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MUSIC IN KÁLÁḆÀRÌ TRADITIONAL FUNERAL RITES 

 

Osakpamwan Isaac Ibude 

Department of Music, 

University of Port Harcourt, 

 

ABSTRACT 

Ḏụẹịn-ḏíḇí-a númè (Funeral rites music) in Káláḇàrì culture is a final honour for the dead and 

status symbol for the living. It is performed for titled men, elders, members of Èkìnè society 

and other socio-cultural clubs. Although Ḏụẹịn-ḏíḇí-a númè occupies an important position 

in Káláḇàrì culture, yet no musicological studies exist in terms of structure, significance and 

documentation as its traditional forms are on the decline. Ethnographic research design was 

adopted and data were collected from three Local Government Areas: Asari-Toru, Akuku-

Tori and Degema that make up the Káláḇàrì of Rivers State. Participant Observation, In-

depth Interview and Key Informant techniques were used in data collection. Performance of 

Ḏụẹịn-ḏíḇí-a númè which is categorised into four is event specific, contextual and rooted in 

Káláḇàrì belief systems. This paper concludes that musical performance at funerals 

engenders socialization and spiritual bonding in Káláḇàrì celebration of life after life. 

Key words:      Káláḇàrì music, Funeral rites, Káláḇàrì culture, Performance practice.  

 

INTRODUCTION  

Music in traditional African societies is organized around social, religious and political 

events during which individuals, as well as members of a group within the community, come 

together for activities like recreation, performance of rites, festivals and collective activities 

like clearing paths, putting out fires and so on (Nketia, 1974: 21). Burial ceremony in Africa 

is perceived as a rite performed by the living for the dead.  Life does not end with death but 

continues in another realm. Death does not end the life or personality of an individual but is 

merely a change of „state‟. The concepts of „life‟ and „death‟ are not mutually exclusive 

because the goal of life is to become an ancestor after death (Anderson, 2007:1). This 

explains why persons who die are given befitting and appropriate burial accompanied by 

religious rituals and ceremonies involving music and dance. The African concept of burial 

has however been altered through wide spread secularization, urbanization, Christianization 

and Islamization. In recent times, the activities of the militants in the Niger Delta area have 

further altered the concept of death and burial in the culture, especially the music used for its 

celebrations. Against the foregoing background, this study documented the context of 

performance, categories and structures of funeral music (Ḏúéín-ḏíḇí-a númé) especially its 

traditional forms among the Káláḇàrì of the Niger Delta.  

 

The Káláḇàrì of the Niger Delta are a group of people whose musical culture has not received 

much attention in terms of research. They live in the Eastern Niger Delta of Rivers State. 

According to Horton (1969), there are twenty villages that are broadly Káláḇàrì in language 

Awka Journal of Research in Music and the Arts (AJRMA) Vol. 9 2013 



141 

 

and culture; three other villages are partially or minimally acculturated into Káláḇàrì and 

three large towns derived from the nineteenth century Káláḇàrì metropolis. In addition, there 

are dozens of fishing camps and two plantation settlements that are seen as work-places 

rather than home bases. Linguistically according to Jenewari (1991), they are classified under 

the great block of Ijo-speaking sub-group exemplified by their dialect and culture. Alagoa 

(1972) states that each village is made up of a number of descent-groups, whose founding 

ancestors are generally seen as unrelated to each other and are thought to have come from 

different directions to converge at the present site. Around the early eighteenth century in the 

Káláḇàrì metropolis, there were more than seven groups, all claiming separate origin and 

some level of autonomy (Alagoa, 1972:135). Therefore, the basis of identity of the Káláḇàrì 

before the pre-Atlantic Trade is a culture common to all its members which is distinct in 

every way from that of their neighbours. 

 

The basic concern of this study is to investigate music associated with funeral rites in 

Káláḇàrì kingdom spread over Ásárí-Tọru, Ákúkú-Tọru and Dègèmà Local Government 

areas in Rivers State. These communities share the same language, traditional belief and 

culture. Ḏụẹịn-ḏíḇi-a númè (music in funeral rites) associated with all the stages of funeral 

rites in both traditional and non-traditional settings for men and women, chiefs and heads of 

compounds were discussed. 

 

However, the research location does not cover the entire Káláḇàrì towns, villages and fishing 

settlements because of its expanse. The study was restricted mainly to Búgúmà, Abónnémà, 

Bákánà and five other settlements comprising Àbàlàmà, Ìdọ, Mínàmá, Sòkú and Ìlèlímà 

spread over the three Local Government Areas. Búgúmà was chosen for the following 

reasons: being the home land of the Ámányánáḇọ of Káláḇàrì Kingdom, it harbours three of 

the major shrines in Káláḇàrì; the shrine of Ówámékàsó the tutelary deity of the Káláḇàrì, the 

ancestral shrines dedicated to the spirit of the dynastic founder Amakiri, and the shrine of 

Èkìnèḇa, patroness of the Èkìnè Sẹkịapụ cult. In addition, it is one of the three daughter 

settlements (Búgúmà, Abónnémà, and Bákánà) of the former trading state of Káláḇàrì. 

Àbàlàmà, Mínàmá and Sòkú are villages chosen for the study of Ìkpàtàkà Dògí a traditional 

funeral rite rarely practised in Káláḇàrì; Idọ being one of the settlements like others that was 

not initially Káláḇàrì but fully assimilated and imbibed Káláḇàrì culture.  

 

There exist a considerable body of published materials on aspects of Káláḇàrì culture and 

society such as language, history, economy, socio-political organization, religious belief and 

rituals (Alagoa 1967, 1968; Da-Wariboko 1991, 2002; Erekosima 1973; Horton 1960, 1962, 

1963, 1969, 1991a, 1991b; Jenewari 1991; Jones 1963; Alagoa, 1967, 1968; Erekosima, 

1973; Ndimele and Williamson, 2002; Tasie 1978; Wariboko, 1997, 2007). Such materials, 

however, has so far been notably devoid of any extended work on the performance aspect of 

Káláḇàrì funeral rites and their associated music. It was to address this deficiency that this 

study paid attention to funeral rites from the perspective of performance and performance 

practices as well as documentation of the various categories of Ḏụịẹn-ḏíḇí-a númé which is 

gradually fading out. The study therefore addressed the dearth of information on the types, 

categories of funeral rites and associated music, practitioners and their recruitment, the 

importance as well as form and structure of music in Káláḇàrì funeral rites. 



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Types of death 

The psychological and emotional trauma the bereaved experience as a result of the death of a 

loved one, the general reaction of the community shaped by their worldview of death and age 

of the deceased at the time of death, informs the categorization of death into sí fì
1
 („bad‟ 

death): death of children and those resulting from specific sicknesses, witchcraft, and sorcery 

as well as death resulting from over indulgence in food and drinks are termed bad death. 

Some of these deaths are mourned, but it is not fitting for them to lie in state or have their 

lives celebrated and íḇí fì („good‟ death): death of a man or a woman at the age of sixty and 

above. Death at a good old age is in most cases happily celebrated, as it is believed that the 

deceased had achieved success in life and had been called away by the ancestors at a ripe 

age. The funeral ceremonies are extensive, requiring pre-burial wake-keeping and post-burial 

dances accorded the deceased.  

 

 Funeral rites for an elder whose death is classified as a good death is carried out within 

twelve days beginning from Wednesday of the first week through Sunday of the third week 

for thanksgiving in church by immediate family members who attend the church. Musical 

and dance performances take place before, during and after interment of the deceased. Four 

places of burial in both aquatic (Àrịàpú-sìbí-kòò and Nọjị,) and terrestrial (Ḏụẹịn-ḏíḇí-pírí, 

and Àbbí Àmà) environment were identified for those who die the bad or good death.  

 

Categorization of Funeral rites music  
 Ḏụịẹn-ḏíḇí-a númè (funeral rite music) is categorized into Ákwá (instrumental music), Ògbò 

ḇẹ númè (choral music) with instrumental accompaniment, Ḏụịẹn-dúu-a númè (a cappella 

dirges and chants) and Sẹkị númè (dance music) which were further grouped into ritual, semi-

ritual and non-ritual music. These categories cover the full range of rites which include music 

performed at the commencement of the funeral rite and continue for two to five days before 

the arrival of the corpse; music performed during a series of lying in state of the corpse, and 

other musical types associated with dance and theatrical performance accorded the dead for 

another seven days after the interment.  

 

Ákwá (Instrumental Music) Instrumental music refers to musical type communicated 

through verbal language non-vocally on instruments. Traditional instruments like the Íkíríkó, 

Ókóró, Àkùmà, Àkánkpò, Àkùsà, Álílí, Boboye and Ọbọ are used as speech surrogate 

instruments to communicate during performances. They approximate various levels of 

primary and secondary speech tones within Káláḇàrì tonal language. During funeral rites two 

instrumental ensembles identified are Kúkú fárí used to accompany non-vocal choreographed 

dance steps and Ókóró fárí used at the installation and funeral of chiefs, king and their late 

mother.  

 

Ókóró fárí music at funeral is performed by four different musicians in an ensemble of 

Ókóró (wooden slit drums) of various sizes and one Boboye (membrane drum). There is 

interplay of call-and-response between the Ópútóní fáríḇọ (Lead drummer) and the other 

three assistants leading to a complex rhythm. The largest Ókóró in the ensemble is a 

melorhythmic
2
 as well as a percussive

3
 instrument. It is used to communicate and discuss 



143 

 

with the spirits, ancestors, and the immediate audience who understand the drum language 

different from everyday Káláḇàrì language spoken by the people. The Ókóró mother drum 

apart from communicating coded messages serves as culture symbol. In this way it is 

deployed as a sacred instrument used to usher the deceased into ancestorhood. Only males 

are allowed to play and dance to the music of Ókóró fárí ensemble while females observe the 

performance from a distance over a period of six days after interment on the previous 

Saturday. 

 

 
Plate 1.  Ókóró fárí ensemble performing at a funeral in Búgúmà 

 

Ògbò ḇẹ númè (Choral music) these are songs performed by male and female singers either 

in single (males or females) or mixed (males and females) ensembles. Songs, especially the 

texts, which communicate divers themes, occupy a major part in both traditional and 

Christian funeral rites among the Káláḇàrì. They are accompanied by dance performance and 

instruments such as drums, clappers and bells. However, the focus of such performance is the 

song rendered during funeral as the dance movements are unregulated. Wámìnà Álábò Ò Sò 

Mùté (Our Chief Has Gone to Heaven) is a typical example of ìgìrà sará númè performed 

during the opening rites at the funeral of a chief or one who dies at an old age.  

 

 These songs require a limited number of instruments like a drum (Bóboye) and a bell or a 

pair of wooden clappers (Kpọkpọ) which provide the supper structure as the songs are 



144 

 

performed. Ámábọrọ númè requires the same range of instrumental accompaniment at the 

end of funeral rite performance for an elder. The performance techniques of both types of 

songs differ in style. While ìgìrà sàrá númè is performed by youths in boisterous manner as 

if hell is let loose signifying the death and commencement of funeral rite of a chief, the 

Ámábọrọ númè is performed by everyone in the war canoe house in a procession by both 

young and old dressed in traditional attire signifying a successful completion of the funeral 

rite for a chief or an elder in the compound. An example is Òrì Nà Mú (Accompany Him). 

 

 

Ḏụẹịn-ḏúú-a númè (A cappella dirges and chants) Chants in the Káláḇàrì culture are 

mostly performed during funerals by women who are wives, daughters and close relatives of 

the deceased. They are expected to eulogize the dead with their compositions performed in 

non-stanzaic declamatory style. Such performances are done during ḏụẹịn-ḇọrọma when the 

body is lying-in-state and after interment. This performance of chants and dirges by widows 

lead to ḏínkrámá. Yéhì Ì mìnáḇọ meaning „O! My Brother‟ is an example of a chant rendered 

extemporaneously by the elder sister of late Chief S.O. PrinceWill while he was lying-in-

state. Performance of chants is in form of verbal expressions (like recitatives) intoned in a 

manner that combines musical effect with pitch variation at three levels: low, medium and 

high. Introductory parts are rendered in high tones, while low and medium pitches are used 

within the body of the chants.  

                                    Yéhì Ì mìnáḇọ 

  Yéhì Ì mìnáḇọ Íwòrìsóté mo?                      

  Tòmì kírí ó mínì éríarí-o?                           

  S.O.tárí-álábò Ì mìnáḇọ Íwòrìsóté?                                                              

  Tòmì kírí ó mínì éríarí-o?                            

  S.O. àrì Í sínárí-o, ítàngà mú mò?                                                               

  Ì mìnáḇọ àrì Í sínárí-o!                              

  Tòmì kírí ó mínì éríarí                               



145 

 

  S.O. Ì ḏìḇì tè Sòàrí                                                                                       

  À kpàràkí te owúare-o!                           

Translation  

              O my brother have you left me behind? 

   The world (people) are you watching? 

              S.O. you‟re a chief, my brother, have you left me behind? 

              The world (people) are you watching? 

   S.O. I‟m calling you, where are you going? 

   My brother, I am calling you 

   The world (people) are you watching? 

              S.O. you were to bury me, now you are going 

   I am kneeling down and crying 

 

Ì da árụ meaning „My Father‟s Canoe‟ is a dirge performed at the lying-in-state of the late 

father of the performer as an obligation on her part and an honour for the deceased.  

 

Ì dà árụ anịe yọngọ sịn       My father‟s canoe is strong and prestigious 

Dọkụ àrì apụ emi-ye           Filled with paddlers 

Nḏọkụ kụma árụ ḇu soa-a  They paddle with skill in the mangrove creeks  

 

The dirge eulogizes the strength and wealth of the late father which qualified him to be 

installed as a chief. A traditional war canoe had thirty paddlers (usually warriors) who were 

under the leadership and full responsibility of the owner. The ability to maintain and sustain a 

war canoe was a criterion for installation as a chief.  

 

Sẹkí númè (Dance Music) dance music is performed to accompany dance. The performace 

is called Sìrì tí (performance at the arena) which attracts spectators at the arena and 

sometimes involves choreographed dance movements. Such performances can be 

accompanied or unaccompanied by musical instruments. Songs and dance movements 

performed without the full compliments of musical instruments make use of Bárá farí ye 

(hand clappers) to generate appropriate rhythm for the dance. In Kúkú-fárí performance at 

Ḏín krámá ti or Ìria páká, attention is given to the dance movements performed by both male 

and female in response to rhythm of songs and the drums. Selected dancers led by Ìrìabọ-

iyingiḇọ or Govina (choreographer) and the Kúkú fáríḇọ (Lead drummer) communicate the 

rhythms of the various dance movements and the ìrià pú (female dancers) and ówú (male 

dances) respond appropriately to the leading of the Ìrìabọ-iyingiḇọ. Everyone, including 

guests and musicians, are involved in sìrì tí (singing and dancing) at the sìrì kú (performance 

arena) in the compound square, to the admiration of the entire community. A typical example 

of dance music is Igirigi kẹ O Tubọ Ḇẹḇára meaning „Dew told his child‟ used to 

accompanying Ìria (choreographed) dance steps during Ìria páká. 



146 

 

 

   Igirigi kẹ O tubọ ḇẹḇára     Dew told his child, 

  Áwọ iyi me ḇẹrẹ síbí-a        to have children is not the issue, 

  Ḏìkì kpaima kịngẹ               But taking good care of them 

  

Musicians and Performance Practice  

Music in funeral rites (Ḏụẹịn-ḏíḇi-a númè) and performance among the Káláḇàrì does not 

only depend on the musical demands brought about by activities and events during funerals, 

but also to a large extent on its organization of participants in terms of performance of rites 

and ceremonies involving music and dance. Nketia (1974: 35) identifies two major types of 

performing groups in indigenous African society: spontaneous or organized groups which are 

autonomous and those made up of professional musicians usually attached to traditional 

institutions. Spontaneous music is usually produced by a group of people who come together 

to perform a type of music prescribed for a specific occasion. 

 

Musicians belonging to spontaneous music group in the performance of Ḏụẹịn-ḏíḇi-a númè 

are formed by young people of the same age group who are not in any formerly organised 

association. They voluntarily come together from different póló in the community to perform 

Ìgìrà sàrá music in response to the performance need of the music at the opening rite during 

the funeral of an elder who was a chief. A second type of spontaneous music group is made 

up of males and females of different ages from the deceased‟s póló performing Ámábọrọ 

songs at the closing funeral rite of a chief. These spontaneous musical groups are non-

professional singers, motivated by community sentiments and by their reciprocal obligation 

in the event-music occasioned by the passing away of a chief.      

 

Organized music clubs and cults perform during funeral rites on invitation by non-members 

and also at the funeral rite of members. The groups comprising members of clubs and Èkìnè 

cult are led by recognized professional musician within Káláḇàrì culture. Some professional 

Ḏụẹịn-ḏíḇi-a númè musicians among many others are Mr. Isobo David West, Mrs. Gladys 

Harry and Mr. Sasime Barango Tariah. The performance and performance practice of Ḏụẹịn-

ḏíḇi-a númè is closely associated with age, sex and status of the deceased as informed by the 

tradition and belief system of the people. The venue and time of performance of the four 

categories of funeral rite music earlier discussed is determined by social, political, and 

religious attainment by the deceased when alive. The venue of performance for any type of 

music is context based and therefore cannot be performed anywhere else. In most cases 

designated rooms (ẹdẹ), compound square and specially decorated canoes for titled men are 

prepared for performance during funeral rites. According to Ekine (2010) pre and post 

performance are observed by elders in the family, mourners and musicians before, during and 

after the actual performance of funeral rite music.  

 



147 

 

Recruitment and Training of Musicians  

Music education in indigenous African societies is both oral and practical in orientation 

(Nzewi, 2007). Among the Káláḇàrì, there are no musicians‟ family as found in some other 

indigenous African societies; however training is achieved through giving of instruction at 

intervals, participatory observation, imitation and rote learning from their teacher (Omibiyi, 

1975). Trainee becomes proficient in performance on the instruments according to S.B. 

Tariah, I. DavidWest and G. Harry (key informants) through observation of professionals 

during rehearsals and performances. It takes many years of training to master the intonation 

and proficiency on the instruments especially the drums used for non-verbal communication 

during funerals. 

Observation during field work reveal that trainees are enlisted in two ways: first, parents 

come with their children to the performer-composer who is either a master drummer or 

choreographer-vocalist to be trained. Second, professionals enlist their trainees when they 

discovered hidden talents in them through observing them playing empty cans improvised 

into drums while the other children were dancing in the cool of the evening. Having 

discovered these talents, they sort permission from their parents to release them for training 

in the art of drumming. 

Musical Instruments 
Musical instruments used by the Káláḇàrì at funerals reveal to some extent the vegetation, 

mineral resources exploited for the production, cross-cultural interaction and exchange with 

other ethnic groups around them. According to Sachs and Hornbostel (1961: 42) who 

categorized world musical instruments into four; membranophone, idiophone, aerophone, 

and chordophone, only three of these four categories are used in Ḏụẹịn-ḏíḇi-a númè by 

Káláḇàrì. These are membranophones, idiophones and idiophonic-aerophone.  These 

traditional instruments occupy a very important place in traditional Káláḇàrì worship of the 

ancestors and other deities. The most common are the wooden and membrane talking drums 

which comprise the Íkíríkó, Ókóró, Àkùmà, Àkánkpò, Àkùsà, Álílí, Boboye and Ọbọ. Among 

the membranophone is the Àkùmà (Plate 2), Álílí (Plate 3), Bóboye (Plate 4) are used alone or 

in ensemble with other instruments.  

 



148 

 

 

 

Plate 2: Àkùmà                                           Plate 3: Álílí 

                             

                                Plate 4: Bóboye 

The idiophones are the most common in various sizes beginning with the biggest Íkíríkó 

(Plate 5), Nkòrò (Plate 6), Ókóró (Plate 7), and the smallest Kpọkpọ (Plate 8). The Ókóró is 

strictly used for the installation and the funeral rite of a chief or the King. 

 



149 

 

                 
  Plate 5: Íkíríkó                                                        Plate 6: Nkòrò 

 

          
               Plate 7: Ókóró                                                     Plate 8: Kpọkpọ 

The third category of instruments used during funeral rites is the idiophonic-aerophone which 

produces sound by means of the vibration of air through striking the mouth of the pot with a 

fan like material made with foam. Kúkú (Plate 9) is made from clay and in recent times they 

  

                                                   Plate 9: Kúkú 



150 

 

are made with sand and cement as well as metals. Four to seven water pots of different sizes 

produce graded pitch levels, which make the ensemble a composite keyboard musical 

instrument. In Káláḇàrì culture, the categories and types of music performed serve both 

religious and social-political functions. Music is made to appreciate, appease, placate and 

invoke divinity. Worship periods in shrines and churches are characterised by music and 

dance. The age, sex, status and contextual considerations dictate the categories and types of 

music as well as appropriate musical instruments required for celebrating the transition of a 

Káláḇàrì.  

Understanding Song Text 

Káláḇàrí song texts are the most reliable instruments for interpreting its culture by outsiders 

and some insiders as expressed through its music, dance and theatrical performances. Human 

behaviour according to Merriam (1964) as it relates to music can be better understood 

through song text. The theme of songs according to Nketia (1975) within a community or 

social group usually centres on events or issues of common interest and concern.  

Furthermore, Akpabot (1998) explained that in Africa, the text of a song is more important 

than the tune; and that the complexity of song text is a reflection of the society and can be 

used to evaluate or categorize a community‟s experience as either egalitarian or stratified.  

 

According to Akpabot (1998:75) “a singer takes great liberty with the text of a song [during 

performance and] uses metaphors, proverbs, archaic expressions and cryptic utterances.” 

Such songs Nzewi (2007:148) posited “could be logogenic or philosophical, pragmatic and 

social rationalizations of the sense and meaning of music.” Káláḇàrí according to Jenewari 

(1991:20) is a tonal language. Therefore, Káláḇàrí uses small range determined by the tonal 

inflections of the language. The use of small range of tones determined by the tonal 

inflections of the language is in line with Káláḇàrí aesthetic principle which requires the 

communication of meaning and ideas of the text in both vocal and instrumental music. The 

range of vocal tunes in the culture does not exceed an octave guided by the philosophy of all 

inclusiveness as exemplified in songs performed during ìgìrà sàrá and especially ámábọrọ 

which involves all age groups of the war canoe house.  

 

Among traditionalist, funeral song text are shaped and drawn from Káláḇàrì myths, 

philosophy of life, belief system, and worship of free spirits (tẹmẹ) such as the village heroes 

(órú), the water people (ówú) and the ancestors (ḏụẹịn). These tẹmẹs are complementary to 

one another and together provide an explanation for everything that goes on in Káláḇàrì. 

Ritual song texts during funeral rites are used in ancestral and non-ancestral worship. The 

delivery of funeral song texts are communicated in two ways; via instrumental medium as 

verbal non-vocal performance as exemplified in ókóró fárí and vocal delivery accompanied 

or unaccompanied with musical instruments. 

 

Among the Káláḇàrì Christians, song texts used at funerals are drawn from Bible stories and 

their Christian experience as followers of Jesus Christ. The themes of texts are divers. They 

are mostly evangelistic, calling people to repent by using biblical characters like father 

Abraham, Paul and Silas, and most especially Jesus Christ through whom according to 

informants; the dead can be brought back to life on the day of resurrection. Other themes 



151 

 

expressed in the texts are, attributes of God, praise and worship, victory over sin and death, 

and the coming of Christ to take those who believe in Him to heaven.  Findings show that the 

textual content of Ḏụẹịn-ḏíḇi-a númè was based on five themes: praise for supernatural and 

human personalities, lamentations, prayers and scriptural teachings.  The application of nine 

different communication techniques in its lyrics revealed rich literally corpus that 

characterise funeral music.  

 

Musical form 

Structurally solo musical form occupies a major part in Káláḇàrí funeral rite. Ḏụẹịn-duu-a 

númé is an original song composed and performed unaccompanied by several people; the 

wives, children and close relative during the lying in state of the deceased. A typical example 

of a solo form is shown below.  

 

 
 

Responsorial form is the most common structural form used in Káláḇàrì funeral music. This 

form allows for interaction between the chorus and the lead singer or soloist in a call and 

response style. This form is performed in several ways. The most common type is when a 

phrase is sung by the lead singer the chorus responding with exactly the same phrase. A 

second type is when the lead singer takes up the song; the chorus joins by responding to the 

call. The text in each of the calls is different and the chorus responds appropriately as shown 

in the example below: 

 

 
In addition, it is characterised by an unequal phrase for the solo-call which has a shorter 

phrase than the chorus. On the other hand, short call and a short response is another type of 

responsorial form shown in the example below:  

 



152 

 

 

In the song Wamna ‘labo, there is an equal balance in both phrases despite the difference in 

the text. Though, the cantor and the chorus do not sing the same text, the time for 

performance of each role is equal. Other types in the responsorial form are call and chorus 

refrain pattern, call and refrain as well as mixed structural patterns.   

 

Repetition is one of the basic structural features in Káláḇàrí funeral music. According to 

Nzewi (2012:10), it is an „intentional, proactive, strictly repeated short thematic idiom‟ used 

in solo or ensemble performance. Repetition of a whole song is performed exactly the way it 

was sung by the soloist. It helps to lengthen the performance, emphasize the text without 

variation in content and speed and helps possess the mind. The song Krímkrím íkíkà is a two 

phrased structure AB. It is performed once by the lead singer and is repeated several times by 

the chorus.     

 

 
  

Another technique of performance is the repetition of a line or a phrase. This type of 

repetition is prominent in certain call and chorused refrain. This is exemplified in the song 

Òpúdà àrù performed as part of the funeral song during a canoe regatta.  

 

 
The chorused refrain is different in the use of short phrases of one or two words continuously 

repeated to a level during performance that the soloist only need to hum his line and the 

chorus keeps repeating the refrain. This type of performance psychologically helps to focus 

the men (thirty of them) as they display on the sea while paddling the canoe.  

 

Internal variation of a recycled short theme is another micro formal device used in Káláḇàrì 

funeral songs. It is different from repetition in that it commands consistent and holistic 

alteration of the rhythm, tonal and pitches thereby creating a cumulative effect that excites 

the performer and listeners. An example of a song which made use of internal variation form 

is Ìbàláfà-a. The theme from which internal variation is achieved is made up of three short 

phrases with a descending melodic line in the key of F. The rhythm made use of dotted eight 

and quarter notes, sixteenth note and a semi breve at the end of the phrase. 

                     a                            b                      c 



153 

 

 
 

The first two phrases are sung by the soloist and the chorus responds by joining in the third 

phrase (See Appendix 6 for the entire song).  

 
 

Internal variation is achieved through the recycled short theme phrase c.  Deliberate 

alteration was carried out first on the text, by the addition of four other words má o bouri 

ófóriyé meaning „nothing will make me afraid‟ performed as máobo’ri-ófóriyé. Secondly, the 

use of a different rhythmic motif (syncopated use of double and triple dotted sixteenth and 

thirty-second notes) by the vocal ensemble and thirdly, the performance of the phrase éḇáláfa 

máobo’ri-ófóriyé at two different pitches:  interval of a 4
th

 and 5
th

 above the tonic note F. The 

ensemble sings in harmony at an interval of a 3
rd

 and 6
th

 apart between the three voices while 

the soloist sings and improvises on the melody resulting in a mosaic of sound which is 

holistic. Findings show that composers of funeral music employ various compositional 

devices such as, repetition, internal variation, overlapping, contrast and improvisation in the 

development of their music. 

 

Funeral, Church Policies and Militancy 

Christian groups and denominations over time in the Niger Delta have put in place various 

policies to regulate the funeral rites accorded their members. According to Batubo (2010), 

three major issues have shaped the policies adopted by Christian groups in the area which are 

doctrinal, economic and especially with the security of lives and properties in the 

community. These have become necessary in order to avoid syncretism, delay in burying 

their dead, going into poverty after funerals by the deceased family, and to give their 

deceased members the last respects despite insecurity brought about by the activities of the 

militants in the Niger Delta. These policies have brought about changes in funeral music 

creativity; presentation forms and performance practices among Káláḇàrì. 

 



154 

 

Among Anglicans of the Niger Delta Diocese funerals of their late members must be carried 

out within twenty eight days from when the information of death reaches the Church elders. 

Non-compliance means that the church will not take part in the funeral. Furthermore, the 

church buries only those who are baptised, confirmed and have been involved in the life of 

the church and denomination before their death. During the funeral, the “day vigil” is 

organised on Saturday for about two hours, selected hymns and choruses are performed in 

praise of God while the corpse is lying in state. The series of lying in state as required by the 

tradition where children and wives of the deceased sing specially composed songs in praise 

of the dead and founding ancestors of the compound is highly discouraged and termed 

ancestral worship (Soberekon, 2010).  

 

Other Christian groups like the Baptists and Pentecostals require one to three months within 

which the funeral must be carried out. Their members are prohibited from performing 

traditional funeral rites for their dead before, during and after the interment of the corpse. 

This has resulted in some form of antagonism between the traditionalists and Christians as 

most of the women and younger generation are refusing to perform the traditional funeral 

rites which are against their Christian belief. This has affected creativity and the amount of 

traditional music generated at funerals. 

 

For the departed, death is a transition and a rite of passage lavishly celebrated through 

farewell and befitting funeral rites by the Káláḇàrì. It is taken as a project involving the 

immediate family, war canoe house and community depending on the status of the deceased. 

Sometimes the funeral of an elder is delayed for years because the children are raising money 

to build a befitting house for the dead and to take care of other ceremonies before the date is 

fixed. After such celebrations some individuals go bankrupt and never recover from poverty 

which leads to untimely death. This informed the time frame put in place by Christian groups 

to curtail as well as help their members avoid lavish spending during funerals (Batubo, 

2010).   

However, some other Christian groups like The African Church and Christ Army Church do 

not have legislation on the time frame within which a funeral should be done. Members are 

allowed to bury their dead in line with the traditions of the land. After the entire ceremonies 

they come to church on Sunday, the second weekend after the interment for thanksgiving. 

 

 In addition to participating in the burial, a memorial service is organised one year later by 

the bereaved family. Memorial services in the African Church are a demonstration of 

traditional belief in life after death and a proof that the deceased must be placated through 

their remembrance to avoid their wrath and incur their blessings. It is an occasion for lavish 

spending, much eating and drinking during when the church choir performs songs and dirges 

specially composed for the occasion. Sometimes these services are fixed on Saturdays to 

allow for more participation by relations, friends and well wishers. Memorial service is a 

great source of income for the church and the officiating ministers who demand as of right, 

one-third of the proceeds in accordance with the constitution of the church.  

 

In the late twentieth century, the church in Niger Delta area began to experience attacks from 

misguided youths during wake-keeping at funerals. According to an informant who attended 



155 

 

a wake keeping ceremony in one of the communities in Asari-Toru Local Government Area 

in 2001, he ran to save his life from sporadic shooting by militant groups who invaded the 

compound at about 1:00am in the night leaving two persons dead and many injured. The 

militants are mainly unemployed youths disengaged by the political class and dumped as 

political thugs after the 1999, 2003 and 2007 elections to high offices at the three levels of 

government: Local Council, State and Federal Government. The situation grew worse when 

rival groups rose against one another in order to assert their supremacy in the region.      

 

During this period many fled and deserted their homes and communities for up to two years. 

Socio-cultural, religious and economic activities at sea, creeks, communities and Local 

Government headquarters came to a halt. The spate of armed robbery, rape, extortion, 

kidnapping of foreign nationals who were staff of oil companies in the region were on the 

increase. Furthermore, kidnapping of foreigners later snowballed into kidnapping of 

Nigerians for personal gains, vandalisation and stealing oil from pipe lines. This situation 

which became a threat to national security necessitated the militarization of the Niger Delta 

region by the Federal government in order to restore peace to the region. 

 

The intervention of the Federal Government, among other measures by sending the military 

to crack down on militants in the region, brought stability; and people started returning to 

their villages and communities. Curfew was put in place from 10:00pm to 6:00am and all 

forms of gatherings; social, political, cultural or religious, were prohibited at night for many 

years. The subsequent pronouncement of the Amnesty programme in 2009 by the Federal 

Government for the Niger Delta Militants has brought some peace to the region. The 

performance of funeral rites in Káláḇàrì has been affected greatly as a result of the unrest 

brought about by the activities of the militants in the region. Music at funerals and its 

presentation have reduced tremendously and in some situation displaced from their 

traditional context of performance. For example, Ḏụẹịn Bórọmá rite which involves the 

singing of dirges and special songs by the children and wives of the deceased during wake-

keeping at night has been moved to Saturday between 10:00am and 12:00 noon. This 

situation has affected presentation form and performance context. Also affected is time spent 

for socialisation among family members, musicians and guests during funeral ceremonies as 

people still feel insecure despite military presence as shown on Plate 10 below.  

      



156 

 

 

Plate 10: Surveillance by Joint Military Task Force at a Funeral rite in Búgúmà  

Conclusion  

Certain conclusions from post field analysis can be made from this study. Firstly, the 

performance of Ḏụịẹn-ḏíḇí-a númè (funeral rite music) is rooted in Káláḇàrí culture and 

traditions. Performances manifest as instrumental and non-instrumental music by members of 

the bereaved family, house and community. Therefore, it engenders socialization and 

spiritual bonding among relations, friends and well wishers of the bereaved family to give 

sympathy and community support to the family of the deceased.  

 

Secondly, the categories and types of Ḏụịẹn-ḏíḇí-a númè are determined and shaped by 

ritual, semi-ritual and non-ritual contexts. Four categories were identified: Ákwá 

(instrumental music), Ògbò ḇẹ númè (choral music) with instrumental accompaniment, 

Ḏụịẹn-dúu-a númè (a cappella dirges and chants) and Sẹkị númè (dance music). Ókóró fárí, a 

type of instrumental music performed by professional musicians is ritualistic and does not 

allow female participation. Ìgìrà sìrá númè and Ámábórọ númè are choral music performed 

by mixed ensembles in responsorial form. Ḏụịẹn bórọma númè are performed as dirges, 

laments and songs in solo form at the lying in state of the deceased. Pre and post interment 

funerary dance music of Ókpókìrì, and Kúkú fárí during Ḏín krámá tí are performed to give 

public acknowledgement that proper burial honours have been bestowed on the deceased 

who is deserving of honour. 

 

Thirdly, song texts of funeral music are based on the belief system and culture of the people. 

They are philosophical; expressing historical, praise for supernatural and human being, 

prayers, laments, moral teachings and scriptural teachings as themes. Furthermore, the texts 

of music serve psychological and spiritual purposes of encouraging the bereaved and 

facilitating the process of the dead becoming an ancestor. Findings show that three musical 

textures were predominant in the data, namely monophony, homophony and heterophony. 



157 

 

These musical textures are structured in solo, call and response, overlapping, mixed 

structural and presentation forms. 

 

Fourthly, Ḏụịẹn-ḏíḇí-a númè is central to Káláḇàrì funeral rites for both the traditionalist (as 

there is no opportunity for a second burial) and Christians. However, some of the funeral 

rites and its music are already extinct, some are at the verge of extinction  and others are 

experiencing gradual transformation due to urbanization, globalization, insecurity, apathy on 

the part of the younger generation and the conversion of Káláḇàrì people to other religions 

especially Christianity. 

 

 End Note 

1. Sí fì is referred to as „bad death‟ which is further divided into Kpọ-a fì which imply 

untimely death below age fifty caused by sickness or disease and Kurọ fì which is an 

untimely death brought about as a result of inter ethnic wars, fatal motor accidents and 

plane crash which makes it impossible for the body of the deceased to be recovered. 

2. Melorhythmic instruments such as the wooden slit drum play melodic phrases as well as 

rhythm patterns which are verbal but non-vocal. 

3. Percussive instruments play rhythm patterns only, thereby creating a percussive effect in 

an ensemble.   

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Oral interviews 

Chief A. M. Princewill, (Member Council of chiefs) Buguma, 2010 

Mr. Enefaa JohnBull, (Historian and Community elder), Buguma, 2010. 

Mr. Sasimen Barango Tariah, Àkwá Àláḇọ (Chief drummer), Kalabari Ekine cult, Buguma, 

2010. 

Mr. Isobo DavidWest, Tariah, Àkwá Àláḇọ (Chief drummer), Kalabari Ekine cult, Buguma, 

2010. 

Mrs. Daisy Soberekon, (Secretary, PCC St. Micheal‟s Anglican Church, Niger Delta 

Diocese), Buguma, 2010. 

Mrs. Gladys Harry, (Musician and Choreographer), Ido, 2010. 

Chief Igbaibo George, (Senior and most experienced member of Ekine cult) Buguma, 2010. 

Venerable J. A. Batubo, (Vicar in charge of Christ Army Church) Bakana, 2010.   

. 

 

 

 


