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A Linguistic Ethnography of Ibibio Proverbs and Euphemisms 

 

Unwana Idongesit Archibong1 , Salem Ochala Ejeba2        
Department of Linguistics and Communication Studies 

University of Port Harcourt 

unwana_archbong@uniport.edu.ng1  salem.ejeba@uniport.edu.ng2 

 

Abstract  
As it is the case in many African languages, proverbs and euphemisms in 

Ibibio, a Lower Cross language spoken in Akwa Ibom, Nigeria, are 

essential sources of linguistic complexity and cultural peculiarity. This 

study utilizes a Linguistic Ethnography approach in investigating Ibibio 

proverbs and euphemisms as speech events with distinct structural 

patterns which serve to unravel meaning potentials and typify a distinct 

Ibibio cultural milieu. The genres of proverbs and euphemisms transmit 

norms and belief systems enacted through verbal exchanges within the 

speech community. As samples of language use, there are rich linguistic 

and discourse features associated with these genres. The proverbs and 

euphemisms collected for the study come from oral interviews and 

archival resources.The study employed the participant observation design 

to explore the native speaker’s opinions on the delineated Ibibio proverbs 

and euphemisms. The findings show that Ibibio proverbs and euphemisms 

have a direct link to the people. Proverbs help to reveal the identity, norms, 

value system and beliefs of the people. Findings also show that 

euphemistic expressions are gender sensitive. 

Key Words: Ibibio proverbs, euphemisms, linguistic ethnography 

 

1.0 Introduction 
A language is a veritable tool through which ideas, thoughts, emotions, 

opinions, messages and information are passed from one person to another 

or between groups of people to ensure inter-personal relationships. 

Language is also broadly regarded as a system of communication. Such 

communication may be by speech, which is essentially affected by the 

mailto:unwana_archbong@uniport.edu.ng


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tongue and the lips, or by movements such as gestures, whose meanings 

are known to the second party. Language in itself is a symbol to identify 

and a representation of people’s identity, and a means of identifying 

people’s value systems, beliefs, traditions, norms and world views. This is 

particularly true of proverbs and euphemisms which are discursive 

strategies in a language, are generally believed to be words of wisdom and 

correction, usually didactic, pleasant and could be passed down easily 

from one generation to another. According to Ogunbowale (1970) cited in 

Abdulraheem (2008), a proverb is “a criticism of life and a product of the 

mind, which reflects prevalent attitudes with didactic interests”. The 

concept of a particular mind in the above definition is synonymous with a 

specific context of use. However, the contextual use of proverbs equally 

depends on several social contexts (Zakariyah, 2013:8). These contexts 

include, but are not limited to a marriage, family, religion, peer relation, 

etc. Proverbs and euphemisms serve as avenues for reflecting attitudes, 

dispositions, worldviews, norms and social values. Both are products of 

people’s experiences and are mostly context-specific.  

Contexts and settings contribute to proverbial and euphemistic 

utterances. Contexts and settings dictate a people’s lifestyles; it is what 

contexts and settings provide the people with, that the people make use of 

in choosing appropriate proverbs and euphemisms. Therefore, not only are 

proverbs and euphemisms context-specific but they could also be said to 

be context and setting sensitive. To understand the context of a proverb 

and a euphemism, there is a need to consider the social variables which 

affect the mutual contextual belief, presupposition and intentions of the 

language users. Furthermore, Omera and Inegbeboh (2013) note that 

proverbs are influenced, to a large extent by the linguistic and socio-

geographical experiences and orientations of the diverse peoples that make 

up the place. Hence, Jegede (2008) identifies proverbs as a dynamic mode 

of discourse with a unique identity. He further posits that proverbs form a 

pool of linguistic and thematic resources from which speakers and writers 

in rhetoric, politics, economics, philosophy, history technology etc. draw 

inspiration.  



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On the other hand, euphemisms are words created to support 

language that is considered too unpleasant and provocative. Robert 

Burchfield’s (1985) study as cited in Gao (2013:7) observed that a 

language without euphemisms would be a defective instrument of 

communication. In Ibibio language, euphemisms are widely used in 

various contexts and settings to neutralize the taboo words. Euphemistic 

expressions allow us to talk about unpleasant things while neutralizing the 

unpleasantness. Euphemistic terms are found in every aspect of society. 

Euphemisms can be used to avoid embarrassing situations and thus protect 

individuals' feelings.  

Genetically, the Ibibio language belongs to the Benue-Congo sub-

family which in turn belongs to the Niger-Congo family, one of the largest 

families of languages in Africa, according to Greenberg’s (1963) 

classification. Ibibio is coordinate with other Lower Cross group, a group 

of closely related languages to which Efik and Annang, with which Ibibio 

forms a cluster of dialects. In a new classification of African languages 

proposed by Professor Kay Williamson and others working on the Niger-

Congo languages, Ibibio will belong to the enlarged New Benue-

Congo.This paper explores Ibibio proverbs and euphemisms from a 

linguistic ethnographic approach, in some settings and contexts to reveal 

people’s identity, worldviews and communicative competencies  

 

2.0 Literature Review  

2.1 Proverbs      

The meaning and nature of proverbs are complex to define and this is why 

there is no single universally accepted definition of the concept. For 

Instance, Archer Tailor (1931) cited in Ahmed (2005) attempts to explain 

the meaning of proverbs in more than two hundred pages, and concludes 

that it is impossible to give a definite definition of it. Lauhakangas (2004) 

describes proverbs as multifunctional and flexible instruments of everyday 

reasoning that maintain and solidify attitudes or traditional modes of 

thought of a certain culture. Meider (2004) states that proverbs, like 

riddles, jokes or fairy tales, do not fall out of the sky and neither are the 

products of a mythical soul of the folk.  



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Instead, they are always coined by an individual either intentionally or 

unintentionally. That means proverbs originate from people to teach 

morals and capture and express the worldviews, values and identities of 

those who coined them. Similarly, Syzdykov (2013) in his contrastive 

studies of proverbs pointed out that there is a need for a basic 

understanding of proverbial sayings to get information about one’s nation, 

culture, and tradition. Also, Lauhakangas (2004) reiterates that the use of 

proverbs in one’s language or dialect has a central function to be a kind of 

speech that strengthens the identity of the community.  

Akinwumi (2006) from a literary point of view, focuses on the use 

of proverbs as a tool for the restoration of social order. In other recent 

efforts, Sanusi and Omoloso (2008) examined the use of proverbs in 

preserving archaic lexical items and expressions. 

In Ibibio, the term “proverb” loosely translates as “Nke” plays an 

important role in the language. Proverbs act as a vital means of 

communication mostly among the elders and also help in expressing the 

user’s expertise in the language. In Ibibio, expressions are considered rich 

and intelligent when they are duly laced with proverbs. This informs why 

a traditional Ibibio man and woman would constantly punctuate their 

speech with appropriate proverbs to drive home their point.  

 

2.2 Euphemisms 
Euphemisms are powerful linguistic tools that are embedded so deeply in 

our language. The need for euphemisms is both social and emotional, as it 

allows the discussion of touchy, taboo subjects (such as sex, personal 

appearances or religion) without engaging, outraging, or upsetting other 

people. Geoffery (1974) in his discussion on semantics describes 

euphemisms as the linguistic equivalent of disinfectants. Euphemisms act 

as disinfectants that provide mild expressions that protect the mind of the 

language user against taboo expressions. According to Rawson (Linfoot 

Ham, 2005), euphemisms are powerful linguistic tools that are embedded 

so deeply in our language that we cannot make taboo expressions pleasant 

or mild without using them. Meihua (2013) notes that euphemism is not 

only a common strategy in language usage but also a kind of cultural 



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phenomenon that has a great effect on people’s daily agreeable 

communication while adhering to social-communicative conventions. In 

other words, euphemisms save the faces of users and enable them to 

communicate successfully. Scholars have an intensive interest in 

euphemistic expressions. Much research on euphemism has already been 

conducted in different fields, such as daily conversations; inter-cultural 

communications, science, literature, business affairs and even media 

language like newspapers and advertisements.  

Although many of these studies have referred to euphemistic 

strategies in the English language, few have been carried out with the 

Ibibio language using the linguistic ethnography approach. It is therefore 

very important to conduct research on this linguistic tool in the Ibibio 

language. 

  

2.3 Theoretical framework 

2.3.1 Linguistic ethnography 

Linguistic ethnography is an umbrella term that comprises two inter-

disciplinary concepts; - linguistics and ethnography. The combination 

helps in understanding how social and communicative processes operate 

in a range of settings and contexts.  It is a theoretical and methodological 

development orientating towards particular, established traditions but 

defining itself in a new intellectual climate of late modernity and post 

structuralism (Cresse 2008). Today, linguistic ethnography has been 

described as an umbrella term; an area of shared interests where 

established research traditions interact (Tusting & Maybin, 2007). Tusting 

and Maybin, (2007) note that linguistic ethnography is in its infancy. It is 

very much similar to the anthropological traditions to the study of 

language, such as the ethnography of communication (Hymes, 1968) and 

interactional sociolinguistics (Gumperz, 1972).  It claims distinctiveness 

by keeping the door open to wider interpretive approaches from within 

anthropology, applied linguistics and sociology.  Linguistic ethnography 

typically takes a post-structuralist orientation by critiquing essentialist 

accounts of social life.  In conjoining the two terms linguistic and 

ethnography, it aligns with a particular epistemological view of language 



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in the social context. Linguistic ethnography generally holds that language 

and social life are mutually shaping, and that close analysis of situated 

language use can provide both fundamental and distinctive insights into 

mechanisms and dynamics of social and cultural production in everyday 

activity (Ramption et al, 2004). 

Mohlig’s (1995:85) asserts that African folk narratives are 

“structured verbal texts and not just the product of associative accident” 

even though “what has been missing is a measure of agreement among 

oralists on a comprehensive method by which these structures can be 

exposed”. Without any ambition to solve the problem of disagreement in 

methosd, this  work on Ibibio proverbs and euphemisms draws insight 

from Linguistic Ethnography (LE) as a suitable model for analysis. The 

epistemological bases of the LE model is in constraining the speech events 

in ethnography by the analytic framework provided in linguistics while at 

the same time enriching the linguistic analysis with variability of 

structures that only data based on the uses of language in society afford 

(Rampton, 2007; Rampton et al, 2004; and Creese 2008). Rampton, 

Maybin and Roberts (2014:20) provide a basis for LE research in the 

statement that “good research should be careful, logical, accountable, 

explicit, skeptical, well-informed, comparative and original, leading to the 

production of interesting claims that people (in some determinate 

discourse community) can trust.” In this wise therefore, the present work 

leans on an adaptation of LE for the elicitation of knowledge available to 

the cultural insiders/made available to the analyst without allegiance to the 

length and breadth of LE research. The leaning of the present work finds 

some expression in Frame Semantics and U-Semantics.  

Fillmore’s (1982:111) Frame Semantics sets out the agenda for 

the possibility of “a research programme in empirical semantics and a 

descriptive framework for presenting the results of such research”. He 

explicates his view as follows: 

“Frame semantics comes out of traditions of empirical rather than 

formal semantics. It is most akin to ethnographic semantics, the 

work of the anthropologist who moves into an alien culture and 

asks such questions as, ‘What categories of experience are 



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encoded by the members of this speech community through the 

linguistic choices that they make when they talk?’ A frame 

semantics outlook is not (or is not necessarily) incompatible with 

work and results in formal semantics; but it differs importantly 

from formal semantics in emphasizing the continuities, rather than 

the discontinuities, between language and experience” (Fillmore 

1982:111) 

Fillmore’s emphasis here is that meanings of words are determined by the 

frame of reference in which they are used and the frames are, importantly, 

based on recurring experience (encyclopaedic knowledge) which is 

usually domiciled in culture rather than the surrounding linguistic items. 

As Petruck (1996:3) additionally points out on the basis of Fillmore’s work 

that the notion of frame underlies ‘semantics of understanding (U-

semantics)’ with the goal of determining “what it takes for a hearer to 

provide an interpretation of a sentence, in other words, to determine what 

situation a sentence fits”. She elaborates on this as follows: “U-semantics 

is compositional in that its operation relies on knowledge of words, 

phrases, and grammatical constructions for an interpretation to be 

constructed. However, it is non-compositional in that the interpretation of 

a sentence is not constructed by purely symbolic operations.”  Petruck 

(1996:3) thus states that “the frame is also considered a useful tool in text 

semantics and semantics of grammar. The interpreter of a text [sharing the 

requisite cultural background] invokes a frame when assigning an 

interpretation to a piece of text by placing its contents in a pattern known 

independently of the text.” De Stefani (2016:53) pins down the main 

points of both Frame Semantics and U-Semantics in other words by 

focusing on the ‘emic perspective’ of the anthropological approach, “to 

grasp the native’s point of view, his relation to life, to realize his vision of 

his world”. By this phrase, De Stefani (2016) elucidates the consequence 

of the need to describe text in a contextualized way which encompasses 

the linguistic as well as the broader social environment in which texts 

occur. The linguistic ethnography of Ibibio proverbs and euphemisms in 

the present analysis, in plain words, takes over from the anthropological 

approach its standpoint on the necessity of the linguistic and social context 



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in describing proverbs and euphemisms as a clear exemplification of 

linguistic ethnography.  

For empirical instance of the LE approach to analysis, the present 

work focuses on Musere’s (1999:1) introduction to African proverbs and 

proverbial names, in which he notes concerning the Baganda people of 

Uganda that they are “renowned for their generous array of proverbs and 

proverbial names which they have for centuries involved in their day-to-

day conversations. Musere further notes the following as characteristic of 

Luganda (Bantu language of Uganda) proverbial personal names, which 

butrress the delineated descriptive perspective: 

“Proverbial personal names have served as historical reminders 

for events at the time of birth of the named, and through them 

social rules and lessons are communicated to descendants. 

Proverbial names, like many types of African names, also 

indirectly communicate opinions of the name giver towards 

others. The study of proverbial names is important since language 

is intimately linked to culture. Types of tensions, emphases and 

phenomena vary from society to society. African language 

communication, when compared to the western mode of 

communication, is highly metaphorical in content. There is a 

salient element of discreteness, circuitousness, allusion and 

secrecy in African language that is exemplified in proverbs. Many 

African proverbs and proverbial names recall words of wisdom 

with respect to such issues as intelligence, friendship, cooperation, 

trust and mistrust, thankfulness and unappreciation, humility, 

giving, ignorance, showiness, boastfulness, jealousy, allegiance, 

alertness, warning, defense, laziness, speed, hastiness, bravery, 

cowardice, and patience. A wealth of priceless oral literature is 

revealed.” 

Muser’s (1999:2) data presentation and analysis is of interest: rather than 

provide a mere list of names and their meanings in isolation, he presents 

the names as part of proverbial texts noting that this “would enlighten 

many readers on the ordering of the text, and on relationships between the 

names and the proverbs”. This ties the linguistic interpretations to the 



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perceptions, dispositions, expectations and beliefs of the society, in other 

words the ethnography, rather than the linguistic forms themselves, as in 

the following instances: 

Luganda Data (Bantu, Uganda) 

1. Omugenyi akusuula ku bbanja ‘A visitor puts you in debt’ 

With the arrival of the visitor, one often goes to borrow from a 

neighbour so as to be able to give the visitor a proper welcoming 

treat and cater for the visitor’s other needs. 

Mugenyi (m) Guest; a stranger; a visitor. 

Banja/Bbanja (f/m) Debt.  

A newborn given the name Mugenyi or Bbanja by the parents, 

could have been born during a period of famine and poverty that 

compelled the newborn’s parents to borrow money and food from 

neighbours. Or the child may have been born around the time the 

household had many visitors, some of whom proved to be 

expensive to cater for. 

2. Omwana omuto akaabira ekitali kikye ‘A young child cries for 

that which is not his’ 

Children are known to easilycry forthings that they so much 

desire, that is includingthings that are not theirs. Coveting is not 

to be encouraged since itcan lead to problems like stealing, 

focusing on things that are not of much importance, unduly 

guiding one’s life according to what the crowd likes and does, and 

living above one’s standard. 

Mwana (f/m) [mwaah-nah] Child; kid; youngster; son; daughter. 

Muto (f/m) [muh-toh] Younger brother or sister;a young one. 

Mwana (f/m) [tch-ih-tah-lih] That is not 

Musere shows the proverb, the names derived from this as well as 

information on the pronunciation and the gender of persons named 

thereby, the semantic interpretation of the names, as well as ethnographoc 

commentary, as in (1) and (2). Musere’s insight for textual analysis of 

names is instrumental generally in organizing and analysing data in the 

present paper. 



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Wardhaugh (1998:237) notes the importance of ethnography 

when he states that an important function of language is social 

maintenance, therefore “we must try to understand how different groups 

of people use their language if we are to achieve a comprehensive 

understanding of how that language is related to the society that uses it.” 

Whereas Hymes (1974) proposes an ethnographic model that caters for the 

description of communicative event, the objective of such communicative 

event and its achievement using the SPEAKING acronym for relevant 

factors (setting and scene, participants, ends, act sequence, key, 

instrumentalities, norms of interaction and interpretation and genre); the 

present work finds relevant for an ethnographic analysis the act sequence 

(the actual text generated in the communicative event of proverbs and 

euphemisms), proceeding with a heuristic investigation on this basis in 

understanding the correlation of the linguistic elements with social reality 

(Halliday 1973).  

Lambek (2006) studied the difference in the importance of a 

spirit’s name to its identity drawing on the ethnography of spirit possession 

among Malagasy speakers of Mayotte and Northwest Madagascar taking 

a pragmatic view that gives attention to speech acts involved in the social 

procedures of the bestowal of names on spirits that instantiates the entities 

themselves as being. He observes from the perspective of pragmatics that 

“the bestowal of a name is factive insofar as it brings into being the state 

of affairs with which it is concerned” and thus generalizes that in modern 

states birth and marriage certificates, our so-called identity papers, confirm 

or validate not only our name but also our person; they constrain 

movement and agency and in their absence our very existence is 

illegitimate.” He further states based on observation of the Mayotte 

mystification rituals, that a world is in bestowing a name, quoting 

Rappaport (1999:27) as confirming this position: “the performance [of 

ritual] … logically entails the establishment of convention, the sealing of 

social contract, the construction of…integrated conventional orders…the 

investment of whatever it encodes with morality, the construction of time 

and eternity; the representation of a paradigm of creation, the generation 

of the concept of the sacred and the sanctification of conventional order…” 



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Lambek thus combines insight from naming itself as an instance of speech 

acts and discourse on the power of naming with meaning potentials within 

the context of Mayotte culture. Lambek’s work may be considered a 

successful one for its purpose of establishing the power relationship in 

naming and its ethnographic content meets the demand of the present 

work.   

Lambek’s work and observations are in tandem with Dauda 

(2016:284) who notes that “Òwe [proverb] is a virtual memory bank for 

all of the Yorùbá way of life and living, including philosophy, values, 

beliefs, ethics, and political economy.” He also notes that “as codes of 

ethics and civic responsibilities, òwe exist for all aspects of public and 

private affairs.” These roles of proverbs are widespread in African 

societies and are relevant for a descriptively adequate depiction of Ibibio 

proverbs and euphemisms, which constitute the subject of the present 

study. 

 

3.0 Methodology 
The qualitative design approach was adopted in this study. Data for this 

study were gathered in Uyo metropolis. A large population of Ibibio 

speakers resides here. The researcher’s native speaker competence was 

also helpful in identifying and extracting the proverbs and euphemisms in 

the speeches recorded. Brief interviews were conducted to ascertain the 

meaning of some of the proverbs which were not known. The analysis of 

data is based on ethnographic model proposed by Hymes in 1974. An 

ethnographic model caters for the description of communicative event, the 

objective of such communicative event and its achievement using the 

SPEAKING acronym for relevant factors (setting and scene, participants, 

ends, act sequence, key, instrumentalities, norms of interaction and 

interpretation and genre); the present work finds relevant for an 

ethnographic analysis the act sequence (the actual text generated in the 

communicative event of proverbs and euphemisms), proceeding with a 

heuristic investigation on this basis in understanding the correlation of the 

linguistic elements with social reality (Halliday 1973).  

 



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4.0 Data Presentation and analysis 

4.1 Contextual analysis of Ibibio proverbs 

 

Proverb 1 

ᴐ́kpᴐ́k èkè ébí ídò áyárá ótò k’úyèn ádát ìsìn 
Gloss:  The lizard that will be male grows a red tail from infancy. 

Interpretation: Whoever wants to be great or achieve something 

spectacular must start early in life to work and plan towards the goal. 

Context: This proverb can be used within the family or larger societal 

context. Within the family context, it means that it is from the traits 

exhibited in a child that the parents know which child would turn out 

which way. Within the larger society also, it may mean that people who 

become big, start early in life to work towards it. At the individual level, 

this proverb may also play the role of motivation and inspiration; 

suggesting to the individual that, if one desires to be great, he/she must 

begin small and start early. 

Cultural connotation: The time of youth is the best time to prepare for 

life’s goals. 

Analysis: The proverb explores the logical sequence of 

things/phenomena: that a general analysis can be made from specific traits. 

In the real world from the initial stage, through countenance and 

appearance, one can identify the good, the bad and the ugly. The reference 

to the lizard in our psyche is illustrative in Ibibio mythology, red is the 

colour of strength for maleness and achievement. No lizard no matter how 

strong its desire to become male will be able to grow a red tail after a 

certain age. Youth is the time to prepare for life’s goals. Certain actions at 

particular times are indices of our youthful age.   

 

Proverb 2 
Tèèp tèèp ọ́yọ̀họ́ àbàñ 

Gloss: Drop by drop, the water fills the pot. 

Interpretation: The cure or solution to all problems lies in exercising 

patience. 



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Context: This proverb is applicable in situations where an individual or 

group of individuals seem impatient about certain conditions, which need 

time, and which with time would take care of themselves. 

Cultural connotation:  

It is not how fast but how careful and how a thing is done.  

Patience is needed in life. 

Analysis: The crux of the proverb is the message of patience. The idea of 

slowly dropping water is referenced. The English equivalent could be 

“slow and steady wins the race” with patience. The water drops slowly yet 

fill the water pot. The moral lesson of patience is preached indirectly. The 

reference to the water further elucidates the meaning and distils the sense 

deeper. This proverb reveals why an Ibibio person (note that “Ibibio” itself 

loosely translates to “short-short”) would like to do one thing at a time 

with the mindset that “slow and steady wins the race”. 

 

Proverb 3 
Ówó ánâm sé ídèm ónô Ábàsì àyák úbók 

Gloss: When a person does what nature endows him with, God prospers 

him/her. 

Interpretation: One should always take a firm decision about himself in 

life’s endeavour and God will prosper him/her. 

Context:  This can be used in contexts where a person is advised to make 

ends meet with the available resources while waiting on God to prosper 

him/her rather than sit idle and wait for what he/she is not sure will 

eventually come. 

Cultural connotation:  

It shows that the Ibibio are religious people who believe in God and know 

that He provides for their needs and prospers them. 

Analysis: The proverb aptly sums up the essence of determination and a 

strong will to work hard in life. It may go for the English equivalent of 

when the desirable is not available, the available becomes desirable. 

Reference to ídèm (benevolent spirit) and Ábàsì (supreme deity of the 

Ibibio) of Ibibio traditional belief is of connotative import.  



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The message interpreted is that when man shuns idleness and engages 

himself in hard work with the available jobs or occupations; God lends 

his/her hands by blessing and prospering them.  

 

Proverbs 4 
íkwúˋ ᴐ d ísítámḿáké úwéemé, ódó ákpétámmá ódó ényé ábínè ñkpó 

ébínè ényé  

Gloss: A toad does not run in the daytime for anything. It is either pursuing 

something or being pursued by something.  

Interpretation: There is a cause for anything abnormal that happens. 

Context: It is used in situations where people express regrettable actions 

they had to take to accommodate or contain unhappy events.  

Cultural Connotation: Situations/ strange and abnormal occurrences 

change people or make people do what they do not intend to do. 

Analysis: The proverb tasks our mental conception or general knowledge 

of the toad as a nocturnal animal. If such an animal, therefore, does “run” 

(a lexical item preferred by the researcher for metaphorical or stylistic 

effect, against the normal collective word, “jump”) in the day, there must 

be something amiss.  

The proverb senses that there is a cause for anything abnormal that 

happens; there must be a reason, at least there is “no smoke without a fire”. 

A toad running in the daytime is probably pursuing or being pursued. The 

proverb alludes to the “cause- and effect” philosophy. 

 

Proverb 5 
Ètèk éyìn ámá áyìe ùbòk asana, àdíá ñkpó yé mmè ḿbˋ ᴐ ŋ  

Gloss: A Child that washes his hands clean, and eats with kings. 

Interpretation: If a person does the right thing at the right time, good 

fortune, honour, esteem and credit will be his/hers. 

Context: It is expressed in a context where somebody beneath the age-

grade or class is honoured based on some accomplishments; when 

someone who may naturally be undeserving of some credit earns it 

because of hard work.  



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Cultural connotation: The proverb portrays that the Ibibio are people 

who love cleanliness. It also instantiates that careful/clear planning takes 

one to a greater height. 

Analysis: The proverb portrays honour and dignity attributed to 

cleanliness and responsibility. It thematizes hand washing, good character 

training and a hygienic way of eating as a sine qua non to honour. We infer 

that if a person does the right thing at the right time, as the proverb entails, 

good fortune, honour, reverence, esteem and credit will be his/hers, just 

like eating together with kings. The pragmatic understanding of how high 

the Ibibio rated their traditional ruler provides further insight into the 

semantic import of the proverb. 

 

Proverb 6 
Ńnàn-èyìn átìe ńtè édìm, ádèp kè áfìd ᴐ́kˋ ᴐ m 

Gloss: Problems are like the rain, it falls on every roof. 

Interpretation: Tragedy that befalls one, at some point has also befallen 

or will befall another. 

Context: Where a person is lamenting about a particular misfortune and 

gets to know along the line that another person suffers a greater misfortune 

than his. He may use this proverb as a consolation to himself. Also, the 

proverb may be used in the context that problems and challenges are not 

unique or peculiar to one individual alone.  

Cultural Connotation: The proverb shows that problem is universal. 

Analysis: The proverb emphasizes the universality of problems or 

misfortunes. It suggests that problems, challenges or misfortunes are 

among the phenomena that go around. At the denotative level, it is further 

interpreted to mean that rainfall spares no roof wherever it drops; it falls 

on everyone’s roof. In essence, as rain does not discriminate, misfortunes, 

problems and challenges, visit all people. The tragedy that befalls one 

group, we infer, may at some point befall the other group. Thus, no people 

should exult because of other people’s misfortunes. 

 

 

 



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Proverb 7 
Ńtè ídóhó úñàná ífíók ásìn ékpú áká áñwàn mmè áñwà? 

Gloss:  Is it not ignorance that makes the rat attack the cat? 

Interpretation: It is ignorance that would make a person attack a more 

formidable enemy, for such will be tantamount to his liquidation. 

Cultural Connotation:  

Wisdom and common sense are necessary attributes in an Ibibio person’s 

life. One should avoid what one needs to avoid. 

Analysis: Concerning our understanding of the two animals, rat and cat, 

our knowledge of the world make us agree with the force of the rhetorical 

proverb. It is ignorance that would make a person attack a more formidable 

enemy for such will be tantamount to his imminent execution or 

punishment. The inference made is that a wise person will always avoid 

having a direct encounter with his more powerful adversary, so that the 

latter does not liquidate him. The reference to, and the stylo-collective 

import of “cat and rat” strengthens the sense of the proverb. 

 

Proverb 8 
ˋ nkò ésìò àbìàrá édéd ké ˋ mbáŋ, ínúá átà ńkpò ke ńdìk 

Gloss:  Until the rotten tooth is pulled out, the mouth chews with caution. 

Interpretation: As long as the cause of a problem or bad influence 

persists, there will remain a hindrance to the smooth progress of society. 

Context: Where the action of one causes the others to suffer. 

Cultural Connotation: One bad person can destroy the community.   

 Since evil is not condoled within the Ibibio society, such a person should 

be fished out. 

Analysis:  This proverb presents a general knowledge in a philosophical 

grab. With collocates like “rotten tooth”, and “mouth/chew”, the proverb 

evokes the sense that as long as bad influences or people remain, as few 

as they may be, they would constitute a hindrance to the healthy  

growth or development of the society.  

With the rotten tooth in place, the whole mouth is rendered handicapped 

and whenever it eats, it must be with extreme caution. In the real world, it 

is a practicable truism. 



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Proverb 9 
Èkà ébò ámá obo eyin, umaha édíkpᴐ́ᴐ́ŋᴐ́ ìwòúd kè ˋ ᴐ kˋ ᴐ k eto: atim-

me ama usan ᴐ tᴐ ŋ 

Gloss: The mother monkey said to her child: You don’t like knocking your 

head against branches of trees: would you rather prefer to be in the pot of 

soup?  

Interpretation: To take a little temporal inconvenience or to postpone 

immediate comfort and pleasure for the sake of earning a richer life and 

better days ahead pays. 

Context: It can be used where a person rebels against a temporal 

inconvenience that will in the end bring lasting comfort. Also within the 

context where students, young people in their families, young workers in 

their various places of work are unwilling to live temporary under hard 

conditions or to look away from many pleasurable distractions around 

them, to concentrate on the preparation for a successful life. Boys, girls, 

men and women all have to make choice. It is an individual matter. 

Cultural Connotation: Immediate ease and comfort too early in life get 

swept away into destruction.  

Also, the hunting life of the people is portrayed. 

Analysis: Concerning our understanding of the animal monkey which 

used to be the favourite game of hunters; monkeys knew this and learnt 

very early in life the tactics of survival consisting mainly of brisk swings 

from branch to branch (which often meant they may hit against such 

branches). Such tactics were risky for the young monkey who would 

rebelliously refuse to take such risks. The proverb entails stylistic and 

connotative imports of such words as “Eka/eyin” (mother/child monkey” 

and “ᴐ kᴐ k eto/usan ᴐ tᴐ ᴐ ŋ” (branch of tree/soup pot), that one should 

endure a temporal inconvenience for the sake of earning a better day 

ahead.   

 

Proverb 10 
Úwáná òwòdéén òtòhó kè émáná 

Gloss: The struggle of a man begins at birth. 



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Interpretation: A child struggles to live and become a (successful) 

man/woman till he/she dies, with every day posing its challenges. 

Context: It is used when considering life’s struggles that struggles never 

end till death occurs. 

Cultural connotation:  

The Ibibio people have this philosophy that life is never a bed of roses. 

The struggle continues. 

Analysis: This is an epigram, implicating the centrality of struggle in life. 

Right from his first breath at birth, the proverb entails, a child struggles to 

live and become successful till he dies, with every day posing its 

challenges. The connotative sense derives from its being metaphorical. It 

is in the realm of philosophy (i.e. Realist Theory) that it would be 

appropriately understood that not only do adults struggle, but a day old 

baby also battles to survive.  

Table 1 

Taboo 

words  

Gloss Euphemistic Expression 

Àkpá ‘die’ ákpón ìsòng, ádákà ìsàn, ámòd, ábóyò fèb, ádòp 
ìwèh 

Úrân ‘faeces’ ìfùᴐ, ìkód 

àkpárà  ‘prostitute’ àsáng essien, ówó éfèbè, mma ìnò 
ìtìd (female) 
mfet (male) 

‘vagina’ 
‘penis’ 

ḿkpò ówó úwàn 
ḿkpò ówó dèŋ  

Ákùn ‘intercourse’ áñà, áyípé ádíá, átòk ìkìm 

  

Taboo word 1:  “die”     ákpá  

Euphemistic expressions 

ákpón ìsòng = ákpón (leave)  ìsòng (earth) = “leave the earth”, ádákà 
ìsàn=  ádáká (He/She has moved)  isang (journey) = “He/she has taken a 

journey”, “été/mma ádákà ìsàn o” (the man/ woman has taken a journey), 

ḿkpò ùtòk ìkìm 



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ámòd, “ákpón ìsòng”, ádòp ìwèh = ádòp (stop) ìwèh (breath) = s/he has 

stopped breathing  

 

Taboo word 2 : “faeces” “úrân” 
Euphemistic expressions 

ìfùᴐ, ìkód   

Taboo word 3: prostitute     “akpàrà” 

Euphemistic expressions                

àsáng essien= àsáng (walking) essien (outside) àsáng essien= one that is 

walking/staying outside.   

ówó éfèbè = A person that is doing abominable acts. Prostitution is one of 

the abominable acts in Ibibio.  ówó éfèbè is use in religious setting, 

especially when giving sermon. 

mma ìnò (woman that steals). 

Taboo word 4    

ìtìd (female) ‘vagina’ ḿkpò ówó úwàn   
                       
mfet (male)        ‘penis’              mkpo owo deŋ  

Euphemistic expressions 

ḿkpò ówó úwàn (something that belongs to a woman). Mkpo owo deŋ 
(something that belongs to a man).  

ḿkpò ùtòk ìkìm (something used for urinating). This euphemistic 

expression is used for both male and female. It can be used for any context.  

 

Taboo word 4  “ákùn”    ‘intercourse’ 
Euphemistic expressions 

áñà (sleep) he/she sleeps.  When a man or woman has an affair, “áná” is a 

euphemistic expression for ákùn.  It can be used in any context. 

áyípé ádíá (He has pinch and eat)    

ḿkpò ùtòk ìkìm 



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átòk ìkìm (He has urinated that is to say he has ejaculated).  Used by 

young men when referring to intercourse. It is mostly use in social 

discourse.  

 

5.0 Conclusion 

In conclusion, the paper investigates Ibibio proverbs and euphemisms 

using linguistic ethnography approach to study different contexts and how 

these linguistic tools reveal the people’s identity, value system, and 

worldview. Proverbs and euphemisms which are generally believed to be 

words of wisdom and correction are usually used to instruct, rebuke, teach 

morals and make offensive expressions less offensive. In Ibibio, proverb 

is known as “Nke” while euphemism does not have vocabulary except it 

is explain with a phrase “nkara iko” depending on the sense the user of 

such expressions intends them to be.  Proverbs and euphemisms affect us 

all.  Proverbs are seen as witty statements that are capable of revealing 

one’s identity and value system, at the same time teach, instruct and rebuke 

bad attitudes. Ibibio proverbs are often prosodical in realization, that is, 

they are realized with a poetic finesse to give the proverbs rhythmic 

intonation. At the same time, we all probably have a few things we refuse 

to talk about and still others we do not talk about directly. Euphemisms 

are mild expressions that make derogatory expressions less offensive. In 

Ibibio, euphemisms are gender and age sensitive.  

 

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