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MUSIC, FAMILY AND CONFLICT MANAGEMENT: 

EXAMININING THE IMPACT OF VOCABULARY IN SELECTED 

YORUBA SONGS  
 

Dr. Olusegun Stephen Titus 

Department of Music,  

Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria 

segungeneral@gmail.com 

& 

Dr. Oluwabunmi Tope Bernard 

Department of Linguistics and African Languages, 

Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria 

bunmibernard@oauife.edu.ng  

& 

Folashade Ajedo 

Department of Linguistics and African Languages, 

Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State, Nigeria. 

keepdvow@gmail.com 

& 

Dr. Deborah Lawal 

Federal College of Education, Abeokuta, Ogun state, Nigeria  

 lawaldeborah2@gmail.com 

 

Abstract 

Scholarship on conflict management abounds. However little research exist on the 

housewives’ songs of insults. Some families in some cultures of Africa where a man has 

more than one wife sometimes degenerate to conflicts due to space, place and 

relationship enstrangement. The theme of these songs ranges from the non-verbal acts, 

culinary (in)ability and even the sexual life of the cowife or the husband. The study 

employed ethnography and lyrical analysis to examine songs by house wives in some 

Yoruba communities in Southwestern Nigeria. We argue that songs could be used to 

explain family conflict, communicate political dissastifaction, and explain environmental 

issues. We also argue that these songs can degenerate to cause conflict, especially in 

families, which is the core focus of this study. 

 

Introduction 

Conflict could be described as a situation or condition of disharmony in an interactional 

process. Titus (2015) in his study of the music featured in the ‘bring back our girls 

campaign protest’, alludes to the role music plays in socio-economic activities in Nigeria. 

Music was used as a protest tool during the kidnap of the Chibok girls who were kidnapped 

in the Northern part of Nigeria by Boko Haram religious extremists. Also, another study 

by Titus (2017) examines the pivotal and centrality of music in ‘Occupy Nigeria Protests.’ 

Music was used to convey the people’s agitations and dissatisfaction with the government. 

The protesters can be heard singing at the top of their voices and intermittently 

about:blank
about:blank
mailto:keepdvow@gmail.com
mailto:lawaldeborah2@gmail.com


 

 
  

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chanting their requests. National issues such as corruption, fuel scarcity, environmental 

injustice and restitution for land, insecurity, infrastructural deficiencies, incessant 

strickes in educational sector, and so on, have birthed some of the songs we listen to 

today. Musicians continue to use music as an channel to bring to fore the situation of the 

masses. Banks (1984) claims that a situation of conflict is one in which the activity of 

one is actually or forcibly imposed at unacceptable costs, materials or psychic, upon 

another. For conflict to occur, Banks puts forward three required factors which are 

salient to the issue at stake: the status and legitimacy of the parties, the clustering of 

interested parties, and coincidence of cleavages within a community. These factors 

determine the extent to which conflict can stretch. Conflict is not limited to any level 

of interaction. In other words, it can occur at any level of human interaction although it 

is most obvious when manifested in violent activities.  

 

Furthermore, while examining the universality of music, Ayorinde & Ajose (2022) 

explored its transformative attributes. They posit that music does not just shape peole’s 

ideas, but that listeners are prone to give subjective meanings to the music they listen 

to. Boyce-Tillman (2015:41) observed that the intercultural relationship between western 

music and folk materials from other cultures of the world which were borrowed for 

composition is symbolic as it portrays the need for people of different descent to see 

the need for peaceful coexistence just like the harmonious melodies from intercultural 

comusical co positions. Music has continued to play front row roles in conflict situations 

in many countries.  For instance, the music of black South Africans was birthed from the 

South African apartheid (Gray, 2015), the famous USA civil rights movement had notable 

that were composed by former slaves (Whitehead, 2015). Abi-Ezzi’s (2015) discourse on 

the award-winning saxophonist and clarinetist Gilad Atsmon shows the use of music to 

promote peace and to fight against and resist oppression. According to Abi-Ezzi, Atsmon, 

a Jew, uses his songs to fight for the right and freedom of Palestinians, whom he sees 

as being oppressed by Jews. Abi-Ezzi concludes that there cannot be peace in the face 

of oppression, and therefore resistance to oppression through music may lead to peaceful 

coexistence. Again, Galtung (2015) notes that music has been used as an agent of peace 

and unity in different places and in different situations.  

 

In Africa and specifically among the Yoruba people, studies have been documented on 

the relationship of music and peaceful coexistence (Ogunrinade & Oluniyi, 2021; Emielu, 

2010). It has been established that some Yoruba vocabularies related to music, 

peacebuilding and conflict management are still under-researched. Four of such were 

examined in this paper. Similar to what Olarewaju (2010) did by examining political 

campaign songs and how they engender violence and conflicts, this study examines 

vocabularies in Yoruba music in relations to peacebuilding and conflict management. The 

study argues that this can help stakeholders such as counsellors and spiritual leaders on 

conflict resolution strategies.  

 

 

 

Yorùbá Ethnic Group, Yorùbá Language and Yorùbá Proverbs 



 

 
  

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Yorùbá ethnic group is one of the three major groups in Nigeria and they are mostly 

domiciled in the Southwestern part of the country. However, they can be found in 

different states in Nigeria and other parts of the world too (Usman & Falola, 2019; Ojo, 

2008). The language they speak is Yorùbá with different dielctical forms which is named 

after the group. Yorùbá language is a tonal language. In the language, there are 

expressions like idioms (àkànlò èdè) and proverbs (òwe). Idioms and proverbs are drawn 

from the experiences and happenings of the Yorùbá society (Opoola & Faniran, 2020; 

Apter 1991, Waterman 1994). Yorùbá idioms are paraphrases that are sometimes used 

to make sayings sound less offensive. Therefore, as the society that uses them yields to 

generational changes, the idiomatic expressions become more dynamic, accommodating 

more expressions. Proverbs are choice-phrases or sentences drawn from the wisdom in 

the culture, traditions, experiences, and worldview of a society. Africans and particularly 

the Yorùbás, believe that because proverbs are extensions of their belief and practices, 

Bernard (2015) posits that “they [proverbs] are also ethical sayings with elements of 

complete reality” (p. 48) that are used to make conversations easier, concise and 

culturally relevant. This is in line with Adegboyega (2017) who explains that “… proverbs 

are believed to be ‘conversational condiment’ used to flavour speech taking into 

consideration its cultural and moral impact.” (p. 23). That is why Yorùbá proverbs are 

referred to as the “horses of speech” because they make it easier to communicate with 

people who are rooted in the knowledge of the culture from which a particular proverb 

is drawn.  

 

Yorùbá Vocabularies, Peacebuilding and Conflict Management 

Vocabularies are intentionally and strategically used for various purposes among the 

Yorùbás. One of such purposes is peacebuilding. To the Yorùbá, the need for peace and 

peacebuilding cannot be overemphasized. They believe that without harmony, there is 

bound to be a breakdown of law and order in the society and once this is left unchecked, 

anarchy will be inevitable. Thus, the constant clamor for peace and peacebuilding. Peace 

according to Goodman and Hulme (1999), is “not purely about an absence of physical 

violence but is intimately connected to the analysis and practice of social and economic 

development.” (p. 13). In tandem with this viewpoint, one can agree that for a society to 

develop, there is a need for peace. In the same vein, we cannot be oblivious of the fact 

that once in a while, there is always a breakdown in communication which often leads to 

conflict. In the Yorùbá worldview, there are binary complementarities (Ilesanmi 1989) 

which opine that there is an opposing side to everything. For example, day complements 

night, male complements female, conflict complements peace, and so on. There are some 

Yorùbá proverbs that back the idea of binary complementarities like (tibi tire la dá ilé 

ayé) “good and evil exist in this world” and (ènìyàn kò lè gba ire kó má gba ibi ọjọ̣ kan) 

“one cannot enjoy continuous goodness without experiencing tribulations.” These 

expressions reinstate the belief of the Yorùbá that there are good and evil in this world 

and experiencing the negative allows people to appreciate the positive. Even though it is 

generally conceived that conflict is negative, it is a normal part of human social 

interaction which contributes to development and social stability that is why the Yorùbá 

will say (ṣẹ̣ mí n bi ọ̣ ni oògùn ọ̣rẹ̣) “friendship lasts when parties do not hold 

grudges but ask for explanation when they feel offended”. This expression is a proof 



 

 
  

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that conflict, when approached the right way, leads to better relationship and 

peacebuilding. Whereas, holding grudges for a long time without asking for an explanation 

can lead to violent conflict which is always chaotic. Therefore, where there is peace, 

there will be conflict so that we can build, preserve and appreciate peace. 

 

When there is conflict, there is a need for conflict management and peacebuilding in 

order to avoid total chaos. Among the Yorùbá, there is a proverb that corroborates this, 

that (àdúrà kí a máà tẹ̣ ni a má ń gbà, bí a bá wá tẹ̣, àdúrà kí a máà kú ni ó kù) “we 

pray to not be ridiculed, but when one falls into ridicule, one prays that it does not lead 

to death”. This proverb clearly states that one cannot completely determine how 

situations will turn out but one can manage bad situations and stop it from escalating into 

worse. In the Yorùbá society, the issue of conflict management is communal therefore, 

everybody is expected to play a part in ensuring it. But in conflict management, the place 

of experience that comes with adulthood, is not overlooked. That is why the Yorùbá will 

say (ohun tí àgbà rí ní orí ìjókòó, ọmọde kò lè rí i bí ó bá gun orí ìrókò) “what an elderly 

sees from a sitting position may not be visible to a child even after climbing an ìrókò 

tree”, which simply means that experience comes with age. An inexperienced youngster 

may likely jump into conclusion and create more chaos than an elderly who can judge a 

situation better by applying the wisdom that was acquired through experience. 

Therefore, elders are trusted to handle conflict management and thus this proverb, 

(àgbà kìí wà lọ̣jà kí orí ọmọ tuntun wọ̣) “an elder cannot be in the market and allow 

the head of the newborn to bend.” Allowing the “head of a newborn to bend” means the 

elders have slacked in their duties as leaders in the society. This is because it is 

commonplace in Yorùbá society to find newborns carefully strapped to their back of 

mothers for warmth and safekeeping. However, within the first three (3) months of a 

baby’s life, the neck needs constant support because the neck-bone is not fully developed 

so, when the mother is unaware that the neck of the baby strapped to her back is bent, 

it is the duty of an on-looking elder to make sure the neck is straightened. It is the same 

way with conflict or violent conflict, elders are saddled with the responsibility of making 

sure that conflict does not escalate. 

 

Music and songs are part of the daily lives of the Yorùbás and they have songs for every 

occasion. According to Beier (1956:23), in a typical Yorùbá setting, “everyday life is also 

accompanied by a great deal of impromptu singing, a kind of musical thinking in which the 

singer puts everything to a tune, which happens to pass through his head.” Which means 

songs are used as a medium of expressing deep emotions be it happiness or sadness. They 

are also used to express the peace of mind or conflict towards another person. 

Therefore, one of the ways through which the Yorùbá detect that conflict is looming is 

through songs and a common Yorùbá proverb confirms it, that (Orin níí ṣaájú ọ̣tẹ̣) 

“songs herald hostility.” In ancient times, hostle situations such as war, is announced 

through songs. These songs are used to mentally prepare and rouse the warriors for war 

and songs are also sometimes used to instill fear into the opponent (Agu 1991). One can 

say that wars are fought and won with the aid of appropriate music. The Yorùbás try to 

avoid confrontations are much as possible but despite this, protest songs still exist for 

a reason. They exist as a pointer to the fact that friction will always occur in a society 



 

 
  

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made up of different people and the need for conflict resolution will consistently be at 

the front burner. Regarding this, Ogunrinade & Oluniyi (2021) opined that: 

There cannot be the need for the pursuit of something that is readily 

available either at hand or within range. The social status of the Nigerian 

communities is of a great concern especially now that there are a lot of 

inter-societal hullabaloos and unfriendly engagements. This is obvious when 

we look at the Nigerian society today with the level of crime and conflicts 

disparaging every nook and cranny of the country. In the very recent past 

(18th and early 19th centuries), the Yorùbá people could boast of a better 

community, in terms of peace and conflict stability. The story, however, is 

now a different one compared with the situation on-going today. Many 

factors may be responsible. In the period earlier mentioned, traditional 

music was of great help. This is owing to the fact that the people are 

constantly in contact with the bulk of traditional repertoire as available. 

The lyrics thus do the magic (pp 227-228). 

Most of the songs and vocabularies used in this article are basically related to family 

relations and conflicts. Polygamy is traditionally practiced among the Yoruba people and 

where you see a monogamous family, you are likely to find many extended family members 

living together. The song selected are sung when there is conflict in the family and this 

can come up any time of the day since most of the traditional families work basically as 

agriculturalist and hunters.  

Bóyá Ọlórun á ṣe é, 

Bóyá Ọlórun á ṣe é,    May God make it possible, 

Bóyá Ọlórun á ṣe é,    May God make it possible, 

Enìkan á sọ̣rọ̣ tó jẹnu baba ẹ̣ lọ.  For someone here to vituperate  

Bóyá Ọlórun á ṣe é.    May God make it possible. 

 

The above song excerpt starts out with the singer praying to God to allow someone or 

anyone within their vicinity to lambaste him so that he can retaliate. This is a clear 

indication that the singer is asking for trouble. The Yorùbá see it as the height of 

disrespect to talk smack about other people’s parents which is what the singer did in the 

third line of the song just to really work the nerves of his opponent into conflict. This 

kind of song is always nipped in the bud by elders that are present before it ends in full-

blown conflict. One of the intelocutors who grew up in a polygamous home mentioned that 

it was common to hear songs like this from the childen of the other wives. And when he 

tries to defend his father’s dignity by retaliating, the blame is laid on him. The song is a 

taunting song used to instigate fighting. 

 

Meaning-making is subjective in Yoruba households. A particular song may likely have 

different meanings during a conflict as opposed to how it will be perceived when there is 

no altercation. For example, a person who is referred to as a tortoise may lay claim to 

the positive attributes of the tortoise in Yorùbá folktales, such as, clever and playful. 

But in a situation where conflict is brewing, only the negative attributes such as 

indolence, thievery, and sluggishness comes to mind. This is to say that conflict changes 

the meaning of words and a Yorùbá proverb captures this clearly; “Ìjà ló dé tí orin di òwe, 



 

 
  

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ijó làá jó sorin tí ò bá sí ìjà” (conflict gives a different meaning to songs, when there is 

no conflict, songs are usually danced to). As earlier discussed, songs are infused into daily 

activities of the Yorùbá so, most times, the Yorùbá show displeasures through songs as 

the case may be. The use of songs to show displeasure is not restricted to gender, it is 

practiced by both male and female. A man who is peeved at his wife may choose to sing 

Orlando Owoh’s “Ìyàwó Ọ̣lẹ̣lẹ̣” to air his anger” 

Má pa mi o!  

Má pa mi o!      Do not kill me with your troubles 

Ìyàwó ọ̣lẹ̣lẹ̣     Beautiful wife 

Má pa mi o!      Do not kill me with your troubles 

Ìyàwò àsìkò      The wife about town 

Ìrìn gbéregbère to mí rìn yìí,   Your incessant outings,   

Kò má tẹ̣ mi lọ̣rùn o é.    Are unbecoming. 

 

The song excerpt above opens with the husband asking his beautiful wife not to kill him 

with her troubles and attitude. In the song, the troubles caused by the wife may not be 

directed at the husband but to others who feel offended by her nuances. They may 

choose to continuously report her to the husband (since in Yorùbá culture when others 

feel affronted by either the husband or the wife, they report to the spouse) and this 

can be psychologically disturbing for the husband. The husband fears that the reports 

he is receiving about his wife will eventually be detrimental to his health, which is why 

he calls out to his wife to abstain from such acts. The song could also mean that the 

husband is just complaining about the incessant misunderstandings between him and his 

wife. So, when the wife hears her husband singing this song, she knows there is conflict. 

However, still referring to her as “beautiful” meant that the conflict is a process towards 

building a better relationship because a conflict that will end in violent conflict may 

necessarily start with names-calling rather than terms of endearment. This explanation 

is in tandem with the experience of Mr Lawani who witnessed severally the rancor 

between his father and mother. As a thirteen year old boy, he was widse enough to 

discepher the meaning of the songs his mother sang whenever his father returned from 

the farm. With his legs gently rocking left and right, Mr Lawani recounted how his mother 

would sing songs that tells the story of a woman who caught her husband in the arms of 

another woman and how the man was eventually striped bare of his wealth by his ale 

(mistress). 

Kò lè bú mi kórí ó wú 

Kò lè bú mi kórí ó wú o è é è  You cannot spite me and I will be impressed, 

Kò lè bú mi kórí ó wú.  You cannot spite me and I will be impressed. 

Kò lè bú mi kórí ó wú o è é è  You cannot spite me and I will be impressed, 

Kò lè bú mi kórí ó wú.  You cannot spite me and I will be impressed. 

Èyí tó ṣe pump lẹ̣nu bí ti kẹ̣kẹ̣ , Her mouth resembles a bicycle pump, 

Tó ṣe àyà bí tòròmọ adìye,  And his chest resembles a chick’s breast. 

Kò lè bú mi kórí ó wú o.  You cannot spite me and I will be impressed 

 

The song above is a song that is common among Yoruba polygamous families. Conflict 

sometimes come up due to interpersonal relationship and the fact that all the wives 



 

 
  

Awka Journal of Research in Music and the Arts (AJRMA) Vol. 16, September 2023 

284 

mostly live together with the husband in the same house. Songs are therefore used 

derogatorily to describe the physical shape of the older or younger wife. In the song, 

one of the wives sing about the body shape of the other and compares it to a bycycle and 

a chicken.  

Another song about mens abuse of female partner and the songs about such actions is 

given in song below. 

Páńdukú èèyàn tí mò ń pọ̣nlé o 

Páńdukú èèyàn tí mò ń pọ̣nlé o, A worthless person that I am according respect , 

Páńdukú èèyàn tí mò ń pọ̣nlé. A worthless person that I am according respect. 

Páńdukú èèyàn tí mò ń pọ̣nlé o, A worthless person that I am according respect, 

Páńdukú èèyàn tí mò ń pọ̣nlé. A worthless person that I am according respect. 

O rí mi nílẹ̣ yìí, O tún fìlà ṣe He sees me, And he resets his cap,    

Kí ni ń ó wa fòkú èèyàn ṣe?  What will I do with a walking corpse? 

Páńdukú èèyàn tí mò ń pọ̣nlé. A worthless person that I am according respect. 

 

The song examines the interaction between husband and wife. The song generally refers 

to men who abuse women either verbally or psychologically. It is a taboo for woman to 

beat men in Yoruba land but if a woman decides to express her anger in songs, it is not 

frown at. The song talks about the worthlessness of a man that constantly abuses his 

female partner. These songs were composed as retailiation. Men who abuse their wives 

are referred to as walking corpses and as worthless individuals.  Our engagement with 

the interlocutors revealed that these songs sometimes degenerate to physical assaults. 

As Mrs Ajayi (Personal communication) reiterates that “songs of assults and insults are 

common among couples in traditional Yoruba setting”. These songs sometimes lead 

unresolvable conflicts and finally, to divorce. Another interlocutor, Mrs Abiodun 

(Personal communication) asserts that “the songs texts carries weight and even the mode 

and tone sequencing can be more painful than the texts itself, because the songs are 

sometimes accompanied by gestures of mockery.” This shows that these songs are 

conflict loaded and not as innocent as their melodies sound. They can generate conflict 

in families if care is not taken. 

 

Conclusion 

In this paper we have shown how musical texts and Yoruba proverbs are used as 

vocabularies in songs about peace and conflict. This is a signifier of the impact of words 

in conflict generation and peacebuilding. It is critical to carefully choose our words 

especially in polygamous families and households where peace is strained. This study also 

shows that as much as conflict can generate from the words used in a sing, peace can 

also be achieved by the text of a song. While this study only focuses on the family 

setting, there are several Yoruba vocabularies found in political/ election songs, religious 

songs that needs urgent engagement. Our selected songs show that song meanings could 

bring hostilities and conflict because of there intrinsic meaning and interpretations 

especially when there are existing misunderstanding among co-wives, spouses, neighbours 

and also extended families that live together.   

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