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INVESTIGATING THE REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN THROUGH YORÙBÁ MUSIC: A CASE 

OF ODÒLAYÉ ÀRẸ̀MÚ AND LÁGBÁJÁ 

 

Olakanmi Elijah Oladimeji 

Department of Performing Arts, Ajayi Crowther University Oyo; 

oladimejielijah@8gmail.com and 

Adeyemi Adebanke Adebola 

University of Ìbàdàn, Nigeria adeyemiadebamike@gmail.com 

 

Abstract 

The place of women in various societies has remained a controversial social discourse. On the global scene, 

women have continued to renounce the hegemonic position of male figure over their female counterpart, 

arguing that they remain objects of significance and not to be undermined, for their slated orthodox duties. 

Anchored on Walker's womanism theory, this paper examines how the philosophical ideologies about women in 

Yoruba society have changed, over time, as represented in the works of Odolaye Aremu and Lagbaja, two 

popular Yoruba artistes who belong to different eras. The study employs the purposive sampling technique to 

select Odolaye Aremu's Oro awon Obinrin and Lagbaja's Who-man for in-depth content analysis. 

Odòlayé Àremu on one hand, employs a harsh and confrontational view in expressing his philosophy about 

women, focusing on the weakness and shortcomings of the female gender, without having any concerns about 

their feelings while addressing social ills associated to women. Lagbaja on the other hand, employs a different 

approach in his work concerning women. Contrary to the position of Odolaye Aremu, he projects the beauty of 

the female gender, by appreciating the relevance of women in areas such as multitasking, nurturing, managing 

and being the mother of all. The dissenting positions of the two artistes is representative of their various eras and 

the changing perspectives about the female gender in Yoruba society, which reveals that the perspectives of the 

Yoruba concerning women is changing and suggests more respect and power to the female gender. 

Key words: Women, female gender, Yoruba , Odolaye Aremu, Lagbaja. 

 

Introduction 

The role of women in African society remains a controversial social discourse. On global platforms, women 

have continued to reject the hegemonic ideology of the male gender towards women, which tramples on 

women’s rights that are woven around their orthodox responsibilities, religion, physique, and intelligence. 

However, women still bear the major social burden of the family and community at large. Oyesomi and Salawu 

(2018) Considering the roles women and female characters play in Nigerian music videos, featuring women to 

gain a wider audience appeal, thereby portraying women as beings with no self-worth, dignity and respect. 

Olusola (2023) focused on issues that lead to the subjugation of women in music videos within West African 

society, including the Yorùbá people in Nigeria. Olusola (2023) further indicated that several factors lead to 

these forms of subjugation, such as religious beliefs and cultural factors. Olayemi (2020) noted that music, 

especially among the Yorùbá, has the power to be utilized to either subvert, promote or subjugate women. 

Viljoen (2014) described the importance of female representation in music. The study also focused on how 

women have been subjugated through white versus black or tribal representation. Researchers have focused on 

the role of hip-hop music in the sexualization of women, and Wizkid’s music videos that objectify women are a 

prime example of this phenomenon (Abodunde, 2017; Acharya, 2015; Eze, 2020). 

 

In the past, African society viewed women as second-class citizens who depended solely on men for protection, 

affiliation, provision, and identity. This was a time when women were only recognized as someone’s wife or 

daughter, regardless of their accomplishments. However, it is a reality that some women have distinguished 

themselves through serious toil and have attained such remarkable recognition that they have been awarded 

chieftaincy titles. Despite this, the general perception that women are inferior to men has continued to be 

relevant in Yorùbá culture. 

 

Music is a powerful tool that plays a functional role among the Yorùbá people. It can be performed with or 

without instrumental accompaniment. Most artistes write songs to inform their audience of their views on 

topical social discourse, thereby contributing to the development of their society. 

 

This study engages the works of two Yorùbá artistes, Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú and Bísádé Ológundé, who is popularly 

known as Lágbájá. Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú was a composer and song leader, known for his dàdàkúàdá music style, a 

popularly localized musical genre of the Yorùbá people of south-western Nigeria. His music praises wealthy 

aristocrats, kings, and renowned social groups. Most of his compositions deal with trending life issues, 

particularly those affecting the Yorùbá people. Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú expressed his philosophy about current events in 

mailto:oladimejielijah@8gmail.com
mailto:adeyemiadebamike@gmail.com


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a harsh manner, without pity or concern for those who might be hurt by his music. He expressed himself without 

minding the audience’s reaction. 

 

Bísádé Ológundé, popularly known as Lágbájá (Somebody), is an Afro musician whose popular genre has 

continued to gain wide patronage since the late nineties. He is known for his masked stage appearance and non-

confrontational attitude when addressing issues, particularly those related to women. 

 

Since the twentieth century, Yorùbá society has experienced a paradigm shift regarding women, with women 

becoming increasingly vocal in society and being able to compete with men in many areas. These areas include 

the economy, politics, and leadership in political and religious places, as well as in many other aspects of life 

traditionally reserved for men. 

 

This study aims to conduct a comparative analysis of the old and new conceptions of women in Yorùbá society 

through the lens of selected tracks from Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú and Lágbájá. This study examines women 

representation in the selected songs, style of presentation and factors responsible for these views. 

 

Numerous scholarly works from various fields of study such as Olujimi (2004), Adagbada (2014), have 

examined the importance of women in Yorùbá films and their position in theatre. Balogun (2010) argues that 

women have been subjected to different forms of oppressions, suffering for recognition from their male folks, 

and this is also evident in proverbs directly related to women, which such proverbs violate the respect and 

dignity of women. Ajewole (2013) also discusses the cultural and religious believes about women as music 

makers, stressing the immense potential possessed by women which are undermined, against the idea of 

Africans, that they should only be in the kitchen. Works of Samuel and Adejube (2017) are for examining how 

music artistes use different musical elements to document the narrative of women as object of honor and 

significance in human society. These works explore the dynamic space that women occupy as they take on 

important roles in the economy, academics, politics, and religion, beyond their conventional roles. Several 

scholars have examined various issues related to women, including women’s empowerment in politics and 

finance, as well as women’s voices in artistic works such as music and film. 

 

Samuel (2018) also examined the gender space transgressors by women in entertainment industry, specifically 

focusing on two Yorùbá dundun female drummers, explaining how the musical landscape intermittently 

becomes a space for negotiating power with Yorùbá patriarchs.  

 

Chikelu (2023) submitted that women in the music industry still face discrimination, sexual assault and under-

recognition which are threat to achieving huge success in their chosen career, if not checked. In the work of Uko 

Akpan, Patience (2023) examined how folk music reinforces Nigerian women to use their talents as a source of 

income and livelihood. 

 

Research background 

Despite the large body of literature, little or no attention has been given to the changing perspectives on women 

in Yorùbá society throughout different periods. This is surprising, given that popular musicians are generally 

seen as the voice of their cultural environment. This research takes a step towards filling this knowledge gap by 

conducting a comparative study of the philosophical ideologies of the Yorùbá in selected songs of two popular 

Yorùbá artistes, Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú and Lágbájá. This study compares the views of the two post-independence 

Yorùbá artistes on women within the context of their songs. 

 

The artistes were selected based on their contributions to social discourse within Yorùbá society. This study 

employed purposive sampling to select one song track from each of the two artistes, which are Ọ̀rọ àwọn 

Obìnrin by Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú and Who-man? by Lágbájá. Data was generated from both primary and secondary 

sources. The study collected primary data from the selected songs, and secondary data from existing literature 

surrounding the discourse on women in Yorùbá society, as well as literature relating to the works of the selected 

artistes. The data was analyzed using the content analysis technique. 

 

This study is based on Walkers’s theory of womanism, which she first postulated in 1979. The theory explains 

how women, especially black women, at all levels of life and in different parts of the world, have been 

mistreated and subjected to corporal and mental violence by their male counterparts. In this study, womanism 

theory helps to understand how women in Yorùbá society have taken deliberate steps to reconstruct how they 

are viewed overtime. Several male artistes, including Lágbájá, have advocated for the successful reconstruction 

of the place of women in Yorùbá society. This is demonstrated in the changing perspectives about women. The 



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periodic gap between the release of Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú’s Ọ̀rọ̀ àwọn Obìnrin and Lágbájá’s Who-man? shows an 

improvement in the positive imaging of the female gender, particularly in Yorùbá society. 

 

Literature review 

The role of Yorùbá music in society 

Ogundeji (1991) classified songs into three categories: festival songs, children’s songs, and ceremonial songs. 

Adeleke, (2019) classified songs into four categories: solo, group, call, and response performances. Adagbada 

(2014) and other scholars noted that while accompanied songs are an important part of the musical realities of 

the Yorùbá, they do not fully capture the Yorùbá musical tradition, which also includes unaccompanied songs. 

Studies have also explored issues pertaining to women in Yorùbá society. Samuel and Adejube (2017) 

have done notable work in the field of musicology. They examined how music artistes use different musical 

elements to document the narratives of women as objects of honor and significance in the society. Samuel 

(2018) also examined how women transgress gender norms through music. The study focused on two female 

Yorùbá dundun drummers and explained how the musical landscape intermittently becomes a space for 

negotiating power with Yorùbá patriarchs. This is especially evident among the Ayan family of the Yorùbá, 

where musical training used to be given only to male children in the form of playing, constructing, and repairing 

the talking drum.  Except in rare cases, the training of the female child is neglected. 

 

Ibitoye (2021) agrees with Samuel and Adejube (2017) about the paradigm shift in African music studies that 

concerns female involvement in the Baluu and Kengbe music performances of the Ìlọrin people. The two studies 

demonstrate how women have started creating space for themselves within the musical realm. Women were not 

originally designed to participate as music makers, but rather as music consumers and supporter. The 

conclusions drawn from these studies strongly support the idea that women should challenge and disagree with 

conventions in order to change the narratives to reflect current realities. 

 

Adagbada (2014), Falola (2011), Samuel (2018), and Olujinmi (2004) highlight the dynamic nature of the roles 

of women. They stress the increasing opportunities for women and the need for recognition and respect for their 

gender. Samuel and Adejube (2017) analyzed how women have challenged the roles ascribed to them with 

songs such as Obìnrin ni mí by Sola Allyson. Through these songs, women celebrate womanhood and attempt to 

rewrite the narratives surrounding male dominance in relation to their gender. 

 

In Yorùbá society, songs are highly regarded as important artistic elements. Songs are uncompromising in 

nature and include detailed historical accounts of past events, educative and informative content, societal 

acceptable behavior, as well as condemnation of attributes considered as social vices. In the traditional Yorùbá 

community, music in the form of song is an integral part of people’s everyday lives. 

 

Several genres of traditional Yorùbá songs have made their way into popular music, including àpàlà, sákárà, 

wéré, àwúrèbe, and dàdàkúàdá, among others Olukoju (1985) These genres are usually classified based on the 

principal musical instruments by which they are identified. Contemporary genres among the Yorùbá include 

hip-hop, Afrojùjú, Afropop, high life, jazz, Fuji, R&B, and rap. All of these musical genres can be traced back 

to the Yorùbá culture, and they continue to exhibit aspects of that culture, such as language and instrumentation. 

 

Olukoju (1985) classified Yorùbá music into seven categories: festival, folklore, political, cradle, satirical, 

incidental, and twin mother’s music. Yorùbá people have music for every aspect of their lives. However, the 

categorization of Yorùbá music is not all-encompassing because it does include all aspects of the Yorùbá life in 

which music is present. Such aspects include mourning, entertainment, and singing praises for the kind and 

important personalities. 

 

The role of women in Yorùbá society 

Adagbada (2014) maintained that in traditional Yorùbá patriarchal society, women are considered as fiddle 

beings, dependent on their male counterparts for survival, protection, and identification. This section offers a 

brief summary of the place of women in traditional Yorùbá society. It is worth noting that women have 

distinguished themselves throughout the long history of the Yorùbá, subverting the hegemonic narrative of men 

about women in society. For instance, Samuel and Adejube (2017) noted the importance of archiving the 

relevance of women in Yorùbá society, as advocated in Sola Allyson’s song titled Obìnrin ni mí.. However, the 

act of rewriting the historical narratives of the male over their female counterparts has existed for a long time. 

This is also true in the contemporary age. Women with notable personalities and influence are pushing back 

against the long-held chronicle about the place of women in society. They are featuring prominently in various 

sectors such as the economy, politics, academics, industry, and entertainment. While space is being created for 



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women to become more relevant in society, the various advocacies for women’s recognition still face some 

setbacks. 

 

Despite this, there are still occupations that are gender-specific. Falola (2011) maintained that women have 

taken on managerial roles in formal and semi-formal organizations in the contemporary age. They have not only 

found their place in the corporate world but also actively participate in politics, head religious positions, and 

many more. 

 

The art of dàdàkúàdá 

Dàdàkúàdáis one of the locally popularized traditional musical genres of the Yorùbá people. It is most 

commonly found among the Yorùbá-speaking communities in Kwara State and some neighboring south-western 

states of Nigeria. Na’Allah (2011) noted that dàdàkúàdá is one of the most popular musical genres in Ìlọrin. Its 

origin can be traced toorin egúngún (songs for the masked) technically referred to as iwì. Nevertheless, 

dàdàkúàdá music was not performed during the ritual process of the masked. Instead, they would begin to sing 

dàdàkúàdá songs after they had removed their egúngún costumes. Dàdàkúàdá has historically been a form of 

entertainment, typically performed after the completion of the ritual processes of the egúngún. 

 

Na’Allah (2011) also acknowledged Òkùkù as the first artist to perform dàdàkúàdá. Òkùkù was reported to have 

single-handedly started the dàdàkúàdá song, accompanying it with drum music from the gangan drum. Òkùkù, 

who was an egúngún performer himself, was said to be very popular in Ìlọrin and its surroundings. In addition to 

Òkùkù, Abu Numo also performed dàdàkúàdá. Other notable musicians who performed dàdàkúàdá from the 

seventeenth to nineteenth century include Láòmì, Adéféláyé, Bàbá Awé, Àkànbí, Jaigbade, Àwòdì, and Ajíbóyè 

Ose, Ọlánrewájú Ọlọ́jẹ́ẹ̀, Sàká Àrẹ̀mú Kólóbó, Kàrímù Ìsàlẹ̀ Àbàtà, and Àjàpè Alárápé. They have brought new 

innovations to the genre. 

 

Training is essential for effective professionalism as a dàdàkúàdá practitioner. During training, practitioners 

learn the art of using words that are insulting to individuals who are perceived to be deserving of such. These 

individuals may be perceived as enemies by their patrons. 

 

Life and works of Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú 

The life of Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú and his philosophy about women 

Mohammodu Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú was an Ìlọrin born dàdàkúàdá artiste whose music gained wide appeal in his 

home town. He performed his dàdàkúàdá music throughout many Yorùbá cities and recorded numerous albums 

during his lifetime until his death in 1997. Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú was born in 1941 in a village called Ajiniyo, which 

is a border town with Ìlọrin. At the age of 16, he lost his father to the cold hands of death. As his father was the 

breadwinner of the family, he was unable to continue his education. At the age of 22, he decided to pursue 

music as a career after being inspired by a performance he watched at a ceremony near his village. There, a 

dàdàkúàdá musician was invited to stage a musical performance. Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú became enthusiastic while 

watching the performance and decided to learn the art of dàdàkúàdá. After making this decision, his 

apprenticeship lasted for 8 years and he later became independent in the year 1972. He had an artistic feat of 

creating myths about the issues and personalities he sung about. 

 

Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú has often been criticized for being a rebel against his Yorùbá ethnic group. The allegation was 

connected to Odòlayé’s praise-singing of people of suspicious character, including the late Ìbàdàn politician 

Alhaji Làmídì Adédibú. OdòlayéÀrẹ̀mú responded by stating that he is more interested in the unity of Nigeria. 

He added that if he praises anyone who has exhibited good character, he would not hesitate to criticize the same 

figure if he has a questionable character. 

 

OdòlayéÀrẹ̀mú can be described as a socially committed dàdàkúàdáartiste whose songs were informed by the 

happenings within his cultural settings. His artistic vision was to create a crisis-free society. Themes in his songs 

include death, marriage, culture, and respect for one another. 

 

OdòlayéÀrẹ̀mú was married to many women throughout his lifetime, but he did not allow all of them under his 

roof at the same time. While some of the women he married left, others would still join him as new wives. It is 

worth noting that Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú never kept more than three women at once in his residence, despite having 

many wives. The controversial life of the dàdàkúàdá singer, performer, and composer came to an end on 

25 February 1997. While Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú lived in many places in Nigeria during his lifetime. 

Figure 1. OdòlayéÀrẹ̀mú.Retrieved from google chrome https://www.deezer.com. 

https://www.deezer.com/


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The philosophical ideologies of Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú 

The philosophical ideology of Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú situates women at the mercy of men. The above assertion is not a 

new ideology, but rather the school of thought that Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú and most men of his era subscribed to. They 

viewed women as property that could be tossed away and not as equals who could answer for themselves, 

except at the discretion of their husbands. This idea has always centered around women.  

The statements about Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú above are accurate, particularly in his music that deals with social issues 

related to women. Even though he tried to address societal problems, he often ended up hurting the feelings of 

women in general due to the way he addressed such issues. This can be traced back to the fact that Odòlayé 

Àrẹ̀mú’s family practiced polygamy. 

Women who admire their own beauty excessively 

Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú believes that if a woman is intoxicated with the adornment of her beauty, it would lead to her 

downfall at a later end. Although this may be true for women today, it is an issue that has persisted for many 

years and is still evident as a social issue, even with the changing times. The excessive adornment and 

appreciation of beauty in women can lead to infidelity, which is a forbidden idea within the Yorùbá community 

and can lead to the untimely death of young men (Àrẹ̀mú,1997): 

Àgbà yẹ̀wò ni ọ̀ bàwọ̀ òyìnbó jẹ́ 

It is the attention of the masses that destroys the skin of the white man 

Èmi mo da tó ba yìí o 

Beauty intoxication 

Yóó sọ̀bàdí ọmọ ẹlòmíì dawọ 

will definitely make or mar some maidens 

In the extract above, Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú hints at the possible outcomes of women being intoxicated by their beauty, 

rather than focusing on possessing good behaviors that will make them great mothers and wives. He implies that 

these women only succeed in drawing unnecessary attention to themselves, which attracts men with bad 

intentions. 

Women as a threat to men 

Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú (1997) maintained that women threaten men with leaving their matrimonial homes due to their 

beauty, especially those whose husbands are not financially stable and cannot meet all of their financial needs: 

N ọ́ lọ o 

I will leave 

N ọ́ lọ o 

I will leave 

N ọ́ lọ o, lobìnrin fi ń dẹ́rù bọkọ 

I will leave, is the language women use to threaten their husband 

Ọkọ tó bá níṣẹ́ lápá bí hán bá bí í dá a 

A well to-do husband, a true son of the land 

A ní tó bá lé lọ o mọ lọ 

will ignore such threat, reminding her 

Obìnrin àgbà ń bẹ ní jù tí n fetí kíjìpá sọ̀ kòkò ẹ̀wà 

of many female farmers in remote areas, 

Who brings downs their cooking pot 

From the locally made fire wood stove 

Using the edge of their dainties 

In the above extract from Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú’s work, women are threatening men with leaving, especially men 

with low incomes. In a bid to keep their wife and family together, some men travel the extra mile to make sure 

the immediate needs of the family are well catered for. Wealthy men with deep pockets ignore such threats, 

reminding her of less fortunate women in villages who are doing better and are even looking for such rare 

opportunities that the woman of the house has. This implies that once she leaves, another woman moves in. 

However, this may not be the case for low-income men, which exposes their economic strength to society. 

Women as pretenders and deceivers 

Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú observed that pretense by women is a serious social ill, which is exhibited when they cover up 

their wrong acts. He maintained that the behaviors of some women are suspicious. It is possible that when 

women are acting responsibly, they are covering up something untrustworthy. Although this attitude is part of 

human nature, women still exhibit it when covering up their previous suspicious acts. Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú (1997) an 

excerpt from the selected song titled Oro awon Obririn: 

Ẹ̀yin a fojú wọ́mọ mọ́ fọkàn wọ́mọ o o 

Women seeking for fruit of the womb deceitfully 

Àmọ́ ọlọ́hun ń kòwé yín lọ́wọ́. Walahi! Walahi! 

God is noting your ideas 

Ìwọ̀n lèèyàn mọ ọ ń dẹ̀mí dé obìnrin mọ 



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Boundaries should be set in trusting women 

Ò díjà lẹ̀ férú bojú 

One who triggers a fight and go into hiding 

Ò tàkàkà hanrun ẹ̀mọ̀ 

One who sleeps roughly and snore mysteriously 

Àlùsì ewúrẹ́ tí ń hunrun lẹ́ẹ̀kẹ́ méjèéjì. 

A naughty goat that grows hair on both cheeks 

Women as agents of infatuation 

In the lyrics below, OdòlayéÀrẹ̀mú (1997) expresses his displeasure with the level of infatuation that can 

endanger one’s life. Men go to great lengths for the sake of strong feelings at first sight while trying to get the 

attention of a woman. 

Èmi ọ̀ mọ̀ mọ̀ ríhun tóbìnrin ò le fi ni ṣe 

Have not seen what a man cannot do 

Tí ń bá wuni (obìnrin dùn púpọ̀) 

When he desires a woman 

Tó bà rán ni laccra á dà bí ògùnpa lójú ẹni 

If she sends one to Accra it will look like ogunpa to one 

This position suggests that women can use their beauty to confuse men and captivate their minds for as long as 

they want, because their beauty has caught the man’s attention. Some of the themes above address the social 

trending issues that Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú was discussing. Perhaps his choice of words and style of music influenced 

his manner of presentation, along with his family experience. 

 

Life and works of Lágbájá 

The life of Lágbájá 

Bísádé Ológundé, popularly known as Lágbájá, was born in Lagos in 1960. He is a Nigerian Afrobeat musician, 

songwriter, and instrumentalist. The use of a mask to cover his identity is directly related to his stage name, 

Lágbájá, which means anonymous or someone without a specific identity. He believes in social reform through 

music and began his musical journey in the early nineties. He presents himself as a common man in the carnival 

tradition of the Yorùbá people, and his name is reflected in the choice of his stage attire – a slated textile and a 

clothing mask. 

 

Being a self-taught saxophonist, he formed his first music band in 1991 in Lagos. His willingness to address 

social issues within the available context and space motivated him. His first album, released in 2000, titled We 

Before Me, addresses the social discourse of being a voice for the voiceless. The album demands honesty from 

politicians and urges brotherhood and unity. He does not make confrontational music; instead, he addresses 

issues philosophically without mentioning specific names. Some of his music includes Ikira (1999), We and Me 

Part 2 (2000), Africano the Mother of Groove (2005), and 200 Million Mumu (The Bitter Truth, 2012), among 

others. He has won several awards both domestically and internationally, particularly in 2006 when he produced 

a music video for his song Never Far Away. 

 
 

Figure 2.Lágbájá Retrieved from google April (2024) www.google.com 

The philosophical ideologies of Lágbájá 

Lágbájá is known for adding his voice to trending issues. He has a way of portraying an idea without hurting the 

mind of his listeners, yet communicating his ideology without necessarily pointing fingers. In his song Who-

man, the word who-man portrays the overall thematic ideology about this selected music, meaning who is man 

without woman. 

 

http://www.google/


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Lágbájá’s music emphasizes the importance of men giving women the respect they deserve. The music suggests 

that men cannot exist alone and yet women are often not given the respect they deserve. The instrumentation of 

the music was tailored to this premise, giving voice to the voiceless and making a symbolic representation of 

women, using agogo (a metal idiophone instrument) as described by Samuel and Adejube (2017). The metallic 

idiophone instruments used by Lágbájá play a polyphonic, interlocking rhythmic role in elucidating Lágbájá’s 

philosophical ideas about eradicating the ideology of denouncing and rejecting women’s untiring efforts to build 

a society free of obstacles. However, these duties are not well recognized. This is what Lágbájá critiques while 

advocating for fairness and tranquility. The responsive nature of the music brings about the focal point of the 

chorus, calling on the male figure to give appropriate credit to the women around them. 

 

The music presents women as the renowned figures responsible for lineage continuity, and suggests that men are 

nothing without them. 

The song Who-man by Lágbájáas noted by Samuel and Adejube (2017 

Man oppresses woman so How would life be? 

A world without woman? (Resp.) Empty as a ghost town, 

Eerie as a graveyard Who is man? Who? 

Who man without woman? 

He’s (Resp.) Nothing, nothing at all 

Figure 3. Who-man by Lágbájá. Scored on Sibelius. 

 

Themes in Who-man 

Theme of respect and appreciation 

Lágbájá calls upon male folks to respect and appreciate the women in their lives. He advocates that woman be 

treated with respect and justice, which is an issue of human rights. The opening phrase of his music state. 

Samuel and Adejube (2017) 

Mankind shall never find justice 

Until first we ensure justice between the sexes 

Man to woman Who? Who man without woman? 

He’s nothing, nothing at all 

We cannot do without her, yet she’s disrespected. 

Equality is an essential foundation for justice, as it ensures that all parties are recognized and given their 

deserved position within society. The lack of equality in many societies, particularly the traditional Yorùbá 

society, has kept women in positions where they are unable to contribute to key issues within their societies. 

This does not mean that women are totally relegated in Yorùbá societies, as they play key roles. However, the 

traditional culture of viewing women as unimportant in certain serious matters is unjust. 

Women as indispensable beings 

Lágbájá recognized the multifaceted roles that women fulfill, including being mothers, caregivers, pillars of 

strength, nurturers, and supporters. He further advocates that woman be treated with respect and justice, which 

is an issue of human rights Samuel and Adejube (2017) 

She bares with dignity, The stress of pregnancy 

How dare we complain, It’s a daughter not a son 

Would you have existed, were your mother never born, 

If you call yourself the stronger sex, let me see 

Your hand in the air, maybe you should bear the baby, 

What a site would be, to see man in labour 

Whoooo? Who make life sweet? Woman! 

Who make man happy? Woman! 

Yet can make man cry o? Woman! 

Who born your grandpa? Woman! 

Who born your father? Woman! 

Lágbájá’s perspective, as portrayed in this excerpt, is that women are the origin of life and the continuation of 

human existence. He emphasizes the important roles that women play in childbearing and nurturing, which are 

essential for the survival of life of both the male and female genders. This goes beyond childbearing and 

nurturing. Women, especially in Yorùbá societies, are also in charge of cooking and feeding the family, amongst 

which there are males, including the father. 

Women as companions 

Another perspective, as portrayed in the song by Lágbájá, is that a woman can help a man live a complete and 

more meaningful life. He believes that a man cannot live a fulfilling life without a woman in his life Samuel and 

Adejube (2017). 

Who are you? Who are you? Ah! Without woman? 



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186 

 

 O ò já mọ́ nǹkankan 

Nothing! You are nothing man, Nothing at all. 

 Femi minus Kemi? Zero! Owei minus Premo? OdoRabata! 

Rabata! 

 Adamu minus Hauwa? Zero! Emeka minus Ngozi? 

Zero! Chinedu minus Ada? Zero! Gari without sugar? 

 Odo rabata! Boli ti o lepa? Odo rabata! 

 

Relevance of Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú and Lágbájá’s views in present times 

choice of words about women may indicate that there was a specific encounter that triggered such an outpouring 

or it could be a reflection of societal issues that are still prevalent today. For example, women defiling their 

marriage vows, which is against the norm. When listening to certain media outlets, like Agidigbo FM, and 

particularly to a social and family program called Kokoro Alate, hosted by the CEO of Agidigbo Media House, 

Oriyomi Hamzat. It is clear that Odòlayé has strong views on the faithfulness of women in marriages. This is 

especially true as paternity fraud continues to be an issue. 

 

On the contrary, Lágbájá argued that we must not fail to acknowledge the undoubtful role of women in society. 

Their role includes providing financial aid in such a harsh economy, thereby providing succor and relief to the 

family, combined with their cultural responsibility of nurturing the family. He further stressed that women 

should be given more space to handle and fulfill their mandate, as no man can be complete without women, and 

that credence should be accorded to them, regardless of their shortcomings. 

 

Evaluation of their style, in the choice of language usage 

 As a musical artiste, Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú demonstrated his mastery of the Yorùbá language through various stylistic 

effects. He used his music as a tool for social control, informing his audience of social discourse. Despite his 

harsh presentational style, he was able to convey his message effectively. 

 

Lágbájá has a subtle way of addressing issues by using the speech surrogacy technique of the drum orchestra in 

buttressing his philosophical thoughts. His approach of code mixing and code switching makes him more 

relevant, coupled with his presentational style that has earned him wider appeal, especially among women. 

Lágbájá’s music style is non-confrontational, which is evident in some of his music, and has given him wider 

coverage. Lágbájá is also known for allotting solos or lines to be sung by women in many of his albums. This 

acknowledges the importance of women and when given the chance to help, provides a beautiful contrast. This 

is observed in his music through divergences of vocal texture, adding more colors to the music. 

 

Conclusion 

This study has discovered that the two artistes exhibit striking differences with regard to their philosophical 

ideology of women in their selected songs. This could be due to OdòlayéÀrẹ̀mú’s (1977) self-proclaimed status 

as the eagle’s eyes of Kwara State: 

Ajá Kwara tí kì í gbó lásán, tí kò bá rí eranko a sì rí èèyàn àtàtà. 

The kwara’s dog that doesn’t bark in vain, if it’s not against animals, it would be for the 

influential. 

OdòlayéÀrẹ̀mú is like a watchdog of society who appears unapologetic about his use of words. This is not 

surprising because dàdàkúàdá practitioners are known for their heavy use of Yorùbá poetic words for praising 

their patrons and addressing social ills. Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú’s choice of harsh words about women may indicate that 

there was a specific encounter that triggered such an outpouring. In contrast, Lágbájá’s ideology is that women 

are essential and soothing to men. He sees them as integral to life. Lágbájá has a calm and serene approach, 

which stands in stark contrast to Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú’s critical language. 

 

Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú is considered a socially committed artist. He addressed societal issues in his songs, with the aim 

of creating a harmonious society. His songs reflect the lifestyle of individuals in society. However, his 

confrontational style sometimes makes women see him as an enemy of womanhood. In contrast, Lágbájá has 

always been an advocate for equity and fairness, which he demonstrates by giving women lines to perform in 

many of his albums. Lágbájá has written, composed, and performed many songs in support of women, including 

Skentele and Jenke, among others. 

 

The two artistes displayed their respective ideologies in their songs, taking their level of exposure, audience 

reception in term of gender, and changing times into account. 



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Captions 

Figure 1. Odòlayé Àrẹ̀mú. Retrieved from google dec (2023)https://www.deezer.com. 

Figure 2. Lágbájá Retrieved from google dec (2024) www.google .com 

Figure 3. Who-man by Lágbájá Notated on Sibelius notation software and export as graphics. April (2024) 

 

 

https://www.deezer.com/
http://www.google/

