarity and comfort with such discourse among artists who run small businesses: learning to produce music will help us not only to improve our own songs, but also to help produce songs that meet industry-production standards for other canadian artists [. . .]. (equity x program, ) it will help me connect to my artistic voice in a deeper way and allow me to take more creative risks. the idea of producing alone has been calling me for a long time. perhaps for a lack of representation, i didn't believe it was something i was "allowed" to do, but deep down i know it is the key to me creating my very best work. moreover, being able to communicate more clearly with other producers and songwriters will help me to contribute significantly more to any musical project i am a part of. (equity x program, ) this study, and other emerging research, continues to demonstrate that while artists may engage in entrepreneurial or business-related activities, they tend not to consider themselves entrepreneurs, which may explain the limited discussion of business skills within this creative profession (wall-andrews, forthcoming). examining producer discourse in the responses to the equity x program aligns with other critical discourse analyses of artists as small businesses in case studies conducted by wekh (cukier et al., forthcoming). nonetheless, artists tend to refer indirectly to entrepreneurial and small business discourse based on descriptions of their activities, despite little use of the specific terminology. cluster : emotional engagement given the low levels of representation within the music industry—and the perceptions held by many of the equity x program participants about the need to improve technically, through selfdevelopment, and as businesspeople—we were curious to know how respondents felt about artivate 11.1 14 being in the industry and if they felt they could overcome the barriers they themselves identified, and if so, how they accomplish such. we grouped phrases related to emotions into six general categories, as presented in table : optimistic, enthusiastic, frustrated, focused, optimistic/enthusiastic, and frustrated/enthusiastic. the vast majority (n=) used language that suggests they are both optimistic and enthusiastic about working in the industry. table 6. emotions among respondents code name definition optimistic (n=) the respondent uses language that is suggestive of confidence in their abilities, ability to learn and grow and improve their skills enthusiastic (n=) the respondent uses language that suggests they are excited about potential future possibilities, have examples of where they would like to learn and grow frustrated (n=) the respondent uses language that suggests they have been met with challenging external circumstances preventing them from growth or moving forward focused (n=) the respondent uses language that is unemotional, fact based, and goal driven optimistic/enthusiastic (n=) the respondent uses language that suggests confidence in their abilities and excitement for future growth. (note: the high numbers make sense given that they are applying to a desirable program.) frustrated/enthusiastic (n=) the respondent uses language to suggest they are excited about future possibilities and opportunities for growth despite external circumstances preventing them from past growth we analyzed emotions based on the language used by respondents, building on previous research involving coding and analysis of qualitative data (rivas, ). we reviewed specific words and their context, frequency, extensiveness, intensity, and specificity. these rich data were obtained through our use of open-ended questions, which enabled an in-depth understanding of some of the challenges faced by diverse women artist entrepreneurs within canada’s music ecosystem. respondents who used “optimistic” language tended to believe that given the opportunity to grow and learn new skills, they would definitely benefit and achieve the goals they had set for their businesses. to describe their past opportunities in their businesses, they tended to use phrases like lucky or i’ve been fortunate enough to. when they referred to barriers they had either experienced or anticipated to, they usually presented these as obstacles to overcome rather than doubting their own abilities. generally, optimistic respondents did not refer to overwhelming personal barriers. respondents who used “enthusiastic” language often elaborated on their excitement about future possibilities using emotive words like passionate, love, ecstatic, and dream. they usually provided examples about how they believed they may be able to learn and grow, and they described the potential of their abilities and their future businesses in a positive, energetic, and artivate 11.1 15 hopeful way. respondents who used “frustrated” language tended to refer to the need to overcome external circumstances, including lack of opportunity or setbacks, to achieve their goals. many of these challenges were related to gender or racial inequality; these respondents referred to their lived experiences, such as having to take a backseat in their own projects or a lack of experience, skill, or familiarity with the music business. most expressed a feeling of inequality toward their male counterparts and a lack of confidence in expressing their professional wants and needs to their colleagues. frustrated respondents felt that these systemic and entry barriers prevented them from running their own business in the way they wanted. they used phrases such as boys club and referred to the “lack of queer and trans spaces”; one commented that “as a woman i haven’t felt encouraged to improve my technical skills.” respondents who used “focused” language tended to avoid emotional terms and instead expressed themselves by referring to professional facts, past accomplishments, and future goals. they tended to concentrate on their business goals and did not express or use emotional terminology, including buzzwords, to describe their personal feelings toward their businesses, goals, and projects. many used lists and point-form notation to express themselves and their goals. the majority of respondents used “optimistic/enthusiastic” language, and they tended to be confident in their abilities and excited about their future growth and potential to grow their business. they usually did not refer to barriers and instead focused on the positive aspects of trying to grow their skills, careers, and businesses. they usually had specific goals they wanted to achieve, were confident in their ability to achieve these goals, and excited at the prospect of growth. this is not surprising given that they were competing for a position in a program, and it warrants further investigation in the future. finally, respondents who used “frustrated/enthusiastic” language tended to suggest that although they had faced (or continued to face) barriers in their professional growth, they were excited about the future and potential growth possibilities. they believed that despite structural inequities and poor outcomes of past business practices, things were changing for them and their business. the frustrations expressed by these respondents were usually fuel for their growth and usually involved areas where they wanted to fill a gap in the industry, such as creating more space for queer individuals, producing for other women, or developing a different kind of business model. discussion and future work equity x production program the equity x program was designed to address the severe underrepresentation of women as producers within the music industry. the socan foundation established the equity x program to provide access, education, and mentorship to women and female-identified individuals in canada to help them learn how to become producers. as with many industry-based programs, the equity x program was created with support from corporate sponsors: royal bank of artivate 11.1 16 canada, ableton (a production software company), and signal creative community (a creative hub in toronto, ontario). the program’s promotional information reveals that, in its first two years, the program has received international recognition for its innovative and equity-based efforts to foster success among women in music as producers (equity x program, ). in our examination of the program, we found that the program aims to foster a safe environment in ways such as providing anti-oppression training to all staff and program faculty and ensuring that it is accessible. additionally, participants from outside of toronto are provided with a travel allowance, accommodations and meals are covered, and childcare is provided to all participants in need of such support. one core component of the program is a three-day intensive workshop in which participants learn to produce music on ableton software; they receive largeand small-group instruction as well as one-on-one learning. the program also provides educational sessions on the business of the music industry and offers many networking opportunities among a community of diverse producers. equity x was designed to empower more women and female-identified individuals to create a community, feel a sense of belonging in the music industry, to own expensive production software that is not affordable for most artists, and to provide a series of educational sessions and mentorship opportunities that empower marginalized artists to produce their own music or that of others. to date,  people have applied to the program, with fifty female-identifying artists (two cohorts of twenty-five participants) accepted to the program to improve their entrepreneurial skills and learn how to produce music. their enthusiasm is reflected in their feedback: i am already working on projects with the other female artists that i met at the program and have other artists inquiring and showing interest in working with female music producers. (respondent ) the equity x production mentorship program gave me the confidence and tools to take my career aspirations more seriously [. . .]. i left toronto feeling inspired and capable. (respondent ) this program provided us [with] a solid foundation of knowledge in regard to production and a supportive and close-knit community to rely on as we continue to try and break down more barriers we face as producers and music creators. (respondent ) artivate 11.1 17 figure 1. equity as a central goal, intersecting with the six clusters of discursive indicators of what women in the equity x program felt to be important to achieve professional success the six clusters we developed and have examined in this article provide evidence for an interesting combination of aesthetic indicators (professional music) with business indicators (professionalization, technical improvements, self-development, entrepreneurial discourse). the clusters more closely aligned with accessibility and inclusion (self-development, sense of belonging, emotional engagement) speak to the long road still ahead to empower equity creation among women (see figure ) and to promote women as artist entrepreneurs in highly maledominated and oppressive environments. ameliorating system-wide discrimination overall, our respondents provided abundant evidence of their desire to become more professional in terms of both technical and business skills. they were very aware of the need to acquire exceptional skills in these areas to help ameliorate the discrimination and lack of an equal playing field in the music industry, which has not just held back individuals like our respondents but has also prevented the music industry from realizing its full business potential. the fact that our respondents had applied to the equity x program demonstrates their awareness of the systemic inequities within the industry, but they were understandably cautious about reporting their own lived experiences, which itself reflects the amount of work yet to be done. artivate 11.1 18 some respondents articulated the scope of the work that is required to shift the sector; their responses to questions directly related to career goals and what they need in terms of support to build their businesses were particularly telling. overcoming the lived experience of discrimination was clearly a key defining component around which they prioritized their needed business and technical skills. their comments were consistent with the results of our open coding analysis and the analysis of emotions discussed above—as well as the findings of previous research. for example, more than one applicant made comments like: “as a female in the industry, it is more difficult to get recognition for my work” (equity x program, ). they tended to go on to describe the technical and business skills they wanted to acquire through the equity x program and then made comments such as: “it is a challenge to feel respected as an artist, [since] many male producers don’t respect female artists and we are not always treated as equals” (equity x program, ). their awareness of the business skills needed was consistently linked with the observation that the structure of the industry itself needed rethinking, including at the peer level. one applicant detailed specific examples: as a woman in the studio, it’s easy to find myself in a situation where i constantly have to put my foot down or repeat myself for my ideas to be heard. i am often surrounded by men who are a lot more experienced and the typical fallback is to want to move quickly instead of me stepping in and trying things on my own time. not knowing all the proper producing lingo has [also] stifled my ability to communicate what i want. i’ve sometimes had to settle for an idea simply because i couldn’t produce it myself and the guy i was working with didn’t exactly understand what i was trying to get to. in my + years of music, i have never, not once, worked with a female producer. there is something definitely wrong and disconcerting about that [. . .]. (equity x program, ) many respondents referred to the importance of increasing the number of skilled female producers, which is the core goal of the equity x program. they provided examples and details that provided a clear picture of the discrimination they faced as well as possible solutions. for example, applicant c noted: “i often send instrumentals to rappers and they always systematically refer to me as ‘bro’ [or] ‘man.’ it feels like they don't think for a second that a ‘girl’ could produce a song. an idea that i can't wait to change.” applicant c also noted that when gender identity is concealed (inadvertently or otherwise), the work speaks for itself, but she went on to comment that: as a female producer who also self-performs the vocal part of my work, i've experienced discrimination going to the studio and having producers and sound engineers there arranging my music and not valuing my opinion. they often saw me as a young girl who was after fame and thought she could get there with good looks, totally omitting the fact that i put a lot of work in my music as i do everything myself with the little knowledge i have and that doesn't stop me from creating really nice things. (equity x program, ) it is important to note that while such strategies may serve as a temporary stepping-stone, artivate 11.1 19 these are not long-term solutions. these experiences become even more complicated when intersecting identity markers, such as non-binary genders or race, are added to the mix, as illustrated by the following excerpts: i have felt that the resources available in my city have come with barriers. i have faced discrimination because of my gender, race and sexuality. absolutely. everyday. i am one of very few black women in the electronic music scene or producing world in [major canadian city] and it is important i elevate so that i can help others who have faced this and to also [prevent] this from happening to others who are on the come up. (equity x program, ) it's common for women to feel discriminated against in this industry for a number of reasons, whether it be not being taken seriously, to being looked [at] as a threat, or being looked [at] as an object [. . .]. as a woman who is queer and masculine-presenting it’s often hard to not be seen as a threat and in turn being excluded from things my male peers have no issue being involved in. (equity x program, ) the consistent use of the term discrimination in survey responses clearly illustrates that our respondents know that it will be extremely difficult to shift these sets of practices. indeed, it took  years for fanny mendelssohn to be credited for her work. the modern music industry has been shaped through centuries of discriminatory structural conditions, and this structure needs to be taken apart systematically. the six clusters of data we have analysed support the need for future investigations of ways to foster equity among women in the creative production roles; we plan to continue to explore emerging trends among participants in the equity x program. the equity x program is simply one step, and we will continue to assess its effects and implement changes as needed to ensure its effectiveness. while this study is limited by focusing on the role of the music producer, there is evidence that gender equity exists among other specific roles in the creative industries (tuckett, ; sakoui, ; wall-andrews et al., ). we’re hopeful that this case study will serve as an example for other industries that involve inequitable settings and that it will help marginalized and underrepresented individuals establish entrepreneurial capacities and acquire skills to build their careers. conclusion while this study focused on how equity can be created among women and diverse artists aspiring to professionalize their careers by learning production and entrepreneurship skills, its literature reveals the historical and ongoing discrimination in the music industry. arts entrepreneurship literature has not explored how critical theory or equity can be leveraged to impact underserved and underrepresented communities. more specifically, the lack of women and gender-diverse music producers perpetuates a lack of diversity in the value chain of music creation. we empirically studied the equity x program, which provided treatment for women and diverse gender identities to become producers and strengthen their entrepreneurship capacity as artists. the data provided an opportunity to conceptualize how equity can be created for artivate 11.1 20 aspiring equity-seeking artists entrepreneurs using respondent data. based on our findings, incubator and training programs for equity-seeking artists could consider helping participants have access to () professionalization, () technical (skills) improvement, () self-development, () entrepreneurial discourse, () sense of belonging, and () emotional engagement. we encourage future research to further conceptualize and empirically study how this framework can be leveraged to support arts entrepreneurship training for equity-seeking artists. while we acknowledge that this study focuses on the equity x program as a case study, we hope this research encourages arts entrepreneurship research to consider the role of equity and inclusion when designing and studying programs. additional support is necessary for equity-seeking artists. references adams, j. s. 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(2016, august 3). why do more women study the arts but less women work in the arts? the huffington post. https://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/jennifer-tuckett/women-in-thearts_b_9404202.html united nations. (2015). transforming our world: the 2030 agenda for sustainable development. un publishing. wall-andrews, c., wijesingha, r., cukier, w., & lightwala, o. (2022). the state of diversity among canada’s largest arts and cultural organizations. international journal for equality, diversity, and inclusion, (forthcoming). women in music canada. (2018). empowering diversity: a study connecting women in leadership to company performance in the canadian music industry. https://www.womeninmusic.ca/images/pdf/empowering%20diversity%20a%20study%20connecting%20women%20in%20leadership%20to%20company%20performance%20in%20the%20canadian%20music%20 industry.pdf women in view. (2019). women in view on screen. artivate 1.1 22 http://womeninview.ca/wp-content/uploads/wivos19-full-report.pdf yin, r. k. (2009). case study research: design and methods. (4th revised edition.) sage publications. yung, h. (2017). generator and the riser project: sector developers for independent theatre in toronto. toronto arts foundation with the support of the metcalf foundation and toronto arts council. cover image credit: beeki, scheeßel, germany, pixabay, wikimedia commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/file:yamaha_m7cl_digital_livesound_mixing_console_-_left_half_angled.jpg vol. 13 2024–2025 who owns ai? amy whitaker new york university abstract: while artificial intelligence (ai) stands to transform artistic practice and creative industries, little has been theorized about who owns ai for creative work. lawsuits brought against ai companies such as openai and meta under copyright law invite novel reconsideration of the value of creative work. this paper synthesizes across copyright, hybrid practice, and cooperative governance to work toward collective ownership and decision-making. this work adds to research in arts entrepreneurship because copyright and shared value is so vital to the livelihood of working artists, including writers, filmmakers, and others in the creative industries. sarah silverman’s lawsuit against openai is used as the main case study. the conceptual framework of material and machine, one and many, offers a lens onto value creation and shared ownership of ai. the framework includes a reinterpretation of the fourth factor of fair use under u.s. copyright law to refocus on the doctrinal language of value. ai uses the entirety of creative work in a way that is overlooked because of the small scale of one whole work relative to the overall size of the ai model. yet a theory of value for creative work gives it dignity in its smallness, the way that one vote still has dignity in a national election of millions. as we navigate these frontiers of ai, experimental models pioneered by artists may be instructive far outside the arts. keywords: artificial intelligence, creative labor, sarah silverman, openai, chatgpt, copyright, fair use, governance, economic design. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.13.1.220 in the summer and fall of 2023, a number of authors, including the comedian sarah silverman and the mystery writer john grisham, sued openai and other artificial intelligence (ai) companies for copyright infringement (david 2023; david 2023; alter and harris 2023).1 plaintiffs alleged that companies were using creators’ work as training data for 1 a set of different lawsuits were filed. grisham was part of a lawsuit that was filed by the authors guild and seventeen writers—with intent to bring a full class-action suit—in the southern district of new york (david 2023). silverman and the writers christopher golden and richard kadrey sued openai and meta in separate lawsuits filed in the northern district of california (openai: artivate 13 2 their large language models. writers, they argued, had not granted their permission, and the companies were benefiting from value they had not created. this group of lawsuits invites reconsideration of how we understand value around creative work, and also how a field such as the arts with such complexities in value can inform the economic models and governance structures of technology companies far beyond the arts. key to this analysis is the uniquely dual nature of creative workers as both producers and investors. arts entrepreneurship offers a framework for entrepreneurial thinking that can contend with the truly unknown frontiers of ai, in business model and also corporate form. the unusual economic circumstances of creative work and the experimental political and economic structures being built in and adjacent to the arts—from worker-owned coops and decentralized autonomous organizations to speculative proposals for collective ownership—offer a new lens on how ai offers a fulcrum moment in larger democratic societies to consider the role of large platform technologies companies and the possibilities of cooperative, networked, collectively owned technologies instead. we may take for granted the role of large companies like google (alphabet), facebook (meta), and twitter (x). in the business models of those companies, users are the product. data generated has value to those companies (which may have other business models as well, such as data storage). we may be habituated to these models, and thus there is an inertia to imagine that ai would—or even “should”—logically be invested in by large, powerhouse technology companies. yet there are larger movements, some of which come out of blockchain discourse, to imagine systems of organization beyond large technology companies. in that discourse, large tech companies are referred to as “web 2” in which the large platform economies own their users’ data, in contrast to the quasi-utopian promise of the decentralized web was the idea of “web 3”—a world in which groups of users owned their own data. even without any enthusiasm for blockchain, one can see the promise of shared ownership and cooperative models around data governance, for creative work and otherwise. this paper argues for reconsideration of the ownership and governance models around ai. to say creators should rightfully own shares to the proceeds of ai because it trains off of their work is to apply a logic that is analogous to but not dependent on the idea of web3. if we consider markets to be a design medium, then we are applying principles of economics to make prices represent values and principles of finance to make risk and return travel in lockstep. currently, the price of ai does not include value because of externalities, including environmental costs, which are not priced in. and risk and return https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23869693-silverman-openai-complaint?responsive=1&title=1, and meta: https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23869675-kadrey-meta-complaint?responsive=1&title=1) (davis 2023). paul tremblay and mona awad joined the silverman et al. suit though awad exited it in august 2023. they made six claims: “direct copyright infringement; vicarious infringement; violation of the digital millennium copyright act (dmca) by removing copyright management information; unfair competition; negligence; and unjust enrichment” (david 2024). the court dismissed five counts and held that silverman et al. could still sue for direct copyright infringement (david 2024). https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23869693-silverman-openai-complaint?responsive=1&title=1 https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23869675-kadrey-meta-complaint?responsive=1&title=1 artivate 13 3 do not move in lockstep because creators who have taken risk to generate work are contributing value for which they are not rewarded. one does not need to assume that any of those creative actors are motivated toward profit, only that they are structurally entitled to it. while ai companies and their investors have taken some risk and are therefore themselves entitled to some reward, again under the basic algebra of markets, they are not entitled to all of the rewards, and a private nonprofit board is not entitled to the governance rights over proceeds that derive from a much greater good. copyright issues faced by writers, artists, and other creators of content animate larger questions of who owns ai, who decides, and who benefits. who owns ai is one of the great political and economic questions of our time, and it points to larger underlying questions of how we organize ourselves as a body politic and as an economy. even for those outside the arts who are not inherently interested in fine art, what is important about art is that it is a proxy for things that are valued but where people may not agree on what they are worth (karpik 2010; fourcade 2011) and that value may only come to be known over time (caves 2000). this paper’s conceptual framework uses as an example the ownership of creative work in order to make the case for generative economic and governance models around ai. particularly as companies like openai begin to generate revenues, these questions are in urgent need of field-wide consideration and regulation, not to exert undue commandand-control influence over areas of innovation but to set clear guardrails around who has contributed and therefore who benefits. ai is built on a paradox that it can only be informed by the past yet relies on the work of creative courage of people who risked building frontiers of the future. the affordances of the u.s. constitution to grant temporary monopoly rights to inventors and other creative workers exist to further creativity in the interest of the public good. in parsing ai, we need to design from the starting point of the public good and the risks of individual creators to build that shared resource. this paper uses the case of sarah silverman’s creative work and the company openai (the parent company of chatgpt and gpt-4). the paper presents a new framework that synthesizes a reimagination of the “market test” in copyright as a “market and value test” (whitaker 2019), while applying theories from arts entrepreneurship on hybrid organizational practice (whitaker 2023). by applying a “value” lens, we can make distinctions between the “material” and the “machine” of ai and consider the work of individuals in relation to the work of the collective. this distinction can inform our understanding of copyright protections and clarify the role of creative producers as original investors in their own work (gerber 2017). in addition, the company openai offers a particularly salient case study for hybrid practice because of its unusual corporate form as multiple entities including a nonprofit governing body, a for-profit arm, and a manager entity. here, hybrid practice is defined as the application of institutional entrepreneurship (battilana 2004; guo 2022) to arts entrepreneurship (callander and taylor, 2023; whitaker 2023) within the larger area of hybrid artivate 13 4 organizational forms (battilana and dorado 2010; battilana et al. 2012; rushton 2014), including both amalgamations of legal form (e.g., a non-profit and related limited liability company (llc) and newer legal forms such as public benefit corporations (pbcs) of which the crowdfunding site kickstarter is emblematic. in pbcs, organizations can modify their profit-seeking fiduciary duty with a public benefit charter of other metrics to which they are beholden (whitaker 2023).2 within this frame, openai is a hybrid organization. it was founded in 2015 as a nonprofit “with the goal of building safe and beneficial artificial general intelligence for the benefit of humanity” (openai 2024). in 2019, after the organization had experienced prolonged difficulty accessing capital to fund the large-scale infrastructure of their vision for ai, they founded a for-profit, though profit-capped, arm.3 that subsidiary has to date been granted $10 billion in funding from microsoft (metz and weise 2023). the for-profit arm is governed by the nonprofit via a “manager entity” called openai gp llc. the for-profit subsidiary can distribute profits to shareholders but—not dissimilar to the functioning if not legal form of a public benefit corporation—must follow the mission of the non-profit. according to openai, if the company makes profits above the cap set for the for-profit, those proceeds are “returned to the nonprofit for the benefit of humanity” (openai 2024). this hybridity in their corporate governance structure adds to the complexity of who owns creative work. while it may seem laudable to return profits to a non-profit, it is also complicated to say that if there is a public benefit of collective creative work, the decisions about apportioning those funds will be made by a group of privately appointed directors of a nonprofit. this structure calls to mind critiques of philanthropy. in particular, as giridharadas (2018) has argued, philanthropists have inherently vested interests, and some of the problems and opportunities that societies face need the mechanism of democracy instead. in this case, if creative workers—individually, as sarah silverman, and collectively as the body politic of all creative workers—have generated value, why does a private nonprofit determine the distribution of those funds for the benefit of humanity? in response, this paper considers both the role of democracy and the application of new models for cooperative and collaborative governance (schneider 2018, 2024). toward that end, the paper considers the case of silverman and openai as emblematic as a hypothetical for theory-building around who owns ai for creative work. these questions of who owns work and who decides are structurally important no matter the scale of profits. at the same time, they become more urgent and important as ai companies start to make earnings. as of september 2024, openai announced substantial revenues and projected growth if still, by its own accounting, substantial operating losses (isaac and griffith 2024). based on fundraising prospectus of the company, isaac 2 a variety of hybrid legal entities exist including flexible profit llcs. for more information see rushton 2014 or whitaker 2023. 3 per the openai “our structure” section of their website: they had originally aimed to raise $1 billion but only received $130.5 million in donations (openai 2024). artivate 13 5 and griffith (2024) reported that openai made $300 million in revenue in august 2024, an increase of 1700% over the eighteen months to early 2023. openai projected $3.7 billion in revenue for 2024, a number modeled to grow to $11.6 billion in 2025 and $100 billion by 2029.4 adding to the urgency is not only the revenue but the costs, especially those such as the environmental impact of enormous energy usage that are borne by society at large. while those costs are difficult to quantify, we can see their scale indirectly in the rapidly growing real estate market for data centers (batson 2024; vincent 2024).5 1. method a key framework relied on in this paper is what gu mu say and reinecke (2024) have called “prospective theorizing.” they propose that prospective theorizing is the design of theory “to cultivate the creation of desirable futures by imagining, or helping others imagine them in the first place” (gu mu say and reinecke 2024: pp. 2-3). the authors posit this approach as a critique of and response to “the overriding temporal orientation within almost all theorizing towards the empirical past” (gu mu say and reinecke 2024: p. 2). by being circumscribed to what has happened before and what can be measured, empirically driven theory-building is, they argue, limited to projecting as opposed to imagining futures. instead, theory-building can “inspire and guide meaningful change forward in the world” particularly given the likelihood that “with the looming planetary emergency . . . the future is unlikely to be anything like the past” (gu mu say and reinecke 2024: p. 2). ai itself has this bias toward the past, given that it trawls data facing backwards, creating what gu mu say and reinecke (2024) term followship and not leadership. future-oriented theorizing can still have “speculative rigor” (gu mu say and reinecke 2024: p. 16) based on generative potency (the ability of theory to support ideation about designing “desirable futures,” process transparency (clarity about the means of theorizing and projected self-awareness or “reflexivity” about any normative assumptions or lack of representation in consulted co-designers), and speculative plausibility (internally coherent logic, and adherence to basic “values guardrails such as human rights”). while there is moral complexity to how the common good is defined, the overall approach aligns with artmaking as an emergent and entrepreneurial method (callander 2019; sarasvathy 2001) and an orientation to evaluate the future as a perpetually invented world more than as a knowable destination or assured outcome (whitaker 2016; bureau et al. 2024). the approach also dovetails with the focus within arts entrepreneurship on pedagogy (toscher 2019 white 2013, 4 according to isaac and griffith (2024), openai was aiming to raise $7 billion of new investment on a valuation of $150 billion, with 10 million current paid subscribers of chatgpt at a monthly cost of $20. 5 according to a jll report (batson 2024), the real estate market for co-located data centers has doubled in the past four years and new construction has gone up 700% over the past two years, but the vacancy rate is only 3%. empty office buildings like one wilshire in downtown los angeles have been retrofitted to house vast floors of servers and the infrastructure to cool them (vincent 2024). artivate 13 6 2015) and on critical and creative thinking skills (kuhlke et al. 2016), particularly in the face of the growing presence of ai-assisted tools in education settings (larson et al. 2024). in addition to employing this framework of “prospective theorizing” as a means of creating pathways toward unknown futures, this paper also employs a related approach of what davies (2018) has called “economic science fictions.” davies defines “economic science fictions” (in the introduction to an edited volume of that title) as a kind of storytelling about the future that is “a political resource” because it “empowers the critic and the radical to see the present as amenable to conscious transformation” (davies 2018: 16). the particularly economic piece of this kind of storytelling is in the idea of not only imagining a narrative future but proposing new structures for how societies are organized around value and exchange. economic science fiction can be a strategy across many academic disciplines, all synthesized into stories. as it is used here, it is also a strategy for bridge-building across political valences and environments of thought. at a time when news stories about politics and markets are often fueled by an economic model that needs advertisement clicks, the prospect of imagining and building the future can be reduced to rage-bait, zero-sum reductive thinking, as if the largest creative frontiers of society can only be addressed by a debate team. instead, the stories we want to tell about the future can give us common ground in shared case studies (yin 2013) that anchor theory-building in shared reference points—in this case of silverman and openai. that case study sits in the larger context of speculative work by artists, curators, and organizations to pilot forms of distributive justice, whether cooperative economies (schneider and glickstein, forthcoming) or experiments in basic income (acosta 2023). arts entrepreneurship (chang and wyszomirski 2015; essig 2015a, 2015b; taylor 2015; white 2015) informs the larger disciplinary methods by which we understand ai, including the modeling of entrepreneurship itself as an art form (callander and cummins 2021), and the separation of entrepreneurship from profit-seeking (benz 2009), with more multiplicity of options relative to more canonical definitions of entrepreneurship (shane, s., & venkataraman 2000). arts entrepreneurship offers particular resources as an effectual discipline (callander 2019; sarasvathy 2001), that is, one in which the reference points such as known markets are themselves changing. even with these rapidly evolving technological frontiers, the principles of economics and finance can still apply within this design framing. sarasvathy (2001) describes effectuation as akin to cooking from a pantry instead of from a recipe. by that same token, we have a set of resources and ingredients with which to say that, if creative producers invest time and resources to make new work that then has value, it makes sense structurally that they would own upside in the value that they helped to create (whitaker 2016). yet, the formats by which they would do that are difficult to understand and require new attention in relation to technological processes and the possibility that existing models of entrepreneurial investment lack dimensionality for the task at hand. if creative producers own this upside, the question also arises as to whether they are taking risk together collectively, in artivate 13 7 which case one would need to design both a format for collective ownership and for the design of decision-making rights—governance—over those proceeds. digital-first initiatives such as decentralized autonomous organizations (daos) (catlow and rafferty 2022) offer models that complement a longer history of cooperative forms in the united states (schneider 2018). particularly given the economic structure of ai development—fixed cost intensive with potential tendencies toward natural monopoly, the design of regulation and policy generally (wilkerson 2012) may be important modes of entrepreneurial thinking. 2. field scan ai is a broader term for technology-driven intelligence, up to and including the idea that a computer can think in a quasi-sentient way, whereas machine learning (ml) is generally a more tactical idea of teaching a computer to perform analytic tasks. computer vision is used to isolate the aspects of ml that focus on the analysis of images and capacity of computers to “read” visually (stork 2024a, 2024b; columbia engineering n.d.). while ai may formally denote the capacity of computers to develop intelligence, that is, the ability not only to perform computational tasks but to learn, in this paper, i use ai as a holdall to encompass ml with a focus on the development of large language models (llms) that take vast fields of input data—text, number, image, structure. within jebara’s (2004) distinction of generative and discriminative ai, i focus on the former, as it particularly dovetails with creative processes of content generation. i focus more here on the question of computational models that can draw from a range of training data—including that created by artists and writers—in order to remix and produce new outputs. it is this aspect of ai which is the focus here for theory-building on how we model forms of value creation—of the original underlying content producers and the ai tools—with regard to evolving tests of existing u.s. copyright law and the possibilities of new models and frameworks for individual and collective ownership of these outputs. this focus informs our understanding of how we credit ownership, distribute decision-making rights, and design systems of governance and cooperative economics over creative work, especially given that creative work is both a form of production and of investment (gerber 2017). from a start-up investment standpoint, ai is a rapidly growing field. according to the organisation for economic co-operation and development (oecd), estimated venturecapital (vc) investment in ai rose from 5% of all vc investment in 2012 to 20% of all vc investment in 2020 (tricot 2021; berg et al. 2023). however, vc investment has not yet synced up to revenue. goldman sachs (2024) estimated that a trillion dollars of direct capital expenditure would be required across companies in order to develop ai. the investment bank’s own economist, joseph briggs projected that generative ai “will ultimately automate 25% of all work tasks and raise u.s. productivity by 9% and gdp growth by 6.1% artivate 13 8 cumulatively over the next decade” (goldman sachs 2024, p. 3). however, leading academic researchers cited in the same report estimated only a 0.5% increase in worker productivity and corresponding 0.9% increase in gdp growth (acemoglu 2024; goldman sachs 2024). one significant unknown is the required concurrent investment in public utilities given the substantial taxing of the power grid to service data centers for these technologies, costs which are not currently priced into these private investment calculations via economic tools such as emissions permits (coase 1960) or via regulation and taxation. researchers have also expressed skepticism about whether ai’s infrastructure investment requirements are matched by foreseeable revenue. in a report for the vc firm sequoia capital, cahn (2024) has used data about nvidia, the company which makes graphics processing units (gpus) used by many other ai companies, in order to back out assumptions for how much revenue the industry would need to make to justify the capital expenditures.6 cahn has found that, even with openai’s reportedly surpassing $1 billion annualized revenue in 2023 (efrati and holmes 2023) and $3.7 billion annualized revenue by the autumn of 2024 (palazzolo and woo 2024; isaac and griffith 2024), overall the industry would have needed to find $200 billion in additional revenue in 2023 (cahn 2023) and $600 billion in the 2024 analysis (cahn 2024)—a substantial gap between infrastructure buildout and demonstration of product use. these projects are arguably useful information in and of themselves and also a reminder of the methods of this paper, namely, the idea that the future is still in formation and that the model itself is still in creative flux. a key related area of analysis has been projecting how much ai will affect worker productivity and the economy overall. eloundou et al. (2023) estimate that llms could affect 10% of tasks for 80% of u.s. workers, or up to 50% of tasks for a more concentrated subset of 19% of workers, though the researchers explicitly do not commit to a timeframe on the adoption and therefore the impact of such models. researchers have tried to identify which industries will be most heavily affected by ai (felten et al. 2023, 2021). peng et al. (2023) found that computer programmers completed an assigned task 55.8% faster when paired with an ai tool.7 while automation has traditionally focused on factory labor, researchers have studied the impact of ai on non-manufacturing labor. noy and zhang (2023) had college-educated workers complete writing and interpretive tasks (“incentivized writing tasks”, e.g., writing press releases, short reports, or sensitive emails) with an experimental group 6 nvidia has a variety of products including the development of gpus and related data centers which allow the computational power of ai. nvidia was a partner in refik anadol’s unsupervised 2022-23 installation at the museum of modern art, new york (moma, n.d.; kuo et al. 2022). 7 all programmers in the study had the same instructional material. the control group completed the task by themselves. the experimental group used copilot, a github tool that employs codex, a generative tool made by openai (chen et al. 2021; peng et al. 2023: p. 3). that task was to “implement an http server in javascript as quickly as possible” (peng et al. 2023: p. 3). artivate 13 9 assigned to use chatgpt. relative to the control group, the group using chatgpt on average completed the task 40% more quickly (saving 11 minutes on average time to completion of 27 minutes) and their output was rated as 18% better (as scored by external evaluators who rated originality as well as quality of both writing and content). those participants who had performed best prior to the introduction of chatgpt maintained the quality of their output while saving time, whereas those who had performed more weakly saw both an increase in quality and in time savings. this study shows the potential importance and benefit of chatgpt, though it leaves open the questions of this paper, namely the crediting of those content creators whose work supports these gains in quality and productivity. when we consider the extrapolation of these studies to the arts, we start to see a number of factors. first and foremost, the scale of the arts is very different from that of ai. the global art market—sales of art—is estimated at approximately $65 billion (mcandrew 2024). apart from the scale of the art market per se, one can consider the input of creative work generally. legal scholars have begun to weigh in on the role of ai. carys (2024) has argued that copyright is an inadequate and limiting tool, though that view emphasizes the possibilities of ai companies over the economic inputs of artists. in an analysis of unfair competition of ai data scraping, rouser (2024) argues that the data scraping ai companies conduct merits consideration under the federal trade commission’s unfair competition standards. rouser also provides a broad literature review on the state of ai development as well as problematic racial bias in ai (rouser 2024; obermeyer et al. 2019). ai has been used to create innumerable works of art. one notable example is the sale of the first ai-generated artwork at auction. in october 2018, christie’s auction house sold an artwork portrait of edmond belamy by a french art collective called “obvious” (flynn 2018). the obvious collective was made up of three students. to make the artwork, they used an algorithm that was created by robbie barrat, who had made the code in his spare time at the age of seventeen and who was nineteen by the time of the auction. barrat created the algorithm by training it on thousands of artwork images that he trawled from internet pages. barrat posted the code to the repository github, where the members of obvious found it. an artwork that was estimated to sell for $10,000 sold for $432,500. who should own the proceeds of that sale? in an interview, one of the members of obvious, hugo caselles-dupre , said that obvious had not substantially modified barrat’s code but that they had put more substantial time and effort into working on the computer, with the code, to make the final artwork (vincent 2018). the field of ai has received substantial investment from vc firms and large companies such as microsoft. the technologies are capital intensive to produce but have not yet seen demonstrated markets. however, the ability of users to see the outputs have led to consideration of who has consented to be in the training data. in addition, preliminary scholarly studies of productivity point to large-scale gains, even within computing. in the humanities and education, the use of ai had substantial impact on what work is made, how artivate 13 10 people think, and how culture represents societies. ai has been demonstrated to show biases and to present substantial challenges to basic academic research protocols (e.g., informed consent). at the same time its economic model is unresolved. particularly where creative work and research are concerned—forms of knowledge building—gains made by individuals and by society at large are privatized to ai companies without structures for shared ownership and governance. 3. conceptual framework the case of obvious collective’s portrait of edmond belamy encapsulates the complexity of economic models for ai. artists—as a proxy for all creative workers—have always drawn from their surroundings and often from the work of specific people. for example, when the artist shepard fairey was sued by the associated press (ap) for using an underlying ap-owned photograph to make the iconic hope poster, for barack obama’s 2008 presidential campaign (a project that fairey, like barrat, made on a volunteer basis in his free time), a group of leading intellectual property attorneys who represented fairey pro bono cited the painter paul cezanne’s use of a photograph underlying his painting the bather (1895), which is owned by the museum of modern art and considered a masterpiece within cezanne’s body of work (fisher et al. 2012: 272, 332). how do we conceptualize the role of the photographer underlying the cezanne painting? what is the framework for balancing the input of others as an organic part of creative process and finding structures and methods of sharing in upside for those whose work meaningfully helped to create value? while these questions have been active in creative disciplines for decades—with artists such as andy warhol or richard prince who engage with popular culture and methods of appropriation—the technology of ai creates a new scale to the problem. answering this question requires engagement with both the u.s. frame of economic incentives and the european framework of moral rights over one’s own creation. this paper focuses primarily on the economic rights and the u.s. context of the case studies while acknowledging that ai produces a much larger and thornier said of questions about moral rights beyond art including rights to one’s own voice or image.8 the answer to this question needs in some way to undertake the especially difficult task of answering whether barrat’s algorithm is different from that of openai. does it matter that one is programmed by an individual—and a seventeen-year-old—and the other is a corporate effort that, as silverman can attest, did not ask permission? obvious quickly credited barrat; as 8 scarlett johansson threatened to sue openai for a chat voice uncannily similar to her own (allyn 2024). rouser (2024) cites the case of two high school students who sued for infringement when their likeness was used as a recognizable input to ai-generated pornographic images (harris, s. & moshtaghian 2023). there are substantial issues with ai outside the scope of this paper including in policing and emergency response (naacp n.d.; feldkamp and neusteter 2023) and in military contexts (greenland 2023). artivate 13 11 silverman’s lawsuit alleges, openai did not retain the copyright information within the texts it scraped from the internet. silverman is a stand-up comic, performer, and author by background. she was a cast member of saturday night live (1993-94) and the principal of the sarah silverman show (2007-2010) in addition to acting in a variety of other works. she is the author of bedwetter, an autobiography published in 2011. her lawsuit against openai was allowed to proceed in february 2024 on the grounds of direct copyright infringement. within this larger context, we can focus on the case study of sarah silverman’s work and her case against openai. if openai’s chatgpt-3.5 model scraped over 300 billion words from publications found in the internet (rouser 2024, hughes 2023), we can contextualize silverman’s work within that field. as chiang (2024) has written, creative work is defined by a series of choices—each word put down on the page, each brushstroke chosen. that choice has associated with it labor, skill, and intelligence. the labor is in the form of time spent, including by those who have used ai as inputs. the skill pertains to the ai model as well and its capacity to act based on past experience. intelligence, as chiang (2024) defines it, is the capacity to learn. drawing on the methodological framework of this paper, intelligence is the capacity to synthesize and to move forward into untemplated circumstances—to risk creating value, that is, original work that may later go from opus to input. in the u.s., copyright is governed by the copyright act of 1976 (u.s.c 1992), which codifies a ruling from the court case folsom v. marsh (1841). the u.s. copyright act evaluates “fair use”—meaning the use of another’s creative work without infringement on their creative works—by a test of four factors: (1) the purpose and character of the use, including whether such use is of a commercial nature or is for nonprofit educational purposes; (2) the nature of the copyrighted work; (3) the amount and substantiality of the portion used in relation to the copyrighted work as a whole; and (4) the effect of the use upon the potential market for or value of the copyrighted work. these factors are particularly understood through the prism of a highly influential essay by judge pierre leval (1990) in the harvard law review. leval defined the idea of “transformative use” as a synthesis of the fair use factors. this transformativeness is generally judged by judges, who are at times put in the position of being art connoisseurs or parsing the intentionality of testimony by artists (adler 2016). as argued previously by whitaker (2019), the fourth fair use factor is commonly described as a “market” test but is in fact written as a “potential market . . . or value” test. this shift from market to potential market and value allows the frame of imagining future constructs for ai. in addition, the artivate 13 12 third fair-use factor—the portion of the work used—provides grounding for the initial challenge of answering who owns ai, which is the scale of use: one versus many. consider the “amount and substantiality” of the use of silverman’s bedwetter by openai’s chatgpt. one the one hand, openai is using 100% of silverman’s book. on the other, that book is a small drop in the bucket of an estimated 300 billion words used to train gpt-3.5 (hughes 2023). the kneejerk reaction is to think silverman’s work is such a small input that it does not matter. but this is not the case. copyright exists from the creator’s point of view, not only the user’s. that is because the original logic of copyright is to grant individual economic incentive to create works that contribute to the public good— that “promote the progress of science and useful arts” (u.s. constitution). while there is no hard and fast rule as to what percentage of a work constitutes fair use, university libraries often guide the usage of less than 10 to 15% of a written work. even though a 10% rule does not exist, suppose for the sake of argument that openai is allowed to use 10% of silverman’s work and of any work by any other writer or other creative producer in the class of the prospective class-action lawsuit. we know that openai used all of the work, whether the output shows all of the work or not. but what if they used all of it in the way someone—say, a professor—might read an entire book but then assign less than 10% of it to a course of college students? imagine a scenario in which a user of chatgpt makes the following requests of the ai tool: (1) summarize silverman’s work (2) recreate a complete version of bedwetter (3) design a new work in the style of bedwetter (4) combine bedwetter with another work to create a new style under fair use, (1) ai is allowed to summarize the work, so long as it does not plagiarize and it cites sources. citing sources would require openai to include copyright information in its input files and in the way in which its algorithm is trained. such a requirement, if required by law, would be a meaningful intervention. it is relatively clear that (2) recreating the complete version of bedwetter is a violation of silverman’s copyright.9 in the case of (3) a writer could read bedwetter and write a memoir informed by silverman’s style without violating her copyright. at issue is the vast labor differential in a single individual reading a single book in a single lifetime and an ai algorithm ingesting hundreds of thousands of books. the case of (4) mimics questions in copyright scholarship about “remix” culture. it is hard to say how sampling and recombination are parsed by existing copyright law. the general principle proposed below does not circumvent the complexity of bringing individual cases of to court in particular circumstances. 9 readers may know the obscure and conceptual case of borges’ (1962) short story “pierre menard of the quixote” in which an author happens to have recreated a section of don quixote of cervantes verbatim, but this is a symbolic rather than structural comparison. artivate 13 13 there is no claim to fair use under the third factor because the entire work is being used. though the use of the entire work is mitigated in many cases by its small scale relative to the overall, the creative work still has dignity in its smallness the way that one vote still has dignity in a national election of millions. the fourth factor creates more analytic power and possibility for the analysis of ai. the “value” part of the fourth factor is not generally considered in legal cases of fair use. judges tend to evaluate the existing market and whether the source artist’s market is infringed. a whole-cloth change in lens, but maintaining of doctrine, would be to look instead at value and potential market. value encapsulates the “added value” of a contribution. thus the question becomes: how would the openai algorithm change without the inclusion of silverman’s work? perhaps this question is academic and in many cases silverman’s work would not affect the impact. however, if silverman is emblematic of the class of all creators, if all creators left openai, then the algorithm would not work at all. and, in some salient cases, a user might try to recreate silverman’s work. given that she has not granted consent, this is a problem for which openai is, in fact, arguably responsible. even traditional copyright law make space for the singularity of an individual’s contribution. in the case salinger v. random house, inc. (1987), the author j.d. salinger suited over a biography that relied heavily on the novelist’s unpublished letters. the lawsuit alleged overreliance on salinger’s “dazzling prose.” it was as if the biographer were the machine relying on the content made by the individual creator. the author had not given consent; the letters were found files, not unlike manuscripts scraped from the internet. the court upheld the author’s right to some control over the use of his work out of its original—private—context. to synthesize these problems of creator and tool—material and machine—with the place of the individual creator in the landscape, imagine as a framework is a 2 x 2 matrix in which we weight the nature of content creation—“material” against the role of an algorithm—“machine” on one axis. in the other axis, we can consider the logic of many and one—that is, whether the derivation of the material or the machine is the work of many or of one. material machine one bedwetter, work of an individual artist robbie barrat’s algorithm many all work pulled into a training algorithm openai this analysis of the part versus the whole is instructive for the economic logic of copyright. as argued previously by whitaker (2019), fair use has been construed as having a zero-sum nature: either a use is fair or it is not. the doctrine does not allow for economic complements to copyright and for ideas of shared ownership. fair use exists in the oneartivate 13 14 material box of work made by an individual creator. of course that creator may have relied on many sources and influences. the creation of a machine or tool by a solo creator—for example, barrat—merits special consideration because of the individuality of the creator. that said, barrat placed his work in a public code repository, and the obvious collective used it and made meaningful developments within it. we could consider something like adobe photoshop to be analogous to barrat’s algorithm. it is a machine that allows the realization of an artistic vision, a set of a tools used by a creator. openai can be a set of tools used by a creator, but crucially it is trained on prior content whose origins must be considered in the “value” analysis of the work. we can see a set of possibilities that center two things: the presence of individual artistic labor at all and the collective circumstance of all artistic labor. each of those inputs matter. again, like a vote in an election, it can be individually subtracted out without changing the overall, but if all of the votes were subtracted out, the election would not work. we have a sense of individual value—of the specificity of silverman’s and others’ individual contributions—and we have the sense of the collective—the body politic of human creativity, which is the yardstick and the common resource that copyright exists to protect and incentivize in the first place. 4. discussion and implications the technological level at which openai operates makes clear that technology has moved far enough forward to allow the amalgamation of vast quantities of individual data. this technological promise is currently centralized under a single organization and under litigation from individual creators whose work is an input to that centrally owned machine. models in the arts, from blockchain and from artists’ cooperatives, show that it is possible for groups of creative workers to band together and own their own work. although still speculative, we see these experiments in some blockchain-based experiments including the “invisible economy” of mutual support imagined by the founders of the art-making collective “dada” (franceschet and read 2022) and the artists’ collective transfer data trust (schneider and glickstein, forthcoming) in which artists take care of and store backup copies of each other’s art and operate in some regards as an economic cooperative. experimental art collectives are a much larger topic and area of extensive recent experimentation through decentralized autonomous organizations (daos) (rafferty and catlow 2022). openai itself embodies an ethos of art: investment, without demonstration of success, or even certainty that a success is possible, following from an animating question, sense of purpose, and audacious goal. openai’s own corporate story acknowledges the tension between the need for concentrated capital investment to get the airplane of the idea off the ground and the reality that a whole host of actors share responsibility and credit for the success. the system by which openai took investment is set up to credit a artivate 13 15 lone corporate actor when a collective has created an important part of the underlying value. the idea of web3, which is associated with blockchain, could also characterize cooperative models that reflect the realities of shared risk-taking and collective efforts behind ai. it would be theoretically possible for openai to operate as both a private company and a cooperative of all of the inputs it trains on. it would need to cite its sources, that is, have it be possible to know whose input mattered. we have probabilistic systems of reverting rights—and revenues—to creators. models include dacs, the resale royalty and copyright management system in the united kingdom, and ascap and bmi which pay royalties to musicians and split the proceeds between artists and music publishers. what we do not have is the political will to shift from vc models of concentrated, privatized risk to public models in which the collective owns the proceeds of the collective’s work. individuals with special influence could receive an outsized portion, but even to credit the collective is to say that companies are privatizing public benefits, like the output of artists, writers, and other content creators. we could make inroads to credit those systems with simple proposals that require companies like openai to credit their inputs. they effectively need to pay for raw materials and to do so on an equity basis—that is, to pay a royalty for use rather than a fee for the input. such a system recognizes the risk and flexibility needed to chart an unknown future. artists do not have access to the same kind of capital investment as ai. we are only just beginning to center a meaningful conversation about the precarity of artistic labor (roberts 2024) and the embeddedness of artists’ lives in the need to make money in order to keep making creative work. creativity that benefits all of society requires individual risk, and we need ways of mapping this and thinking about it structurally as both a problem of governance and of economic structuring. content creators have stared down blank pages and empty canvases, rearranged their working lives to have the flexibility to do so, taken on enormous and ongoing risk—even for those at the top of their creative fields—and contributed to a greater good in a way that, if they are performing at the very top of their field, they have probably made look easier than it was. if we wish collectively to incentivize that work, we need to enact—even in small and experimental ways—systems to distribute not only economic proceeds but also decision rights. openai’s nonprofit performs social benefit while reserving decision rights for a small and privately appointed group of directors. instead, the proceeds associated with the creative work that trains the ai models needs to be governed more democratically—whether by government or by cooperatives of creative workers. 5. conclusions the lawsuits brought by creators against ai companies call for new ways of thinking simultaneously about economics as a creative endeavor itself—a design medium—and about artivate 13 16 creative workers as members of a larger whole. that larger whole asks more than symbolic representation by the charitable aims of a private nonprofit. it asks—in a structural and not merely normative way—for us to consider the creation of value and to design economic models that are faithful representations of the entrepreneurial risk asked of all artists and creative works in their artistic practices. to develop such systems is not to overlook or defensively react against the seismic changes brought on by ai itself. those changes may deepen the work existing creators can do and expand and democratize access to creative labor more broadly. but this use of ai does not obviate the responsibility to engage in a meta-level creativity and entrepreneurship. just because each of us is a small input to ai, doesn’t mean we don’t count. the invitation of ai is to design structures that can allow creators to benefit in upside they help to create, share risk they collectively face, and grant decision-making or governance rights in the ultimate generativity of generative ai—in allowing investment in the ongoing work of creative research and development that benefits us all. references acemoglu, d. 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(2013). case study research: design and methods (5th ed.). thousand oaks, ca: sage. cover image: photo by d.k. fielding. https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2024-09-27/insatiable-demand-for-data-centers-reported-as-ai-and-cloud-service-expand https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2024-09-27/insatiable-demand-for-data-centers-reported-as-ai-and-cloud-service-expand https://www.latimes.com/business/story/2024-09-27/insatiable-demand-for-data-centers-reported-as-ai-and-cloud-service-expand microsoft word mbrector,+157+final.docx vol. 10, no. 2 fall 2021 the network effect of arts incubators a geospatial perspective stan renard oklahoma university gianluca zanella university of texas at san antonio abstract: although there has been a proliferation of metrics to evaluate arts incubators, the academic field is still developing. different models and methods of education are applied to the complex phenomena of arts incubators; therefore, it is crucial to measure the effectiveness of education programs from many different perspectives. our aim is to propose a metric that can estimate the effect of each incubator activity based on the geospatial distribution of its participants. this gisbased metric will provide a descriptive measure for the quantity and density of the geographical communities affected by the incubator’s activity as well as socioeconomic and demographic benchmarks. our study investigates fourteen usbased arts incubators that offer entrepreneurial training to their associated 1,087 incubatees. the goal of this study is to provide a metric that can assist arts incubators, program directors, arts administrators, and university programs in assessing program growth and funding and marketing efforts. keywords: incubators, arts, gis, nonconventional entrepreneur, artists, entrepreneurship, network effects, clusters. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.10.2.157 introduction artist and entrepreneurs have common attributes that contrast them from other professionals (daum, ; poorsoltan, ). furthermore, the entrepreneurial mindset of artists is well documented (agrawal, catalini, & goldfarb, ; barry, ; lindqvist, ; dworkin, ). a recent study by arenius et al. () highlights that “artists and entrepreneurs share three key features.” the authors explain that both “exhibit higher self-reported risk preference, artivate 10.2 2 are more open to experience, and have greater intrinsic motivation” when benchmarked against a control group comprised of other professionals. despite some artists’ reluctance to be represented as entrepreneurs (hjorth, ; haynes & marshall, ), the practices associated with an entrepreneurial mindset have been recognized to increase the prospect of realizing an artistic career (eikhof & haunschild, ; arenius et al., ). in addition, many of those artists who do not consider themselves entrepreneurs are at risk of losing the opportunity to exploit their economic potential, especially when the barrier of capitalizing on this economic potential is facilitated by a digital economy that enables artists to scale their work output readily. indeed, the cultural-sector industries rely on live performances and content generation (renard et al., ). however, content generation isn’t historically seen as a predictably scalable business model. content remains a hit business, whether distributed in physical or digital form, and the ability to repeat a success can be illusive. perhaps that is changing given the blurring between content, technology, social media, and audience. in some ways, innovating business practices within the cultural sector have been more off-putting for the traditional investor. aspiring startups, artists, and creators must contend with entrenched, complex business relationships, rights, and long-term contracts. incubator and accelerator programs are one innovative solution to support artists in becoming entrepreneurs and are committed to giving them the tools to do so, even within a volatile economic climate. thus, relatively new programs are now finding an audience among artists and industry leaders alike. incubators and accelerator programs supporting the cultural sector assist and develop creators across a wide range of art forms, including but not limited to music, film, theatrical arts, dance, creative writing, and video game design. these programs often combine a cash allowance, a co-working space, and a mentorship support system, and they are naturally very attractive for the participants involved. importantly, they provide an option for artists and content creators wishing to go through a rigorous program of varying length and scope, and they treat them as a startup by fostering their entrepreneurial mindset and know-how to increase their chances of success in the marketplace (cci, ; essig, b, ). the oldest arts incubator was founded in  in chicago (kahn, ) a year after the formation of the national business incubator association (nbia), the trade association for business incubators. however, the information most pertinent to our study is the lack of metrics established to assess the education and incubation process, as well as the economic impact, of arts incubators in the united states. indeed, several studies provide information about the services offered by arts incubators (essig, b, ; kahn, ), but none have evaluated the impact these services have on communities besides the artists themselves. the goal of this research is to explore a metric that can be useful in measuring the impact of an incubator’s activity. educating artists on entrepreneurial skills positively affects their community for two reasons. first, entrepreneurship is a means to support social mobility because entrepreneurs experience higher upward mobility than other workers, even in non-favorable economic environments (quadrini, ; sørensen & sharkey, ). second, artist entrepreneurs are role models who contribute to the transmitting of entrepreneurial culture over time, which affects artivate 10.2 3 the economic development over long periods of time and after many structural changes (fritsch & wyrwich, ). however, it is also necessary to mention the documentation of the debate over the limiting factors of the benefits of entrepreneurship education in the arts when coping with a neoliberal agenda (barbour, ; alexander, ; kandil & bokkel, ). the argument favors fostering “environment acknowledgement and belonging” (i.e., identity and sense of self in relation to others in a community), which is “essential for community building and raising awareness” of marketable skills (kandil & bokkel, ). but arts incubators are in a unique position to approach and often reconcile community building, the development of artists’ identities, and entrepreneurial training (e.g., the lark theatre in new york city). it is for those reasons that arts incubators affect communities through the entrepreneurial education they give to their incubatees. our aim is to propose a metric that can estimate the effect of each incubator’s activity based on the geospatial distribution of their incubatees. this metric will provide a measure of quantity and density for the geographical communities affected by the incubator’s activity, including several key socio-economic and demographic benchmarks. the following section will introduce the literature review and the proposed research design. literature review entrepreneurs that start a company create jobs into the local community and improve economic growth (glaeser, kerr, & ponzetto, ). for this reason, policymakers and private organizations have been increasingly supporting entrepreneurial activity to fuel economic development (schramm, ). the high risk of failure involved in new entrepreneurial businesses is balanced by the entrepreneur’s large returns and communities’ increasing wealth (de nardi, doctor, & krane, ). indeed, countries with the higher levels of entrepreneurial activity also enjoy higher average growth in gross domestic product and higher levels of employment (hardy, ). therefore, entrepreneurial activity is critical to economic progress because it creates new businesses, and, in turn, triggers the creation of new jobs (nijkamp, ; quadrini, ). to support and encourage early-stage entrepreneurial activity, an increasing number of business incubators provide physical workspace as well as technical, legal, managerial, and financial support to new startup companies. the national business incubation association (nbia) estimates that there were approximately  incubators in north america as of , but today , incubators are located in north america alone. business incubator is a broad umbrella term referring to organizations that vary in their strategies. while some operate virtually, many are located in a physical space to foster networking among entrepreneurs and provide basic business support services. some incubators focus their services on jumpstarting businesses that are more developed. in this case, they are defined as accelerators. the common factors across the different flavors of incubation are advice giving and coaching services, which includes social networking (maia et al., ). these services help the firm’s survival after graduating from the incubation program (ayatse, kwahar, & iyortsuun, ). in addition, participants in an incubation program benefit in the areas of revenue and firm growth, patents artivate 10.2 4 application, obtaining finance or capital, and establishing alliances. indeed, beside some contradictory findings (tavoletti, ), there is empirical evidence that participants in an incubation program outperform nonparticipants in terms of firm survival and sales growth. to measure their performance, incubators have been using a wide range of metrics over the years. these metrics include tracking jobs, revenue, and, in some cases, return on investment and societal impact—this over a four to six-year period of the startup’s life. the emphasis on metrics of growth, job creation, and return on investment is a challenging fit for such arts incubators whose focus is on community wellbeing or image creation (montgomery, ). polish art_inkubator defines arts incubators as “an organization that supports future entrepreneurs, non-governmental organizations and artists by helping them to enter the creative industries sector. arts incubators are platforms that empower artists and organizations to implement their business and artistic ideas” (essig, ). in this sense, the arts incubator’s strategic role should be to lower the barriers that individual artists and small arts organizations face when they enter the cultural marketplace. business survival and growth depends primarily on the capacity of each artist to develop entrepreneurial skills that enable them to exploit opportunities and overcome challenges. arts incubator services aim to help artists identify the art concept or business model that best fulfils their creative aspirations and social aims. such support can materialize through knowledge, space, services, and networking opportunities in order to successfully help new arts and culture enterprises (essig, ). another advantage is the connection to a network of talented artists who often share similar experiences, which facilitates peer-to-peer action learning. these partnerships among incubatees often promote collaborations with external artists, art organizations, or representatives of the community (thom, ). this, in turn, has a positive impact on the artists and the economy (cockpit, ). indeed, arts incubators are one of four types of programs that are used to support artsbased community economic development along with artists’ cooperatives, development of tourism, and comprehensive approaches (phillips, ). because of the positive economic and social impact, arts incubators are used as policy tools to attain community economic and cultural development, community engagement, and the economic sustainability of individual artists. indeed, the objective of arts incubators is often the local community and not the individual artist (grodach, ). in this case, the community is the chief claimant stakeholder of the incubator, although individual artists or arts enterprises may be their clients. arts incubation, in these instances, is a means toward community development rather than an end in itself (essig, a). the incubator’s metrics reflect this fact as well. evaluation metrics for the strategic priority of community development include growing attendance at community-wide events, increased foot traffic, and local media interest (essig, ). such evaluation variables reveal that the incubator is often sustained by local donors and investors, thus their metrics are locally focused. however, there is an overlooked impact on communities: the indirect impact of the entrepreneurial education provided by the incubator to the artists. though overlooked, such impact is significant because it is long lasting and crosses the spatial boundaries of the local communities. the entrepreneurial education that an artist receives from the arts incubator includes a set artivate 10.2 5 of norms, skills, and values that can be transmitted among generations and, for this reason, can persist over a long period of time. in fact, entrepreneurs are role models that contribute to the transmission of entrepreneurship culture (van auken, fry, & stephens, ). on the other side, and after many structural changes, a strong local entrepreneurial culture affects the economic development over long periods of time (fritsch & wyrwich, ). on the long term, increased local entrepreneurship activity will support social mobility, even in non-favorable economic environments (quadrini, ; sørensen & sharkey, ). entrepreneurial education at the arts incubator triggers a cultural change that can have a pervasive, long-term influence on the regional economies (hallam & zanella, ; williamson, ). for this reason, we propose to evaluate the impact of entrepreneurial education on artists by tracking the number of geographical communities that an incubator indirectly affects through their incubatees. this number, eventually weighted by the number of artists belonging to each community, will provide a geographical and quantitative map of the impact of each incubator’s activity. the following section will explain the methodology of our proposed geospatial metric. methodology our geospatial methodology is rooted in the form of an interactive mapping methodology and geographic information system (gis) that can process location data (renard, ). in other words, the methodology captures latitudes and longitudes, thus capturing specific location data (e.g., the address of an arts incubator or artist based on latitude and longitude). gis is also designed to store, manipulate, analyze, manage, and represent spatial or geographic data. finally, the methodology enables users to create map overlay (adding layers of data) and projections (cf. figure  and ). artivate 10.2 6 data collection geocoded datasets were necessary to proceed with gis. eight separate datasets were sourced. first, we identified  arts incubators that offer entrepreneurship/business training to artists in early stages of their career as well as mentorship and networking services (cf. table ). the collected information about each incubator was publicly available from their respective websites and includes the name of the incubator, location, year founded, form of incorporation, number of incubates, and number of geographical communities impacted. second, we gathered the profile of , artists that are (or have participated in) those specific incubators/programs, which include names, art form practiced, date of participation, and current city and state of residence. this study uses addresses based on city and state geocoded data for both the arts incubators and the artist participants. please note that the  incubator studies have collectively served tens of thousands of artists. however, this study only collected data from a subset of the programs offered by those incubators that focused on business and entrepreneurial skill training offered to artists over a certain length of time (i.e., zoolabs in san francisco offers a fourmonths-long program that fosters the business acumen of musicians in the bay area). figure 1. example of map overlay. source: https://www.esri.com/news/arcnews/winter0203articles/introducing.html artivate 10.2 7 in addition to the two layers of data described above, six socio-economic and demographic layers were used. that data was created by and sourced from () the american community survey (acs) that is sourced from the us census bureau website1, () esri2, and () cbre3. all three are reliable sources of information for population and housing information across the united states. information used includes population density estimates (esri, ), poverty status variables measure (acs, ), race and hispanics origin status variables measure (acs, ), housing costs variables measure (acs, ), us median household income (cbre, ), and us unemployment rate (cbre, ). table 1. list of arts incubators studied. arts incubator incubator location by city and state form of incorporation year founded number of incubatees/ participants geographical communities (cities) impacted arts + public life at the university of chicago4 chicago, il (c)     inc.5 chicago, il limited liability company (llc)    austin music foundation6 austin, tx (c)    c atlanta7 atlanta, ga (c)    creative capital8 new york, ny (c)    creative lab hawaii9 honolulu, hi state initiative    diaspora vibe cultural arts incubator10 miami, fl (c)    first peoples fund11 rapid city, sd (c)    national arts alexandria, (c)    1 https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/acs/data.html 2 https://www.arcgis.com/home/group.html?id=1d1f24e8556642f49448f1c88b5a571b#overview 3 https://www.cbre.us/real-estate-services/real-estate-industries/data-center-solutions 4 https://arts.uchicago.edu/artsandpubliclife 5 https://2112inc.com/ 6 https://austinmusicfoundation.org/ 7 https://c4atlanta.org/ 8 https://creative-capital.org/ 9 https://creativelab.hawaii.gov/ 10 http://www.dvcai.org/ 11 https://www.firstpeoplesfund.org/ artivate 10.2 8 strategies va new inc12 new york, ny (c)    the arts and business council of greater boston13 boston, ma (c)    the corzo center at uarts14 philadelphia, pa (c)  (defunct as of )   the lark15 new york, ny (c)    zoo labs16 oakland, ca (c)    total  n/a mean ()   gis setup: arcgis online for the purpose of this study, we used the online version of arcgis, which is powered by esri. arcgis is a powerful gis platform and offers both desktop and online versions of the program. to generate our gis maps, we imported the incubators, incubatees, and the six socio-economic and demographics datasets into arcgis as separate csv. files. three types of visual representations have been generated. the first type is a cluster representation of the gis data (cf. figures , , , and ). the cluster coefficient used is a measure of density or concentration of activity. for example, the  arts incubators are seen in figure  as wide blue circles setup to appear in a semi-transparent format to alleviate clutter. this enables the reader to view the incubatees, also shown in cluster format, and observe the sphere of influence of each incubator. we imported the incubatees’ data into arcgis as a separate layer and attributed color coating to connect incubatees to the arts incubator they participated in. figures , , , and  are configurated this way. the second visual formatting does not use a cluster coefficient and shows all , participants associated with the  incubators and their arts entrepreneurship-focused programs as individual dots on the map (cf. figure ). this second visualization setup is projected with the six socioeconomic and demographic datasets (cf. figures -). finally, several figures showcase one specific arts incubator and its associated incubatees/participants. 12 https://www.newinc.org/ 13 https://artsandbusinesscouncil.org/the-creative-entrepreneur-fellowship/ 14 https://corzocenter.uarts.edu/ 15 https://www.larktheatre.org/ 16 https://www.zoolabs.org/ artivate 10.2 9 this is a case study format (cf. figures , , and ). those three types of visualizations helped to assist our analysis. observations & analysis table  summarizes the data connecting arts incubators, their associated incubatees, and the communities impacted. first, we observe that all but two of the arts incubators studied in our sample are incorporated as (c) nonprofit organizations. of those, only two are university incubators, one being defunct (the corzo center at uarts). please note that both arts incubators residing within a higher education institution serve community members and not students. for instance, art+public at the university of chicago serves artists on the south side of chicago. we also see that the  arts incubators in our sample have existed for an average of  years. the oldest one is national arts strategies (), while  inc. () is the most recently created one within our sample. we observe that two incubators are in chicago, and three are in new york city. regionally, eight are on the east coast of the united states, three are in the midwest, one is on the west coast, one in the southwest, and one in hawaii. those observations are important as we may assume that the highest concentration of incubatees will be located on the east coast. however, our gis maps tell us a more complete story and provide a powerful visualization tool that displays the prevalence of the arts incubators’ network effect (cf. figure ). but the data in table  also informs us which incubators concentrate their efforts on their local communities based on how many geographical communities they impact. for instance, figure 2. geospatial location of arts incubators (large blue circles) and associated incubatees from a cluster perspective artivate 10.2 10 the austin music foundation and c atlanta both dedicate their efforts to only two adjacent geographical communities, thus their impact is more concentrated; whereas national arts strategies ( communities impacted) and creative capital ( communities impacted) have a broader reach. our gis representations further treat this information. next, observe figure , which is setup in cluster format and presents the sphere of influence of the  arts incubators. please note that the larger a colored filled node, the denser that cluster. the rationale in applying a clustering coefficient accounts for the potential of having more than one current or past incubatee living in a specific city and state. the same accounts for incubators located within the same city. indeed, the highest concentration (density) of incubatees found in decreasing order are in new york city, chicago, austin, los angeles, the bay area, miami, honolulu, boston, and atlanta. thus, new york city and chicago are the two most dense clusters where current and past participants currently reside. this information, from a density perspective, shows us where the highest concentration of residencies of artists who are entrepreneurial minded, and it shows the pervasive impact of entrepreneurial education of artists. we will fully address this issue later when we connect our socioeconomic data (cf. figures –). in addition, gis maps can provide us with significant data otherwise not available. for instance, gis can showcase how incubators fair in terms of network influence within each cluster with a predominant value measure (cf. figures , , and ). we use arcgis to address any attributes that have been imported for each data layer. for instance, figure  indicates that creative capital is the incubator located in new york city with the strongest network effect and sphere of influence. it informs us that  of the incubatees in our sample reside in new york city and that creative capital has offered entrepreneurial training to more artists within this figure 3. view of the geographical distribution of the 1087 incubatees/participants studied artivate 10.2 11 hub than other incubators within our sample. note that the pop-up window only shows  out of  options. as the user browses through those options, the gis platforms tell us which other incubators exert the most influence on artists in new york city. in order, those are: creative capital, national arts strategies, newink, and the lark. this is a very useful metric and benchmark for the staff of any arts incubator. it can assist them with competitive strategic planning for program development, funding strategies, and marketing efforts. figure  shows the arts incubators’ network effect by year of participation within the san francisco bay area cluster. it first informs us that there are  current and past incubatees residing within that cluster who have participated in entrepreneurial training with at least one of the  arts incubators in our sample. it also displays that most of the artists residing in the bay area took part in one of those programs in , thus being the predominant value. please note that we only see two display options. it means that arcgis was only able to capture two aggregated measures that were predominant over the others. this is another crucial metric that can inform any program director when and where their programs were most effective. figure 4. example of predominant value of network effect within the new york cluster artivate 10.2 12 figure  tells a different story. it showcases how a cluster can be treated with an art form as attribute. we observe in the combined new york and philadelphia area that there are  figure 5. example of predominant value of network effect by year of participation within the san francisco bay area cluster figure 6. example of predominant value of network effect by art form within the combined new york/philadelphia cluster artivate 10.2 13 current and past participants whose predominant value as art form is film. this means that artists who participated in the entrepreneurial training provided by the arts incubators were predominantly film makers. this is another poignant measure that can be used by incubators and program directors as they assess where their current and past participants reside and where discipline specific hubs are developing. the next two figures are examples of how two of the arts incubators within our sample have figure 7. participants and grant partners gis representation of first peoples fund (note: artist in business leadership fellows are indicated in green on the map). figure 8. participants clusters and count for all participants of creative capital. figure 8. participants clusters and count for all participants of creative capital. artivate 10.2 14 used gis as a metric to assist their activities (cf. figures  and ). first, peoples fund, which is an arts incubator dedicated to “honoring and supporting native artists and culture bearers for  years,” has employed gis in their indigenous arts ecology report. it beautifully presents the organization’s network, their current and past participant to their programs, and where their various partner organizations and community partners are located (cf. figure ). on the other hand, creative capital, which prides itself on “funding the creation of groundbreaking art since ,” chose to use a cluster coefficient and count with its gis representation to show the reach the organization has had over the years and where their current and past participants reside (cf. figure ). both are very effective ways of using gis as a tool and metric and yet, both provided very different perspectives. figure 9. arts incubators (black dots) and population density estimate map projection figure 10. incubatees (red, blue, and green dots) and population density projection estimate map projection artivate 10.2 15 the next section of our analysis aims to unpack the complexity of impact assessment based on the socioeconomic and demographic benchmarks to better understand the geographical communities of the , artists. first, figures , , and  are calibrated for population density. this is a useful and clear metric that informs us if the artists and incubators are in more dense or less dense areas. figure  shows that all our arts incubators, except for one (first peoples fund), are in heavily populated areas. figure  displays that the , artists also live, with some exceptions, in urban and very densely populated areas. figure  isolates the participants to first peoples fund’s artists in business leadership fellows because it is the only arts incubator in our sample that caters to many artists residing in rural areas and shows the network of participants distributed across the united states. figure 11. first peoples fund artists in business leadership fellows (red dots) and population density estimate map projection on the other hand, figures  and  are calibrated to understand the percentage of the population by area whose income in the past twelve months is under the poverty level. figure  is a zoomed-in version of figure . we observe that, with no exception, arts incubators studied are all located in areas with higher poverty levels. also, the artists in our sample who live in higher density areas also reside in areas with higher poverty levels. figure  is calibrated for race and gives us a good understanding of where predominantly non-white areas intersect with our incubators and artists. however, when aggregating the whole dataset, most of the artists served by the arts incubators appear to reside in predominantly non-hispanic white areas. also, we learn that the majority of artists studied live in areas with a high cost of rent and utilities combined and which account for more than  percent of their household income (cf. figure  and ), but they also reside in areas where the us median household income is higher (cf. figure ). finally, most reside in areas where unemployment rate is either low or moderate artivate 10.2 16 (cf. figure ). socioeconomic and demographic datasets used in conjunction with our artists and arts incubators’ datasets are a powerful and essential tool for any arts administrator and incubator. they provide easily digestible information that can inform if the strategy of the organization is in line with its mission and serves its incubatees/participants in the most optimal way possible. figure 13. arts incubators (black dots), incubatees (red, blue, and green dots), and poverty status measure map projection (zoom in view) figure 12. arts incubators (black dots), incubatees (red, blue, and green dots), and poverty status measure map projection artivate 10.2 17 figure 14. arts incubators (black dots), incubatees (red, blue, and green dots) and race and hispanic variables map projection figure 15. arts incubators (black dots), incubatees (red, blue, and green dots), and housing costs measure map projection artivate 10.2 18 figure 16. arts incubators (black dots), incubatees (red, blue, and green dots), and housing costs measure map projection (zoom in and pop-up window view) figure 17. arts incubators (black dots), incubatees (red, blue, and green dots), and median household income measure map projection artivate 10.2 19 discussion though there is a proliferation of metrics to evaluate arts incubators, the academic field is still developing. different models and methods of education are applied to the complex phenomena of arts incubators; therefore, it is crucial to measure the effectiveness of education programs from many different perspectives. our research focuses on entrepreneurial education for artists. our interest is fueled by the observation that entrepreneurs are a significant contributor to economic growth and job creation (chatterji, glaeser, & kerr, ; delgado, porter, & stern, ; glaeser et al., ; schramm, ). in addition, entrepreneurs act as role models by influencing their communities to a much larger extent than non-business role models (van auken et al., ; van auken, stephens, fry, & silva, ). therefore, artist entrepreneurs that graduate from incubators are more likely to directly affect the economic well-being of their communities and indirectly affect the entrepreneurial culture across those communities. the indirect effect on the entrepreneurial culture is deep and can be transmitted over time (van auken et al., ). our proposed metric enables incubators to estimate the impact of their activities on the geographical communities affected by their operations. study limitations the study has several limitations. first, location data for the incubatees was limited to the city and state of residence, and it lacked the detail level that the street address could provide. that amount of detail would have yielded much more accurate results. unfortunately, that information was not available for all artists. second, the present study investigated  arts incubators and , associated incubatees. that is a limitation on its own as it prevented us figure 18. arts incubators (black dots), incubatees (red, blue, and green dots), and unemployment rate measure map projection artivate 10.2 20 from going into the kind of details that a single case study would provide. third, there are over  arts incubators across the united states. a similar study covering the fuller universe of arts incubators would yield more robust results. however, collecting the necessary data would take several years. finally, the study wasn’t able to indicate the degree of impact by serving a larger number of communities. indeed, the economic impact of serving a larger quantity of communities versus concentrating efforts on one more densely populated metroplex is beyond the purview of this study, but it could be addressed in further work. strategic implications the impact of the incubators on various communities is heavily rooted in the mission statement of those organizations. in addition, most of those incubators have a small staff ( to  staff members on average), and they must focus their human resources, funds, and physical spaces, if any, on the target demographics that they serve. for instance, the austin music foundation and c atlanta are dedicating their resources to and concentrating their impact on artists that are residents of their respective cities/communities, whereas the first peoples fund’s goal is to assist native artists in  communities across the united states, many living in rural areas. some incubators have a dedicated arts incubation space that may include artist studios (c atlanta), co-working spaces ( inc.), and even a maker space (art + public life), while others chose only to provide programs and assistance to artists (creative capital, national arts strategies). the later model of operation focuses its resources on reaching as many communities as possible, while incubators that invest in a facility are more likely to dedicate their resources to neighboring or local communities. each incubator has shown to be unique, and they don’t attempt to duplicate other programs but to provide specialized services based on the demands of the participants from the communities they serve. building network capacity is cohortdependent, and participants that have attended programs within a cohort tend to develop a strong tie with lasting effects beyond the cohort’s program graduation. however, addressing the question of the economic value that arts incubators have on their communities is beyond the scope of this study. implications for future research in expanding this work, three major research needs arise. first, this explorative study proposed a simple measure of quantity and density of community impact of the incubator activity. more complex measures may arise to account for the (local) population density and other contextual factors. second, the effect of entrepreneurial culture needs to be evaluated to some extent. identifying entrepreneurial activity through a longitudinal study on artists’ social media networks will estimate the effect of role models on their communities. third, the economic impact of the value that arts incubators have on their communities could be quantified using a multiplier tool. artivate 10.2 21 implication for entrepreneurship education governments, academia, and private organizations are increasingly identifying entrepreneurial activity as a major contributor to job creation and long-term economic growth (romer, ). literature supports this line of thought by identifying an increase in employment and a growth in wealth creation associated with a region’s increase in entrepreneurial activity (mitra, ). the contribution of arts incubators to local economic growth can be substantial, but it must be estimated. the results of this study indicate that the proposed geospatial metric measures the quantity and density of the communities impacted by the incubator’s entrepreneurial education. such a metric has an impact on an educator’s activities in three ways. first, the measure is instrumental to educators to verify the effectiveness of their educational activities and programs. combined with existing metrics, the use of the geospatial impact measure will enable the improvement of educational programs by understanding which non-local communities are affected the most by their operations. second, leveraging the new metrics, incubators’ leadership will be able to extend their fundraising and marketing activities to the regions that are affected the most by their activities. third, university incubators should consider adopting this assessment metric in evaluating their own programs, thereby shaping future research on the assessment of entrepreneurship training for years to come, particularly as university incubators deliver entrepreneurship education and expand their alumni network. that combination would 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(2006). role model influences on entrepreneurial intentions: artivate 10.2 23 a comparison between usa and mexico. the international entrepreneurship and management journal, 2(3), 325-336. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11365-006-0004-1 williamson, o. e. (2000). the new institutional economics: taking stock, looking ahead. journal of economic literature, 38(3), 595–613. https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jel.38.3. 595 cover image credit: rights-cleared image to serve as a cover image for our contribution: "art @ incubate 2014" by incubate festival is licensed with cc bync-nd 2.0: https://search.creativecommons.org/photos/203c676 c-bc51-4e58-abb9-16349f131c7d funding credit: this project is supported in part by an award from the national endowment for the arts. vol. 11, no. 3 spring 2023 galleries artists profiles maniobra maniobra is a cultural employment initiative providing guaranteed income and additional support for artists and collectives in puerto rico over three years. the initiative is profiled in an article in this issue of artivate by javier j. herna ndez acosta, who is involved as both an arts entrepreneur launching the program through the centro de economí a creativa and as a scholar. a selection of the arts programs operating with maniobra support is profiled here alongside the artists and collectives leading the work. agua, sol y sereno agua, sol y sereno is a multidisciplinary theater collective that promotes democratization of art by producing plays, comparsas, creative workshops for all kinds of communities, videoart, exhibitions, and other performative acts. its pedagogical component includes talks, conferences, and the escuela-taller (2021-present), which offers various courses, https://www.aguasolysereno.org/ artivate 11.3 2 workshops, and seminars for people of all ages. the group concentrates its creative energy on processes linked to the social reality of puerto rico and the world as well as to the interiority of the human being. since its incorporation as a non-profit organization in 1993, agua, sol y sereno has promoted the development of puerto rican experimental theater aimed at achieving economic, social, cultural, educational, and political impact. collective creation is a vital part of the development of works in which each member participates by proposing ideas, experimenting with objects, words, songs, and the body on stage. this process permeates the organizational structure of the group in which everyone has the opportunity to propose, develop, and lead projects from start to finish as well as have a voice and vote in important decision-making processes for the organization. maniobra support enabled hiring two full-time artists to operate programming: kenneth salgado and cristina vives. both have artistic training and are part of the team of main actors of the project. kenneth has worked as an actor, co-curator of exhibitions, and workshop facilitator. cristina earned a graduate degree in cultural management and an undergraduate degree in music and has been working with agua, sol y sereno for more than ten years. in april 2023, the founders of the project, pedro adorno and cathy vigo, joined the group of maniobra artists. colectivo el ancón de loíza “el colectivo” el ancón de loiza, inc., is a community-based non-profit organization anchored in a historic space on the riverbanks of the rio grande de loí za where the cortijo family first developed el ancón (the barge) more than one hundred years ago. el ancón, a barge without a motor pulled by a rope or by leaning on the river bottom with a stick, was used to cross between pin ones and loí za pueblo, as well as to transport people, cars, and crops from the eastern area to san juan and the rest of puerto rico. a treasured part of the heritage of loí za and of puerto rico, el ancón is the historic main entrance to the town. it was here that the cortijo family began to build communication networks, offered as a public service in the spirit of solidarity. the vision of the “colectivo” is to continue this kenneth salgado, cristina vives, cathy vigo, and pedro adorno (agua, sol y sereno). https://www.elancondeloiza.com/ artivate 11.3 3 legacy and to generate initiatives that promote cultural, educational, and tourist activity in the historic center of loí za. the “colectivo” also works toward incubating social and creative enterprises to impact the youth community of loí za. juan pablo vizcaí no cortijo, who is part of this collective as well as a maniobra artist, is an afropuerto rican artist who has worked on the figure of the vejigante for fourteen years, an artistic expression based on carving masks as a sign of black caribbean resistance. the figure of the vejigante is an african expression. born and raised in puerto rico with perspectives that address afro-caribbean approaches rooted in the culture of the taínos (native people in the caribbean and the americas) and in all afro-descendants, juan pablo, in addition to being an artist, is an activist for racial and environmental justice. juan pablo began his artistic work at the age of thirteen cutting hair and making designs with a razor, machine, and scissors. his activist work in support of communities, the environment, and racialized and oppressed groups has given him opportunities to present his art both locally and internationally. juan pablo currently works with reused materials, scrap metal, concrete, bamboo, wood, and mixed media. he mostly uses materials he finds in the streets of his neighborhood and has been exploring with digital art, animations, virtual reality, and nfts. casa silvana casa silvana is a rural, self-managed cultural project focused on the development of experimental, contemporary, and afrodescendant visual arts in puerto rico, mainly impacting humacao and the eastern region of the archipelago. it is an integration of the residence and studio of the artist edwin vela zquez collazo and an alternative art space with an emphasis on the production of works of art, workshops, talks, conversations, conferences, exhibitions, micro artistic residences, as well as dissemination and promotion through digital media as documentation processes. key projects include the curatorial practice, edwin vela zquez’s studio and workshop, and cultural dissemination through puerto rico art news among other platforms. juan pablo vizcaíno cortijo (collectivo el ancón de loíza) http://juanpablovizcainoart.com/ https://www.facebook.com/casasilvanapr https://www.puertoricoartnews.com/, artivate 11.3 4 edwin vela zquez collazo, born in santurce in 1961, was selected as a maniobra artist in its first year. in 1988 he obtained a bachelor of arts degree with a concentration in painting from the school of plastic arts and design of puerto rico. he is an artist, curator, art critic, cultural manager, blog editor, and founder and former president of the association of visual artists of puerto rico. he has had ten solo exhibitions in puerto rico and has exhibited collectively in galleries and museums both locally and internationally. he has won awards and distinctions from the national endowment for the arts, the institute of puerto rican culture, the a ngel ramos foundation, the museum of contemporary art of puerto rico, and the rockefeller foundation. recognizing the impact of casa silvana and its needs, during the second year (april 2023) joyce de jesu s martí nez was brought into maniobra. she was born in santurce, puerto rico, in 1971. she holds a bachelor’s degree in k-3 education with a concentration in special education from the university of puerto rico and a master’s degree in drawing and painting from the pontifical catholic university. in 2014, she started a proposal according to her personal experiences. due to a self-promise, she began using human hair as the main material in her works. beyond the final product, she focuses on the process, giving special care to external elements and emotions and learning at the moment of creation. believing that hair is a symbol of our interior or spirituality, de jesu s creates works with a memorial air and with the intention of evoking the true essence of being and its processes. with this idea of healing the interior and self-knowledge, de jesu s works as a collaborator with edwin vela zquez collazo at casa silvana and proposes to hold art therapy workshops as part of her artistic work. el cuadrado gris el cuadrado gris is a space for art, communication, education, and social action in the community of barrio obrero/santurce. the space has hosted exhibitions, performances, concerts, live broadcasts, and community aid activities since 2015. it has become very important for the cultural community primarily due to its location and interaction with the community, but also for its focus on serving joyce de jesús martínez and edwin velázquez collazo (casa silvana) https://www.facebook.com/elcuadradogris artivate 11.3 5 many forms of media as an exhibit hall and cultural center with a focus on the documentation and dissemination of audiovisual and musical content. in 2021, the inaugural open-air terrace-theater was launched to host performances of theater, poetry, music shows, and films of cultural and social interest. the project also organizes programs of a social nature such as “bicis para todos” where donated used bicycles are received, repaired, and given away to those who need them in barrio obrero. el cuadrado gris also organized a solar energy program where solar lights were distributed to the community before, during, and after hurricane maria in 2017. the team of founders includes anna astor blanco (art director/curator) and ozzie forbes (communications director, music and editing department). through maniobra, the primary artist who receives the salary incentive is ozzie forbes, who is responsible for producing, directing, and teaching (multimedia) internet, radio, and educational television to young people as a legacy and social communication tool. additionally, he creates and leads cultural and social communication media platforms such as radio underground. ozzie also coordinates international artists collaborations. as an indirect impact of maniobra, they have also managed to provide frequent work for photographer and documentalist javier carrera. taller comunidad la goyco taller comunidad la goyco is a community-based cultural organization dedicated to defending the right to the city and cultural agency. it arises in the context of the closure of public schools in 2015 and the community’s need to rescue these spaces to develop a work agenda for the resident community in santurce. after several years developing the project, in 2020 the municipality of san juan ceded the property to the taller comunidad la goyco organization. its programming includes music, theater, art, and cinema, among others. it serves the surrounding community which mostly consists of older people. it serves as the headquarters of the main archive of the plena (afro-puerto rican music)— la casa de la plena tito matos—and includes music, books, documentaries, art, and instruments. in addition, it offers conferences and workshops. taller comunidad la goyco ozzie forbes in collaboration with anna astor blanco and javier carrera (el cuadrado gris). https://www.radioundergroundpr.com/ https://www.lagoyco.org/ artivate 11.3 6 houses more than twenty artistic initiatives that include scenic design, ceramics, print making, design, and other workshops, making it an effective arts entrepreneurship incubator. mariana reyes anglero is the full-time executive director of taller comunidad la goyco and is in charge of all initiatives that enable artists to carry out their work at the organization. she is a cultural manager with more than twenty years of experience in production and community management. she leads the coordination, recruitment, project development, and fundraising work as well as serving as the primary community liaison. she is in charge of supervising these areas and conceptualizing various programs that achieve the stability and growth of the project. in addition, mariana is the lead responsible for solidifying the project of la casa de la plena, a key initiative that maintains the legacy of another of la goyco’s founders, the late musician and cultural agent tito matos. mariana reyes angleró (taller comunidad la goyco). vol. 11, no. 3 spring 2023 artist activism as arts entrepreneurship artists disrupting social structures and changing the future megan jordan the ohio state university abstract: the conceptual framing of artist activists as arts entrepreneurs is pivotal to this study’s analysis of artists’ political organizing during the overlapping moments of the covid-19 pandemic and the trump presidential era. however, artist activism as a form of arts entrepreneurship is underexplored in the arts entrepreneurship literature. to address this gap, i conduct a side-by-side comparison of key principles in the arts entrepreneurship and social movement literatures to establish a transdisciplinary theoretical baseline that supports my argument that artist activism is a vital form of arts entrepreneurship. i then analyze interviews with twenty-seven artist activists who cultivated and exercised actions for “changing the future” (koppl & minniti, 2008a, 17) during this period and apply my findings to further expand the taxonomy of arts entrepreneurship first developed by chang and wyszomirski (2015) beyond management process to vehicle for institutional change. in addition to connecting arts entrepreneurship to the social movement literature and conceptualizing artist activism as a form of arts entrepreneurship, i identify strategies and tactics employed by us artist activists in their creation of both economic and social value in the 2020-2022 period. keywords: artist activism, arts entrepreneurship, activist art, portfolio careers, social movements. doi: doi.org/10.34053/artivate.11.3.194 introduction in the u.s., the contentious period of 2020-2022 was a pivotal moment for artist-led responses to traumatic events and their subsequent questioning of and challenge to established social structures and normative belief systems. from black liberation to immigration reform to reproductive rights to climate change and other social issues, progressive social justice artists acted to fight systems of oppression in a variety of ways across multiple institutions. this study, grounded in a u.s. context and focused solely on artivate 11.3 2 artists fighting to change the future (koppl and minniti, 2008a), analyzes interviews with twenty-seven artist activists who economically, logistically, and emotionally managed their careers during this period to serve public good through the disruption of social structures. it makes an empirical case for the conceptualization of artist activists as arts entrepreneurs by expanding the arts entrepreneurship field’s understanding of the role of dissent (callander & cummings, 2021) at the intersection of art and non-market entrepreneurship (shockley, frank and stough 2008; koppl & minniti, 2008b), thus extending arts entrepreneurship beyond “management process” (chang & wyszomirski, 2015, 25) to means for structural transformation (mcmullen, brownell and adams, 2021). further, it explores strategies and tactics employed by artist activists during this period to build understanding of how they sustained themselves and their work to contribute to public good. background and motivation artists’ interpretations of their own lived experience provide researchers key biographical evidence for the analysis of social troubles across history. thus, this study seeks to establish a link between artist activism and arts entrepreneurship grounded in a millsian understanding of the interplay of biography and history: “no social study that does not come back to the problems of biography, of history and of their intersections within a society has completed its intellectual journey” (2000, 6). in support of this approach and in keeping with the methods of intimate insider research (morrison, 2021; taylor, 2011), i start first with my own story as an artist activist and entrepreneur. the founders of the center for artistic activism, steve duncombe and steve lambert, define artist activism as a “hybrid practice that marries the creative force of art to the concrete results of activism” (2021, 5). similarly, in the art of protest, t.v. reed defines activist art as “art that has been created inside or very close to social protest movements” (reed, 2019, xi). over the past six years, my artistic practice has largely served social movements and social justice causes. previously a labor and environmental organizer, i began painting as a political outlet following the 2016 u.s. presidential election. i went on to graduate school to study sociology, specifically the role of artists in producing positive social change. my graduate studies provided me with the freedom, flexibility, and skills to study artists’ roles in social movements, and it also provided me the economic security to continue my work as a social movement artist. i knew from my production and consumption of art that artists working in a range of mediums participated in social movements and served a vital role within them. seeking avenues of support for my research and art practice beyond the limited academic setting, i sought out training opportunities, mentorship, community partnerships, and funding that would provide me with the knowledge and resources to continue and strengthen my artist activism. i worked as an arts, culture, and equitable development intern; a graphic designer; a muralist; and artivate 11.3 3 a producer for various social movement organizations, non-profits, and for-profits serving social justice missions. i applied my doctoral training to skill-build, network, and pay my bills and health insurance. in fall of 2020, after an emotionally heavy summer of police killings of unarmed black people backdropped by a deadly, unpredictable, global pandemic, i was asked to be one of the artists to lead the painting of a 350 foot-long black lives matter street mural in the downtown area of my city. around this same time, with funding from an art policy institution, i founded an artist activist collective to create art to aid a participatory people’s budget effort. my artist activism journey has been a balancing act of responding to context, managing risks, innovating new ways of doing, protecting my morals and ethics, working in harmonious and contentious collaborations, and acting strategically to push my own social justice agendas in a variety of venues while sustaining my economic survival and mental health. interested in how other artist activists do their work and persist at it, i looked to engage in rigorous social scientific and theoretical work to answer this question. in the process, i found that artist activism is a vital form of arts entrepreneurship. the present study in this study, i analyze interviews with 27 artist activists to make the case that their activism should also be understood as a vital form of arts entrepreneurship. i begin by defining and operationalizing arts entrepreneurship and artist activism. i then expand the taxonomy of arts entrepreneurship (chang and wyszomirski, 2015) to draw throughlines from the arts entrepreneurship literature to key concepts in the social movement literature. as relatively little research has been conducted on artist activism in either of these two literatures, i address the gap by highlighting connections between art, entrepreneurship, and activism across both fields. i apply these connections in my analysis of the artist activist interviews i conducted to discern how artist activists, as arts entrepreneurs, manage their careers to both sustain themselves and contribute to public good. i conclude with thoughts on future research opportunities for bridging social movement research with arts entrepreneurship research. definitions of arts entrepreneurship and artist activism in their pivotal work attempting to bring consensus to the definition of ‘arts entrepreneurship’, chang and wyszomirski (2015: 24) define it as “a management process through which cultural workers seek to support their creativity and autonomy, advance their capacity for adaptability, and create artistic as well as economic and social value.” following this work, essig (2015) defines the process of arts entrepreneurship as “not a managerial one, but a creative one” (241-242) in which arts entrepreneurs create mediating structures, recognize as well as create opportunities, network to gain contacts, artivate 11.3 4 mobilize resources, and seek professional development as a means to the end of connecting their work to an audience (essig 2015; 2022). a few studies examine the disruptive nature of arts entrepreneurs challenging status quos. for instance, white’s (2019) concept of “organizational attack” highlights arts entrepreneurs’ coordinated attacks on social structures and normative aesthetic beliefs. similarly, newer definitions and treatments of arts entrepreneurship highlight innovation as grounded in disruption, or a “disturbance of behavior” (essig, 2022: 78). others have extended this vein of thought with categories of arts entrepreneurship like “meaning-making,” highlighting its symbolic value, and “re-making,” bringing to the fore its power to reform existing institutions and organizations (callander & cummings, 2021: 746). so then, who are arts entrepreneurs? just as ‘artists’ are not defined by a particular job, credential, or location (novak-leonard & skaggs, 2017; menger, 1999), neither are arts entrepreneurs. who counts as an arts entrepreneur is a matter of one’s artistic and entrepreneurial practices within as well as beyond one’s occupation. as a process of innovation (shumpeter 1947), entrepreneurship in the arts is pursued in an amalgam of ways via various artistic practices and organizational forms to then be shared to an intended audience (scherdin & zander, 2011). this is important feature to acknowledge given the precarity and fluctuation artists experience within their careers. in a growingly economically precarious time (americans for tax fairness, 2021; childers, 2022; gould, 2022; click & stockburger, 2022), artists who are not privileged with full-time employment in one creative job and who seek to sustain their creative careers via the selfmanagement of a portfolio of jobs in the arts (wyszomirski & chang, 2017; woronkowicz and noonan, 2019) might be considered entrepreneurial. portfolio careers can be described as gigging, freelancing, moonlighting, public grants acquisition, and so forth (strandvad, 2022; wyszomirski & chang, 2017; feder & woronkowicz, 2022; banks, 2007; hesmondhalgh & baker, 2010). an artist might develop a portfolio career for economic reasons, greater independence, time flexibility, or a lack of choices (feder & woronkowicz, 2022; munnelly, 2022), but there are other drivers of this form of entrepreneurial action. while arts entrepreneurship as a form of entrepreneurship not directly tied to capital accumulation or wealth creation (scherdin & zander, 2011) can be motivated by a sense of self-fulfillment when exercising an organizational mission (preece, 2011: 108), a key driver is the act of changemaking: a “universal form of human action” in which entrepreneurs’ actions are oriented towards “changing the future” (koppl & minniti, 2008a: 17). koppl and minniti (2008a) composed this treatment of entrepreneurship from kirzner’s (1982) concept of ‘impactful actions’. in their extensive review of entrepreneurship journals and art journals, callander and cummings (2021: 748-749) found that both literatures illustrate artists as functioning on the periphery out of necessity but also as a strategy to resist power structures and status quos. even further, their research highlights the need for an intentional focus on disruption and dissent in the arts entrepreneurship field. research on artist activism artivate 11.3 5 could fill the gap callander and cummings (2021) point to by explicitly analyzing artists challenging social structures for the purpose of social good. artist activism is defined as artistic practice married directly to results-driven activism (duncombe & lambert, 2021: 5; duncombe 2023). similarly, activist art is art created within or alongside social movements (reed, 2019, xi). artist activists are individuals who take on the role of creating art for a social movement for either internalor external-facing usage. various studies in the social movement literature attempt to examine artists as activists (roscigno & danaher, 2001; cornfield, 2015; isaac, 2009, 2012, 2014; redmond, 2013). there are three general lines of thought in the small but growing artist activism literature: studies that examine the content or aesthetics that artists produce (isaac, 2009, 2012, 2014); studies that analyze artists as activists strictly within their occupational communities (cornfield, 2015); and studies that examine distribution and audience impact (roscigno & danaher, 2001; danaher, 2010; danaher & roscigno, 2004). no studies i have found analyze all three types of artist activism. nevertheless, how and where artist activists operate and the extent of their impact are interrelated concerns. while relatively little research has been executed on artist activism in either the social movement or the arts entrepreneurship literatures, comparing these literatures, as i do below, illuminates connections between activism and entrepreneurship in the arts. this comparison also enables both fields to build understandings of how artists creatively manage their careers economically, logistically, and emotionally to contribute, beyond the creation of economic value, to the creation of social value and to public good. further, it has the potential to expand our understanding of artists’ roles in public and civic life (novak-leonard & skaggs, 2017) and of collective action in arts and cultural work (skaggs & aparicio, 2023), as well as the policy implications these expanded understandings carry (cornfield, skaggs, barna, jordan, robinson, 2018; redaelli, 2019). as mentioned above, generally missing from the arts entrepreneurship literature is a framework for interpreting arts entrepreneurship as artist activism. while the social movement literature underexamines the interconnectedness of how and where artist activists operate and the extent of their impact—a nexus that the arts entrepreneurship literature and its attention to ‘means and ends’ (essig, 2015) might help to elucidate—this study directs its focus to the social movement literature for the purpose of assisting the arts entrepreneurship literature in expanding its understanding of arts entrepreneurs’ ‘means and ends’ to include efforts to ‘change the future’ (koppl & minniti, 2008a), i.e., artists’ challenge to the social structures and institutions they inhabit. this focus does not preclude a consideration of the ways that artist activists intricately balance their social justice goals with entrepreneurial methods that also serve their own economic survival. rather, it sets the stage for my findings below: that artist activists are arts entrepreneurs who strategically balance portfolio careers to create both economic and social value as they contribute to public good. artivate 11.3 6 expanding the arts entrepreneurship taxonomy chang and wyszomirski (2015) provide clear conceptual categories for defining arts entrepreneurship action: strategies, tactics, competencies/skills, mindset, and context. in this section, in table 1, i first detail components of this taxonomy alongside complementary key concepts from the social movement literature to draw throughlines between analyses of arts entrepreneurs and social movement actors. directly following table 1, i explicitly explain the components, concepts, and throughlines. table 1. comparison of arts entrepreneurship components and social movement key concepts. components1 arts entrepreneurship literature social movement literature (key concepts) strategies definition: strategies are the ‘ends’ of value creation and innovative vision definition: “overall plan for action, the blueprint of activities with regard to the mobilization of resources and the series of collective actions that movements designate as necessary for bringing about desired social changes” (jenkins, 1981:135). e.g., creation of micro enterprises, promotion of policy change via policy entrepreneurship e.g., emergence of new social movement groups (blee, 2012; coley, 2018). self-management of career transitions/career portfolios, change management, intrapreneurship activist biographical pathways (isaac, coley, cornfield, & dickerson, 2020, 2016; coley, 2018) community or heritage enterprise, new cultural products or services cultural production (peterson & anand, 2004; roscigno & danaher, 2001; danaher, 2010; danaher & roscigno, 2004; isaac, 2009) tactics definition: means of “implementing the strategic vision” (chang et al, 2015, 26) definition: “the specific means of implementing strategy, the forms of collective action taken by movement actors” (meyer & staggenborg, 2012:11-12) use of digital technology to market/promote, reach new audiences in new ways collective identity formation (polletta & jasper, 2001) and digital organizing (carty, 2018) networking, managing partnerships coalitions (mayer, 2011; van dyke & mccammon, 2010) crowdsourcing to fundraise resource mobilization (mccarthy & zald, 1977; mcadam 1982 [1999]) and mutual aid (spade, 2020) competencies/ skills definition: an entrepreneurial leader’s ability to “carry out the vision and to the social movement literature does not have a succinct term or definition 1 chang & wyszomirski, 2015. artivate 11.3 7 use implementation tactics” (2015, 26) for activists’ competencies and skills. instead, social movement scholars examine training programs and formal and informal career-biographical pathways where activists professionally develop competencies and skills. opportunity spotting, business skills acquisition, professional development via education or training movement schools & preparation pathways (isaac, coley, cornfield, dickerson 2016, 2020) mindset definition: individual character qualities or ways of thinking believed to be associated with entrepreneurial behavior (2015, 26) social movement scholarship has a variety of concepts that encompass activist’s mindsets, including but not limited to high-risk activism, activist commitment, emotion work, and utopian ideals/movements. risk-taking high-risk activism (goodwin 1997; goodwin & pfaff 2001; mcadam 1986) perseverance, tolerance for failure activist commitment (passy & giugni 2000; carlsen, ralund, & toubol 2020; nepstad 2004); emotion work of managing failure (nepstad 2004; barker 2001; goodwin & pfaff 2001) open-mindedness imagination & creativity (kelley 2002; davidson 2022); real utopias (wright 2010) context definition: “external environment and conditions that the entrepreneur contends with” (2015, 26) for social movement scholars, context is better known as opportunity structure (as introduced by eisinger, 1973), defined as the context and circumstances that affect the shape, size, success, and failure of social movements (wahlstrom and peterson, 2006: 364; mccammon, campbell, granberg, & mowery, 2001) organization, individual artist or small business, opportunity structure (eisinger 1973; meyer & staggenborg 1996; mccammon et al 2001) artistic field, local/regional locale venue, where claims are pressed (meyer & staggenborg 2012) strategies. strategy is an iterative process of balancing resources, context, opportunities, relationships, timing, targets, and dilemmas and is composed of collective action demands, arenas, and tactics (meyer & staggenborg, 2012: 7). chang and artivate 11.3 8 wyszomirski (2015) define arts entrepreneurship strategies as the ends of “value creation” and “innovative vision” (26). arts entrepreneurship strategies include the creation of microenterprises and the self-management of career transitions. if we take the authors’ conceptualization of arts entrepreneur strategies and apply this to artists whose practices are social justice oriented—artist activists—the sociological social movement literature’s definition of strategies is quite similar. for social movement scholars, strategy is the “blueprint of activities” actors use to perform their actions to bring about their “desired social changes” (jenkins, 1981:135). even further, actors must inventory their resources in reference to their overall goals and available opportunities to “maximize their influence” (meyer & staggenborg, 2012: 6). this acknowledgement of the importance of context and available opportunities is very much in line with koppl and minniti’s (2008a: 11) general theory of entrepreneurial behavior, specifically entrepreneurs’ “opportunity recognition” and “innovation.” both arts entrepreneurship and social movement definitions of strategy define it as a variety of activities and uses of resources individuals use to implement their desired social change. the creation of microenterprises can be viewed as also the creation of social movement organizations (see blee (2012) for more on social movement organizations). likewise, the creation of new products or services occurs in social movements as well—for social movements are sites of cultural production (peterson & anand, 2004; roscigno & danaher, 2001; danaher, 2010; danaher & roscigno, 2004; isaac, 2009). just as arts entrepreneurs self-manage their career transitions, artist activists self-manage their social movement involvement across venues in their career portfolios. just as arts entrepreneurs manage change to create social value, so do artist activists. tactics. the second component of chang and wyszomirski’s taxonomy is “tactics,” defined as the means of “implementing the strategic vision” (26). similarly, the social movement literature defines tactics as “the specific means of implementing strategy, the forms of collective action taken by movement actors” (meyer & staggenborg, 2012:11-12). the tactics activists select deeply depend upon the venue where they are seeking to create change. tactics are the intentional efforts to create change (taylor & van dyke, 2004) and can be directed at targets in contestations as well as directed towards the development of a collective identity within a social group or audience (taylor & van dyke, 2004). similar to arts entrepreneurs, social movement actors also utilize fundraising and crowdsourcing, run online communication channels, manage coalitions, and tactically employ their social networks to gain resources and support for their causes. mutual aid is a perfect example of social movement crowdsourcing tactics. mutual aid is crowdsourcing of a collective in order to meet each other’s survival needs (e.g., food, clean water, housing, health products) and is grounded in an understanding that the structural systems we have in place will not meet our needs (spade, 2020:7-9). arguably, mutual aid—a key tactic of social movements—relies on networking and managing partnerships, a tactic of arts entrepreneurship. all in all, tactics are integral components of arts entrepreneurial and artivate 11.3 9 social movement action. competencies/skills & mindset. the components “competencies/skills” and “mindset” work together to produce outcomes. the personal traits linked to mindset—”risk-taking,” “perseverance,” “tolerance for failure,” and “open-mindedness”—support the personal capacities associated with arts entrepreneurial competencies and skills, specifically “opportunity spotting,” “business skills acquisition,” and “professional development via education or training” (chang & wyszomirski, 2015, 25). together, competencies/skills and mindset support arts entrepreneurs’ ability to carry out tactics (chang & wyszomirski, 2015). in social movements, activists gain their competencies from movement schools (isaac, coley, cornfield, & dickerson, 2016), mentorship, and other organizer professional development training programs. risk-taking maps onto the skill of emotional management required for “high-risk activism” (mcadam, 1986; goodwin, 1997; goodwin & pfaff, 2001)—activism that has high costs of participation attached to it, like those of life and freedom. perseverance can be understood as emotional work rather than a personality trait. social movement actors actively manage their emotions to justify their commitment and overcome failure (passy & giugni, 2000; carlsen, ralund, & toubol, 2020; nepstad, 2004). likewise, open-mindedness is required for utopian movements— movements that lean into imagining new societies and new ways of life. imagination and creativity, associated with arts entrepreneurship (chang & wyszomirski, 2015, 25-26), are also essential features of social movements (kelley, 2002; wright, 2010). activists must imagine the change and solutions they seek. context. sensitivity to context, or environment, is the fifth component of the arts entrepreneurship taxonomy. arts entrepreneurs are constantly responding to external factors in their environment; koppl and minniti (2008a: 15) call this “improvisation.” environment could be their cultural industry, their community, or a geographic/spatial location (2015: 26-27). similarly, activism responds to context. the social movement field often employs the terms ‘venue’ and ‘opportunity structure’ to describe the environment activists are tasked with responding to. a ‘venue’ is where activists “press their claims” (meyer & staggenborg, 2012: 9-10). venues have different “targets and audiences” and “come with distinct rules that affect the way activists can pursue their goals” (meyer & staggenborg, 2012: 9-10). similarly, opportunity structures, specifically political opportunity structures (as introduced by eisinger, 1973), are the context and circumstances that affect the shape, size, success, and failure of social movements (wahlstrom and peterson, 2006: 364; mccammon, campbell, granberg, & mowery, 2001). thus, both arts entrepreneurs and artist activists respond to environmental factors to successfully achieve their social visions. context is the umbrella under which all entrepreneurial action occurs. arguably, through a social movement lens, we can view opportunity spotting (chang et al., 2015) or opportunity recognition (koppl & minniti, 2008a: 11) as artist activists’ ability to maneuver and take advantage of open and closed opportunity structures (eisinger, 1973)—i.e., receptive environments or repressive artivate 11.3 10 environments. opportunity spotting can essentially be understood as actors’ responses to a given ‘context’ or opportunity structure. their environments or venues could be their workplace, their local government, or even federal level government policy. even further, one’s ‘mindset’ is also shaped by the context to which one is responding. activists perform emotional work to manage failure (nepstad, 2004), justify risk (goodwin & pfaff, 2001; goodwin, 1997; mcadam, 1986), and maintain commitment (nepstad, 2004; passy & giugni, 2000), i.e., perseverance in their work. the throughlines i draw here between conceptualizations of arts entrepreneurship (chang & wyszomirski, 2015) and key themes and characteristics of activism derived from the social movement literature make the case that artist activism should be framed as a form of arts entrepreneurship with the goal of changing the future (koppl & minniti, 2008b) and contributing to public good. against this backdrop, i next examine closely how artist activists, as arts entrepreneurs, manage their careers to sustain their creation of social value. research methods this study examines 27 interviews with artist activists conducted between march 2020 and march 2022 to discover how artist activists, as arts entrepreneurs, do their work and persist at it. in this section, i address my own positionality and the study’s context, sample, and analytic strategy. intimate insider research. i have worked as a volunteer, and at times a paid employee, for more than thirteen movement groups. my work spanned various roles like researcher, artist, community organizer, graphic designer, union steward, etc. these experiences fueled and guided my interviews. the content of my observations as a movement worker will not be shared as part of my findings, but my experiences in the field were vital to my understanding of artist activist work disclosed in the interviews and for building trust and rapport with my respondents. due to my extensive experience in various social movement fields, some might term this research “intimate insider research” (morrison, 2021; taylor, 2011) because of my personal connections and experiences to the work and some of the individuals i studied. though my personal experience is extensive, i do not claim to possess or represent the insider opinion. i rely on my sample of 27 diverse artist activists from various movement fields to glean their insider experiences as artist activists enacting and embodying arts entrepreneurship in their activism. context. as detailed in the previous section, activism responds to context, as does entrepreneurship. in their work, artists, as activists and entrepreneurs, are constantly responding to the opportunity structure presented to them. the context and period of this study (2020-2022) was a particularly trying time in the united states. unemployment rates were up. covid-19 was rampant; vaccines were not yet accessible or widespread for half of the data collection period. the final year of the trump presidency created much artivate 11.3 11 unease, disgust, and distrust of the government (james, 2021). the murders of unarmed black people, specifically breonna taylor and george floyd, were the tipping point for civil unrest, awaking many to the long-voiced war cries of the black liberation movement. economic inequality widened considerably, and billionaires’ wealth reached new heights while poverty also soared (americans for tax fairness, 2020). mass waves of worker strikes and walkouts occurred (payday report, 2020). mental health and burnout crises boiled over (mayo clinic, 2021; threlkeld, 2021); some attribute this to the great resignation (society of human resource management, 2022). activists of the 2020-2022 period were operating under conditions of mass fear, normlessness, uncertainty, stress, and unease. sample. artist activists, artists who create “inside or very close to social protest movements” (reed, 2019), are the population of focus in this study. u.s.-based artist activists from an amalgam of social movements and causes were selected through snowball sampling (creswell, 2009) and from responses to flyer and social media advertisement of the study. trusted comrades and social movement organizations (smos) reposted the flyer, casting a wider net beyond my immediate network. due to my intersectional approach (crenshaw 1990; cho, crenshaw, & mccall, 2013) to social movement research, i sought to recruit a diverse sample across race, ethnicity, sexuality, gender expression, age, citizenship status, nativity, ability, and geography. the sample for this study is a subset from a larger project from which this work is drawn. for the larger project, i sampled beyond artist activists to include non-artist activists who work in and beyond the arts. for this article, my selection criteria included only self-identified artists and cultural workers who presently also self-identify as activists or as being involved in social justice-oriented work. interview questions like ‘do you identify as an activist?’, ‘what social causes do you work in?’, or ‘what kind of work do you do?’ served the sampling strategy for this study. the sample population consists of 27 artist activists from a broad range of occupations, demographic characteristics, and geographies. within the sample, 10 respondents were visual artists, 4 respondents were performance artists, 8 identify as cultural workers, 3 were technology/communications designers, and 2 were literary artists. participants held various professions such as teacher, organizer, muralist, sculptor, writer, waiter, theater practitioner, ceo, poet, nanny, student, urban planner, curator, comedian, puppeteer, and diversity and equity consultant. reflecting broader trends in artistic careers (e.g., throsby & zednik, 2011; menger, 1999; lingo & tepper, 2013) and activist careers, several individuals held multiple jobs or no job at all. the sample gender composition is 11 womxn, 13 men, and 2 nonbinary/gender nonconforming people. racially, the sample includes 7 black/african/mixed-black respondents, 11 white respondents, 3 latinx respondents, and 5 asian or southwest asian north african (swana) respondents. of the sample, 3 respondents were unemployed, and 12 respondents were considering shifting or maneuvering shifts in their careers—these artivate 11.3 12 career categories are not mutually exclusive. the sample of respondents collectively worked in service to residents in 9 states in the u.s. (as well as the district of columbia) and 4 countries. causes and movements of the respondents included the labor movement, black liberation, immigrant and refugee rights, reproductive justice, workers’ rights, sexual assault survivors, housing justice, racial equity, broad equity, disability rights, the environmental movement, and broad human rights. analytic strategy. i intentionally gathered respondents from a broad range of movements, occupations, and locations because prototypical single movement studies often focus deeply on one particular organization, occupation, or group, entirely missing locations and occupations where activism takes place outside of the organizational context—in non-prototypical settings such as for-profit spaces, cultural institutions, small businesses, and in microinteractions at the interpersonal, neighborhood, and consumer level. in-depth semi-structured interviews served as an appropriate methodological tool for deep listening and engaging artist activists. interview participants were asked to describe their work and tell stories about how they maneuvered their careers to achieve certain missions for their intended audiences. interview questions prompting stories were often phrased “tell me about a time . . .” interviewees were asked to reflect on their responses to positive and negative events in their work as well as organizational challenges and changes. the average interview lasted 60 minutes. some individuals gave follow-up interviews if we did not cover all key topics of interest. all interviewees were assigned pseudonyms to protect their identities. interviews were recorded, transcribed, and coded. for transcription, i used otter.ai software. for coding, i used altas.ti and employed flexible coding (deterding and waters 2021) by first index coding by interview questions, then thematically coding pertinent themes as highlighted as vital factors within the arts entrepreneurship literature and the sociological social movements literature. themes relevant to this article included strategies, tactics, personal capacity, risk-taking, tolerance for failure, and locations/settings of activism. as part of the larger study, interviews were coded for a variety of other themes pertaining to workplace stressors, economic strain, burnout, coping strategies, and racial dynamics, which will not be analyzed or discussed in the present study. findings: patterns and profiles in this section, i first give an overview of patterns of entrepreneurial qualities found across the sample. i then dive into specific findings on opportunity spotting as background for framing interviewees’ responses to their particular contexts. i follow this with profiles of five interviewees who provide illustrative cases of the five components of arts entrepreneurship action per chang and wyszomirski (2015). while all artist activists in the sample demonstrate varying degrees of arts entrepreneurial strategies, tactics, artivate 11.3 13 competencies/skills, mindset, and (response to) context, the five interviewees profiled below provide concise instances for closer examination of these components. in the discussion section that follows, i relate these findings back to the broader sample and theoretical argument and also address the study’s limitations. overview of patterns. artist activists across the overall sample worked in a variety of organizational structures and institutions from nonprofits to for-profits to social movement organizations to independent small businesses to volunteer groups. 19 of the 27 interviewees had issues with the social structure/institution their primary work was located within. these individuals used various strategies and tactics to manage as well as challenge their institutions. 17 of the 27 interviewees took part in the creation of mediating structures to practice their activist work in alternative spaces to the organizations they sought to change. these mediating structures were means to the end of connecting with their audiences. all interviewees mobilized resources in some way to achieve social impact. more than one third of the sample sought professional development opportunities to achieve social impact, and more than half worked outside of traditional institutions to accomplish their change-making work. opportunity spotting: responding to context. the artist activists in this sample worked across an amalgam of institutional spaces and responded to the challenges and trials of this period by opportunity spotting avenues to do their activist work. due to covid-19, folks could not gather or create in the same ways, so various individuals in the sample joined and led online communities. when death and dread were rampant at the height of the pandemic, several artists, like hunter, responded by making art to heal their communities. facing layoff due to pandemic cuts, betty creatively constructed a portfolio career and leaned into hours and hours of unpaid labor for her social justice causes. many artist activists utilized their networks to crowdsource money and gather supplies for mutual aid to provide for their audience’s basic human needs during a time of resource scarcity. many individuals in this sample took this time to reprioritize their principles, and many shifted careers during this period. often their motivations were justice, equity, and visions of greater acknowledgement of humanity, as well as their own survival. this sample of artist activists faced challenges of workplace culture, censorship, problematic funders, mental health concerns, and health precautions induced by the pandemic. these artist activists served movements in a variety of ways from helping form the collective identity of a social cause group to mobilizing and growing a movement’s membership base to advertising the sentiments—social justice frames—of their cause to wider audiences to designing actions and implementing tactics to gain their desired outcome to mobilizing resources and networks to expand influence. the respondents took on a variety of roles in their social movements, each requiring varying entrepreneurial skills. profile 1: betty. betty is a white woman and a performance artist who started an activist group of mostly white individuals with the hopes of educating white artists to use artivate 11.3 14 their platforms to raise awareness and support of the black lives matter movement shortly following the murder of george floyd. in the first few months of 2020 and the covid 19 pandemic, betty was unemployed like many people living in the u.s. but putting in “at least probably 60 hours a week” as a volunteer and activist across several issues. betty, new to leading, had spent countless hours observing her “veteran organizer friends” for years prior and one day decided to lead her own effort organizing white people of a particular artistic practice in her city to dismantle white supremacy in concordance with the black lives matter movement. betty’s goal for this group was to produce transformational identity shifts in white activists, encouraging them to unlearn internalized white supremacy inherent to our culture. like many activists of this time, betty spent much of her time online via zoom in training calls and organizer meetups for various social justice causes. digital organizing via text apps and video chatting software played a pivotal role in her work. profile 2: aaron. aaron is a white man who works as a union organizer and illustrator. he used a variety of tactics via his social networks and social media to develop a collective identity within his workplace. following the murders of george floyd and breonna taylor, aaron sought to organize a social action for his union to take part in as support for black lives matter. aaron’s union sits within a coalition of unions. within this coalition exist factions of workers divided by occupation as well as culture. a more conservative faction of the coalition disagreed with taking a racial justice stance like their fellow unionists and fought for the union at large to not be formally affiliated with the activity. even further, they argued that aaron should not be allowed to express his racial justice sentiments and support of black lives matter on his personal social media because of his position in the union. aaron recalls the following in our interview: and the next day i get a call from the president of this large union. and basically, he chews me out for posting something on my personal facebook page. and he’s like, basically his thing was like, ‘well you, you can’t have an opinion because you represent the [conglomerate]’, and there was a direct quote of him saying that ‘you know once you work for an organization, you don’t have an opinion anymore’. despite censorship and power dynamics in his workplace, aaron used his social network and social media technology to tactically organize the event he and his fellow unionists sought to hold. aaron justified his perseverance as being the change he wished to see in his field. for him this also meant being a present husband and father and straying away from the workaholism of his occupational field. he states: investing time in raising children and spending time with kids is like an investment in this larger social vision. his union was fighting for better work-life balance as a social vision for their target artivate 11.3 15 audience, but many of his fellow unionists did not embody this social vision within their own lives. aaron saw his own embodiment of this social vision as a key part of his activism and encouraged his peers to do the same. profile 3: kofi. kofi, a first-generation african american man, is a writer, app designer, and language justice activist. kofi sought to save the dying language of his african country by creating a translation app for younger generations to utilize. his product is intended to halt the loss of culture, as his country’s language is expected to die off within the next generation. he joined business pitch programs and contests at his university to acquire funders, resources, and business skills for his language app. in striving to create a new cultural product, kofi actively struggles with the white supremacy of potential funders. when potential funders discounted the importance of his innovative product, kofi sought out other professional development opportunities to equip himself with better language and business skills to drive home the importance of his cultural heritage product. profile 4: fatima. fatima, a swana woman, is a cultural worker with a passion for diversity and equity. most of her work takes place in a museum space. outside of her paid work, she is a writer. fatima personally educated herself on social movement sentiments, strategies, and lessons by thoroughly reading historical and contemporary cultural theory of liberation and change-making. following the murder of george floyd, she describes her work as attempting to humanize policies in her workplace and informing her white colleagues of their problematic practices. fatima went on to describes the selfmanagement of her career in the following statement: i think, like, you kind of learn, like, where you can, you know, find ways to exercise your agency which is extremely important. like, i mean like it shouldn’t be that you have to finagle places to do that, but it tends to be the case. you understand the complexity of these things. i think it’s really sad that you get disheartened too, like, you’re just like, ‘that’s just how all of these places are’. fatima, like others in the sample, self-managed her career to find venues where she could authentically pursue her social vision. profile 5: zackary. zackary, a black man, moonlights as a performance artist but also works full time as a public servant. faced with severe racial discrimination and censorship at his job, zackary emotionally managed his anger and fear of punishment for calling out white supremacy at his job with his love for black people and his imaginative hope for a better workplace environment for black people in the future. after making racial allegations against his workplace, zackary was put on unpaid leave. fortunately, he was able to economically survive by crowdsourcing resources, using his networks to control media coverage, and leaning into various forms of material, emotional, and technological support from the communities who supported his artistic career. artivate 11.3 16 discussion based on 27 in-depth semi-structured interviews with a diverse sample of artist activists, i found that activists from across the sample overwhelmingly expressed and exhibited various characteristics of arts entrepreneurship. arts entrepreneurship is not necessarily tied to economic value. it can also deliver social value by remaking and challenging social structures for the purpose of public good. newer definitions of arts entrepreneurship have highlighted disruption and dissent as essential to this field. this research provides an intentional focus on artist activists as disruptive arts entrepreneurial change agents. my findings provide a range of examples of artist activists strategically employing and embodying arts entrepreneurial practices and traits to challenge power structures in a particularly traumatic yet creative historical moment. during this period, respondents in my sample tapped into various entrepreneurial strategies to challenge power structures and status quos and share new ideas and ways of being with an intended audience. this finding is expected given that much social movement activity is largely centered around the development and implementation of a new idea or a new way of life—radically imagining new worlds and ways of being—in ways that move people. all artist activists in this sample exhibited varying degrees of all five components of the arts entrepreneurship taxonomy (chang & wyszomirski, 2015). in this discussion section, i will focus more extensively on strategies, tactics, competencies/skills, and mindset, since i address context in the methods section as the background and environment in which the artist activists are operating within. artist activists from across my sample responded to the contexts they found themselves in by spotting opportunities for change or innovation and maneuvering various strategies and tactics such as the creation of microenterprises, policy change via policy entrepreneurship, use of technology, self-management of career transitions, the creation of new cultural products in their social movement work, and crowdsourcing resources. strategies. all individuals in this sample employed entrepreneurial strategies in their activist work. individuals like betty formed social movement organizations, which can be understood as a microenterprise for social justice causes. other individuals in the sample, like kofi, created businesses and new cultural products that relied on cultural heritage. multiple individuals maintain the social justice work by self-managing career transitions and self-constructing career portfolios in order to find the time, resources, and space to ‘finagle’ their work environments to serve their social visions, like that of fatima, betty, and zackary. zackary in particular was able to apply pressure to his full-time workplace due to the resources and stability of his moonlit artistic career. across the sample, individuals—like betty and aaron—also partook in the strategy of policy implementation via policy entrepreneurship through their embodiment of the change they sought and by joining and creating likeminded networks of individuals to implement social visions with them. they joined participatory democracy organizations following the killing of george artivate 11.3 17 floyd. their goals we similar: to restructure policy, legal systems, and funding structures to be more humane and focused on community health and less carceral, punitive, and white supremacist. thus, they utilized networks and resources of a collective to advocate for policy shifts. this is an act of policy entrepreneurship in that these various activists had a vision but acknowledged this vision could not be realized by their own actions alone. tactics. artist activists employed a variety of tactics to work towards their social visions. activists were operating under a global pandemic and were tasked with organizing audiences virtually to keep each other healthy and safe. their use of technology was pivotal for their work. as betty mentioned above, she spent roughly 60 hours a week as an activist and volunteer. much of this time was spent online via zoom in training calls and organizer meetups for various social justice causes. betty was not alone. during the height of the pandemic, several activists in my sample utilized the internet, specifically zoom, to organize and mobilize audiences, trainings, and resources locally, nationally, and internationally. others also used apps like instagram, groupme, signal, and whatsapp (the latter two for encrypted, private conversations) for digital organizing of their intended audience and networks. seeking out and utilizing funders and partnerships was a key tactic artist activists of the sample employed. kofi, like others in the sample, actively sought out potential funders for his cultural product. zackary used his artistic career, social media influence, and networks to crowdsource support during a precarious period. he, like others, utilized his partnerships for media coverage and other resources. not mentioned in the profiles was mutual aid. mutual aid was another key tactic activists use to crowdsource resources for the audiences’ basic human needs. some individuals shifted their careers, using their workplaces as vehicles for their activism. while their paid work might not have been entrepreneurial, their activist work that was facilitated through the workplace is an entrepreneurial use of resources. several activists, like fatima, saw the opportunity to leverage their workplaces as instruments to exercise their social justice ideals and economically survive doing so. this leveraging should be understood as an entrepreneurial act of creativity and innovation activists enacted to curate their jobs (in either social justice or non-social justice spaces) to fit their personal activist goals. when facing roadblocks in the workplace, artist activists exercise their agency by leaving their jobs—self-managing their careers in pursuit of more favorable, open venues. this was the case for zackary and several others in the sample. for individuals in this study, this can look like shifting their full-time job entirely or taking on different types of gigs in their portfolio career. artist activists’ self-management of their careers is a strategy of creativity, economic survival, and refuge—finding safe spaces to do their work. competencies/skills & mindset. as mentioned above in the literature review, activists’ competencies/skills and mindset work together to produce outcomes. activists across the sample sought out skill-building opportunities to build their personal capacities for their artivate 11.3 18 activism. this includes risk tolerance, tolerance of failure, and open-mindedness. as mentioned previously, opportunity spotting is a common feature of all activist work and is ubiquitous to this field. activists like betty and kofi spotted and attended formal/informal mentorship and training opportunities to gain skills to better equip themselves with skills as well as mindsets for changemaking work. others took to books for social movement education, like zackary and fatima, to learn from the past so that they can imagine new futures. often, artist activists in my sample experienced varying degrees of censorship and repression in their workplaces. to combat repression and persevere at their activist work, activists do emotional management work and orient mindsets to overcome barriers and continue their path towards their social visions. coping with failure and balancing risktaking as a steady feature of the work can be understood as emotional work. activists in my sample emotionally managed a variety of risks: risk of reputation being associated with social causes (aaron & rebecca), risk of job loss or censorship (madeline, zackary, jane, paulette), risk of deportation (rodrigo), as well as risk to freedom and life when facing off with the police at demonstrations (billy & matisse). activists actively manage their emotions to cope with risk-taking, cope with failure, and persevere in their activism. limitations there are several limitations within this study. first, this study is not quantifiably generalizable across social movements, but it is theoretically generalizable in that theories and findings of artist activism can be applied across other social movements and artistic mediums. naturally, qualitative research often just provides an in-depth look at the lived experiences of respondents to help build deeper understandings of understudied phenomena. another limitation is most of my sample is college educated and middle class or comfortably working class. some participants were unemployed or held multiple part-time jobs, but most of the sample was privileged with education and full-time employment. even with this slant towards more privileged respondents, much knowledge can still be gained from their stories. it is also worth noting that the activists of most social movement scholarship are generally more economically privileged than the general population. my sample is consistent with this research but does not shed light on the experiences of poor and working-class activists. future research could focus on more economically precarious individuals to gain understanding of how this work may look different for them. conclusion the present study expands the arts entrepreneurship taxonomy developed by chang and wyszomirski’s (2015) by drawing throughlines to key concepts in the social movements literature. this expansion positions arts entrepreneurship beyond management process as a vehicle for institutional change and supports my argument that artist activism is a vital form of arts entrepreneurship principled in innovation, creating social value, artivate 11.3 19 challenging social structures, and contributing to public good. artist activists are arts entrepreneurs situated within sociopolitical landscapes, seeking institutional change by implementing an amalgam of entrepreneurial actions. to learn more about the role of disruption or dissent in arts entrepreneurship, arts entrepreneurship scholars could utilize artist activists as vital population of study in future research. artist activists possess and implement combinations of entrepreneurial strategies, tactics, skills, and mindsets to achieve their social visions and respond to the contexts they are situated within. studying this population could generate insights for the field about the struggles of innovation arts entrepreneurs face within the broader socioeconomic and political landscape. social movements are all around us; entrepreneurs are actors within them, innovating and sharing new ideas to intended audiences. my hope is for these findings to be applied to advocate for pay equity for artists in social justice and public-good-oriented spaces and build credible arguments to legitimize and destigmatize the work and occupations of artist activists. this would enable artist activists to advocate for, create, and organize funding structures to better fund their social visions. in future research, scholars could conduct more in-depth analyses of the throughlines between arts entrepreneurship components and social movement concepts i contribute in table 1 to glean additional insights on these connections and gain deeper understandings of artist activists as a 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(2001). a revolution of the soul: transformative experiences and immediate abolition. in goodwin, j., jasper, j., & polletta, f. passionate politics: emotions and social movements. chicago: university of chicago press. cover image: megan ‘meg jo’ jordan, go to the ground, 2020. https://www.indeed.com/lead/preventing-employee-burnout-report https://www.indeed.com/lead/preventing-employee-burnout-report introduction background and motivation the present study definitions of arts entrepreneurship and artist activism expanding the arts entrepreneurship taxonomy research methods findings: patterns and profiles discussion conclusion acknowledgement 