







































AUSTRALIAN POPULATION STUDIES  2022 | Volume 6 | Issue 1 | pages 1–14 

 

© Heley & Hewitt 2022. Published under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial licence 3.0 Australia  
(CC BY-NC 3.0 AU). Journal website: www.australianpopulationstudies.org 

Same-sex marriage and remarriage in 
Australia, 2018-2020 

Emma Heley*  The University of Melbourne 

Belinda Hewitt  The University of Melbourne 

*Corresponding author. Email: ekheley@gmail.com. Address: School of Social and Political Sciences, 

Level 4, John Medley Building, The University of Melbourne, Parkville Vic 3010 

Paper received 15 February 2022; accepted 9 May 2022; published 25 July 2022  

Abstract 

Background 

Since same-sex marriage was legalised in Australia in December 2017, thousands of same-sex couples 

have married. Little Australian research to date has examined same-sex marriage trends and how 

they are similar or different to different-sex marriages. 

Aims 

To describe trends in same-sex marriages and remarriages in Australia for the years 2018–2020, 

comparing and contrasting with different-sex marriages and remarriages by age and sex. 

Data and methods 

Data come from the Australian Bureau of Statistics, Marriage and Divorces, Australia. We use 

available data on different-sex and same-sex marriages and remarriages for age and sex. 

Results 

The proportion of same-sex marriages declined from 5.5% of total marriages to 3.7% between 2018 

and 2020. Same-sex marriages tended to be at older ages, but the age gap between same-sex and 

different-sex marriages for males and females reduced over time. Similar trends were observed for 

remarriage. For different-sex remarriages, there was a slightly higher proportion of males remarrying 

than females. In contrast, for same-sex remarriages, the proportion of females remarrying was 

double that of same-sex males. 

Conclusions 

Early trends suggest same-sex marriages and remarriages occurred at older ages than different-sex. 

This age gap reduced over time, suggesting that early adopters of same-sex marriage may be a 

different group. Interestingly, same-sex remarriage was much more common for females. Given that 

same-sex marriage was not legal in Australia until late 2017, it is likely that many of their first 

marriages were different-sex. This has received little attention in the research literature to date and 

requires further investigation. 

Key words 

Marriage; Remarriage; Same-sex; Australia. 

  

   

http://www.australianpopulationstudies.org/
mailto:ekheley@gmail.com


2 Heley & Hewitt Australian Population Studies 6 (1) 2022 

 

 

1. Introduction 

In December 2017, same-sex marriage was legalised in Australia. Gay rights movements had been 

pushing to reform discriminatory legislation since the 1970s (Greenwich & Robinson, 2018). 

However, it wasn’t until 1997 that homosexuality was decriminalised in Australia (Willett, 2010). 

Since 2000, a number of bills supporting same-sex marriage had been introduced in parliament 

(McAllister & Snagovsky, 2018), but none were passed until 2017 when the Commonwealth 

Government held a postal vote administered by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) (McAllister 

& Snagovsky, 2018). The Australian public was asked: ‘Should the law be changed to allow same-sex 

couples to marry?’, to which respondents could voluntarily answer “yes” or “no” (McAllister & 

Snagovsky, 2018). The majority of the Australian public voted “yes” in the same-sex marriage postal 

survey (Wilson, Shalley & Perales, 2020), and shortly after legislation, same-sex marriage was passed 

by the Australian parliament (McAllister & Snagovsky, 2018). Since then, many Queer Australian 

couples have legally married, with thousands of same-sex marriages registering from 2018 to 2020 

(ABS, 2021a; ABS, 2020a; ABS, 2019). In this study, ‘Queer’ is used as an umbrella term inclusive of all 

LGBTQIA+ identities (Australian Institute of Family Studies, 2022a). 

In this paper we describe and document marriage and remarriage trends for same-sex and different-

sex marriages since the law change. We also investigate if this varies according to age and sex. We 

use the term different-sex, rather than heterosexual, to refer to non-same-sex marriages because the 

ABS includes people who don’t identify as male or female in the total marriage counts (ABS, 2021b). 

Therefore, even though the number of marriages impacted is likely to be small, the term different-

sex is more accurate and inclusive of marriages which are not same-sex but involve people who are 

Queer and just don't fit the "same-sex" definition. An example of a Queer couple who are not “same-

sex” would be a lesbian couple where one partner is a nonbinary lesbian (Hord 2020), and the other 

partner is a cisgender female lesbian. Using data from the ABS (ABS, 2021a; ABS, 2020a; ABS, 2019), 

we investigate the following questions: In the years since same-sex marriage was legalised (i) What 

proportion of total marriages were same-sex marriages?; (ii) Are there differences in proportions of 

remarriages between different-sex and same-sex couples?; (iii) Are there age differences between 

different-sex and same-sex marriage and remarriage patterns?; (iv) Are there sex differences 

between different-sex and same-sex marriage and remarriage patterns?  

From a life course perspective, we would expect differences in the timing and patterning of marriage 

and remarriage for those in same-sex marriages compared to different-sex marriages (Carpenter, 

2010). The life course perspective emphasises interactions between individual life biographies and 

historical time and place (Elder, 1994), where an individual’s biography and life course transitions are 

shaped by the broader social context including legal, cultural, and moral constraints. Marriage and 

sexual identity have been particularly influenced by societal shifts in many western developed 

countries over recent decades (Cohler, 2005), with opportunities for marriage over time differing 

according to sexuality. While we have seen changes in trends of marriage and remarriage for 

different-sex couples over time, such as increases in cohabitation, delayed marriage, and declining 

rates of marriage overall, legal marriage has always been a life course option (De Vaus, 2004). For 

same-sex couples in Australia, the 2017 change in marriage laws has shifted marriage opportunities. 



Australian Population Studies 6 (1) 2022 Heley & Hewitt 3 

 

Marriage for sexual minorities has only recently become a normative, and legal, life event in a 

handful of countries globally (Cohler, 2005; Hewitt & Churchill, 2020; DiGregorio, 2016). In contrast 

to older Queer generations in those countries (Cohler, 2005), Queer young people will grow up in a 

context where same-sex marriage is available to them. Historically, many same-sex attracted people 

had entered into different-sex marriages for a range of reasons (Higgins 2002; Pearcey 2005). For 

example, in a qualitative Australian study of 26 gay or bisexual men in Victoria, the most common 

reasons why these men had previously married a woman was because they wanted children and a 

family, and that it ‘seemed natural’ in the social context at the time (Higgins 2002). The literature on 

why lesbian and bisexual women marry opposite sex partners is limited compared to the literature 

available on men. 

Little research has been undertaken on same-sex remarriages, with most Australian and international 

studies being conducted on re-partnering in different-sex relationships (Hughes, 2000; Raley & 

Sweeney, 2020; Skew, Evans, & Gray, 2009). In Australia, remarriages of one or both partners after 

divorce or widowhood accounted for 27.42% to 28.56% of total marriages from 2018 to 2020 (ABS, 

2020a). However, it should be noted that remarriage in Australia has declined from around 34% since 

the year 2000 (ABS, 2021a; ABS, 2020a; ABS, 2019). Nowadays, many couples re-partner by 

cohabiting rather than remarrying (Skew, Evans, & Gray, 2009). 

Research on re-partnering and remarriage amongst different-sex couples suggests that sex and age 

are important factors. Men are more likely to remarry and re-partner than women (Hughes, 2000; 

Skew, Evans, & Gray, 2009). This is possibly because men have more options on the remarriage 

market (Skew, Evans, & Gray, 2009), as it is more socially acceptable for them to marry younger 

women (England & McClintock, 2009). Age is negatively associated with re-partnering, where people 

who have separated or divorced at younger ages are more likely to re-partner (Skew, Evans, & Gray 

2009). The current study provides some of the first Australian information on same-sex remarriages 

between men and same-sex remarriages between women. Despite gay male and lesbian female 

unions being qualitatively different (Ducharme & Kollar, 2012), discussion of sex differences in same-

sex remarriage has been limited in previous studies. 

2. Data and methods 

2.1 Data 

The data come from the ABS which collates data on all marriages registered in a calendar year for 

each of the States and Territories in Australia (ABS, 2021b). All data and variables used in this study 

were pre-determined by the ABS. Even though the same-sex marriage legislation took effect from the 

9th December 2017, data were not reported by the ABS for same-sex marriages in 2017 due to 

privacy considerations, so our study examines the years 2018, 2019 and 2020 (ABS, 2021a; ABS, 

2020a; ABS, 2019). 

2.2 Definitions and measures 

Marriage refers to all marriages which are registered with Births, Deaths and Marriages Registrars in 

each Australian state and territory which are then recorded by the ABS (ABS, 2021b). Same-sex 

marriage, as defined by the ABS, refers to either the number of marriages in which both partners 



4 Heley & Hewitt Australian Population Studies 6 (1) 2022 

 

 

identify as female, or where both partners identify as male (ABS 2021b). We define any marriages 

not classified as same-sex marriages as different-sex marriages, and note that the ABS includes 

people who don’t identify as male or female in the total marriage counts (ABS, 2021b). Therefore, it 

is likely that a small number of marriages which are not same-sex might include people who are 

Queer, for example they could be male-nonbinary or female-nonbinary marriages, but don't fit this 

"same-sex" definition. 

Remarriages refers to registered marriages where one or both persons were previously married (ABS, 

2019). This is inclusive of couples where one spouse has previously been married, but the other could 

be entering their first or second marriage (ABS, 2021a; ABS, 2020a; ABS, 2019). Information on the 

total number and proportion of same-sex and different-sex remarriages were derived by summing 

the number of marriages for males and females whose prior marital status was widowed or divorced. 

Sex was defined by the ABS as either ‘male’, ‘female’, or ‘X’ (ABS, 2021b). Both individuals and same-

sex marriages are categorised by sex in this study, as determined by the ABS (ABS, 2021b). Marriages 

where one or both partners identified outside of the male-female binary were excluded from ABS 

data presented by sex (ABS, 2021b). However, marriages and individuals were included in counts of 

total marriages and total people married (ABS, 2021b). As such, the sex categories in this study are 

male and female. 

All age categories in this study were pre-determined by the ABS. Age was measured in two ways in 

the study: age (with categories ranging from age 16 to 50 and above) and median age at marriage. 

Age refers to the number of individuals in a given age group (in years) who were married in that 

specific year. This is represented as the following age ranges: 16-19, 20-24, 25-29, 30-34, 35-39, 40-

44, 45-49, and 50+. The ABS grouped individuals aged 50+ into one category and we were therefore 

unable to differentiate between smaller age categories within the 50+ age group in this study. 

Median age at marriage refers to the median age of individuals who got married in that year, 

according to sex. This was calculated by the ABS. 

2.3 Approach 

This study compares and contrasts trends in same-sex and different-sex marriages in Australia. Data 

provided by the ABS was represented as a series of cross-tabulations with numerical data. These 

were then re-arranged in a series of tables and graphs, which address the research questions. 

Percentages of each variable, at either the individual or marriage level, were calculated to allow for 

comparison across and between variables. 

3. Results 

3.1 Marriage 

Table 1 shows the proportion of total marriages in each year that were same-sex compared to 

different-sex. The results show that out of total marriages, same-sex marriages accounted for 5.49% 

in 2018, 4.84% in 2019, and 3.67% in 2020. We note that the number of total marriages for 2020 was 

low because of the impact of COVID-19 restrictions on being able to marry and host weddings in 

Australia (Australian Institute of Family Studies, 2022b). 



Australian Population Studies 6 (1) 2022 Heley & Hewitt 5 

 

Table 1: Same-sex marriages as a proportion of total marriages 

 Same-sex marriages Different-sex marriages Total marriages 

Year % % N 

2018 5.49 94.51 119,188 
2019 4.84 95.16 113,815 
2020 3.67 96.33   78,989 

Source: ABS 2021a; ABS 2020a; ABS 2019. 

In Table 2, we present the proportion of same-sex marriages for females and males. We do not 

present these numbers separately for different-sex marriages because the overall numbers of males 

and females entering different-sex marriages are virtually equal. The results indicate that a greater 

proportion of same-sex marriages were between females (57-61%) compared to males (38-42%), 

demonstrating that a larger number of female same-sex couples got married each year than male 

same-sex couples. 

Table 2: Same-sex marriages by sex 

 Female Male Total 

Year % % N 

2018 57.83 42.17 6,538 
2019 58.89 41.07 5,507 
2020 61.41 38.49 2,902 

Source: ABS 2021a; ABS 2020a; ABS 2019. 

Figures 1 and 2 present the age distributions of total marriages and same-sex marriages separately 

for females and males. Overall, the results indicate that same-sex marriages were more evenly 

distributed across all age groups. In 2018, same sex marriages were most common in the 50 and over 

age category, particularly for males, likely reflecting the pent-up demand for marriages amongst 

older couples in long term relationships (Greenwich & Robinson, 2018). In 2019 and 2020, the 

proportion of same-sex marriages in this age group reduced and the proportion of marriages in the 

younger age groups of 25-29, 30-34, and 35-39 increased. In comparison, the distribution across age 

groups for different-sex marriages was remarkably consistent. 

 

Figure 1: Age at marriage for females, same-sex and different-sex marriages, 2018-2020 

Source: ABS 2021a; ABS 2020a; ABS 2019. 



6 Heley & Hewitt Australian Population Studies 6 (1) 2022 

 

 

 

Figure 2: Age at marriage for males, same-sex and different-sex marriages, 2018-2020 

Source: ABS 2021a; ABS 2020a; ABS 2019. 

 

3.2 Remarriage 

Table 3 shows the results for the proportion of same-sex and different-sex marriages that were 

remarriages. The results show that about one-quarter of total marriages, both different-sex and 

same-sex, were remarriages. While the proportion of different-sex remarriages is slightly higher 

across all years, there is not a large difference. 

Table 3: Remarriage proportions of same-sex and different-sex marriages 

 Same-sex remarriages Different-sex remarriages 

Year % of total same-sex marriages % of total different-sex marriages 

2018 26.38 27.97 
2019 23.77 27.42 
2020 25.09 28.56 

Source: ABS 2021a; ABS 2020a; ABS 2019. 

Table 4 presents the most interesting finding in this study. We present same-sex and different-sex 

remarriages as a proportion of total marriages for females and males. The literature on different-

sex remarriage indicates that men are more likely than women to remarry (De Vaus, 2004; Skew, 

Evans & Gray, 2009). This is supported by the data for different-sex remarriages, where a slightly 

higher proportion of males were remarried each year (20% – 21%) than females (18% – 19%) 

across all time points. We find very different results for same-sex remarriages. A much higher 

proportion of females entered same-sex remarriages than males. This difference was large. While 

male same-sex remarriages accounted for around 10% of all male same-sex marriages in 2018, 

2019 and 2020, for females, same-sex remarriages accounted for between 16% and 20% of same-

sex marriages, around double that for same-sex males. 

  



Australian Population Studies 6 (1) 2022 Heley & Hewitt 7 

 

Table 4: People in same-sex and different-sex remarriages as a proportion of total people married, by sex 

 Same-sex remarriages Different-sex remarriages 

 Female Male Female Male 

Year % % % % 

2018 19.35 10.41 19.00 20.77 
2019 16.52 09.64 18.75 20.39 
2020 18.08 10.39 19.74 20.93 

Source: ABS 2021a; ABS 2020a; ABS 2019. 

To investigate this finding further, we examined the previous marital status of males and females 

in same-sex marriages. While females were more likely to have been widowed than males, the 

main differences were in those who had been divorced. Of total male same-sex marriages, the 

proportion of men who had been previously divorced was 10.12% in 2018, 9.31% in 2019, and 

10.12% in 2020. Women who had previously been divorced accounted for 18.88% of total female 

same-sex marriages in 2018, 15.97% in 2019, and 17.55% in 2020. This suggests that the much 

higher proportion of same-sex remarriages for females is due to women having previously been 

married and subsequently divorced. 

Table 5: Previous marital status of same-sex marriages 

  Male Female 

Year Previous marital status No. % No. % 

2018 

Never Married 4,940 89.59 6,104 80.69 

Widowed 16 0.29 36 0.48 

Divorced 558 10.12 1,428 18.88 

Total 5,514 100.00 7,565 100.00 

2019 

Never Married 4,081 90.25 5,421 83.55 

Widowed 15 0.33 36 0.56 

Divorced 421 9.31 1,036 15.97 

Total 4,522 100.00 6,488 100.00 

2020 

Never Married 1999 89.52 2,929 82.12 

Widowed 6 0.26 19 0.53 

Divorced 226 10.12 626 17.55 

Total 2,233 100.00 3,567 100.00 
Source: ABS 2021a; ABS 2020a; ABS 2019. 

The ABS does not publish specific age category data on remarriages, but rather provides the 

median ages for females and males marrying for the first time, or remarrying after becoming 

widowed or divorced. The ABS distinguishes between same-sex marriages and total marriages 

(which is all marriages including same-sex marriages), according to sex. Due to median age being 

calculated by the ABS, we are unable to comment on different-sex marriages specifically. In Figures 

3 and 4 we present information for females and males in same-sex unions compared to total 

marriages in Australia. For females, the results presented in Figure 3 are consistent with the 

information provide in Figure 1, where the median age for same-sex marriages was older than the 

median age for different-sex marriages. In general, this age gap was largest in 2018 and narrowed 

over the subsequent years. For those in first marriages, the median age gap dropped from 7.1 

years in 2018 to 4.3 years in 2020. The smallest gap in median age at marriage between total 

remarriages and same-sex remarriages was for widowed females at approximately 2.5 years. For 



8 Heley & Hewitt Australian Population Studies 6 (1) 2022 

 

 

divorced females who remarried, the age gap between total marriages and same-sex marriages 

was 6.5 years in 2018 and halved to around 3 years by 2020. 

 

Figure 3: Median age at marriage for females, same-sex and total marriages, 2018-2020 

Source: ABS 2021a; ABS 2020a; ABS 2019. Note: Total marriages includes same-sex marriages. 

 

 

Figure 4: Median age at marriage for males, same-sex and total marriages, 2018-2020 

Source: ABS 2021a; ABS 2020a; ABS 2019. Note: Total marriages includes same-sex marriages. 

  

29.2

36.3

29.3

34.6

29.2

33.5

55.8

57.6

56.3

57.5

57.7

62.0

44.8

51.3

44.7

48.4

43.8

46.8

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

total marriages

same-sex marriages

total marriages

same-sex marriages

total marriages

same-sex marriages

2
0

1
8

2
0

1
8

2
0

1
9

2
0

1
9

2
0

2
0

2
0

2
0

Divorced Widowed Never married

30.7

43.3

30.7

38.1

30.6

35.9

64.1

68.0

65.1

58.8

65.3

63.5

48.3

55.7

48.5

53.8

48.0

52.5

0.0 10.0 20.0 30.0 40.0 50.0 60.0 70.0 80.0

total marriages

same-sex marriages

total marriages

same-sex marriages

total marriages

same-sex marriages

2
0

1
8

2
0

1
8

2
0

1
9

2
0

1
9

2
0

2
0

2
0

2
0

Divorced Widowed Never married



Australian Population Studies 6 (1) 2022 Heley & Hewitt 9 

 

4. Discussion 

With the legalisation of same-sex marriage in Australia in December 2017, same-sex couples were 

able to marry for the first time. This legal change brought Australia in line with around 22 other 

countries across the world at the time (Hewitt & Churchill, 2020), with another seven countries 

introducing marriage equality laws since. With three years of ABS data now available on same-sex 

marriages in Australia, the main purpose of this paper was to describe some early trends and identify 

similarities and differences with different-sex marriages and remarriages. 

4.1 Marriage 

First, we described the proportion of total marriages that were same-sex marriages. Given that 

Australia’s sexual minority population aged over 18 is estimated to be around 3.5% of the total adult 

population (Wilson et al., 2020), there was a relatively high proportion of total marriages which were 

same-sex marriages in the first two years after the legalisation of same-sex marriage; 5.49% in 2018 

and 4.84% in 2019. International data suggests this proportion of same-sex marriages is higher 

compared to other countries, including Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, and Sweden 

(Chamie & Mirkin, 2011). Rather than necessarily reflecting a higher propensity for those in the non-

heterosexual population to marry, it is more likely due to a backlog of same-sex couples wanting to 

be married prior to 2017 (Greenwich & Shirleene, 2018). The proportion of same-sex marriages in 

2020 (3.67%) is more closely aligned to the population estimates. This trend of declining numbers of 

same-sex marriages is similar to that observed in other countries over the years after same-sex 

marriage was introduced (Hewitt & Churchill 2020; Chamie and Mirkin 2011). Similar trends have 

been observed in other countries where legalisation of same-sex marriage was highly politicised. For 

example, in France, Scotland, and Ireland, a high proportion of same-sex marriages were observed 

immediately after legalisation, but in the following years, the proportion declined (Hewitt & 

Churchill, 2020). 

Table 2 shows that females account for a higher proportion of people in same-sex marriages 

compared to men. This aligns with Australian and international literature on same-sex marriages, 

including in France, Norway, Sweden, and some states in the US, where more women got married 

compared to men (Chamie & Mirkin, 2011; Meslay, 2019). Prior research has suggested that lesbian 

women and gay men relate to marriage differently. Gay men are more sceptical of marriage, have a 

lower desire to marry, and get married less compared to women (Baiocco et al., 2014; Chamie & 

Mirkin, 2011, Philpot et al., 2016). Whereas, lesbian women are more likely to be sexually 

monogamous, have greater financial needs, and, importantly, are more likely to have children 

(Chamie & Mirkin, 2011; Dempsey, 2015; Farr & Goldberg, 2019; Gates et al., 2007; Gates & Ost, 

2004). Marriage is linked to parenthood and childbearing, especially for lesbian women who are 

increasingly choosing to have children after they marry (Kolk & Andersson, 2020). This intersection of 

gender and parenthood means that marriage and divorce play different roles for same-sex married 

men compared to women (Farr & Goldberg, 2019). These differences may in part explain gender 

differences in same-sex marriage. 

Figures 1 and 2 show that men tended to marry at slightly older ages compared to women, in both 

same-sex and different-sex marriages. This is consistent with different-sex marriage literature 

(Hewitt & Churchill, 2020; Skew, Evans, & Gray 2009). We also found relatively large age differences 



10 Heley & Hewitt Australian Population Studies 6 (1) 2022 

 

 

between people in same-sex and different-sex marriages, where people in same-sex marriages 

tended to be older than those in different-sex marriages. People in different-sex marriages tended to 

be in the 20-24 and 25-29 age categories, while people in same-sex marriages were more likely to be 

in the 25-29, 30-34 and the 50+ age categories. Of note is the consistent trend for a larger proportion 

of men to enter same-sex marriages over the age of 50, compared to women. This is broadly 

consistent with trends in other countries such as The Netherlands and Spain, where a much higher 

proportion of men enter same-sex marriages in their 50s compared to women (Hewitt & Churchill, 

2020). The age differences between people in same-sex and different-sex marriages reduced over 

the 3 years since the legalisation of same-sex marriage. Given that same-sex marriage as a life 

transition could not take place in Australia until legalised in 2017, the first cohorts of gay and lesbian 

couples who are marrying may have been together for a long time before having access to legal 

marriage (Ducharme & Kollar, 2012), thus resulting in an older same-sex marriage cohort. Consistent 

with life course literature (Cohler, 2005; Reczek, 2020), this change in socio-political and legal context 

could have shaped the trajectories and therefore life courses of same-sex couples. 

4.2 Remarriage 

In terms of the proportion of total marriages that were remarriages for different-sex and same-sex 

couples, our results suggest only small differences. The proportion of remarriages out of total 

marriages was slightly higher in different-sex marriages, comprising 28.56% of different-sex 

marriages in 2020, compared to 25.09% of same-sex marriages in 2020. For same-sex remarriages we 

note that, given same-sex marriage was illegal until late 2017, the majority, but not necessarily all, of 

those remarrying would have likely been in a heterosexual marriage for their first marriage. 

Arguably the most interesting finding was that there was a substantial sex difference in same-sex 

remarriage compared to different-sex remarriages. Our results find that in same-sex marriage, 

women represented a much higher proportion compared to men (Table 3). This is supported by data 

in Table 4 showing that the proportion of women remarrying after divorce is greater than men. In 

contrast, previous research has suggested that, in the broader Australian population, men remarry 

more than women (De Vaus, 2004; Skew, Evans, & Gray, 2009). Although this is reflected in the 

different-sex results of this study, with men accounting for a slightly higher proportion than women, 

this paper highlights that in same-sex remarriages, the opposite occurs.  

There could be two possible explanations for this. First, similar to our discussion in section 4.1, 

lesbian women are more inclined to get married than gay men for a range of reasons including 

attitudes towards marriage and having children (Chamie & Mirkin, 2011; Dempsey, 2015; Farr & 

Goldberg, 2019; Gates et al., 2007; Gates & Ost, 2004). Secondly, for those remarrying, most, 

although not necessarily all, would have likely been in a different-sex marriage previously. Given that 

women tend to come-out as Queer later than men because they experience the coming-out process 

differently (Grov et al., 2006), they are less likely to realise they are Queer before first marriage 

(Coleman, 1985). Therefore, they may be more likely to initially marry a different-sex partner, and 

later marry a same-sex partner. More so than men, lesbian women are expected to conform to ideals 

of heteronormative marriage, especially if they have children (Allen & Goldberg, 2019). Because of 

their sexual minority status, these women experience prejudice and stigma that comes with being a 

lesbian, on top of general stigma from divorce (Allen & Goldberg, 2019). For lesbian women, the 

nuances of motherhood, such as the normalisation of lesbian lives through pregnancy and childbirth, 



Australian Population Studies 6 (1) 2022 Heley & Hewitt 11 

 

amplify societal pressure that divorced lesbians experience (Allen & Goldberg, 2019; Kolk & 

Andersson, 2020). The link between parenthood and marriage, and the particular stigma that Queer 

women face, could be why women choose to remarry more than men.  

Differences between same-sex and different-sex remarriage patterns show how life courses are 

gendered and intersectional (Carpenter, 2010), with sex trends playing out differently in marriage 

according to sexuality. Female same-sex remarriages remain largely under researched, with the 

literature predominantly featuring gay and bisexual men (Higgins, 2002; Pearcey, 2005). This study 

fills a gap by highlighting differences in marriage trends between different-sex and same-sex couples 

in Australia. This requires more research. 

Unsurprisingly, remarriages for both different-sex and same-sex relationships occurred at older ages. 

Same-sex couples also tended to get remarried at older ages than different-sex couples. 

4.3 Limitations 

Categories in this study were defined by the ABS, meaning some measures were limited. Marriages 

where one or both partners neither identified as male nor female were not included within the 

category of same-sex marriages, although they were included in total marriage counts (ABS, 2020b). 

By excluding marriages with partners who do not identify within the male-female gender binary, 

gender diverse populations are not adequately represented, thereby risking erasure and confounding 

data categories (Lyons et al. 2020). This approach also does not take into account people who 

identify as bisexual. 

5. Conclusions 

We have described early trends in same-sex marriage and remarriage in the first few years since the 

legalisation of same-sex marriage in late 2017. While age at marriage was higher in same-sex 

marriages compared to different-sex marriages, further monitoring will be required to see if these 

trends persist or change in subsequent same-sex marriage cohorts. This study has also highlighted a 

gap in the literature: Women who were previously in different-sex marriages but are now in same-

sex marriages have remained largely under-researched in previous studies. A difference in 

remarriage trends exists between same-sex and different-sex marriages, particularly for women. This 

paper has highlighted the need to view life courses and marriage trends through an intersectional 

lens, accounting for the unique experiences of sexually diverse women. 

Key messages 

• Same-sex marriages comprised around 5.49% (2018) to 3.69% (2020) of all marriages. 

• Overall, remarriage rates for same-sex and different-sex couples were similar. 

• Same-sex marriages and remarriages tended to be older than different-sex marriages and 

remarriages, although these age differences reduced between 2018 and 2020. 

• For females, same-sex remarriages comprised around 20% of all marriages, about double that for 

males. 

  



12 Heley & Hewitt Australian Population Studies 6 (1) 2022 

 

 

References 

ABS (2019). Marriages and Divorces, Australia (3310.0) [Data Set]. 

https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/people-and-communities/marriages-and-divorces-

australia/2018.  

ABS (2020a). Marriages and Divorces, Australia [Data Set]. 

https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/people-and-communities/marriages-and-divorces-

australia/latest-release  

ABS (2020b). Marriages and Divorces, Australia, Methodology. 

https://www.abs.gov.au/methodologies/marriages-and-divorces-australia-methodology/2019.  

ABS (2021a). Marriages and Divorces, Australia [Data Set]. 

https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/people-and-communities/marriages-and-divorces-

australia/latest-release#media-releases  

ABS (2021b). Marriages and Divorces, Australia, Methodology. 

https://www.abs.gov.au/methodologies/marriages-and-divorces-australia-methodology/2020.  

Allen, K. R., & Goldberg, A. E. (2019). Lesbian women disrupting gendered, heteronormative discourses of 

motherhood, marriage, and divorce. Journal of Lesbian Studies, 24(1), 1–13. 

https://doi.org/10.1080/10894160.2019.1615356  

Australian Institute of Family Studies (2022a). LGBTIQA+ glossary of common terms [Fact Sheet]. 

https://aifs.gov.au/cfca/sites/default/files/publication-documents/22-

02_rs_lgbtiqa_glossary_of_common_terms.pdf.  

Australian Institute of Family Studies (2022b). Marriages in Australia [Fact Sheet]. 

https://aifs.gov.au/facts-and-figures/marriages-australia.  

Baiocco, R., Argalia, M., & Laghi, F. (2014). The Desire to marry and attitudes toward same-sex family 

legalization in a sample of Italian lesbians and gay men. Journal of Family Issues, 35(2), 181–200. 

https://doi.org/10.1177/0192513X12464872  

Carpenter, L. M. (2010). Gendered sexuality over the life course: a conceptual framework. Sociological 

Perspectives, 53(2), 155–178. https://doi.org/10.1525/sop.2010.53.2.155  

Chamie, J., & Mirkin, B. (2011). Same-sex marriage: a new social phenomenon. Population and 

Development Review, 37(3), 529–551. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2011.00433.x  

Cohler, B. J. (2005). Life course social science perspectives on the GLBT family. Journal of GLBT Family 

Studies, 1(1), 69-96. https://doi.org/10.1300/J461v01n01_06  

Coleman, E. (1985). Bisexual women in marriages. Journal of Homosexuality, 11(1-2), 87-100. 

https://doi.org/10.1300/J082v11n01_08  

de Vaus, D. (2004). Diversity and Change in Australian Families: Statistical Profiles. Australian Institute of 

Family Studies. https://aifs.gov.au/publications/diversity-and-change-australian-families.  

DiGregorio, N. (2016). Same-sex marriage policies and lesbian family life. Sexuality Research & Social 

Policy, 13(1), 58-72. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-015-0211-z  

Ducharme, J., & Kollar, M. (2012). Does the “marriage benefit” extend to same-sex union? Evidence from 

a sample of married lesbian couples in Massachusetts. Journal of Homosexuality, 59(4), 580-591. 

https://doi.org/10.1080/00918369.2012.665689  

Elder, G. H. (1994). Time, human agency, and social change: perspectives on the life course. Social 

Psychology Quarterly, 57(1), 4-15. https://doi.org/10.2307/2786971  

England, P., & McClintock, E. A. (2009). The gendered double standard of ageing in US marriage markets. 

Population & Development Review, 35(4), 797-816. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-

4457.2009.00309.x  

Farr, R. H., & Goldberg, A. E. (2019). Same-sex relationship dissolution and divorce: how will children be 

affected? In A. E. Goldberg & A. P. Romero (Eds.), LGBTQ Divorce and Relationship Dissolution: 

https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/people-and-communities/marriages-and-divorces-australia/2018
https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/people-and-communities/marriages-and-divorces-australia/2018
https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/people-and-communities/marriages-and-divorces-australia/latest-release
https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/people-and-communities/marriages-and-divorces-australia/latest-release
https://www.abs.gov.au/methodologies/marriages-and-divorces-australia-methodology/2019
https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/people-and-communities/marriages-and-divorces-australia/latest-release#media-releases
https://www.abs.gov.au/statistics/people/people-and-communities/marriages-and-divorces-australia/latest-release#media-releases
https://www.abs.gov.au/methodologies/marriages-and-divorces-australia-methodology/2020
https://doi.org/10.1080/10894160.2019.1615356
https://aifs.gov.au/cfca/sites/default/files/publication-documents/22-02_rs_lgbtiqa_glossary_of_common_terms.pdf
https://aifs.gov.au/cfca/sites/default/files/publication-documents/22-02_rs_lgbtiqa_glossary_of_common_terms.pdf
https://aifs.gov.au/facts-and-figures/marriages-australia
https://doi.org/10.1177/0192513X12464872
https://doi.org/10.1525/sop.2010.53.2.155
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2011.00433.x
https://doi.org/10.1300/J461v01n01_06
https://doi.org/10.1300/J082v11n01_08
https://aifs.gov.au/publications/diversity-and-change-australian-families
https://doi.org/10.1007/s13178-015-0211-z
https://doi.org/10.1080/00918369.2012.665689
https://doi.org/10.2307/2786971
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2009.00309.x
https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2009.00309.x


Australian Population Studies 6 (1) 2022 Heley & Hewitt 13 

 

Psychological and Legal Perspectives and Implications for Practice. Oxford University Press. 

https://doi.org/10.1093/med-psych/9780190635176.001.0001.  

Gates, G. J., & Ost, J. (2004). Gay and Lesbian Atlas. Urban Institute Press. 

Gates, G. J., Badgett, M. V. L., Macomber, J. E., & Chambers, K. (2007). Adoption and Foster Care by Gay 

and Lesbian Parents in the United States. The Williams Institute and Urban Institute. 

https://www.urban.org/research/publication/adoption-and-foster-care-lesbian-and-gay-parents-

united-states  

Greenwich, A., & Robinson, S. (2018). Yes Yes Yes: Australia's Journey to Marriage Equality. Sydney, 

NewSouth Publishing. 

Grov, C., Bimbi, D. S., Nanín, J. E., & Parsons, J. T. (2006). Race, ethnicity, gender, and generational factors 

associated with the coming-out process among gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals. The Journal 

of Sex Research, 43(2), 115–121. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224490609552306  

Hewitt, B., & Churchill, B. (2020). Convergence and difference: Marriage and family life from a cross-

cultural perspective. In W. K. Halford & F. Van De Vijver (Eds.), Cross-Cultural Family Research and 

Practice (pp. 57-102). Academic Press. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-815493-9.00003-X.  

Higgins, D. J. (2002). Gay men from heterosexual marriages: attitudes, behaviours, childhood experiences, 

and reasons for marriage. Journal of Homosexuality, 42(4), 15-34. 

https://doi.org/10.1300/J082v42n04_02  

Hord, L. C. R. (2020). Specificity without identity: articulating post-gender sexuality through the “non-

binary lesbian”. Sexualities, December 2020. https://doi.org/10.1177/1363460720981564  

Hughes, J. (2000). Repartnering after divorce: marginal mates and unwedded women. Family Matters, 55, 

16–21. 

Kolk, M., & Andersson, G. (2020). Two decades of same-sex marriage in Sweden: a demographic account 

of developments in marriage, childbearing, and divorce. Demography, 57, 147–169. 

https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-019-00847-6  

Lyons, A., Anderson, J., Rasmussen, M. L., & Gray, E. (2020). Toward making sexual and gender diverse 

populations count in Australia. Australian Population Studies, 4(2), 14-29. 

https://doi.org/10.37970/aps.v4i2.69  

McAllister, I., & Snagovsky, F. (2018). Explaining voting in the 2017 Australian same-sex marriage 

plebiscite. Australian Journal of Political Science, 53(4), 409-427. 

https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2018.1504877  

Meslay, G. (2019). Five years of same-sex marriage in France: differences between male and female 

couples. Population, 74(4), 465–482. 

https://www.ined.fr/fichier/s_rubrique/178/e_popu_1904_0499.en.pdf  

Pearcey, M. (2005). Gay and bisexual married men’s attitudes and experiences: homophobia, reasons for 

marriage, and self-identity. Journal of GLBT Family Studies, 1(4), 21-42. 

https://doi.org/10.1300/J461v01n04_02  

Philpot, S. P., Ellard, J., Duncan, D., Dowsett, G. W., Bavinton, B. R., Down, I., Keen, P., Hammoud, M. A., & 

Prestage, G. (2016). Gay and bisexual men’s interest in marriage: an Australian perspective. 

Culture, Health & Sexuality, 18(12), 1347–1362. https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2016.1184314  

Reczek, C. (2020). Sexual and gender minority families: a 2010 to 2020 decade in review. Journal of 

Marriage & Family, 82(1), 300-325. https://doi.org/10.1111/jomf.12607  

Skew, A., Evans, A., & Gray, E. (2009). Repartnering in the United Kingdom and Australia. Journal of 

Comparative Family Studies, 40(4), 563-585. https://doi.org/10.3138/jcfs.40.4.563  

Willett, G. (2010). Howard and the Homos. Social Movement Studies, 9(2), 187-199. 

https://doi.org/10.1080/14742831003603323  

Wilson, T., Temple, J., Lyons, A., & Shalley, F. (2020). What is the size of Australia’s sexual minority 

population? BMC Research Notes, 13(1), 1–6. https://doi.org/10.1186/s13104-020-05383-w.  

https://doi.org/10.1093/med-psych/9780190635176.001.0001
https://www.urban.org/research/publication/adoption-and-foster-care-lesbian-and-gay-parents-united-states
https://www.urban.org/research/publication/adoption-and-foster-care-lesbian-and-gay-parents-united-states
https://doi.org/10.1080/00224490609552306
https://doi.org/10.1300/J082v42n04_02
https://doi.org/10.1177/1363460720981564
https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-019-00847-6
https://doi.org/10.37970/aps.v4i2.69
https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2018.1504877
https://www.ined.fr/fichier/s_rubrique/178/e_popu_1904_0499.en.pdf
https://doi.org/10.1300/J461v01n04_02
https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2016.1184314
https://doi.org/10.1111/jomf.12607
https://doi.org/10.3138/jcfs.40.4.563
https://doi.org/10.1080/14742831003603323
https://doi.org/10.1186/s13104-020-05383-w


14 Heley & Hewitt Australian Population Studies 6 (1) 2022 

 

 

Wilson, T., Shalley, F., & Perales, F. (2020). The geography of Australia’s Marriage Law Postal Survey 

outcome. Area, 52(1), 164-175. https://doi.org/10.1111/area.12558  

 

https://doi.org/10.1111/area.12558

