












































Bioarchaeology International 
DOI: 10.5744/bi.2023.0020

Copyright © 2023 University of Florida Press

Headless Burials from Pachacamac, Peru: 
A Taphonomic Approach to Reconstructing 
Mortuary Ritual
Andrew J. Nelson,a* Jo Motley,a Lucía Watson,b Jocelyn Williams,c  
Pauline Kirgis,d Jean- Bernard Huchet,d,e Suellen Gauld,f Lauren Poeta,a 
Ashley Ward,a T. Naomi Nakahodo,a Katherine Woodley,a Hanne Andersen,a 
Sorcha Rountree,a Rory Succee,a Jhon Baldeos,g Sarita Fuentes,h and 
Denise Pozzi- Escoth

aDepartment of Anthropology, The University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada
bUniversity of Wrocław, Wrocław, Poland
cDepartment of Anthropology, Trent University, Peterborough, Ontario, Canada
dLaboratoire PACEA, Université de Bordeaux, Pessac, France
eMuséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris, France
fDepartment of Anthropology, Santa Monica College, Santa Monica, CA, USA
gObrascon Huarte Lain— Sucursal del Perú, Lima, Perú
hMuseo Pachacamac, Lurín, Perú
*Correspondence to: Andrew Nelson, Department of Anthropology, The University of Western Ontario,
London, Ontario, Canada, N6A 5C2

E- mail: anelson@uwo . ca

ABSTRACT A paleoradiographic survey of funerary bundles (fardos) from a Late Intermediate Period (1000 A.D.– 1472 A.D.) cem-
etery in Sector 3 of the site of Pachacamac, Peru, demonstrated that 15 out of 61 individuals had had their head re-
moved when the body was in an advanced state of skeletonization/mummification. Detailed analysis of the field 
report, the fardos themselves, and X- rays and computed tomography scans of the fardos suggested that nine of these 
individuals were potential candidates for head removal in antiquity. Of those nine, six appeared to be clear examples 
of this practice. The analysis of multiple lines of evidence suggests that the use of this cemetery was complex, as part 
of a dynamic mortuary program that involved exposing the body for varying lengths of time and repeated excava-
tions for new interments when earlier burials were encountered. We conclude that these heads were removed from 
funerary bundles when graves were being dug for subsequent burials and the specific identity of the bundled individ-
ual had been lost. When considered within the abundant archaeological record of decapitation in the Pre- Hispanic 
Andes, as well as ethnohistoric accounts, this pattern is consistent with reported retrieval of heads as material mani-
festations of ancestors. However, when placed within the broader context of contemporary sites from the Central and 
Southern Coast, it is clear that specific cultural motivations may have varied through space and time.

Keywords: Peru; Pachacamac; headless burial; mortuary archaeology; Pre- Hispanic

L’étude paléoradiographique de paquets funéraires (fardos) provenant d’un cimetière de la période intermédi-
aire tardive (1000 A.D.– 1472 A.D.) dans le secteur 3 du site de Pachacamac, Pérou, a démontré que 15 des 61 in-
dividus avaient subi une ablation de la tête lorsque que le corps était dans un état avancé de squelettisation/
momification. L’analyse détaillée du rapport de fouille, des fardos eux- mêmes, ainsi que les résultats des 

Received 26 July 2023
Revised 25 September 2023

Accepted 12 October 2023

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Headless Burials from Pachacamac, Peru2

Pachacamac is a monumental administrative and pil-
grimage center that was occupied from the Early In-
termediate Period (0 A.D. to ca. 600 A.D.) through the 
Spanish Colonial Period (post 1532 A.D.) on the Cen-
tral Coast of Peru. Located just south of the modern 
city of Lima, it served as the capital of the Ychsma Cul-
ture from ca. 1100 A.D. to ca. 1470 A.D. (Pozzi- Escott 
2010 [the chronology used here follows Pozzi- Escot 
(2017)]; see Table 1), when it was conquered by the Inca, 
and the eponymous deity, Pachacamac, was incorpo-
rated into the Inca pantheon. The site’s role as a pil-
grimage center was probably locally focused until the 
Inca conquest, after which its importance as a desti-
nation for the faithful greatly increased (Owens and 
Eeckhout 2022).

The focus of this article is a sample of headless indi-
viduals from one of the cemeteries at Pachacamac. 
Decapitation, in both iconographic and physical 
forms, played a central role in ritual practice in the 
Pre- Hispanic Andes. Reviews of the practice have doc-
umented cases of decapitation in the Cupisnique and 
Moche societies of the North Coast (Cordy Collins 
2001), Carmichael (1988, 1994, 1995) has written exten-
sively on the practice in the Nasca society on the 
South Coast, Tung (2008) and Tung and Knudson 
(2008, 2010) have documented the practice at the Wari 
site of Conchopata, and Ogburn (2007) and several 
Spanish chroniclers (e.g., Betanzos 1996 [1576]:41) have 
described the display of defeated leaders’ heads by 
Túpac Inca Yupanqui. Verano (2015) has offered a 

Table 1. Chronological Sequence of Pachacamac (after Pozzi- Escott et al. 2017:Figure 6)

Chronology Period Culture Constructions in the Sanctuary

1470 A.D.– 1532 A.D. Late Horizon Inca occupation Temple of the Sun/Acllawasi
1000 A.D.– 1470 A.D. Late Intermediate Period Ychsma Pyramids with ramps
600 A.D.– 1000 A.D. Middle Horizon Pachacamac/Neveria Painted Temple/Temple of Pachacamac
0 A.D.–  600 A.D. Early Intermediate Period Old Temple

radiographies et des tomodensitogrammes des fardos suggèrent que neuf de ces individus figuraient comme des 
candidats potentiels à la décollation sur la période considérée. Sur ces neuf individus, six d’entre eux semblent 
être des exemples clairs de cette pratique. L’analyse de plusieurs sources de données suggère que l’utilisation de 
ce cimetière était complexe et s’inscrivait dans le cadre d’un système mortuaire dynamique qui impliquait l’expo-
sition du corps pour des durées variées ainsi que l’exhumation d’anciennes tombes pour procéder à de nouveaux 
ensevelissements. Nous concluons que ces têtes ont été soustraites des paquets funéraires lors du creusement de 
nouvelles tombes lorsque l’identité spécifique de l’individu anciennement inhumé avait été perdue. Si l’on tient 
compte de l’abondante documentation archéologique sur la décapitation dans les Andes pré- Hispaniques, ainsi 
que les récits ethnohistoriques, ce schéma est cohérent avec la récupération des têtes en tant que manifestations 
matérielles des ancêtres. Cependant, en se plaçant dans le contexte plus large des sites contemporains de la côte 
centrale et méridionale, il n’est pas à écarter que les motivations culturelles spécifiques aient pu varier dans 
l’espace et dans le temps.

Mots clés: Pérou; sépulture sans tête; archéologie mortuaire; préhispanique

Un estudio paleoradiográfico de fardos funerarios del Período Intermedio Tardío (1000 d.C.– 1472 d.C.) del ce-
menterio en el Sector 3 del sitio de Pachacamac, Perú, demostró que 15 individuos de un total de 61 personas les 
habían extraído la cabeza cuando el cuerpo se encontraba en un estado avanzado de esqueletización/momifi-
cación. Análisis detallado del informe de campo, los fardos mismos, como también las radiografías y las to-
mografías computarizadas de los fardos sugirieron que nueve de estos individuos eran potenciales candidatos 
para la remoción de cabezas en la antigüedad. De esos nueve, seis parecen ser claros ejemplos de esta práctica. 
El análisis de múltiples líneas de evidencia sugiere que el uso de este cementerio fue complejo, como parte de un 
programa mortuorio dinámico que implicó la exposición del cuerpo durante períodos de tiempo variables y 
excavaciones repetidas para nuevas inhumaciones cuando se encontraron entierros anteriores. Concluimos que 
estas cabezas fueron retiradas de los fardos funerarios cuando se cavaban las tumbas para entierros posteriores 
y se había perdido la identidad específica del individuo envuelto. Cuando se considera dentro del abundante 
registro arqueológico de decapitaciones en los Andes Pre- hispanos, así como los relatos etnohistóricos, este patrón 
es consistente con la recuperación de cabezas reportada como manifestación material de los antepasados. Sin em-
bargo, cuando se les sitúa dentro del contexto más amplio de los sitios contemporáneos de la costa central y sur, 
queda claro que las motivaciones culturales específicas pueden haber variado a través del espacio y el tiempo.

Palabras claves: Perú; Pachacamac; entierro sin cabeza; arqueología mortuoria; Prehispánico

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Nelson et al. 3

comprehensive treatment of the subject, focusing on 
nonstandard mortuary treatments in the Andes. Many 
discussions of decapitation make a distinction be-
tween taking the head of an enemy and taking the 
head of an ancestor (cf. Arnold and Hasdorf 2008). The 
former was a punitive political act, while the latter was 
a powerful link to ancestral vitality and fertility (Ar-
nold and Hasdorf 2008; Carmichael 1994; Toyne 2015). 
Thus, this article seeks to place the sample of headless 
burials from Pachacamac within the larger context of 
the decapitation tradition in the Andes to shed new 
light on this practice and on funerary activities at 
Pachacamac.

Context

The site of Pachacamac was first systematically exca-
vated by Max Uhle (1903), who estimated that there 
were 80,000 individuals buried at the site. Uhle (1903) 
identified six cemeteries at the site, and additional 
burials have been found in many other contexts across 
the site, including areas excavated in the past 25 years 
by Proyecto Ychsma in 1999– 2003 (Eeckhout 2004; 
Owens and Eeckhout 2015), the Pachacamac Archae-
ological Project directed by Izumi Shimada starting 
in 2003 (Takigami et al. 2014), the ongoing Proyecto 

Arqueológico de Valle de Pachacamac (Palma and 
Makowski 2019), and several conservation and excava-
tion projects of Museo Pachacamac undertaken since 
2008 (e.g., Pozzi- Escot et al. 2018). This history was re-
cently reviewed by Fuentes et al. (2022).

A Pre- Hispanic cemetery was encountered during 
landscaping work as part of the construction of a new 
national archaeology museum dubbed MUNA (Mu-
seo Nacional de Arqueología del Perú). The cemetery 
was located outside of the main sanctuary in an area 
designated as Sector 3 (see Fig. 1). It was excavated in 
2015 by Jhon Baldeos (2015) and again in 2016 and 2019 
by Baldeos and Sara García (García and Baldeos 2020). 
In 2015, 138 funerary contexts were identified (Baldeos 
2015:8), including 78 more or less intact fardos (Baldeos 
2015: 50) (a “fardo” is a structured bundle of textiles 
that contains an individual and associated grave 
goods), skeletonized individuals, and secondary burial 
deposits and other offerings (Baldeos 2015). The upper-
most layer of the cemetery included many disturbed 
deposits of human remains. In the later campaigns, 
rescue excavations were undertaken in areas of a recent 
chicken farm, aquifer, and sand mining operations. 
This much- disturbed context yielded 31 “fortuitous 
findings,” including many deposits of disturbed hu-
man bones and other archaeological material, includ-
ing 15 fardos (García and Baldeos 2020). The Sector 3 

Figure 1. Map of the site of Pachacamac showing the location of Sector 3 and the MUNA cemetery in relation 
to the main part of the Sanctuary. Source: Museo Pachacamac.

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Headless Burials from Pachacamac, Peru4

cemetery was believed to date from the late Middle 
Horizon (600 A.D. to 1000 A.D.) to the early Late Hori-
zon (1470 A.D. to 1532 A.D.) (Baldeos 2015).

The cemetery is described as being in a sandy ma-
trix with no evidence for individual tomb cuts or 
tomb architecture. The uppermost layers had been 
disturbed by sand mining in the 1960s. The burials 
were encountered between a few centimeters and 140 
cm below the surface. Baldeos (2015) excavated in a 
series of arbitrary levels (see below for a discussion 
of chronology).

In 2019, the Mummies as Microcosms Project 
(MaM) (Nelson et al. 2021) began working in collabo-
ration with Museo Pachacamac to undertake a paleo-
radiographic, bio archae ol o gi cal survey of the fardos 
from the Sector 3 cemetery. This undertaking is part 
of a broader research program that seeks to shed light 
on the biological and cultural characteristics of the oc-
cupants of the Central Coast of Peru from the Middle 
Horizon through the Late Horizon. Fardos were given 
an initial visual inspection to assess overall preserva-
tion. Then, well- preserved fardos were imaged using 
plane radiography to assess internal preservation and 
suitability for computed tomography. Finally, a select 
sample was subjected to computed tomography (CT). 
Minimally invasive samples of textile were taken for 
14C analysis and, where accessible, through preexist-
ing openings in the wrappings, and hair samples were 
obtained for carbon and nitrogen isotopic analysis. In 
2022, the project was joined by coauthor PK, and ar-
chaeoentomological samples were taken from the far-
dos. At the time of writing, we have examined 70+ 
fardos, X- rayed 61, and collected CT scans of 48. We 
have additional X- rays and CT scans of fardos from 
other contexts at Pachacamac as well as other sites on 
the Central Coast for regional comparisons.

The paleoradiographic approach emphasizes the use 
of nondestructive imaging to visualize the contents 
of the fardo (Nelson et al. 2021). Fardos are tradition-
ally studied by unwrapping them (e.g., Diaz 2015; 
Frame et al. 2004, 2012; Frame and Falcón 2014). This 
process yields important information about body mod-
ification (e.g., tattoos), textiles, and wrapping details, 
but it destroys the context of the fardo, and once the 
fardo is separated into its components (metals, textiles, 
bones, etc.), the components are typically curated in 
different parts of a museum, making it difficult to re-
construct that context (cf. Ordoñez 2019). While pa-
leoradiography will never recover the full range of 
information available from an unwrapping (cf. Suther-
land 2019), it does not destroy the context, and the 
bundle can be revisited subsequently with different 
analyses/techniques. The plane X- ray survey provides 
a low cost means of rapidly and nondestructively sur-
veying a large number of bundles.

In the course of this survey, it became clear that sev-
eral of the individuals inside the fardos did not have 
heads. Given the importance of decapitation in An-
dean ritual practice discussed above, this article fo-
cuses on these individuals to better understand this 
element of the mortuary ritual at Pachacamac. For the 
purposes of clarity, in the following descriptions, the 
term “head” will refer to the cranium and mandible, 
with variably adhering cervical vertebrae and associ-
ated desiccated soft tissues.

Methods

The MaM project takes a multimodal approach to 
the study of Pre- Hispanic fardos, emphasizing 
 nondestructive/ minimally invasive methods to max-
imize the recovery of data. We start with visual inspec-
tion of the fardos to assess their state of preservation, 
and then we record them using photography and draw-
ing, and we make observations about their method 
of wrapping, any visible artifacts, bones, or mummi-
fied body parts. Several fardos were found to have been 
exposed to water and were referred for conservation 
(Shigwekawa 2021).

Fardos deemed to be stable were then subjected to 
plane radiography. We used a portable X- ray source 
together with a digital X- ray receptor. We used two re-
ceptors: in 2019, the size was 30 × 30 cm, and in 2022, 
we had a 14 × 17 in. (35.6 × 43.2 cm) plate. Fardos for 
adult individuals can be quite large, so we created a 
mosaic of individual images using the stitching func-
tion in Photoshop (v. 13 and 16). For details of the prin-
ciple of mosaic imaging of large objects, see Conlogue 
(2020), and for the specific application to fardos and 
details of image stitching, see Motley (2022:Appendix 
B). Note that the size of the panel makes a critical dif-
ference when stitching the images. A large fardo would 
need as many as 24 individual exposures with the small 
panel, while it would only need six with the larger 
panel. The smaller number of larger images greatly 
reduces registration errors (see Motley 2022).

We took CT scans in July and August 2019, Decem-
ber 2021, and June 2022 using Siemens scanners (SO-
MATOM Definition AS and SOMATOM go.Up) at 
the Resocentro clinic in Miraflores. The scanner set-
tings were as follows: minimum available slice thick-
ness (0.5 mm and 0.6 mm), 110 or 120 kVp, 160 mAs, 
pitch factor of 1.2, and an abdomen protocol. Scans 
were visualized using ORSsi and Dragonfly v. 2022.2 
(https:// www . theobjects . com / dragonfly / index . html).

The individuals in these fardos are considered Type 
II mummies following the typology proposed by Vree-
land (1998). That means that cultural practices, such as 
wrapping the bodies in absorbent textiles and burying 

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Nelson et al. 5

them in an environment conducive to desiccation, en-
hance the natural processes of mummification (see 
Motley 2022). This leads to quite variable preservation 
of soft tissues.

Bio archae ol o gi cal analysis includes the determina-
tion of age, sex, pathological conditions (both soft 
tissue and osteological), trauma, dental health, and 
cranial modification. Standard osteological techniques 
are used to determine sex (cranial and pelvic charac-
teristics) and age (dental wear, spinal degeneration, 
cranial suture closure) following Buikstra and Ubelaker 
(1994), with methods modified for use on X- ray or CT 
data (e.g., using Wink [2014] to assess the pubic sym-
physis on CT scans). Age ranges for adults (young: 
21– 35; middle: 35– 50; old: 51+) followed Buikstra and 
Ubelaker (1994).

We took 14C samples opportunistically through pre-
existing openings in the fardos’ wrappings. The inner-
most accessible textile was sampled to avoid potential 
confusion arising from any rewrapping of the bun-
dles that might have taken place. The Radiochronol-
ogy Laboratory at Université Laval in Laval, Quebec 
(https:// www . cen . ulaval . ca / en / infrastructures / radio 
carbon/), prepared the samples using chemical pre-
treatment (HCl– NaOH– HCl), combustion, extraction, 
and purification of the CO2. The CO2 was then graph-
itized and pressed into a target. The graphite targets 
were shipped to the Keck Carbon Cycle AMS facility 
at the University of California, Irvine (https:// sites . ps 
. uci . edu / kccams/), for accelerator mass spectrometry 
counting. Calibration of the 14C dates was done using 
the SHCal20 curve (http:// calib . org / calib / calib . html), 
following the recommendations of Marsh et al. (2018: 
932) and Hogg et al. (2020:774) as the Central Coast 
of Peru is south and west of the Intertropical Conver-
gence Zone.

Archaeoentomological analysis follows the princi-
ples and methods of forensic entomology, adjusted for 
the bio archae ol o gi cal context (see Huchet 2014) in or-
der to understand the depositional history of a burial. 
This analysis yields important information about the 
elaboration of the funerary ritual, particularly with re-
gard to the length of time between death and burial. 
PK collected more than 450 insect fragments (Diptera, 
Coleoptera, Phthiraptera, and other Arthropoda) from 
the fardos featured in this article. Identifications were 
made under a stereo microscope at family, subfamily, 
genus, and, where possible, species level. This pri-
mordial sorting allowed us to familiarize ourselves 
with the material. Most specimens were represented 
by fragmentary remains. Diptera fragments were iden-
tified using dichotomous keys and reference collec-
tions (Giordani et al. 2018; Greenberg and Szyska 1984; 
Huchet and Greenberg 2010; Lowenberg- Neto and 
Carvalho 2013; inter alia). Details of the Calliphoridae 

Table 2. The key stages of the life cycle of Peruvian Calliphoridae 
(the blow fly) and the colonization of a corpse. After Greenberg & 
Szyska (1984).

Event Duration*

Colonization of the corpse—   
eggs laid

within minutes (pioneering flies)

Eggs hatch to become larvae 
(maggots)

ca. 24 hours (1 day)

Larvae pass through stages ca. 50 hours (2 days)
Larvae develop into pupae ca 130 hours (5.4 days)
Pupae develop and hatch to  
become adults

ca. 140 hours (5.8 days)

Adults leave the corpse after 10 to 15 days of eggs being laid

The key stages of the life cycle of Peruvian Calliphoridae (blow flies) and the 
colonization of a corpse. After Greenberg & Szyska (1984)
* Insects, like all arthropods, are poikilothermic (coldblooded) and their 
timetable is primarily temperature driven and varies substantially 
depending on the species. Rate of development may be species specific and 
is influenced by biotic factors, e.g. maggot mass that can significantly 
accelerate rate of development; and state of the body (clothed or naked, 
mutilated, etc.).

(blow flies) are presented here. See Table 2 for the life 
cycle of the Peruvian blow fly.

The funerary taphonomic approach (cf. Knüsel and 
Robb 2016) is used in the analysis of these fardos. Ta-
phonomy is the study of the processes that alter or 
create a particular context in the archaeological or pa-
leontological record (cf. Efremov 1940), and funerary 
taphonomy uses this method to interpret data in the 
mortuary context (Knüsel and Robb 2016). See Mot-
ley (2022) for a detailed discussion of this approach 
as applied to the analysis of fardos.

Results

Fifteen fardos were identified as being of interest 
for this study as the X- rays clearly demonstrated that 
they were missing the head. Detailed examination of 
the X- rays, CT scans, and the wrappings themselves 
yielded five potential scenarios to explain the lack of 
the heads:

1.  the fardo was a secondary burial that only in-
cluded part (not including the head or skull) of the 
original skeleton;

2.  there were inconsistencies between the field report 
and what we were able to observe, making it impos-
sible to make an unambiguous interpretation;

3.  heads that had become separated from the fardo 
since excavation;

4.  heads that were removed, but no attempt had been 
made to restore the resulting hole in the wrap-
pings; and

5.  heads that were removed with some attempt to 
 replace/restore the wrappings.

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Headless Burials from Pachacamac, Peru6

Fardos assigned to Categories 1 to 3 (N = 6) were re-
moved from subsequent analysis.

The distinction between Categories 4 and 5 was 
maintained because it was impossible to know if a 
head that had been extracted with no attempt to re-
store the wrappings (Category 4) was removed in an-
tiquity or by looters in more recent times. It was 
deemed unlikely that a modern looter would attempt 
to restore or rewrap a bundle after they had removed 
the head (Category 5), so these heads were deemed 
to have been removed in antiquity. Category 4 in-
cluded three fardos and Category 5 included six.

Detailed analysis of the bones and desiccated skin 
(when visible) and the CT scans suggests that the in-
dividuals were in an advanced state of skeletonization/ 
mummification when the heads were removed. There 
are no cut marks on any of the visible bones, and there 
is generally a clean break at the articular facets at 
some point along the cervical spine such that several 
cervical vertebrae were removed with the skull while 
the remaining vertebrae were left behind. In the case 
of E82U, the skin of the neck broke at the level of 
C3– C4, while the cervical spine separated between 
C1 and the occiput. The hair mass was frequently left 
behind, indicating that decomposition had pro-
ceeded far enough that the scalp was no longer tightly 
bound to the cranium. The hair was apparently not of 
interest to the person who extracted the rest of the 
head.

Category 4 individuals

E68 is a nonadult burial, ca. seven to eight years of age, 
buried in an extended position, with a cream-  and 
brown- colored cotton wrap, buried at a depth of 40 cm 
(Fig. 2). This is one of the fardos that had been exposed 
to water, so the bundle was conserved between our 
2019 and 2022 seasons. As we could not visualize this 
individual directly, this description incorporates ob-
servations from the CT scan and notes by Shigwekawa 
(2021). E68 is part of a group burial including E69 to 
E74, all buried in an extended, supine position. There 
are no artifacts visible on the CT scan. This individ-
ual’s calibrated median probability 14C date is 1448 A.D. 
(2 sigma [σ] range = 1435 A.D. to 1460 A.D.), which 
places them in the Late Intermediate Period/Ychsma 
cultural phase.

This individual is one of only two nonadult burials 
older than the age of three years to be positioned in 
the extended position in the Sector 3 sample. The other 
is E70, part of this group burial along with the ex-
tended adult E69 (see below). Jijon y Caamaño (1949) 
first noted that the youngest individuals (age less than 
three to five years) on the Peruvian coast tended to 
be buried in the extended position from the Early 

Figure 2. E68— Average Intensity 
Projection showing the extended 
position and lack of head.

Intermediate Period to the Late Horizon, while from 
the Middle Horizon (600 A.D. to 1000 A.D.), older 
nonadults and adults were generally buried in the 
seated flexed position. This change in position may 
reflect a change in social identity, possibly the at-
tainment of personhood (Poeta and Nelson 2021). 
Baldeos (2015) believed that the burial pattern and 
textiles of this burial group did not correspond with 
typical Ychsma burials and suggested that they may 
be Inca in date. However, burial position is not the 
focus of this study and will be discussed elsewhere.

Baldeos (2015) described the head as being removed 
through a cut in the textiles. The cranium, mandible, 
and all cervical vertebrae are missing. The thoracic 
vertebrae, clavicles, and right scapula are displaced lat-
erally. The left scapula and humerus are missing, and 
the right arm is displaced distally. The packing that 

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Nelson et al. 7

typically lies on top of the head in these fardos is in-
tact and the opening in the wrappings for the removal 
of the head is where the face would have been, which 
is in keeping with the extended supine position. The 
damage to the thorax was quite extensive in compar-
ison to the other fardos. No attempt was made to re-
place the wrappings.

Entomological analysis did not yield any infor-
mation relevant to the mortuary treatment of this 
individual.

E69 is part of the same burial group as E68 (de-
scribed above) and is a young adult male, buried at a 
depth of 30 cm (Fig. 3). This individual is the only 
adult in this cemetery to be buried in an extended po-
sition. This fardo was also exposed to moisture and 
was conserved in 2021, so as above, we are relying on 

notes from Shigwekawa (2021) and the CT scan. This 
individual had a half spondylus shell and a cluster of 
small metal circular artifacts located in the area of the 
chest. The calibrated median probability 14C date is 
1455 A.D. (2σ range = 1441 A.D. to 1485 A.D.). This date 
places this individual in the Late Intermediate Period/
Ychsma cultural phase or possibly the Late Horizon/
Inca cultural phase. Baldeos (2015) suggested that the 
textiles used to wrap this individual did not follow a 
typical Ychsma style, leading him to suggest that 
this individual might date to the Inca Period.

Like E68, the removal of the head was accompa-
nied by considerable disturbance of the thorax, in-
cluding the removal of all cervical vertebrae, the right 
humerus, clavicle and scapula, and inferior displace-
ment of the left arm. The bulk of the original wrap-
ping around the head has been displaced, and the head 
was removed through an opening in the wrappings 
where the face would have been. The displaced wrap-
pings were folded back to roughly close the opening, 
but no attempt was made to hold them in place or to 
cover the opening. This is visible in the photographs 
taken at excavation (Baldeos 2015:226). Baldeos (2015) 
believed that this burial had been disturbed by sand 
mining or other modern activities.

Entomological analysis did not yield any infor-
mation relevant to the mortuary treatment of this 
individual.

The fact that this individual had a spondylus shell 
and metal artifacts in the region of the chest/head sug-
gests that this interference was unlikely to have been 
from a modern looter, who would likely have been more 
interested in the artifacts than the skull. However, in 
keeping with the Category 4/5 distinction, we will be 
conservative in our interpretation.

E76A is a young adult male, buried at a depth of 120 
cm, in a seated and flexed position (Fig. 4). The fardo 
contains numerous metal foil fragments (at least two 
of copper), and the bundle is wrapped in a cotton 
cream and brown textile. This individual is one of a 
group of burials (E76A to E76H). The calibrated me-
dian probability 14C date is 1433 A.D. (2σ range = 1417 
A.D. to 1449 A.D.). This date places this individual in 
the Late Intermediate Period/Ychsma cultural phase.

The skull and first four cervical vertebrae were re-
moved. The textiles around the head end of the fardo 
included a textile wrapping the neck, one over the 
body of the fardo, and one over the head end that over-
lays the body shroud over the shoulders. All three 
textiles were damaged in order to access the head. No 
attempt was made to repair or reorganize the textiles.

Entomological analysis demonstrates that the life 
cycle of Synthesiomyia nudiseta (Muscidae) was com-
plete, suggesting that the individual was exposed for an 
extended period of time, possibly three to four weeks, 

Figure 3. E69— Coronal CT slice 
showing the extended position and lack 
of head. The right- pointing arrow is 
highlighting the spondylus shell and the 
left- pointing arrow is highlighting the 
round metal artifacts.

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Headless Burials from Pachacamac, Peru8

between death and burial. Given the skeletonized/ 
mummified state that the neck must have been in at 
the time of removal, three to four weeks is not likely 
enough time for soft tissue desiccation to proceed far 
enough to allow the head to be removed before it was 
buried. The coastal desert can be quite hot during the 
summer months of February and March, with very 
little precipitation but with high humidity (Aliaga- 
Nestares et al. 2023). Galloway (1997) has reported that 
a corpse may become mummified in as few as 11 days 
in the Sonoran Desert, but humidity in Arizona is 
much lower than it is on the Central Coast. Once bur-
ied, it is not clear how long it would take for a human 
body to attain the state of skeletonization/mummifi-
cation observed here. Janaway et al. (2009) used pigs 
as body analogs to suggest that a body buried in an 
open tomb on the Peruvian coast can retain a moist 
core for up to two years, although the extremities were 
desiccated by then.

This individual was a deep burial and is there-
fore less likely to have been encountered by modern 

Figure 5. E76D— Coronal CT slice. Note the channel (arrow) left by 
the removal of the head and neck.

Figure 4. E76A— Coronal CT slice. Note the channel (arrow) left by 
the removal of the head and neck.

looters. However, in keeping with the Category 4/5 dis-
tinction, we will be conservative in our interpretation.

Category 5 individuals

E76D is part of the same group of burials as E76A, dis-
cussed above. This individual is a young to middle 
adult female, buried in a seated, flexed position at a 
depth of 120 cm (Fig. 5). The bundle contained numer-
ous spindles (Fig. 6), spindle whorls (not seen in the 
figures), and associated threads, and was wrapped by 
a beige plain- weave textile. There is no 14C date for this 
individual.

A coronal CT slice through the fardo (Fig. 5) shows 
quite a broad area of disturbance that includes the dis-
placement of ribs and removal of all cervical and 
many thoracic vertebrae. After removal, textiles were 
used to pack the void, and a red tight weave textile was 
placed over the opening and a large beige plain textile 
was used to rewrap the whole bundle. This textile was 
kept in place by belts wrapped around the middle of 
the fardo (Fig. 6).

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Nelson et al. 9

The entomological analysis suggests that this indi-
vidual was likely buried quickly after their death, based 
on the absence of the remains of pioneer fly species 
(Calliphoridae).

E82A is a young adult male, buried in a seated, 
flexed position at a depth of 75 cm (Fig. 7). E82A is part 
of an extensive deposit of 24 fardos, buried in close 
association. There are a number of metal artifacts 
(mostly small foils and two large objects) inside the 
fardo. Abundant raw cotton without seeds was used 
to stuff the fardo. The calibrated median probability 14C 
date is 1342 A.D. (2σ range = 1315 A.D. to 1360 A.D.). 
This date places this individual in the Late Interme-
diate Period/Ychsma cultural phase.

The removal of the head appears to have taken most 
of the cervical vertebrae and displaced several thoracic 
vertebrae and the scapulae. The displaced textiles 
were folded back to close the opening. The bundle ap-
pears to be intact in the excavation photo (Baldeos 
2015:293), enough so that Baldeos commented on cot-
ton being placed “sobre la cabeza” (2015:293) (“over the 
head”).

The entomological analysis suggests that this indi-
vidual was likely buried quickly after death, based on 
the absence of pioneer fly species.

E82H is a young adult female, buried in a seated 
flexed position at a depth of 120 cm, and it is part of 
the E82 group burial. Abundant raw cotton with seeds 
was used to stuff the fardo and there are nectandra 
seeds, several small metal foils, and a large unidenti-
fied metal artifact in the fardo (a square metal foil 
ca. 10 × 6.5cm) (Fig. 8). The calibrated median proba-
bility 14C date is 1394 A.D. (2σ range = 1389 A.D. to 
1413 A.D.). This date places this individual in the Late 
Intermediate Period/Ychsma cultural phase.

This individual’s head was removed, taking all cer-
vical and possibly the top thoracic vertebrae. The 

surrounding textiles were carefully rearranged after 
removal, including placing a light brown, blue- striped 
Ychsma textile over the opening where the head had 
been. It is unclear whether this textile is an original 
element of the fardo used to cover the opening or 
whether it was added for the purpose of recovering the 
opening, but it covers most of the fardo.

The entomological analysis identified 28 hatched 
puparia and two complete puparia of Calliphoridae in 
various parts of the fardo. This suggests that the fardo 
was exposed for 10 to 15 days, corresponding to the 
early part of the immature life cycle of these flies (de-
pending on local temperatures).

E82T is an old adult male, buried in a seated flexed 
position at a depth of 110 cm as part of the E82 group 
burial. There are several metal foils visible on the 
X- ray (Fig. 9). The fardo also contains a bundle of 
cane tubes (Fig. 9), a sling, and several corncobs (not 
visible in Fig. 9). The calibrated median probability 
14C date is 1342 A.D. (2σ range = 1315 A.D. to 1360 A.D.). 
This date places this individual in the Late Interme-
diate Period/Ychsma cultural phase.

The removal of the head of this individual caused 
considerable disturbance of the thorax. It displaced 
the ribs and right humerus laterally and removed all 

Figure 6. E76D— Photo of the fardo (photo: Andrew Nelson). Note the 
intact outer wrapping and the belt around the middle of the fardo. The 
head end of the fardo is to the left side of the image. A single spindle 
(one of several) can be seen as indicated by the arrow.

Figure 7. E82A— Coronal CT slice. Note the presence of the metal 
foils. The arrow indicates the position of loose vertebrae and the break 
in the textile through which the head was removed.

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Headless Burials from Pachacamac, Peru10

the cervical and most of the thoracic vertebrae and the 
right scapula and clavicle. After removal of the head, 
the opening was covered by a brown gauze textile dec-
orated with beige circles. This was likely the original 
outermost shroud, displaced for the removal of the 
head and then returned to its position. The shroud was 
held in place by a coarse weave textile belt around the 
middle of the fardo.

Entomological analysis suggests that burial of this 
individual took place rapidly after death on the basis 
of a lack of remains of pioneer flies.

E82U is a middle to old adult female, buried in a 
seated, flexed position at a depth of 110 cm, buried ad-
jacent to E82W (below) as part of the E82 group burial. 
Openings in the wrappings show both hands, which 

Figure 8. E82H— Coronal CT slice. Note the channel (arrow) left by 
the removal of the head and neck. The circle indicates the location of 
the unidentified metal artifact.

Figure 9. E82T— Coronal CT slice. Note the presence of the metal foils 
and the cane tubes (circled). The channel left by the removal of the head 
and neck is indicated by the arrow.

display geometric tattoos. The bundle contains abun-
dant raw cotton with seeds, a nectandra seed necklace, 
spinning spindles near the hands, small feathers, and 
a silver foil near the neck and another foil by the left 
elbow (Fig. 10). The calibrated median probability 14C 
date is 1346 A.D. (2σ range = 1301 A.D. to 1363 A.D.). 
This date places this individual in the Late Interme-
diate Period/Ychsma cultural phase.

The outermost wrapping is a cream- colored plain- 
weave textile that appears to have been cut for the re-
moval of the head. A block of cervical vertebrae with 
accompanying skin and connective tissue was broken 
away from C1 to C5 but remained in the fardo. The 
break in the skin of the neck appears at about C3– C4, 
while the C1 and occipital condyles separated at the 
point of articulation. This highlights the brittle nature 
of the desiccated tissue at the time of head removal. 
An internal textile was folded into the opening left 
from the removal of the head and a few stitches were 
used to hold it in place. A small textile, described by 

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Nelson et al. 11

Baldeos (2015) as a rectangular tapestry measuring 40 × 
45 cm, was used to cover where the head had been.

A few Calliphoridae puparia were noted, but all had 
hatched and no adult remains were encountered. This 
suggests that the body was exposed for less than 10 to 
15 days before burial. The presence of late- arriving 
Muscidae flies, who feed on decomposition products, 
suggests that the burial was reopened and the head re-
moved before the body was completely desiccated.

E82W is a young adult female, buried in a seated, 
flexed position at a depth of 75 cm, buried next to 
E82U (above) as part of the E82 group burial. The bun-
dle was stuffed with abundant raw cotton with seeds 
and has a single wooden support pole (Fig. 11). No ar-
tifacts were visible on direct observation or on the 
X- ray. The calibrated median probability 14C date is 
1420 A.D. (2σ range = 1404 A.D. to 1439 A.D.). This 
date places this individual in the Late Intermediate 
Period/Ychsma cultural phase.

Figure 10. E82U— Coronal CT slice. Note the channel (arrow) left by 
the removal of the head and neck.

Figure 11. E82W— Composite X- ray. The support pole is indicated by 
the arrow.

The beige textile originally covering the head had 
been displaced sideways to the individual’s left to cre-
ate the opening to access the head. The head was then 
removed, taking the cervical vertebrae and disturbing 
the thorax and both shoulder girdles. The hair mass 
was left behind. The textile was then folded back into 
place and fixed by a few stitches (Fig. 12a and 12b).

A few Calliphoridae puparia were noted in the outer 
folds of the bundle’s textiles, but they had hatched and 
no adult remains were encountered. This suggests that 
the body was exposed for up to 10 to 15 days before 
burial.

Discussion

The practice of repairing the opening and/or rewrap-
ping the fardo strongly suggests that the removal of 
the head in these cases was not an act of violence or 
looting. This conclusion is consistent with the practice 
of head recovery reflecting the reverence for the an-
cestors discussed by Carmichael (1994), Arnold and 

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Headless Burials from Pachacamac, Peru12

Hasdorf (2008), and Toyne (2015). However, the degree 
of damage to the upper half of the spine and thorax 
in several cases suggests that it was not a delicate pro-
cess. The process of preparing these individuals for 
wrapping and burial was not necessarily delicate ei-
ther (e.g., the positioning of the legs was often accom-
panied by the dislocation of the hip). The process of 
decomposition often led to bones moving out of posi-
tion (particularly of the trunk, where decomposition 
would begin), but the frequent removal of cervical and 
thoracic vertebrae and often other elements of the 
shoulder girdle suggests that this particular pattern is 
associated with the deliberate removal of the head 
rather than postmortem decomposition.

The sample of six Category 5 individuals includes 
four females and two males, and they range in age from 
young adults to old adults. The general lack of burial 
goods and the simple nature of the burial goods that 
did accompany some of these individuals suggest that 
they were of modest status. Thus, apart from them be-
ing adults, there does not appear to be a specific iden-
tity (age, sex, status) that the individuals gathering 

Figure 12. E82W— Figure 12a is the general view of the textile covering 
the opening through which the head had been removed. Figure 12b 
shows the stitching of that textile to surrounding wrappings (the 
wrappings were folded back to allow this view). An arrow indicates the 
location of the stitches. Photos: Andrew Nelson.

the heads had in mind when they chose a fardo to 
sample.

The 14C dates (all dates in text are calibrated) shown 
in Table 3 demonstrate that the cemetery was in use 
for ca. 200 years (E64 to E71), with most burials tak-
ing place in the Late Intermediate Period and three 
(E69, E71, and E76C) bridging (with their 2σ ranges) 
the end of the Late Intermediate Period and the early 
years of the Late Horizon. These dates correspond to 
the Middle and Late Ychsma and/or Inca cultural pe-
riods. A burial’s depth in the cemetery is not correlated 
with the date of burial, particularly in the case of E64, 
the highest fardo in the cemetery, who has the earli-
est date (1295 A.D.). The five Category 5 individuals for 
whom we have 14C dates date to 1420 A.D. or earlier, 
and the three Category 4 individuals date between 
1433 A.D. and 1455 A.D. However, overlapping 2σ 
ranges of E82W and E76A preclude making a clear 
temporal distinction between the two groups. The fact 
that E69 has a spondylus shell and metal artifacts sug-
gests that it is unlikely that a modern looter, who 
would probably have been more interested in the arti-
facts than the head, defiled this individual. However, 
for the sake of maintaining a conservative approach, 
we can conclude that the practice of retrieving heads 
and repairing the bundles took place in the first two- 
thirds of the use of the cemetery.

The dates for the group burials also shed important 
light on how the cemetery was used. The individuals 
who comprise the group burials do not appear to have 
been deposited at the same time. E88 and E88B were 
uncovered immediately adjacent to each other (E88A 
was on the other side of E88), and this group burial is 
the deepest in the cemetery. However, E88A yielded a 
date of 1397 A.D. (2σ 1390– 1415 A.D.) while E88 was 
dated to 1448 A.D. (2σ 1435– 1460 A.D.). Similarly, E76A 
dates to 1433 A.D. (2σ 1417– 1449 A.D.) while E76C dates 
to 1475 A.D. (2σ 1452– 1501 A.D.). In both cases, the 2σ 
values do not overlap, suggesting the burial events 
took place at different times. The larger group burials 
E82 and the extended group (E68 to E73) show lengthy 
deposition sequences of 84 and 54 years, respectively, 
with no overlap between the earliest and latest 2σ 
ranges. Thus, it is quite likely that these are not group 
burials in the sense of a single burial event. Rather, ei-
ther purposefully or accidentally, serial burial events 
happened to place new individuals in close proximity 
to individuals who had previously been interred. The 
lack of bleaching and overall preservation of the fardos 
suggest that they must have been covered over by sand 
in the intervening years.

Several of the burials described here have entomo-
logical evidence suggesting that they were buried be-
tween a few days and a few weeks after death. Motley’s 
(2022) taphonomic analysis of the completeness and 

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Nelson et al. 13

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Headless Burials from Pachacamac, Peru14

articulation of the skeletons is consistent with this 
model. Most of these burials display hyperflexed limbs. 
Recent experimental research by Schotsman et  al. 
(2022) demonstrates that hyperflexion can be achieved 
after the cessation of rigor mortis. Estimates for the 
duration of rigor mortis vary between 24 and 84 hours 
after death (Goff 2009) and 44 and 76 hours after death 
(Krompecher 2015). Goff (2009) notes that low tem-
peratures can prolong rigor while higher tempera-
tures can reduce its length. A delay between death and 
burial is also consistent with various Spanish chroni-
cles, which describe a delayed mortuary ritual of ap-
proximately five to 10 days (depending on the source: 
e.g., Cieza de Leon [1553] 1922:220; the Huarochiri 
manuscript Avila [1573– 1647] 1991:129; and Guaman 
Poma [1615] 2009:226– 228). However, given the pre-
vailing environmental conditions on the Central Coast 
of Peru, particularly in terms of temperature and hu-
midity, it is unlikely that this period was long enough 
for mummification/skeletonization to proceed to the 
state where the skin and intervertebral (and other) 
joints were brittle enough to break cleanly and for the 
hair mass to be separated from the cranium. It is there-
fore likely that the individuals were buried after an 
initial delay but then revisited at a later date to retrieve 
the head.

Other examples of head removal are known from 
the Central Coast. These include three fardos from a 
large chamber tomb associated with the Painted Tem-
ple at Pachacamac (Takigami et al. 2014). This cham-
ber was in use from ca. 1000 A.D. to 1500 A.D. During 
this time, the tomb was revisited regularly to inter new 
individuals. Takigami et al. (2014) suggest that it was 
likely that these heads were removed some time after 
burial, but no attempt was made to sew the wrappings 
back together. We scanned one of these fardos (along 
with four others from the chamber tomb) in 2021. The 
scan demonstrates a similar pattern of disturbance to 
the cervical vertebrae as the examples discussed here, 
but the wrappings around where the head would have 
been are largely missing and do not appear to have 
been repaired. This would correspond to a Category 4 
fardo as defined here.

Beyond the site of Pachacamac, Jijón y Caamaño 
(1949) described several headless individuals from the 
nearby site of Maranga. Several of these date to the 
Early Intermediate Period. One headless fardo was re-
covered from Huaca II, Cemetery 4, dating to the 
Late Intermediate Period and so is contemporary with 
the material described here. One headless individual 
from the Jijón y Caamaño collection at the Pontificia 
Universidad Católica del Ecuador (JC- AP- 2068) was 
examined and X- rayed by the project described in Or-
doñez et al. (2015) (AN was a member of this project). 
The X- rays show that this individual is an extended 

infant, less than one year old with no head, but with 
complete, intact wrappings around the head region of 
the fardo. Unfortunately, the concordance from the 
museum catalog numbers to the descriptions in Jijón 
y Caamaño’s (1949) monograph has been lost, so 
we cannot be sure of its original context, but this in-
fant likely dates to the Late Intermediate Period or Late 
Horizon.

Watson (2019) has described two headless Chan-
cay individuals from the site of Ancón, located in the 
northern part of the Lima Province. The first individ-
ual, 2.5– 165– IVCIAA– 94, an adult female, lacks the 
cranium and mandible but retains the atlas and axis. 
Watson (2019) suggested that if the head was removed 
intentionally, it would have been done when the body 
was skeletonized. Other postcranial elements were 
missing as well. The second individual, 2.5.197–  
ICCIAA– 94, an adult male individual, is also missing 
the cranium, mandible, and other skeletal elements. 
The fardo contains elements from additional adult 
and nonadult individuals. This individual is excep-
tional, as they are associated with an elaborate Late 
Horizon poncho that contains Chimú– Lambayeque 
iconography and Inca design elements. One panel of 
the poncho shows a figure featured elsewhere on the 
poncho, but in this instance, they are shown without 
a head. The narrative on the poncho appears to be the 
funeral of the headless individual, a noble ancestor 
from the North Coast. Watson (2019:112) allowed that 
the exact relationship between the textile and the de-
ceased individual is not clear, although she noted that 
the association is unlikely to be accidental.

Slightly further afield, Carmichael (1988, 1994) de-
scribed several instances of head removal from Early 
Intermediate Period Nazca burials, including one cur-
rently in the Field Museum whose head had been 
removed after the body was mummified (without 
cutting) (Carmichael 1988). He suggested that the 
heads were collected as a reference to collective ances-
tors who had “life giving powers of rejuvenation” 
(Carmichael 1994:84). Conlee (2007) presented a Mid-
dle Nazca headless burial from the site of La Tiza 
who did demonstrate cut marks on the third cervical 
vertebra. The photo of the burial (Conlee 2007:441) 
shows a skeleton in a good state of articulation, so 
it  was possible that this individual’s head was re-
moved at the time of burial, representing a different 
pattern than that described here. DeLeonardis (2000) 
also described a Nasca headless burial from the site 
designated as PV62D13, and like the Conlee (2007) 
case, she concluded that the head was removed at the 
time of burial. Thus, it is possible that there might be 
at least two patterns of head retrieval in the Nasca 
culture, perhaps representing different processes and 
motivations.

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Nelson et al. 15

Conclusions

The conclusions reached here emphasize the value of 
nondestructive paleoradiographic imaging done in 
conjunction with careful direct observations and min-
imally invasive archaeometric methods to survey 
large numbers of fardos. If these fardos had been un-
wrapped before X- raying, it is quite likely that subtle 
details of the wrapping and stitching would have been 
missed, making it difficult to reconstruct the full se-
quence of events.

Individuals buried in the Sector 3 cemetery demon-
strate varying degrees of delayed mortuary ritual, 
followed by burial at varying depths in the sandy ma-
trix. At least six, and possibly more, individuals from 
this sample demonstrate the removal of the head 
from a fardo after it had been buried, and decomposi-
tion had proceeded far enough for the head to come 
away from the spine and hair mass, with some effort 
made to repair or restore the wrappings after they 
had been opened. This would be consistent with the 
removal of the head for the purposes of ancestor 
veneration as described by Carmichael (1988, 1994), 
rather than decapitating an enemy or looting the 
burial.

The Sector 3 cemetery was in use from the late thir-
teenth century A.D. to the latter half of the fifteenth 
century A.D., during which a minimum of 88 funer-
ary bundles and many other funerary contexts (poorly 
preserved fardos, secondary burials, or bone offerings) 
were buried. The deceased individuals were being ex-
posed for various lengths of time from a few days to a 
few weeks. This suggests a dynamic cycle of mortuary 
activity, with this sandy matrix cemetery being in a 
constant state of flux. During this time, new individ-
uals were interred alongside earlier burials, creating 
what now appear to be groups of burials and allowing 
access to earlier bundles for the retrieval of heads. The 
headless fardos do not fit any kind of demographic 
profile, beyond being adults, that suggests that the 
“decapitators” had a particular identity or phenotype 
(e.g., age or sex profile) in mind when they harvested 
a skull (cf. Toyne 2015). This model could also explain 
why the preponderance of the headless fardos are early 
in the cemetery’s use, as they would have been en-
countered during later burial events.

Ultimately, we do not know for sure why these 
heads were removed. Verano (1994) and Tung (2007) 
(inter alia) have described isolated deposits of human 
head in many Pre- Hispanic cultures, and the practice 
of trophy head collection among the Nasca, so while 
the practice was certainly common, its motivations 
differed. Further work on this topic will require de-
tailed analysis of isolated deposits of human bone at 
Pachacamac and other sites on the Central Coast.

The overall picture outlined here suggests that the 
complex mortuary ritual that was practiced among in-
dividuals of modest status on the fringes of an im-
portant pilgrimage and administrative center was not 
markedly different from what was going on in the 
large chamber tomb located in the center of the sanc-
tuary, in terms of revisiting the tomb or cemetery and 
manipulating the earlier fardos (Takigami et al. 2014). 
Furthermore, this practice of head removal is in keep-
ing with what is observed at earlier and contempo-
rary sites on the Central Coast (Maranga [Jijón y 
Caamaño 1949]; Ancón [Watson 2019]) and in the 
nearby Nasca Valley (e.g., Carmichael 1988, 1994), and 
it differs from the more violent decapitation of the 
enemy practiced frequently elsewhere in the Central 
Andes (e.g., North Coast [Cordy Collins 2001] and 
Wari [e.g., Tung 2008]). Further work by the Mum-
mies as Microcosms Project will seek to see how 
widespread this practice was on Peru’s Central Coast.

Acknowledgments

The Mummies as Microcosms Project is funded by an 
Insight Grant (435– 2019– 1023) from the Social Sci-
ences and Humanities Research Council of Canada to 
AN and JW. The samples were exported under the 
Resoluciónes Viceministerial N° 000222– 2022–VMP-
CIC/MC y N° 000224– 2022– VMPCIC/MC, dated 
October 17, 2022, from Peru’s Ministry of Culture.

Graduate and undergraduate student support in-
cludes a Joseph- Armand Bombardier CGS Doctoral 
Award, Ontario Graduate Scholarship award, and 
Western’s Graduate Research Scholarship support to 
JM; Wiikwemkoong Board of Education, SSHRC 
Canada Graduate Scholarship– Master’s, and West-
ern’s Graduate Research Scholarship support to LP; 
Ontario Graduate Scholarship and Western’s Gradu-
ate Research Scholarship support to KW; Western’s 
Graduate Research Scholarship (International) sup-
port to TNN; a SSHRC Canada Graduate Scholarship– 
Master’s and Western’s Graduate Research Scholarship 
support to AW; a Mitacs Globalink Research Award, 
graduate funding from the PACEA laboratory, Uni-
versity of Bordeaux, France, and an International 
Mobility Scholarship from the École Doctorale 304 
Sciences et Environnements, University of Bordeaux, 
France to PK; and University Summer Research In-
ternship support to SR, HA, and RS.

We thank David Seston (University of Western 
 Ontario) and Elizabeth Gómez (Universidad Nacio-
nal Mayor de San Marcos) for their assistance in the 
field and Jennifer Willoughby for her work on the 
scans. Andres Shiguekawa and his assistants Sharon 
Ñahui and Elizabeth Gómez worked with Museum 

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Headless Burials from Pachacamac, Peru16

personnel to conserve the fardos that had been exposed 
to moisture and to CT scan them once stabilized.

The following individuals provided access to equip-
ment: Dr.  Rabanilla, Osteoray, provided the X- ray 
source; Michael Noël, SCIL Animal Care Company, 
provided access to the digital X- ray panels; and Dr. Ro-
drigo Escalante, Fiorella Puccio Vega, Lic. Edith Jube 
Fuentes, and Lic. Mayra Fiorella Carrillo Carranza 
provided the CT scans at the Resocentro clinic in 
Miraflores.

PK thanks Jeremy McNeil (Biology, Western Uni-
versity) for providing the field microscope and Juan 
Carlos Rodríguez (director of the Center for Heritage 
Research and Conservation) for providing us with the 
necessary digital equipment at the Universidad de 
Ingeniería y Tecnología.

Finally, we would like to acknowledge colleagues 
and staff at the Museo Pachacamac, Perú, and the 
Department of Anthropology, University of Western 
Ontario.

Ethics Statement

The project has received ethics approval from the 
University of Western Ontario’s Human Subjects 
Research Ethics Board, Project ID: 114146, granted 
June 10, 2019, and renewed annually. This is a collab-
orative effort between the Mummies as Microcosms 
Project and Museo Pachacamac and the samples 
were exported under permit from the Ministry of 
Culture. The fundamental approach of the project is to 
use nondestructive methods to image the contents of 
these funerary bundles, and to use minimally inva-
sive sampling techniques to obtain samples for 14C 
and isotopic analysis. We recognize that these funer-
ary bundles contain the remains of people who once 
lived, loved, and died, and as such they demand our 
respect.

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