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The Violence in a Multi-Cultural Nigeria: Root Causes, 

Implications and Way Forward   

Aghaegbuna Haroldson Uwaezuoke1 Chinwe Doris Ojiako2 

Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Anambra State, Nigeria 

ha.uwaezuoke@unizik.edu.ng1 cd.ojiako@unizik.edu.ng2 

 

Abstract  

Violence in Nigeria has a negative implication for national 

integration and development. This paper, which anchors on 

realistic group conflict theory, and theory of justice, investigates 

issue of violence in Nigeria. It first identifies the root causes of 

violence, followed by discussion of its implication, and finally 

suggests way forward. Data evidences are from secondary source 

and current happenings in Nigeria. Among the root causes of 

violence identified are: ethnicity/multiculturalism, poverty, and 

religion. To remove fear and mutual distrust among the different 

ethnic nationalities, the Nigerian government should first release 

all the freedom fighters held in prison custody and other confined 

places, and seriously consider the reasons for their agitations; all 

citizens of Nigeria must be given equal opportunity rather than 

regarding some as first class citizens and some as second class 

citizens. Government should be sincere in implementing the G3Rs 

of genuine reconciliation, reconstruction and reintegration; and 

harken to the clamour for restructuring Nigeria, make prices of 

commodities affordable, and punish indulgers in religious violence 

notwithstanding their ethnic affiliation. 

Keywords: ethnicity, insecurity, multiculturalism, 

multilingualism, violence 

mailto:ha.uwaezuoke@unizik.edu.ng
mailto:cd.ojiako@unizik.edu.ng


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1. Introduction 

The rate of violence in the world has become so alarming that it has 

occupied a centre stage in many discourses. Afolabi (2009, p. 24) 

submits that Liberia, Sierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea-Bissau 

were for decades crippled by conflicts and civil strife that have 

caused much violence and incessant killings. Today, violent conflict 

has spread to so many other countries of the world like wild fire, 

including Africa. Apart from incessant killings, other aftermaths of 

violence are destruction of property, displacement of people 

internally, increase in small arms and light weapons, human and 

drug trafficking as well as illegal exploitation of natural resources 

and banditry (Afolabi, 2009, p. 25; Marc et al, 2015). A most recent 

development is Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which has posed a 

threat of third world war. In Nigeria, there is insecurity as people 

now live in fear of not being sure of what would happen next and 

who would be a victim of any violent situation or security challenge. 

It has become almost very difficult in Nigeria for the citizens to 

travel on road from one part of the country to another for business 

transactions because of fear of being maimed, killed or kidnapped 

for ransom by terrorists and armed bandits. Cases abound of how 

commercial buses and private cars are being hijacked and the 

passengers taken to unknown places with some ending up being 

killed or released on payment of ransom. There is no gainsaying that 

a lot of capital and human resources have been wasted in Nigeria 

due to violence.  

Violence is defined by Oxford Advanced Learners’ 

Dictionary of Current English as ‘a violent behaviour that is 

intended to hurt or kill somebody’. The end result of any violence 

is, therefore, injury to someone or even death. Violence can occur 

with an intention of forceful achievement of something or it can be 

a result of accumulated injury that has become very unbearable. 



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When violence is not checked or properly handled, insecurity sets in 

and there would be lack of trust. According to Oxford Advanced 

Learners’ Dictionary of Current English, insecurity is a noun 

derived from the verb “insecure”, which has to do with one not being 

confident about oneself or one’s relationship with others. Insecurity 

is the inability to trust oneself as being safe in any situation or 

relationship/association/union with other people; the feeling by 

someone or group of not being protected.  

There are many facets of violence, and they are: domestic 

violence, ethnic violence, political violence, economic violence, and 

religious violence. Domestic violence is defined as a kind of abusive 

behaviour in any intimate relationship that is used by one partner 

against another in order to gain or maintain power and control (US 

Department of Justice, 2023). This includes physical, sexual, 

emotional, economic, psychological or technological actions or 

threats of actions or coercive behaviour exhibited with the intent to 

influence an intimate partner. Ethnic violence, according to 

Mohapatra (2022), is a conflict that relates with one or all ethnic 

parties. The scholar points out that this kind of conflict is 

catastrophic and includes genocide, mass migrations, economic 

sufferings, and environmental damage. This view agrees with 

Zaviršek and Zorn (2011), who had earlier viewed ethnic conflict as 

being politically or socially motivated and involving one or more 

groups, and also noted that all ethnic conflicts have a common 

structure of social inequality. Political violence is a form of violence 

relations and crisis of interest, goal and ambitions between 

individuals, groups, and political structures in the in the process of 

attaining power and keeping it (Johnmary, 2012). It occurs with the 

struggle for power, and that is reflected by Bozonelos et al (2022) 

who posit that political violence involves the use of physical harm 

which is motivated by political intentions. They further identify 



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those seeking to challenge the socio-political status quo as the 

perpetuators of this kind of violence. Economic violence, in the 

opinion of Ohlan (2021), represents a state of control over the 

capacity of an individual to obtain, utilize and keep up economic 

assets. For religious violence, it is a term that covers issues that have 

religion as either the subject or the object of violent behaviour 

(Wellman and Tokuno, 2004:291). Sulaiman (2016) concurs with 

them where he refers to religious violence as a threat or actual 

implementation of acts which are capable of inflicting physical, 

emotional or psychological injury on a person or a group of persons 

for religious ends. Notwithstanding all these kinds of violence, this 

paper focuses attention on ethnic, political, economic and religious 

violence in Nigeria. It discusses the root cause(s) of violence in 

Nigeria, the implications and way forward. Next section treats the 

theoretical orientation that guides the study. 

2. Theoretical Orientation 
This paper is anchored on Sherif’s (1966) realistic group conflict 

theory (RGCT) and Rawls’ (1971; 1999) theory of justice. The 

realistic group conflict theory proposes that the existence of 

conflicting goals (i.e. competition) among differing social groups 

breeds intergroup conflict, but the existence of mutually desired 

superordinate goals attainable only through intergroup cooperation 

reduces conflict (Jackson, 1993). The theory identifies the root 

cause of intergroup hostility as well as how the intergroup hostility 

could be resolved, and it adopts a holistic approach in dealing with 

the issue of intergroup behaviour. Following from this theory, one 

group mores, norms, and routines are decisively affected by 

relationship with other groups (Sherif & Sherif, 1964), and the 

overall favourability of intergroup interactions is determined by 

reciprocal interests and goals of the groups involved (Sherif & 



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Sherif, 1979)1; such factors are identified by Jackson (1993) as real 

or imagined threat to the safety of the group, economic interests, 

political advantage, military consideration, or social status. Sherif 

notes that once a group engages in reciprocally competitive and 

frustrating activities to the extent that the gain of desired goals by 

one group results in the loss for the other group, this other group will 

become unfavourably stereotyped. Continuing, the scholar says that 

the persistence of such stereotype would lead to a high degree of 

intergroup social distance.  

Rawls’ (1971; 1999) theory of justice, on the other hand, is 

a theory of equity and fairness which proposes that peace is a 

product of a shared public conception of justice, and that for 

tranquillity to exist in any society, there should be equity and 

fairness in the distribution of goods. The theory is considered as a 

fair choice model in which individuals will hypothetically choose 

mutually acceptable principles of justice, equity, and liberty in their 

social interactions (Ndeche & Iroye, 2022). The absence of justice, 

equity, and liberty in social interactions eventually results into 

hostile relations. The theory of justice supports egalitarian society 

with specific political arrangements that will foster atmosphere of 

equal rights of individuals to the basic liberties, equal opportunities 

(Rawls, 1971); and the principles of justice inherent in the theory 

guarantees the rights derived from these principles (Rawls, 1999). 

The foregoing discussion of the realistic group conflict 

theory and the theory of justice indicates that the two theories have 

a point of convergence. They both support a harmonious 

relationship.   

3. Methodology 

                                                 
1 This is disclosed  by Jackson (1993) 



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This paper has relied on secondary source for data/information, 

especially from the newspapers and magazines. As there are 

frequent violent activities in Nigeria, the paper also has relied on the 

recent happenings some of which are reported by the media. The 

data/information enable us to identify the root cause(s) of violence, 

followed by a discussion of the implication of violence and 

suggestions on way forward. The argument postulated in this paper 

are based on two theories: the realistic group conflict theory of 

Sherif (1966), and Rawls’ (1971; 1999) theory of justice.   

4. Root Causes of Violence in Nigeria 

Violence is viewed as an aftermath of things/society not working 

well with few persons being rich while majority of the people are 

poor, and there is no evenly distribution of the commonwealth of a 

nation, usually in an ethnically plural society (Varshney, 2009). This 

suggests that ethnicity is one of the root causes of violence and 

insecurity. There are many multi-ethnic and multicultural nations, 

such as: Nigeria, Indonesia, former Yugoslavia, and India. Nigeria, 

for examples, has an estimated number of 450 languages; in 

Indonesia, there are about 800 languages (Translators without 

Borders, 2022); while India has 22 constitutionally recognized 

languages and more than 99 non-scheduled languages (International 

Mother Language Day, 2022). Multi-ethnicity or multilingualism 

also leads to multiple cultures since language and culture hinge 

together. The link between them is clearly evident in Mbalisi’s 

(2017) view on ethnicity as a social phenomenon involving 

interactions of a social group (referring to ethnic setting) with a 

communal character and not always homogenous. This view 

suggests that ethnicity deals with an ethnic group with common 

identity, the same social setting with the same or minor differing 

cultural traits. For example, the Igbo people of Nigeria are members 



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of the same communal setting within which are minor differences 

that result into different varieties of the Igbo language and minor 

variations in Igbo culture. Onitsha Igbo variety would realise the 

phoneme /l/ where Owerri Igbo variety realises /r/, as illustrated in 

(1). 

  Onitsha Owerri 

(1)  i.   òlòma  òròma ‘orange’ 

ii.  ọlụ  ọrụ ‘work’ 

iii.  ala  ara ‘breast/madness’ 

iv.  alụ̄   arụ̄ ‘abomination’ 

 

Likewise, other ethnic groups in the country; such as Hausa, 

Yoruba, Efik, Ibibio, Ijaw, Nupe, Gwari, and so on, have some 

minor differences. The members of these individual ethnic groups 

are bonded by a common ancestry, language, belief system and tend 

to present a common front in struggling for the well-being of their 

members.  

One identified problem of ethnicity and multiculturalism is 

mutual hatred and distrust among members of the different ethnic 

groups (see also Obi, 2017; Ugochukwu & Ogwudile, 2017; 

Uwaezuoke, 2018). This problem is a result of conflicting goals (i.e. 

competition) existing among the differing ethnic groups that in turn 

breeds conflict as postulated by the realistic groups conflict theory. 

In a multi-ethnic and multicultural country, some of the indigenous 

languages gain popularity due to certain factors, such as: 

government language policy, the level of development of the 

language, the exposure of the speakers of the language, and the 

numerical strength of the speakers (Uwaezuoke, 2018). This is the 

case with the Igbo, Hausa and Yoruba languages in Nigeria, which 

the National Policy on Education (NPE) considers as majority 

languages; while other languages are regarded as minority 



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languages. The dominance of these three ethnic groups in Nigeria 

has also led to the use of the acronym “WAZOBỊA” (WA for 

Yoruba, ZO for Hausa, and BỊA for Igbo; each meaning ‘come’) to 

represent the three major languages. This scenario is viewed with 

contempt by members of other ethnic groups. As a result of ethnicity 

and multilingualism/multiculturalism, most often, one hears such 

comments in (2) from people of different ethnic groups against one 

another. 

 

(2)  i.  shege      nya-mịrị       banza 

  bastard  give-water     nonentity 

  bastard   Igbo people useless 

  ‘Igbo, irresponsible people’ 

 

 ii.  ọmọ  Igbo,  aje-okuta     ma     mo  mi 

  person  Igbo eater-stone   NEG   drink  water  

  Igbo man, eater of stone not drinks water 

  ‘Igbo man, eater of solid food without drinking 

water’  

 

 iii. ndị  ofe  mmanụ  a  abịa-kwa 

  people  soup  oil  this  come-Perf  

these oil soup people have come 

  ‘These Yoruba people have come’ 

 

 iv. ndị     mgbati mgbati    a  na 

 aghụghọ 
  people    onomatopoeic    these    and cunny, 

crafty 

  people Yoruba these and  cunny, crafty 

  ‘These Yoruba people and their craftiness’ 



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  v. aboki          a  abịa-kwa  

my friends  this  come-Perf 

foolish       this have come 

‘These foolish people have come’ 

vi.  aboki    metusa 

  my friend  pollute.Perf. 

  my friend have polluted  

  ‘Hausa man has polluted’ 

(2i) is a direct abuse of an Igbo person by a Hausa person. Shege and 

banza are Hausa words and they mean ‘bastard’ and ‘nonentity’ 

respectively, while nyamịrị is an adulterated form of an Igbo 

expression nye m mmiri ‘give me water’. Here, the Igbo man is 

perceived as being irresponsible. For Yoruba people, they perceive 

the Igbo people as people that like eating solid food, and that they 

can do so without bothering to take water. So in (2ii), the expression 

is used by Yoruba people to abuse the Igbo people. In (2iii), ofe 

mmanụ ‘oil soup’ is used to refer to Yoruba people based on the fact 

that they put plenty of oil in their soup. Whenever an Igbo person 

wants to refer to a Yoruba person without mentioning the tribe, 

he/she would prefer to say ndị ofe mmanụ. mgbati mgbati is 

onomatopoeic sound produced by Yoruba people whenever they 

speak the Yoruba language. As used in (2iv), it refers to the Yoruba 

people. aboki in (2v) means ‘my friend’ in Hausa, but for the context 

it is used by Igbo people, it derogatorily refers to someone who 

behaves abnormally. However, in 2(vi), it refers to the Hausa tribe. 

Unlike (2i,iii &vi), where all the words used are from the same 

language, Hausa, Igbo, and Hausa respectively; there is mixture of 

codes from two languages in (2ii,iv&v). The Yoruba and Igbo 



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languages are combined in (2ii&iv), and in (2v) is a combination of 

the Igbo and Hausa languages.     

Ethnicity and multiculturalism breeds nepotism and 

corruption, and leads to throwing of merit into the dustbin. Once a 

member of an ethnic enclave gets into power, it most often becomes 

an opportunity to better the lots of the person’s ethnic nationality, 

even at the detriment of others. There is no justice as the people of 

different ethnic groups are not given equal opportunities. 

Government policies and appointments are most often planned in 

such a way that a particular ethnic group is favoured. This instance 

is reported of Buhari’s administration in Nigeria by Ede (2021) in 

the Punch Newspaper. Ede reports that the Governor of Benue State, 

Samuel Ortom, had condemned President Buhari’s lopsided 

appointments, nepotism and the acts of sectionalism which tends to 

divide Nigeria more than ever. In a multicultural/multilingual 

nation, whatever policy being instituted by government is usually 

critically studied by members of other ethnic groups to ensure that 

it does not undermine their existence. Leaders are also not 

considered for election based on their individual merits, but based 

on their language and ethnic affiliation. For example, in Nigeria’s 

2023 general election, despite that the outgoing President Buhari is 

from the North, Atiku and his many Northern elites in the People’s 

Democratic Party (PDP) insisted that the President should be from 

the North instead of having it zoned to the South east that has not 

tested the office for long. Likewise in the All Progressives Congress 

(APC), Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, with the support of leaders of 

the party, insisted that it was his turn to become the President when 

it was a Yoruba man who handed over to Yar’Adua/Goodluck. Peter 

Obi seemed to have broken that jinx through his “obedient 

movement” that have supporters from all parts of Nigeria. There is 

also imbalance in the distribution of the wealth of the nation among 



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members of the differing ethnic groups. This scenario has often 

resulted into series of agitations and violence from members of other 

ethnic groups not in power, as a way of attracting government 

attention. No wonder Schneider and Turshen (2011) had observed 

that political violence intertwines closely with economic violence 

because political status often determines economic opportunity, and 

further identify denial of citizenship or representation, wrongful 

detention or enslavement, forceful eviction, and statelessness as 

forms of political violence. 

Violence has engulfed Africa and, indeed, West Africa. 

Annan (2014) avers that the major challenge confronting West 

Africa is how to end violent conflicts. In West Africa, between 2011 

and 2019, the number of violent events jumped from 581 to 3,617; 

and the number of associated fatalities surged too, rising from 3,361 

recorded in 2011 to 11,911 in 2019 (Gurría, 2020). Also, the United 

States Institute of Peace (USIP) in 2021 reported that terrorism and 

violent extremism are arguably Africa’s greatest security threats in 

2021. In Africa and indeed West Africa, including Nigeria, violent 

situations are usually either ethnic, political, economic or religious. 

For example, in Indonesia where, in 1998, the SARA policy which 

forbids mobilisation or discussion of ethnic differences in the public 

realm lost its legitimacy giving room for horrendous group violence 

that took place on ethno communal lines (Bertrand, 2004, p. 3). The 

former Yugoslavia is another example, where there are ethnic and 

national identities with ethnic rivalries that so hobbled the Balkans 

in the first half of the twentieth century (Varshney, 2009). Nigerian 

has had very ugly scenarios, as its foundation had been resting on 

violence and insecurity. The history of violence and insecurity in 

Nigeria predates colonialism, and the ugly menace continues till 

today; it has, in fact, reached a crescendo. This is well captured by 

Adebajo and Ayodeji (2020), who inform that the origin of violence 



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and insecurity in Nigeria dates back to pre-colonial period, which 

was characterised by uncertainty and fear among the people due to 

inter and intra-tribal conflicts that made captives to be fed into the 

slave trade industry. Even the British colonisers did not help matters. 

In fact, the scenario during the colonial rule is explained thus: 

Insecurity continued with colonialism and its 

characteristic oppressive rule. The manner in which 

the British colonisers conquered some parts of 

Nigeria, particularly the North, created an 

environment of insecurity in the society. Merging 

different ethnic groups existing independently 

further created atmosphere of tension and violence 

in Nigeria (Adebajo & Ayodeji, 2020). 

Nigeria as a country is bedevilled with disharmonious relationship 

and mutual suspicion existing among the different ethnic groups. 

This has become a cog in the wheel of progress of the country and 

has even threatened the country’s sovereignty. Achebe reports on 

Nigeria’s experience before 1970s.  

The social malaise in Nigerian society was political 

corruption. The structure of the country was such 

that there was an inbuilt power struggles among the 

ethnic groups, and of course those who were in 

power wanted to stay in power. The easiest and 

simplest way to retain it, even in a limited area, was 

to appeal to tribal sentiments, so they were 

egregiously exploited in the 1950’s and 1960’s 

(Achebe, 2012, p. 51).  



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From 1970 till today, Nigeria has not stopped living with this bad 

experience. Uwaezuoke (2021) blames the Nigerian leaders whom 

he has described as non-nationalists, who are not bothered with how 

to unify the country and bring about the needed development. He 

notes that Nigeria is addressed as “the giant of Africa” without 

anything to show for it and has refused to develop amidst abundant 

human and mineral resources. He points out that the myopic nature 

of the Nigerian leadership has made them to be so much bedevilled 

with ethnic sentiment that they could not harness the country’s 

abundant human and mineral resources for the good of the country, 

noting that hunger persists in Nigeria with the citizens finding it hard 

to eke a living. It is for this same reason that Kalu (1987, p. 192) had 

earlier canvassed for the leadership at the national level to be marked 

by competence for integrating diverse groups into a coherent 

national entity denominated in national consciousness. 

The Nigeria/Biafra war of 1967–1970 was a result of ethno-

political rivalry which made the Igbo to feel unsafe in the Nigerian 

Union and, therefore, had to seek for self-realisation. After the war, 

the Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, declared “No Victor, No 

Vanquished” and embarked on “RRR” policy of Reconciliation, 

Reconstruction and Reintegration; but he was unfaithful with its 

implementation. For example, after the war, not minding the amount 

of money an Igbo man declared, every Igbo man was given only 

₤20. Neither had any government after Gowon bothered to 

implement the policy. Also, since the war, there has been a 

conspiracy by other major ethnic groups against an Igbo man 

becoming a President of Nigeria. The problem of 

ethnicity/multiculturalism has subsisted in Nigeria and there have 

been a series of agitations by members of different ethnic 

nationalities for the dissolution of the Nigerian Union. The 

Movement for the Actualization of Sovereign State of Biafra 



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(MASSOB) led by Chief Ralph Uwazuruike, and later the 

Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) led by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, 

have been agitating for a Biafra nation. There is also the Ijaw 

Peoples Movement (IPM) fighting for the emancipation of the Ijaw 

nation. The activities of the Niger Delta militants in Nigeria through 

MEND (Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta) between 

2006 and 2009 when they were granted amnesty cannot be easily 

forgotten. The insurgency of the Islamic terrorist group, the Boko 

Haram, in Nigeria erupted in 2009. This terrorist group has its base 

in the Sambisa forest; and the group has been ravaging the North 

East region of Nigeria. Their main stock-in-trade is suicide bombing 

of public places, such as: churches, mosques, markets, public 

buildings, and so on. They also engage in kidnapping of school 

children as well as burning of houses and villages. Through their 

terrorist activities, many villages have been overrun with scores of 

villagers killed or maimed or chased out of their villages to the 

internally displaced peoples’ camps (IDPC). In April 14-15, 2014, 

the Boko Haram abducted 276 female students (mostly Christians) 

of Government Girls Secondary School, Chibok, in Borno State, 

Nigeria. The Amnesty International (2021) reports that irrespective 

of the escape or later release of most of these girls, more than 100 

of them had remained in captivity. The situation has remained the 

same till 2022 (africanews.com, 30/7/2022). Five other abductions 

of school children are reported by the Amnesty International from 

December 2020 to March 2021, after that of the Chibok in 2014; 

which are: the rounding up of 300 students of Government Science 

Secondary School in Kankara, Kastina State, northwest Nigeria and 

marching them to an unknown destination by hundreds of gunmen, 

who broke into seven of their dormitories and held them in captivity 

for six nights, from Friday 11th December, 2020, until their release 

on 17th December, 2020; on 17th February, 2021, 27 students of 



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Government Science Secondary School in Kagara, Niger State, were 

abducted by gunmen from their dormitory in the early hours of the 

morning, and were released on 27th February; hundreds of school 

girls were abducted from Government Girls Secondary School, 

Jangebe, Zamfara State, on 26th February, 2021, and after four days 

in captivity, 279 students were released on 2nd March, 2021; in 

March 2021, two different schools were attacked in Kaduna State, 

northwest Nigeria, including the Federal College of Forestry 

Mechanization where 30 students were seized on 11th March, 2021. 

The Amnesty International notes: 

These attacks against schoolchildren, teachers and 

school buildings as a show a callous disregard for the 

right to life and the right to education by both the 

bandits and insurgents on one hand, and the Nigerian 

authorities who have failed to end these horrifying 

attacks, on the other (The Amnesty International, 

2021).  

Marama (2022) reports that the Boko Haram invaded Kautikari 

village in Chibok Local Government Area of Borno State and killed 

the traditional ruler’s son, Mr Bulama Wadir, and two internally 

displaced persons (IDPs) being hosted in the community. He 

discloses that the community had on 1st January, 2022, been invaded 

with over 10 people mostly women and children abducted and 

largest churches razed.  

There is incessant violence between the Fulani herders and 

farmers in the North West and North Central parts of Nigeria with 

many people killed and many wounded. The Fulani herders raid 

unsuspecting villages, loot, kill and burn peoples’ houses as well as 

displace the villagers from their ancestral homes and farmlands. The 

raids sometimes witness a reprisal attack by the farmers. Ojewale 



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(2021) writes that in the last decade, 1,412 incidence of conflict 

occurred in the Northern region with 7,399 deaths recorded across 

the North Central States of Benue, Plateau, Kogi, Nasarawa, Niger, 

Kwara and FCT; pointing out that the escalating violence has deeply 

affected the local economy with Nigerian government losing an 

estimated $13.7 billion in revenue annually. Agbakwuru, (2021) 

reports the killing of 45 farmers and scores of people wounded at 

Lafia, Obi and Awe Local Government Areas of Nasarawa State, 

Nigeria. Aljazeera News (2021, December) also reports on that and 

attributes the problem to struggle for rights of grazing and water as 

a result of drought, population growth, the expansion of sedentary 

farming into communal areas and poor governance. It notes that the 

conflict has taken a religious dimension as the herders are Muslims, 

while the farmers are mainly Christian (Religious violence). Joined 

to the herders/farmers conflict are the activities of armed bandits 

across North West and North Central, who kill and abduct school 

children and travellers for ransom. Olufemi (2021a) reports on how 

armed bandits attacked and killed people in Niger and Sokoto States 

in September 2021; they attacked Muya Local Government Area 

and Sabon Birni Local Government Area killing people, abducting 

women and setting houses ablaze. They burnt people in their rooms 

and those who attempted to escape were slaughtered. Similar 

incident occurred between July 31 and August 2, 2021, in Maiyanga, 

Kpachudu, Kpetenvie, Nche-Tahu, Tafi gana, DTV, Zahwra and 

Kishasha villages in Bassa Local Government Area, and Riyon in 

Mabouring Local Government Area (Olufemi, 2021b).  

On 13th May, 2022, there was the gruesome and cold-

blooded murder and burning of Miss Deborah Samuel Yakubu, a 22 

year old Christian and a 200 level student of Shehu Shagari College 

of Education, Sokoto, by angry Muslim fundamentalists 

championed by her course mates. Her sin was that she professed her 



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Christian faith by attributing her doing well in an examination for a 

particular course to Jesus Christ’s miraculous intervention; a 

statement her killers termed “blasphemy”. St. Francis Xavier 

Catholic Church, Owo, Ondo State, was attacked by armed bandits 

in the early hours of Sunday, 5th June, 2022, and over forty (40) 

worshippers were killed and many injured. The Punch Newspaper 

(2022, 13th July) reports that 18 Catholic Priests were kidnapped 

with three killed in 2022. The South Eastern part of Nigeria is not 

left out as so many innocent people have died in the hands of 

bandits. There are several cases of burning of INEC offices and the 

police stations in the south-east. In both the Western and Northern 

Nigeria, the Igbo people have suffered a lot in the hands of youths 

of their host communities. Cases abound of the burning of markets 

and looting of goods belonging to Igbo traders even at a slightest 

provocation that might not have directly involved the Igbo people. 

For example, there was the burning of Dei Dei International market, 

along Kubwa-Zuba Express road, Abuja by angry Hausa/Fulani 

youths on 18th May 2022. 

In 2020, the “END SARS” protest was staged throughout 

Nigeria, and beyond, by irate youths protesting against police 

brutality to Nigerians. The slogan “END SARS” was a mass 

demonstration throughout the major cities of Nigeria as well as 

major cities of the world calling on the Nigerian government to 

disband a unit in the Nigerian Police Force known as the “Special 

Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS)”. This unit of the force, inter alia, had 

had a long record of abuses on the Nigerian people, and a lot of 

innocent citizens have died in their hands.  The “END SARS” 

protest was hinged on police brutality, but the fact is that these 

youths were fed up with poverty and hunger in the entire country as 

well as other forms of injustices being meted on citizens of Nigeria 

by those at the helm of affairs. The Nigerian youths had expected to 



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256 

 

see the poverty level of Nigerians reduced and the high cost of living 

remedied by the Buhari’s administration. But rather than things 

getting better, Nigeria’s condition gets worse every day. Of course, 

prior to the election of President Muhammadu Buhari in 2015, the 

masses were fed up with the sixteen years of consecutive rule by the 

Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), which made them to clamour for 

‘change’. Nigerians had felt that they had seen in Buhari the Messiah 

who would better the condition of Nigeria and improve on the lives 

of the citizens, not knowing that the kind of change they will receive 

would be that of moving from the frying pan into the fire. Akpen 

Leva, the Benue State, Nigeria, CAN Boss, explains Nigerians’ 

disillusionment in the following manner: 

 

I am sorry to say that from the promises that were 

made, this government has taken us so many 

centuries backward. Because, look at the issue of 

security, for instance, if you are fortunate to wake 

up, you don’t know what may happen the next day. 

Even when you are travelling on the road, you’re 

travelling out of fear that maybe they will kidnap you 

and take you to the forest and if you’re not able to 

pay the ransom, maybe they will butcher you and so 

on. And this ransom is always in millions (Ejembi, 

2022).   

 

In addition to things getting worse in the country, innocent citizens 

were being framed up and extra judicially killed by the police 

Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) and men of the other law 

enforcement agencies without people getting justice in the end. The 

“END SARS” protest, therefore, was a fight against all forms of 

negative things happening in Nigeria as well as the poor economic 



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257 

 

condition of the country (Uwaezuoke, 2023). The protest led to the 

breaking of the Correctional Centres, burning/damaging of many 

police stations and some public establishments across Nigeria (e.g. 

INEC buildings), and killing of many police officers who were 

recognised to have aided the wasteful loss of lives of innocent 

Nigerians. The protest also led to the death of many Nigerians in the 

hands of the law enforcement agents. On Tuesday, 5th July 2022, 

heavy armed bandits attacked the convoy of President Mohammadu 

Buhari in Katsina as well as Kuje Correctional Centre, Abuja, and 

freed prisoners. 

Another rampant cause of violence in Nigeria is cultism/cult 

rivalry. A lot of different cult groups exist in Nigeria and they rain 

havoc on themselves. Different cult groups engage in cult wars. 

They attack themselves with dangerous and lethal weapons leading 

to death of so many individuals. On Saturday, 26th February, 2022, 

a group of persons suspected to be cultists invaded Umuogbuefi 

primary school, Ebenebe, in Awka North Local Government Area 

of Anambra State, Nigeria, the venue of the burial ceremony of a 

member of another cult group. They shot sporadically at 

unsuspecting mourners and killed about 20 persons, while the corpse 

was sprawled on the ground. Similarly, on Saturday, 26th February, 

2022, at Mbacher Council Ward of Katsina-Ala Local Government 

Area, Benue State, a similar incident occurred where gunmen 

attacked and killed, at least, 9 mourners at the burial of a tax 

collector, Zaki Atser Nor, in reprisal for the killing of some armed 

militia men loyal to slain Benue’s militia warlord, Terwase Akwaza, 

alias Gana on Thursday 24th and Friday 25th February, 2022, by 

troops of Operation Whirl Stroke (OPWS) (Ejembi, 2022). 

Many of the numerous ethnic groups seem to have so much 

lost confidence in the entity called Nigeria that they have continued 

to clamour for the restructuring of Nigeria if they must continue to 



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258 

 

co-exist as part of Nigeria. (Uwaezuoke, 2021). The implications of 

violence are discussed in the next section. 

5. Implications of Violence and Insecurity 

It is said that a house divided against its self can never stand. 

Violence and insecurity have negative implication, which include: 

1. Retardation of development and growth – Violence and 

insecurity retards development and growth. Through 

violence, the economy is destroyed; and whatever is 

destroyed would require huge amount of tax payers’ money 

to rebuild. For example, during the “END SARS” protest, 

the police stations burnt would need much money to be 

rebuilt. In addition to requiring huge sums of money to 

rebuild what have been damaged, the economy becomes 

crumbled as offices are not opened, and shops and markets 

remain closed for business. The incarceration of the leader 

of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), Mazi Nnamdi 

Kanu, by the Nigerian government does not help matters in 

the Southeast. It has led to IPOB declaring “sit at home” 

every Monday and any day Mazi Nnamdi Kanu would go to 

court on the whole of the South East, and people obey the 

order for fear of being killed or wounded. All business and 

commercial activities are crippled on those days 

2. Death – Death of many individuals is another implication of 

violence and insecurity. The incessant violence and 

insecurity in Nigeria has claimed so many lives, while many 

were wounded or permanently maimed. For example, the 

Lafia attack in 2021 claimed 45 lives; and 40 lives were lost 

during the attack on St. Francis Xavier Catholic Church, 

Owo, Ondo State. Some of the people whose lives were lost 



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259 

 

during violent situations are people who would have been 

useful and who would have contributed their quota in 

leading the country to greatness. 

3. Displacement of people – The invasion of villages and 

houses burnt with their occupants has made many villagers 

to flee for their dear lives. So many villages and 

communities have been abandoned in the North East, North 

West and North Central where activities of the Boko Haram 

and armed banditry are very rampant. An example was the 

attack on Muya Local Government Area and Sabon Birni 

Local Government Area killing people and burning houses. 

There are a lot of internally displaced people (IDP) with so 

many internally displaced peoples’ camps (IDPC) 

everywhere in the northern part of the country.  

4. Scarcity of food – Violence in the North East, North West 

and North Central has made farmers to be insecure and 

abandon their farmlands for fear of being attacked and/or 

killed by herders. The resultant effect is that food crops like 

yam, rice, etcetera, and vegetables and other agricultural 

products are no longer cultivated. This brings about scarcity 

of food; and where one manages to see food, it is always very 

expensive and unaffordable. 

5. Increase in crime/destruction of lives – Violence leads to 

increase in the crime rate. Most often, youths are the ones 

engaged in violent activities and they are given guns and 

other dangerous weapons by their sponsors. When the storm 

is over, it becomes difficult to retrieve those guns and 

dangerous weapons from the youths, who now use them to 

engage in various kinds of criminal activities. Also, before 



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260 

 

embarking of violent activities, the youths resort to taking 

illicit substances and other drugs that are dangerous to 

health. Most often, they end up destroying their lives, and 

many becoming school drop-outs because of the effect of the 

illicit substances and hard drugs they had taken.  

6. Way Forward 

From the discussion above, insecurity in Nigeria has far-reaching 

implication to the development of Nigeria. The country is divided 

along ethnic lines and a closer look at the different violent situations 

reveals that ethnic violence is more prevalent, and sometimes serves 

as a catalyst for other forms of violence. Therefore, in order to solve 

the challenge of insecurity in Nigeria, there must be a way of first 

integrating the different ethnic nationalities. Ethnicity and 

multiculturalism may portray negative effect, but if properly 

managed could leads to positive development. Nigeria should 

borrow a leaf from India, which is a multi-ethnic and multicultural 

country with diverse languages, but the government recognises all 

languages through the use of “Accommodationistic” policy that 

accommodates various ethnic groups thereby making them to be at 

peace (Manor, 1996). Uwaezuoke (2021) suspects that Ezeani 

(2015) might have had this kind of approach in mind where he points 

out the importance of peaceful co-existence to successful evolution 

of the state and also suggests that a nation without social harmony 

cannot develop beyond the level of her disunity, acrimony and 

instability. This idea is supported by the realistic group conflict 

theory and the theory of justice. Government should begin with the 

release of all the freedom fighters held in prison custody and other 

confined places for championing the cause of self-determination for 

their ethnic nationalities. Instead of arresting and locking-up these 

people, the reasons for their agitations should be seriously 



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261 

 

considered and solved in such a way that every citizen from any part 

of the country would have a feeling of a sense of belonging. As a 

way of healing the past wounds, there is need for government to 

implement what this paper has termed the G3Rs (i.e. genuine 

reconciliation, reconstruction and reintegration).  

Secondly, government should consider the clamour for 

restructuring of Nigeria to make the central government less 

attractive and the Regions/State governments more attractive. The 

Regions/States should be able to control their resources and to 

develop at their own pace. This will usher in healthy competition 

among the Regions/States. 

Thirdly, the Nigeria police and other security operatives in 

Nigeria should be reformed and reoriented to understand the 

dignified nature of human beings. They should be made to handle 

the Nigerian citizens in a dignified manner as well as be seen to be 

discharging their responsibilities effectively so as to restore the lost 

trust from the common man. 

Finally, government should pursue the principle of mutually 

desired superordinate goals for the country by living up to its 

responsibility of protecting lives and property of the entire Nigerians 

and not a section of Nigeria. No section of the country should be 

treated as first class citizens, while others are regarded as second 

class citizens. Government should not turn deaf ears to instances of 

invasion, but swiftly intervene to ensure that those decimated return 

home as well as identify the families affected by violence and find 

a way of compensating them. Above all, government should find a 

way of bridging the gap between the rich and the poor by making 

prices of commodities more affordable to ordinary citizens.  

 

 



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7. Summary and Conclusion 

This paper considered the issue of violence as one of the numerous 

challenges Nigeria is faced with and, therefore, set out to examine 

its root cause(s) and implications. Anchoring on the realistic group 

conflict theory and the theory of justice, it had also sought for a way 

forward for Nigeria. It first identified many facets to violence in 

Nigeria: domestic, ethnic, political, economic, religious and cultism; 

but maintained that ethnic violence is more prevalent. 

Ethnicity/multilingualism/multiculturalism breed mutual hatred and 

distrust among different ethnic nationalities. There is usually 

imbalance in wealth distribution, poverty and neglect, poverty of 

leadership and corruption, and brutality on innocent citizens by 

security operatives. Other violent situations in Nigeria are terrorism, 

banditry, religious conflict, ethnic agitations and cultism/cult 

rivalry. Violence leads to insecurity and retards development. It also 

leads to death, displacement of people, food scarcity, and increase 

in crime/destruction of lives.  

As a way forward, and in concordance with the realistic 

group conflict theory and the theory of justice, the paper suggests 

the creation of harmonious relationships among various differing 

ethnic nationalities in Nigeria. Government should provide 

favourable environment that would guarantee their cooperation and 

integration. This should start with the release of all the freedom 

fighters held in prison custody and other confined places, while the 

reasons for their agitations are seriously considered to accord a sense 

of belonging to citizens. Government should implement the G3Rs 

(genuine reconciliation, reconstruction and reintegration). It should 

consider the clamour for restructuring of Nigeria, and make the 

central government less attractive and the Regions/State 

governments more attractive with the Regions/States allowed to 

control their resources and to develop at their own pace. The Nigeria 



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263 

 

police and other security operatives should be reformed and 

reoriented to understand the dignified nature of human beings with 

a view to handling the Nigerian citizens in a dignified manner. 

Government should live up to its responsibility of protecting lives 

and property of the entire Nigerians and not a section of Nigeria. 

Nigerians should be treated on equal basis irrespective of tribe, 

language, religion, and etcetera. Those who indulge in religious 

violence should be brought to book not minding their ethnic 

affiliation. Finally, prices of commodities should be made 

affordable for the common man. When all these are done, Nigeria 

would be a safer and a better place.  

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