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FROM SATIRE TO ALLUSION:  (RE) EXAMINING HOTEL DE JORDAN SONGS AS TOOLS 

AGAINST SOCIAL INEQUALITY 

 

Dan. E. Omoruan & Charles O. Aluede 

Ambrose Alli University,Ekpoma, Edo State, 

ABSTRACT 

Social stratification or Pluralization in society is a phenomenon that is as old as the history of mankind. 

This, over the years has become a strong societal force present in all aspects of societal dynamics and has 

left indelible imprint in human psyche. While this has contributed to societal balancing and regulation in 

some ways, it has however been a factor for disaffection and resentment by those affected by the adverse 

effect of such Pluralization.  It is in this connection that the Hotel de Jordan was conceived and created. 

The focus of the drama was to mirror the society and expose its attendant ills occasioned by the inherent 

inequality in it. To effectively carry out this study, interviews, reviews of scripts and the films were done. 

These were further supported with review of related literature to strengthen the discourse. Good a focus as 

well as the idea, this paper observes that in spite of the pungent message entailed in the script of the 

drama, the songs, singing styles of the songs, the costume and make-ups in the drama tended to distract 

the spectator. It is therefore suggested that in the use of songs as a tool for enlightenment and 

entertainment, especially through comedy, performing songs comically could rob the drama of not just the 

message but seriousness of the issues under contestation lest the goal of such drama may be 

compromised. 

 

 INTRODUCTION 

 The French theorist Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) as cited in Emielu, (2009: 16) is believed to be the first 

to theorize about social construction in his anthropological writings on the collective nature of human 

behaviour. He opined that, “individuals in the society are products of complex social forces which 

condition social actions; interaction and social mediations.” Going by this definition by a renowned 

scholar, songs or the arts are excluded as criteria for social stratification. This paper argues that songs and 

music can be used as criteria for social stratification. The paper draws its primary data from a popular 

television series Hotel De Jordan broadcast on the Nigerian Television Authority Benin between 1973 

and 1987 which is currently being proposed to be resuscitated. The theoretical framework of this study is 

based on the concept of social partitioning as an aspect of the sociological theory of social 

constructionism.  This concept was further elucidated upon by Hobbs and Blank which they described as 

social stratification. They posit that social stratification is “the ranking of individuals, families and 

population into different levels according to the distribution of privilege, power and prestige.” Class 

system is an aspect of social stratification and all members of a social class view themselves as equals, 

while holding themselves to be socially superior or inferior to some others (Omoregie, 1995: 93). In this 

paper, song and music would be used interchangeably. Materials for this paper have been derived from 

personal observation of trends in this programme, the society and other secondary sources.  

 

Songs in Society 
In both traditional and contemporary societies, songs are means of communicating messages, information, 

feelings and emotions. Other functions attributed to songs are that they are entertaining, therapeutic and 

used as means of documentation.  Early in time, while giving an account of music in Africa and the carry 

over musical attributes of African slaves in America, Haa (1995: 8) opines: 

Separated from their homeland and forced to endure the misery of bondage, Africans in the 

colonial United States sought solace in the musical traditions of their ancestors. Music and oral 

history had long been an integral element of the folklore of African culture, wherein religion, 

music, and magic coexisted in a close relationship. Without a tradition of written history, 

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important events were passed down from generation to generation through song and tribal ritual. 

This tradition continued in the colonies in the form of slave or work songs, which later evolved 

into spirituals (p. 8).  

In most societies today, songs have become veritable means to speak out against oppression, injustice 

and inequality. It has become an indispensable aspect of the social process. Emielu, (2009: 28) relates 

social process to “people and the way they organize individual and group behaviour in the society, 

including how they define themselves in social terms and their ranking on the social ladder.” He further 

states that social process involves series of actions on the part of the individual and the society which 

creates or causes changes in behaviour in one form or the other in the society. This change in behaviour 

is reflected in the kind of song or music associated with the different social classes. Supporting the above 

view, Emielu (2009) further observes  that, ”while there was Highlife music for the „High Class‟, there 

was also „poor man‟s‟ music such as Kokoma, Agidigbo, and others which were also subsumed under a 

generic label of „palm wine music‟ because of their predominance in local palm wine  bars. In the same 

vein, Ajah (2004), while writing about class structure in the society says:  

Aesthetic values are very highly cherished and they mark the high societies or higher classes of 

people in the society. This is because it is only when a person has taken care of the basic 

necessities of life that he or she will begin to be concerned with aesthetic values (p. 187). 

 From the above it is fore-grounded that those in the lower class of the society are pre-occupied with 

seeking and providing the basic needs of life while those in the higher class have their values inclined on 

ostentation.  It is in this thinking that Olorunyomi (2005) posits that: 

 As a divided, sectionalized-even tribalized-group, this comprador alliance with foreign capital 

has been unable to forge or crystallize an enduring national identity. This critical element in the 

nature of national class formation, especially the narrow and particularistic pursuit of the elite, 

has substantially distorted the crust of the working class and other ancillary sectors (p. 17). 

 Fela Anikulapo Kuti, a popular Nigerian musician was well known for singing songs that were very 

critical of the class phenomena in Nigeria and the rest of the world. His songs were critical of 

governments, institutions and wealthy individuals reputed to have been involved in activities injurious to 

the society or to have compromised the rights and integrity of the individual. Trouble sleep yanga go 

wake am, Zombie, Beast of no Nation, Sorrow, Tears and Blood were songs by Fela that portrayed class 

reality and identity in the society. Writing further Olorunyom (2005: 44) notes that:  

By the time he started waxing Zombie, Alagbon Close, ITT, and Sorrow Tears and Blood which 

lampooned military and other authoritarian hegemonies in contemporary Africa, it was clear that 

he had finally unmasked the bogey of the ideological unanimity of contending classes (p. 44).  

Continuing, he remarks that “The prevalent interests of his lyrics are those often contrasting situations of 

power relations between the big Oga and the marginal my people.  In between these two extremes are to 

be found diverse modes of coping, of acquiescence or, on the other hand, of resistant modes with a large 

repertoire of sub-cultural linguistic codes. The vehicle for the transmission of Fela‟s alternative message 

was often indirect in the early stage, but later became direct, akin to the discursive modes James Scott 

describes as the “public” and “hidden” transcripts. The public transcript pertains to the nature of power 

relations, which is resolved in favour of the status quo, while the hidden transcript relates to forms of 

resistance of dominance in more subtle and oblique ways such as in gestures, jokes, humour, and parody- 

which “insinuate” a critique of power”. Sunny Okosun, another Nigerian musician whose songs were 

popular in the nineteen-seventies and nineteen-eighties was known to be very critical of the apartheid 

policy in South Africa and issues of class structure in Nigeria. Some of his notable lyrics in this regard 

included Fire in Soweto, Papa’s land Ozzidi. Other notable artistes that have trumpeted class attitudes and 



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resentment through their music are the Mandators, Ras Kimono, Osayomore Joseph, Nowamagbe and 

Majek Fashek and his kpangolo (grass root) music. 

Early in time, songs had been used as independent artistic outlet within and outside the stage, other 

artistic outreach like drama, dance, mime and pantomime had either been used singly or in conjunction 

with other media like song to express class resentment or attack class attitudes. Hotel De Jordan was a 

foremost dramatic medium which combined the use of dialogue and song for this purpose. According to 

Olusola (1983):  

 In the end however` it is the audience who calls the tune for the future of television drama as 

they have done unmistakably, by reacting most favourably to such dramatic productions as The 

Village Headmaster, Case File, Masquerade, Hotel De Jordan and the growing number of 

single play specials on Nigerian Television       (p. 380). 

The Hotel De Jordan 

As has been mentioned earlier, Hotel de Jordan was a television series that was broadcast on the Nigerian 

television authority channels 6, 7 and 9 Benin City in the then Midwest/ Bendel State. Since television 

was introduced in Nigeria, television drama had been a popular feature on the screen. Between the 

nineteen seventies and the nineteen eighties, some notable television drama broadcast on the nation‟s 

media included Mirror in the Sun, Village Headmaster, Masquerade, Samanja and Hotel De Jordan. All 

but Mirror in the Sun in terms of origin reflect Nigeria‟s major geo-political regions i.e. West, East, North 

and South (Midwest). Despite the tribal dichotomy inherent in their sources, their broadcast and appeal 

cut across tribal and regional boundaries. Created by Jonathan Ihonde for Nigerian Television Benin, it 

was a metamorphosis of his initiative in the pioneering of a drama group in 1971 which included artistes 

like Raymond Dokpesi, proprietor of African Independent Television, Monday, now Nosakhare Isekhure, 

the Itsekhure of Benin kingdom and one Pius Oleghe a product of University of Ibadan and   

contemporary of Wole Soyinka.etc. They rehearsed at the defunct Emotan Hotel where they were 

discovered and invited to Nigerian Television Benin by a British man named Mr. Jarvis, the first manager 

of the station who was lodging at the hotel at that time. Owing to the fact that the genesis of the group 

was in a hotel, its name was subsequently influenced, hence, the naming of the programme Hotel De 

Jordan, when they got an outlet in the television. 

 

Thematically, Hotel De Jordan embraced the use of dialogue and song to express societal inequality. It 

portrayed a constant clamour and struggle by the down trodden in the society to extricate themselves from 

the clutches of poverty and despair which the so called `privileged class‟ inflicted on them. Hotel De 

Jordan was a comic satire with hilarious characters like Chief Ajas, Chief Igho and Chief Ugiagbe 

representing the high echelon of the society while at the middle class level were characters like 

Gberegbedegbeun, Casino Manager, Dr. Milo Monroe and Bob Alan the irrepressible Journalist. Coming 

at the rear of the society‟s  ladder were characters like Idemudia, Chief Ajas‟ house boy, Kokori, 

Idemudia‟s friend and a „nobody‟, Usiobaifo, a loafer, barman, Okpetu, The Lord Mayor‟s messenger and 

Gbemwuan a prostitute all engaged in „ordinary occupations‟. Joseph (1993: 35) relating occupation to 

people in the society said that “occupations are indications of social class, sharing with others in that class 

a distinctive way of life in terms of education, diet, dress attitudes and leisure pursuits.” 

As drama is the use of dialogue  and other dramatic medium  to express opinion or convey message on 

stage, Kokori and Idemudia, the singing duo in Hotel De Jordan were effective in the use of this medium 

not only to highlight the plight of the down trodden but as a weapon against oppression. The theme song 

for the series entitled „poor man dey suffer‟ explicitly portrayed the condition of the common man. The 

opening line of the song reads thus: „Poor man dey suffer, monkey dey work, baboon dey chop‟.  The song 

typifies a state of unease and suspicion between the rich and the poor. Used for the opening and closing 

montage, it sets the dominant mood for the series. As in most communities, Jordan city had a head known 

as The Lord Mayor of Jordan. He was the de facto leader with imperial and dictatorial powers. He was 

therefore seen by the average Jordanian as responsible for the society„s progress or misfortune. The 



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nineteen eighties in Nigeria was a period characterized by inflation, lack of infra structural amenities and 

mismanagement of public funds in the midst of the oil boom. This led to wide spread hunger and poverty 

in the society especially among the people of the lower class. Therefore, the Lord Mayor of Jordan 

represented those in the upper echelon of the society seen by the down trodden as responsible for their 

misery. They used the medium of song to highlight their predicament and to call on the Lord Mayor of 

Jordan to do something towards alleviating their plight. According to Okafor (2005),  Human 

reasoning reflects on issues that bother on worthy, noble and meaningful  living in any society. And music 

is, of course, very acceptable as an instrument of  change because people digest it and consume it 

as entertainment while it leaves a mark on the psyche that redirects the person towards new personality, 

towards a new activity (p. 277). 

Most of the songs in Hotel De Jordan reflect the above assertion. We shall consider them one after the 

other in the segment below. 

Song one: Mayor    

Text in Pidgin   Translation 

Mayor put water for wetin you plant o  

You planti tree for house rent 

You planti tree for scatter beer  

Landlord dey cry, tenant dey cry 

Seller dey cry, consumer dey cry 

Kokori dey cry over Jordan 

 

Mayor water your crops 

 You planted trees for house rent 

 You planted trees for scatter beer 

 Landlord is crying, tenant is crying 

 Seller is crying, consumer is crying 

 Kokori is crying over Jordan 

 

 

In spite of his miserable state, the poor man in Hotel De Jordan found respite in hope.  He believed that 

someday his condition would change for good as long as he was focused and hardworking. The song 

below captures this vision 

Song two: Some People  

Text in Pidgin   Translation 

Some people say Idemudia and Kokori no 

go better o 

 Because e godi don maki dem poor but we 

say na lie dem talk 

 Because e godi don make everybody equal 

 Yes we say na lie dem talk o why  

 People like Chief Ajas, Gberegbedegbeun, 

Casino manager 

  And Chief Ugiagbe na dem make life hard 

for all the poor people wey dey for this 

  Jordan city 

  So poor people wey e dey for this Jordan 

city make una no worry, make una still  

  Work hard 

  Because poor man wey e work with him 

hand today, na him get tomorrow 

  Because poor man wey e work with him 

hand today, na him get tomo…rrow 

People have said that it will not be well 

for Idemudia and Kokori 

  Because God has made them poor we 

say it‟s a lie 

  Because God made everybody equal 

  We say it‟s a lie 

  It is the likes of Chief Ajas, 

Gberegbedegbeun, Casino manager 

  And Chief Ugiagbe who have made life 

tough for the poor in this Jordan City 

  However, poor men in this Jordan City 

do not worry, work hard 

  Because it is the hard working poor man 

of today that will own tomorrow 

  Because it is the hard working poor man 

of today that will own tomorrow 

 



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This song was unequivocally, an affront on the rich by the poor and down trodden. It typified the state of 

disharmony and disaffection in the society brought about by the trend of social stratification.  Like the 

previous song, it ended in a bright and hopeful note. The next song bemoaned the plight of the common 

man as he found himself unable to provide adequately for his home due to lack of gainful employment or 

support from the government in the form of loan or social and unemployment benefits. The only option in 

the absence of employment was to become self employed as rubber tappers and truck pushers, a common 

form of self employment for the underprivileged in the society. This sets the timing in the nineteen 

seventies when demand for rubber latex by industries for use in the manufacture of plastics, tyres and 

other related industrial products was high.  This was also the case with truck pushing known in Yoruba 

parlance as „omolanke‟as it was the cheapest and most common means of transportation of goods, farm 

produce and other materials by the masses at that time. The song presents a scenario of abandonment 

because of poverty as he was deserted by his wife for she could no longer cope with the situation. This 

therefore brought to fore a social problem of some sort occasioned by class consciousness as the eloped 

wife was most likely to shun going into further relationship with men in the lower class stratum to avoid a 

recurrent cycle of living in indigence. 

Song three: Ho My Wife 

Text in Pidgin   Translation 

Ho my wife, ho my wife 

Ho my wife, ho my wife  

Ho my wife, ho my wife 

Why can‟t you remember me again?  

 I rolli truck one year 

I tappi rubber so many years  

When money go woman go 

Oh my wife, oh my wife 

Oh my wife, oh my wife 

Oh my wife, oh my wife 

Why can‟t you remember me again?  

 I pushed truck one year 

 I tapped rubber for so many years   

 When money finishes woman goes away  

            

If the axiom, birds of the same feather flock together is anything to go by in this discourse, it was 

probable that the wife, who abandoned her husband due to poverty occasioned by class disadvantage, 

would find it impossible to extricate herself from poverty as she could find the class wall impregnable. 

This is what Tunde Fatunde posits in his play Sweat and Blood, P94 when Kisinger accused Macmillan of 

romancing with blacks and coloured women in apartheid South Africa.  

Kissinger:    But you. Do you believe in racial superiority? 

                    Why did you go to the night club with a female cook? 

                    Even if she is a European cook, I do not expect you to go 

                    out with someone who belongs to an inferior class.     

                    I am disappointed at your behaviour. 

 

 Despite the ravaging effect of frustration on him, the poor man in Hotel De Jordan had been courageous 

in confronting his oppressors. The next song typified by Casino Manager directly affront on them. They 

are ready to fight or beat up any of the perceived oppressor who comes their way. 

Song four:  Casino Manager  

Text in Pidgin 

Casino Manager you dey for trouble 

If you no commot here we go beat you 

Translation 



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Casino Manager, you are in trouble 

If you do not leave here, we will beat you 

 

To the poor man in the city of Jordan all is not lost. Despite their obvious predicament in the society, they 

are hopeful that someday their dreams would come through and they would be freed from the shackles of 

poverty, starvation and hardship engendered by class stratified society. This is the mood in the next song 

below. 

Song five:  My Canoe                              

 Bright is the day today 

 Everything passes away 

 I have nobody to comfort my soul 

 I better paddle my own canoe. 

 

Textual Analysis of Hotel De Jordan Songs  

It may be considered utterly panegyric if not superfluous to say that most traditional Nigerian songs are 

laced with anecdotes, ideophones, proverbs, metaphors, hyperboles etc. It is these attributes that the songs 

of Hotel De Jordan keyed into.   The use of songs and music related activities in correcting societal ills is 

not novel in Africa. For example, Herskovits (1958) cites an instance from West Africa where among the 

Fon of ancient Republic of Benin derisive songs were used to ridicule individuals or groups who offended 

against communal morality. On a similar note, Finnegan (1970: 272) said: “Chopi musicians of 

Mozambique in Africa use the medium of song to criticize and pressurize those in authority.”  While 

talking of song texts, Aluede and Aluede (2011) remark that: 

As one embarks on the textual analysis of songs, one should be mindful of the interplay between 

text and subtext in songs. African melodies have often been described as short and repetitive. 

This view may also go with the words of the melodies that go with them. A researcher who is 

not groomed in the musical traditions of Africa may not be able to elicit any information from 

their songs. 

  While examining critically one of the Esan Ujie songs, they further observe that: 

Uki henlen reveals strong elements of satire. Uki in Esan means the moon and Aghola is the northern 

star‟s illuminating power which is strong when compared to the moon. Of all the celestial illuminants at 

nights, the moon is the brightest. When this song is performed in a procession while passing through the 

compound of those who recently performed in a procession, it means that the present performance is 

heavier in all realms in contrast to theirs in terms of number of wealthy children, audience participation 

and that the performance proficiency of the ensemble is better and superior to any other previously held 

around the locality.  

Mere reading and singing of Hotel de Jordan songs may not make a serious impact on the reader except 

he is versed in the background trajectories of the socio-political quagmire of the epoch within which the 

songs were composed. The theme song illustrates the hardship in the country arising from exploitation. 

Exploitation is a very common tendency in the country and it is the cause of wide spread poverty among 

the people as they are often paid wages below their capacity output. Baboon here refers to the exploitative 

employer while monkey refers to the exploited workers.  In song one, Mayor was advised to water his 

crops.  In this song, the poor man is calling on the government to ameliorate the impact of inflation on the 

society because her policies have resulted in increase in house rent and consumer products making life 

difficult for all the citizens. Scatter beer here refers to the fact that as a result of inflation, the dream to 

hang out with friends while drinking beer has been dashed.  The proletariat are left with nothing than to 

resort to cheap alcohol (Ogogoro) which the poor man consumes in order to drown his misery. This cheap 



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drink is known to be very high in alcoholic content and so highly injurious to human health. 

 Song two speaks about the inequality in the country which has almost become an order. On the other 

hand, the masses that are at the receiving end of this social malaise are encouraged not to accept their fate. 

This is done by relying on the order of equality established by God. It therefore calls on the poor people 

in the society to be courageous and hardworking because it is only through these that they can be 

liberated. In song three, the poor man is bemoaning the attitude of women in the society who fail to stand 

by their husbands when things are no longer going well. Here, the poor man decries his misfortune as he 

finds to his chagrin that his wife has abandoned him because he could no longer cater for her needs. 

Literarily, one may see this song from a simple perspective of just divorce. The divorce here is as a result 

of joblessness, collapse in economy which the government and her agents are responsible for. For 

example, when salaries are paid in arrears, retrenchment and job insecurity are noticed everywhere, the 

problem is government‟s. 

In song four, we find that the patience of the poor man has run out and therefore, he is ready to take the 

law into his hands by physically assaulting the rich who they believe is the cause of their predicament, 

song five encourages the poor man not to be disillusioned in the face of present hardship but rather to be 

strong and self dependent.  

Effectiveness of Songs as Tools against Social Stratification 

The effectiveness of songs as tools against social stratification can only be measured within the parameter 

of their uses and goal in the programme. In the first instance Hotel De Jordan is a satirical comedy. 

According to Aristotle, art is a matter of representation, and comedy is an imitation of worst men. Dasylva 

(2004) writes that:  

Comedy is a term loosely used, and generally applied to a wide range of dramatic writings. As a 

form of drama, comedy is concerned with man‟s relation to society and deals with experience 

rather suitable than questionable….  He categorizes comedy into two: high and low comedy. 

These can further be expanded into comedy of manner, humours and intrigue (p. 57). 

Hotel the Jordan falls within the genre of comedy of humours. This is dependent on how the playwright 

presents his characters. He however remarks the danger in this form of comedy as it has the tendency to 

trivialize serious matter due to its farcical nature. He observes a link between comedy of manner and 

comedy of character as both suggest ethics and moral actions. 

Although the programme had attracted a lot of viewers and was very topical at the time of its broadcast, 

one must however not be misled into thinking that the programme was very effective in ameliorating the 

plight of the common man. This was due to its hilarious tendency which undermined seriousness in the 

height of hilarity. The veracity of this assertion could be hinged on the fact that throughout the duration of 

the programme, there was never a noticeable change in the condition of the common man in Hotel De 

Jordan less the lager society which it represented. Neither did Idemudia have his condition changed from 

that of knickers wearing houseboy who was frequently shouted upon and taunted by his maverick boss 

Chief Ajas, nor Kokori, a loafer nor was jester able to rise above his state despite singing themselves to 

hoarse. Rather, they were seen by their audiences and masters as comic figures of some sort relevant in 

aiding them to get over the tension and pressure of their day to day activity. In other words their comic 

disposition further empowered or enhanced the capacity of their subjugators to suppress them. This is the 

irony of Hotel De Jordan which Andrew Gamble (1988:5) described in a phrase as “those more directly 

at the receiving end.” The poor man in Hotel De Jordan is at the receiving end and his method of 

expressing his plight through his comic posture only seemed to exacerbate his condition as he was most 

often not taken seriously rather his antics were regarded as an elixir. 

Another factor which tended to downplay the plight of the common man in Hotel De Jordan was the 

factor of the sub dramatic element of stock character an established and accepted dramatic rite in the 



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ritual of play wrighting relied upon by playwrights as a tool in the construction of plays. According to 

Abraham (1984:185) stock character is described as “types that recur repeatedly in a particular literary 

genre, and are so recognizable as part of the Conventions of the form.” This definition locates the stock 

character as an unchanging entity and in this capacity is recognized and identified ad infinitum. 

 The implication of stock characterization in drama is that as drama is dependent on the use of characters 

to develop plot and unfold meaning through dialogue, it therefore implies that a stock character is a 

character endowed with an unchanging, permanent or balanced ethos which he must uphold at all times 

and must be identified with in the course of the play. This is probably the aspect of dramatic flaw not only 

inherent in the programme but in dramatic studies i.e. the irreversibility of stock characterization. Other 

stock characters such as Usiobaifo and Okpetu who fall within the category of the common man did not 

have their conditions improved either throughout the play. This was not because they did not struggle 

enough, or cry loud enough, or even work hard enough but because their characters had been so created, 

established and stocked up by the playwright. In this circumstance, nothing could be done to change their 

destinies within the span of the play. 

Conclusion  

 In this paper, we have attempted to show that songs can be used to express a state or condition of a 

people. In it also we examined how societal stratification can be used as a tool for divisive relationship in 

the society. While showing how societal stratification perpetuates affluence and poverty in the society, 

this paper pontificates the essence of songs as a tool for enlightenment and entertainment, especially 

through comedy. The authors hold the opinion that presenting serious and topical issues comically has its 

associated adverse effects. Hence, they observe that in such a process, seriousness is lost and the desired 

goal compromised. To avert these, moderate use of comedy is thus suggested in the presentation of 

critical matters be it for the screen or the stage. 

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