Bioarchaeology International Volume 9, Number 2: 87–105 DOI: 10.5744/bi. 2024. 0010 © 2025 University of Florida Press Using Content and Bibliometric Network Analysis to Understand the Development and Study of “Violence” in Bioarchaeology Constanze Schattke,a,b,c Sabine Eggers,a,b and Harald Wilfingc,d aDepartment of Anthropology, Natural History Museum Vienna, Vienna, Austria bVienna Doctoral School of Ecology and Evolution (VDSEE), University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria cHuman Evolution and Archaeological Sciences (HEAS) Network, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria dHuman Ecology Research Group, Department of Evolutionary Anthropology, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria *Correspondence to: Constanze Schattke, Natural History Museum Vienna, Department of Anthropology, Burgring 1, 1010 Vienna, Austria Email: constanze . schattke@nhm - wien . ac . at ABSTRACT Violence is an interdisciplinary concept subjected to the fluctuations of social and personal perceptions of mo- rality, ethics, and justice. While its definition therefore proves to be elusive, it may serve as a way to research and reconstruct human behavior. This also applies to bioarchaeology, which is dedicated to the study of past societ- ies through the analysis of human remains. The aim of this article is to analyze the general development, meth- odological key concepts, studied markers, and potential paradigm changes in the study of violence in bioarchaeology. This is done by applying bibliometric tools to selected scientific publications and building on previous research analyzing paleopathological literature. The results are then compared to qualitative reviews on violence in bioarchaeology to draw conclusions about significance and applicability of bibliometric network analysis in the light of the expanding scientific literature. Finally, a future trajectory of the concept of “violence” in bioarchaeology is presented. Keywords: bibliometric analysis; field development; violence Gewalt ist ein interdisziplinär konzeptualisiertes Phänomen, das soziokulturellen Schwankungen bezüglich zur Auffassung von Moral, Ethik und Gerechtigkeit stark unterworfen ist. Auch wenn sich eine präzise Defini- tion daher als herausfordernd erweist, ist Gewalt zentraler Untersuchungsgegenstand für die Rekonstruktion menschlicher Verhaltensweisen. Dies gilt auch für die Bioarchäologie, die sich der systematischen Erforschung vergangener Gesellschaften anhand menschlicher Skelettüberreste widmet. Ziel dieses Beitrags ist es, die allge- meine Entwicklung, die methodologischen Schlüsselkonzepte sowie die potenziellen paradigmatischen Trans- formationen bei der Untersuchung von Gewaltphänomenen in der bioarchäologischen Forschungspraxis zu analysieren. Hierzu werden bibliometrische Analysen auf Basis ausgewählter wissenschaftlicher Publikationen angewandt, auch aufbauend auf früheren Untersuchungen zur Analyse paläopathologischer Literatur. Die hier erzielten Ergebnisse werden mit denen qualitativer Arbeiten über Gewalt in der Bioarchäologie verglichen, um Schlussfolgerungen über die Bedeutung und Anwendbarkeit der bibliometrischen Netzwerkanalyse im Hin- blick auf die wachsende wissenschaftliche Literatur zu ziehen. Abschließend wird ein Ausblick auf die Entwick- lung des Gewaltbegriffs in der Bioarchäologie gegeben. Keywords: Gewalt; Trauma; Bioarchäologie; Netzwerkanalyse; Bibliometrie Received 29 May 2024 Revised 28 April 2025 Accepted 5 June 2025 Violence in Bioarchaeological Literature: A Bibliometric Analysis88 Bioarchaeology primarily focuses on human skeletal material and mortuary contexts, as well as other bio- logical remains in archaeological contexts to address questions such as health, lifestyle, diet, and mortality of past populations (Buikstra 1977). Through classifi- cations like age at death and sex estimation, conclu- sions can be drawn about the demography of a population (Berryman et  al. 2013; Roberts 2019). Other information open for study and interpretation that can be derived from the skeletal record includes taphonomic influences, pathological conditions, and trauma. The term “trauma” may be considered too unspecific, and phrases like “traumatic injuries” are preferred in bioarchaeology or when referring to skeletal contexts. For the scope of this article, we de- liberately use a broader term as we intend to cover a wider range of types of trauma. The study of trauma and violence is a major focus in bioarchaeology (Pérez- Flórez and Harrod 2021; Walker 2001). Through the nature of injury patterns observed on the bone, conclusions may be drawn about the causes of injuries related to weapons, and hypotheses re- garding victimhood or perpetrator behavior may be tested. In contrast to the social sciences, violence in bioarchaeology is primarily understood as a physical force leaving traces on the human body itself (Red- fern 2014), although it is accepted that interpersonal violence “does not occur in isolation from social and cultural forces” (Lee 2016:158). However, there are also understandings that focus on the body and its necropolitical agency. Bioarchaeology is able to ex- plore the environment of the politically sensitive hu- man body through time, interpreting changes and responses to it through cultural and political shifts (Geller and Suri 2014). Skeletal evidence, including burial contexts, provides clues for interpretation in terms of reconstructing behavior and possible moti- vations behind it. Particularly in violent contexts, this shows how the human body can be affected on a deeply personal and individual level (Harrod, Mar- tin, et al. 2012). Many humanities and other scientific disciplines seek to understand and categorize vio- lence, mainly due to its frequency in the human ex- perience. Examples are the behavioral sciences, sociology, politics, psychology, philosophy, and ar- chaeology, to name a few (Silverberg and Gray 1992; Wahl 2013; Whitehead 2007). Therefore, different and field- dependent definitions exist in varying detail (Mbembe and Corcoran 2019; Reemtsma 2010; Whitehead 2007). Philosophy is particularly well suited to the analysis of this topic, as it offers an ob- jective approach to understanding and examining the overarching structures of society and objectively deals with analyzing and understanding societal en- compassing structures. Thomas Hobbes (1588– 1679), for example, approached violent behavior such as warfare as an integral part of human nature, present since prehistory, positioning him contrary to Jean- Jacques Rousseau (1712– 1778), who attributed it to the emergence of sovereign states (Bachofen 2015). In the 1960s, the why and how behind what is perceived as violence and violent behavior gained new traction in the political postwar contexts, with scholars like Hannah Arendt (1906– 1975) (Arendt 1970), and on postcoloniality by Frantz Fanon (1925– 1961) (Fanon 2013). Today, philosophers like Jan Philipp Reemtsma (1952) even argue that violence is being overanalyzed and has become something that has to be under- stood, prevented, and fought rather than just being accepted by society as a part of human nature (Re- emtsma 2010). While there seems to be no universal agreement on how or even if violence can be defined and analyzed, it is therefore a concept that is best studied using an interdisciplinary approach. The study of violence not only encompasses its physical aspects but also includes less tangible effects that may impact the human body, such as structural and epis- temic violence (Galtung 1969). The disparities result- ing in structural violence stem from medical, cultural, and economic factors, with capitalist struc- tures often exacerbating social and political instabili- ties, leading to disadvantages for out- groups (Farmer 2004; Springer 2011; Whitehead 2007). This has led to “social bioarchaeology” considering archival and his- torical sources to explain and contextualize human remains, focusing on health markers (Agarwal and Glencross 2011; Klaus 2012). This does not imply the absence of structural violence in the bio archae ol o gi- cal record; rather, it requires the consideration of multiple lines of evidence, introducing greater com- plexity into the analysis. As scholars creating knowl- edge, it is important to consider the epistemic implications of our research. When generally dealing with theoretical concepts of violence, we would therefore also like to briefly consider epistemic vio- lence. It arises from the creation and interpretation of knowledge, granting power to those who assert the primacy and universality of their knowledge over the knowledge systems of marginalized Others. Preva- lent in scientific culture, epistemic violence dismisses but also silences alternative perspectives through as- sumptions and exclusions (Spivak 1988; Teo 2010). It ultimately culminates in the control and interpreta- tion of knowledge, reflecting a nontangible power dy- namic in the realm of information. Teo (2010) illustrates this by showing how a randomly chosen anatomical characteristic, such as ear size, can lead to a claim of population superiority. The scientific literature is growing exponentially, with a doubling of literature currently set at every Schattke et al. 89 15 years (Fortunato et al. 2018). This development has created a new field of study that analyzes the infor- mation of this output. Bibliometrics refers to the data scientific publications create through their metadata, such as citation scores, (co)authorships, affiliation data, and abstract keywords (Donthu et  al. 2021). These huge data sets can then be analyzed using net- work analysis to relate these metrics to each other and to get a deeper understanding of the past, cur- rent, and potential future developments of the re- spective field. This can include the detection of the currently most cited documents, coauthorship net- works, as well as research subfields. Bibliometric net- work analysis can therefore help not only to identify key concepts and research trends in science in gen- eral, but has especially shown what research incen- tives influence interdisciplinary fields in detail (Donthu et  al. 2021; González- Alcaide et  al. 2015; Leng and Leng 2021). This offers the chance to quan- titatively and qualitatively explore the development of the study of violence in bioarchaeology using large amounts of selected publications. This article analyzes how violence is studied with and through human remains from archaeological contexts to understand the current and past research approaches to violence in the bio archae ol o gi cal field using content and quantitative bibliographical analy- sis of relevant scientific publications. The documents are analyzed using their bibliographical data to map the development of study regarding methods, quanti- tative output, and key concepts. This is followed by a focus on their content and a manual analysis of pre- viously identified key concepts. Based on previous research and review, it is hy- pothesized that the bio archae ol o gi cal interest in vio- lence will continue to grow, sparking research around terms such as interpersonal, systemic, and epistemic violence (Agarwal and Glencross 2011; Walker 2001). It is also hypothesized that there has been a shift to- ward a more interdisciplinary approach of contextu- alizing human remains within the framework of “violence,” resulting from a general increased influx of theoretical concepts and approaches from the so- cial sciences and humanities into biological anthro- pology (Accomazzo 2012). Previous bibliometric analysis on paleopathological literature has found a quantitative dominance of the publication of case studies as publication type (Boutin et al. 2022). This study picks up from there to apply a similar method- ology to a body of literature concerned with the study of violence in the osteological record. Because there is no previous research and data on this type of study, it is for now hypothesized that case studies are also the focus of research regarding violence, in contrast to population analyses. In the end, the results from the quantitative review were compared to those of qualitative reviews that have been conducted in the past, to draw conclusions on their results and simi- larity. This is done to gain a better understanding of the possibilities offered by bibliometric approaches to reviews in bioarchaeology, especially for junior schol- ars and outsiders who are new to the field. This novel approach is also necessary in light of the exponential growth of scientific literature (Donthu et  al. 2021; Fortunato et al. 2018). Material and Methods This study did not involve the analysis of human re- mains; instead, it focused on examining publications containing bio archae ol o gi cal content related to vio- lence. The initial research phase involved acquiring scientific articles (Fig. 1). The aim was to use citation analysis to identify key documents in the field of bio- archaeology and the skeletal markers studied here. In addition, bibliographic coupling and co- occurrence analysis of keywords were applied to identify poten- tial subfields of research. This will help reconstruct the development of the field on a quantitative and qualitative basis. Data collection and search strategies The data used in this study were extracted from Sco- pus (https:// www . elsevier . com / solutions / scopus) on March  11, 2024. Scopus is a large citation database containing 93 million records from more than 25,000 scientific outlets and publishers.1 The first step of data retrieval was to identify relevant scientific outlets that would cover the study of human bones in an ar- chaeological context. These were identified based on keywords in their source title (Table  1). This means that no bias was created in the selection of publica- tion outlets, but also that popular scientific outlets not specializing in archaeological sciences and with broader scopes, such as journals like Nature, Science, and PLoS ONE, were not included in the search. Then, documents were selected based on the occur- rence of “violence” in the document’s title, abstract, and keywords and the concluding search results saved as lists in Scopus. Lastly, the document lists were manually cleaned by scanning their content to exclude research on other Homo species, exclusively recent medicolegal contexts and material culture in- cluding weapons and fortifications. An exception for this was the “forensic” list containing information 1 https:// www . elsevier . com / products / scopus / content, accessed November 27, 2023. https://www.elsevier.com/solutions/scopus https://www.elsevier.com/products/scopus/content Violence in Bioarchaeological Literature: A Bibliometric Analysis90 from publication outlets with “forensic” in their title. Here, the number of selected documents was not only higher compared to the other outlets but was also mostly focusing on present crime or accident cases. Therefore, only documents also containing “archae- ology” and “archaeological” were automatically se- lected from this list and then manually cleaned using the same procedure as explained above. Retrieved bibliographic information per publica- tion for this study included author(s), title, abstract, keywords, and additional geographic and affiliatory data. This way, a total of 434 documents relevant for the analysis could be exported as a .csv file from Sco- pus for further data analysis after merging all lists from manual content cleaning. Classification of publications All publications included in this database were also classified according to their publication type. Here, Figure 1. Workflow for the data selection process and network analysis conducted in this research. Table 1. Steps in retrieving relevant literature for this study using the Scopus Database. The data query consisted of requesting source titles through relevant bio archae ol o gi cal keywords and then identifying relevant documents by searching for “violence” in document title, abstract, and keywords. Source title: Word Document Title, Abstract, Keywords: Word Amount of Retrieved Publications Amount of Retrieved Publications after Manual Content Cleaning Total Amount of Retrieved Publications, with Duplicates Total Amount of Retrieved Publications, without Duplicates “Anthropology” AND “violence” 1,149 84 n = 473 n = 434 “Anthropological” 342 37 “Archaeology” 280 92 “Archaeological” 90 52 “Bioarchaeology” 75 70 “Bio archae ol o gi cal” 5 4 “Forensic” 2,760 14 “Osteoarchaeology” 84 82 “Osteoarchaeological” 0 0 “Paleopathology” 36 33 “Paleopathological” 3 0 “Pathology” 232 3 “Pathological” 3 2 Schattke et al. 91 the categorization approach presented by Boutin et al. (2022) in their quantitative analysis of paleop- athological literature was followed. They examined the relevancy of case studies in the paleopathological literature by coding publications into types and con- sequently analyzing their citation frequency. Because Scopus does return numerous scientific types of pub- lications, including whole books, errata, and confer- ence posters, categories for “Book” and “Other” were added to the analysis. The categories were as follows: - Case Studies: The analysis was conducted, and results and discussion were presented on an individual level, with multiple case stud- ies being possible within one publication. - Population Analysis: The focus of this anal- ysis was the quantitative analysis of a whole population, including sex or ethnic affiliation. - Methods: The development of diagnostic and innovative approaches was in focus. - Review/Comments: The general development of the field and/or its parts was reviewed, dis- cussed, and put in context to other concepts. - Book: The entry was referring to a whole book or volume with multiple chapters. - Other: No other category applied. Conclusions will be drawn based on the proposed hypothesis that different types of violence are studied either on a population level or through an individual case report. All publications were classified inde- pendently by two bio archae ol o gi cal scholars to achieve greater consistency in data collection. Network analysis All network analyses herein have been conducted us- ing VOSViewer (Version 1.6.19) with standard algo- rithm settings for analysis, if not stated otherwise. VOSViewer is a software application used to study bibliometric data sets, providing visual representa- tions of bibliometric data as networks (Van Eck and Waltman 2010). Generally speaking, network analy- sis connects items in a data set through links created by different types of analyses. These links can repre- sent bibliographic coupling links between publica- tions, coauthorship links between researchers, and co- occurrence links between keywords. Each link is characterized by a strength, denoted by a positive nu- merical value, indicating the intensity of its connec- tion. This can signify, for example, the number of shared references between two publications, the number of coauthored publications by two resear- chers, or the frequency of co- occurrence of two keywords. These networks can then be visualized as a map, where items are organized within clusters. Items can only appear in one cluster but can also be unclustered or excluded in the visualization process for an improved visualization. Items can also have two numerical attributes: weight and score. Weight is a nonnegative value and indicates the “importance” of an item; higher weight implies greater importance, resulting in a more prominent visualization within the map. Scores can represent various numerical properties of an item, for example, publication year. In VOS Viewer, clusters are sequentially visualized through a distinctive color (red, green, blue, yellow, purple, light blue, orange, brown). Relevant types of analysis for this study are as follows (Van Eck and Waltman 2018): - Citation analysis: Citation analysis is a way to understand if and how often documents in a data set cite each other. A relationship analy- sis like this can also be done based not only on citation but also on the number of occur- rences of a selected item within a document, for example, a keyword. - Coauthorship analysis: Here, we analyzed which authors tend to publish together by clustering previous publications together by authorship. It can help identify collaboration dynamics in the field. - Co- occurrence analysis: This analysis counts how often items like keywords appear to- gether in one document. It can help identify important “mini- concepts” and research in- terests within the documents analyzed. - Bibliographic coupling analysis: Here we ana- lyzed how similar documents are based on the references cited in their bibliographic body, placing similar research topics and ap- proaches together. At first, a general citation analysis of the documents of this data set was created to identify current key concepts and the general consensus among bioarche- ologists who research violence in the past, as well as to see which documents are cited the most. Based on the similarity of the cited literature in the bibliogra- phy of the publications, the publications were visual- ized in a network. This means that publications presenting similar research approaches or themes are clustering together more closely. Ideally, these clus- ters appear without a lot of overlapping of items to allow for the detection of distinct research fields. Re- garding the potential paradigm shifts in the study of violence, the documents were evaluated using co- occurrence analysis of keywords. When a change Violence in Bioarchaeological Literature: A Bibliometric Analysis92 could be observed in the distribution of keywords over time, instead of a continuous occurrence, it was assumed that a shift in research trends had occurred in the study of violence within bioarchaeology. A quantitative analysis of author keywords also re- vealed the current most prevalent research ap- proaches. A demographic analysis of authors and institutions was performed to highlight the most productive scholars and their affiliations. For all net- work analyses, including names and keywords, ap- propriate thesauri were applied to account for name duplicates, and minimum thresholds for keyword oc- currences were set for their later display in the net- work maps. Finally, the results from the quantitative bibliometric analysis were also compared with those from the previously categorized qualitative, mostly cited reviews from within the analyzed data set. This is done to see where the strengths, weaknesses, and limitations of this quantitative analysis lie. Results The purpose of this article is to identify, analyze, and report the concepts and methodologies used to inves- tigate the patterns of violence that have been and are being studied through human remains in archaeo- logical contexts. As Table 1 shows, a total of n = 434 documents containing the term “violence” in their document title, abstract, or keywords published in peer- reviewed, English- speaking journals from the fields of anthropology, archaeology, bioarchaeology, palaeopathology, and forensic journals were identi- fied. The first publication was published in 1987; the last ones were published in 2024 (Fig. 2). The maxi- mum number of publications occurred in 2012, with a publication of n = 42 documents. A total of n = 94 publication outlets were identified; the one cited the most was the International Journal of Osteoarchaeol- ogy (n = 82). Before a demographic author and coauthor analy- sis, a thesaurus— a text file grouping synonyms together— was applied to account for duplicates, ab- breviations, and differences in spellings in country and author names, resulting in a total of n = 897 au- thors with affiliations from n = 57 countries (Table 2). Coauthorship analysis was able to connect n = 235 of these authors together in 22 clusters, reflecting their collaboration dynamics (Fig. 3). Between the first 10 authors, the most cited docu- ment in the data set is from an author who did not publish the most documents. This deviation in the number of documents and citations is also the case for other authors. There is a clear dominance of sci- entific output from U.S.- based affiliations, followed by affiliations from Canada and Europe and only a little from Australia or South America, where there is a dominance from Chile. Figure 2. Distribution of publication years for documents relevant for this study. The maximum number of n = 42 retrieved documents occurred in 2012. The first publications for this data set occurred in 1987. Status: March 11, 2024. Schattke et al. 93 Classification of publication The documents were classified according to their publication type (Fig.  4). Because Scopus does also include references for nonclassical entries such as er- rata and conference abstracts, some entries could not Figure 3. Coauthorship analysis clustering n = 235 out of n = 897 authors together in 22 clusters, visualizing who collaborated and published together on the topic of “violence” in the data set. Table 2. Listing the 10 most prevalent authors in the data set studying violence in bioarchaeology through the number of documents and the total number of their citations within the data set. Listed are also the top 10 countries mentioned in the affiliations. Total number of authors n = 897, of countries n = 57. Author Documents Citations Country Affiliations Mentioned Tung T. A. 13 596 United States 202 Harrod R. P. 12 348 United Kingdom 76 Martin D. L. 11 334 Spain 29 Redfern R. C. 9 127 Canada 26 Knüsel C. J. 8 103 Germany/ Italy 18 Schulting R. J. 7 127 France 15 Novak M. 6 116 Chile 13 Fibiger L. 6 107 Australia 10 Walker P. L. 5 792 Russia 10 Pérez V. R. 5 147 Portugal 9 be classified into classical means of publications (“Other”). The most prevalent type of publication was popu- lation studies (n = 234). Second in frequency were re- views and comments (n = 93), followed by case studies (n = 62). A focus of the discussion is on the reviews and their impact on the field (Table 3). The seven doc- uments listed as “Other” were errata and introduc- tory chapters to books and journal special issues, which did not contain any research information. Citation analysis: Author interactions and studied subfields To identify key documents in the data set, a citation analysis was conducted. The citation analysis con- nected and clustered n = 347 of 434 documents to- gether. This is because not all documents are linked to each other through citations. The threshold of a minimum number of citations of a document was set to 0 before the analysis to ensure the best coverage. The cluster presents which of the retrieved docu- ments are currently most cited within the data set in 2024 (Fig. 5). Proximity and clustering are influenced by citation frequencies within the data set. The color Violence in Bioarchaeological Literature: A Bibliometric Analysis94 gradient indicates the publication year of the docu- ment, from oldest (purple) to latest (yellow). Bibliographic analysis: Identifying research fields Using bibliographic coupling analysis, the docu- ments were then analyzed based on similarities in their cited references in their bibliographic body (Fig. 6). This refers to citing the same or similar doc- uments. To account for the development of the field of violence research in bioarchaeology through time, the analysis was conducted in 10- year research brackets based on the year of publication, starting with the first publication in 1987 (Supplemental Figs. S1– S4). In the first two decades, because of the small amount of research present at the time, all Table 3. Ten most cited articles with review and comment characteristics identified and their number of citations within this data set. Note that multiple citations of one reference are possible within a document. Author(s)/Editor(s) Year of Publication Title Number of Citations Lovell, N. C. 1997 Trauma Analysis in Paleopathology 474 Walker, P. L. 2001 A Bio archae ol o gi cal Perspective on the History of Violence 415 Lambert, P. M. 2002 The Archaeology of War: A North American Perspective 155 Larsen, C. S. 2002 Bioarchaeology: The Lives and Lifestyles of Past People 132 Martin, D. L., Harrod, R. P. 2015 Bio archae ol o gi cal Contributions to the Study of Violence 121 Larsen, C. S. 1994 In the Wake of Columbus: Native Population Biology in the Postcontact Americas 70 Gat, A. 2015 Proving Communal Warfare among Hunter- Gatherers: The Quasi- Rousseauan Error 59 Rodríguez- Martín, C. 2006 Identification and Differential Diagnosis of Traumatic Lesions of the Skeleton 49 Kissel, M., Kim, N. C. 2019 The Emergence of Human Warfare: Current Perspectives 41 Muller, J. L., Pearlstein, K. E., de la Cova, C. 2017 Dissection and Documented Skeletal Collections: Embodiments of Legalized Inequality 30Stone, P. K. 2012 Binding Women: Ethnology, Skeletal Deformations, and Violence against Women Figure 4. Distribution of publications included in this bibliometric study according to their classification into study type. A total of n = 434 publications was manually classified, following a two- eye approach. Schattke et al. 95 documents were included in cluster visualization, even if they did not cite each other and thus did not produce any links. For all decades, the threshold of a minimum number of citations of a document was set to zero before the analysis to ensure the best cover- age. Mapping was visualized using a cluster- sensitive color gradient indicating the belonging to a cluster as well as representing the citation quantity of a doc- ument by size. Note that the cluster color is always newly calculated based on the additional references and does not continuously represent the same clus- ters throughout the temporal analysis. Co- occurrence analysis: Framing and labeling through keywords In addition to the keywords used to retrieve rele- vant documents for this study, keywords within the data were also analyzed (Fig.  7). All author key- words appearing at least three times in the data set were included in the co- occurrence analysis. Before the analysis, a thesaurus was applied to account for duplicates. Keywords referring to plurals were counted as singulars (e.g., “humans” as “human”), and other semantic peculiarities and spellings were standardized (e.g., “anthropology, physical” was counted as “physical anthropology,” “archeology” as “archaeology”). Additionally, countries were ex- cluded because the region of study was not of inter- est here but rather how violence is studied. For a summary of geographic author affiliations, see Ta- ble 2 instead. Keywords hinting at different ethnici- ties and regions were, however, kept in the analysis (e.g., “Kerma,” “Black”). This resulted in clustering n = 85 of 980 author keywords together when a key- word appeared at least three times in the data set (Table 4). The map is presented using an overlay net- work with a time- sensitive color gradient indicating the average publication year. In addition, a network density visualization was conducted to account for quantity and thus the topical density of these key- words in the field on a scale from blue to yellow. Discussion The bibliometric analysis of the topic of violence in bioarcheology on the basis of author and keyword analyses yields noteworthy results, which will be dis- cussed below. Figure 5. Visualizing an almost four- decade- long network of publications associated with bioarchaeology and violence and their authors citing each other in the data set (n = 347), spanning from the first publication in 1987 to the latest in 2024. Proximity of and clustering of nodes are influenced by citation frequencies within the data set, while the color gradient denotes the publication year of each document from oldest (purple) to latest (yellow). Violence in Bioarchaeological Literature: A Bibliometric Analysis96 Structuring the field– key concepts and subfields There is a clear dominance of documents affiliated with institutions in the United States, with nearly three times as many affiliations as in the second- highest, the United Kingdom. Author analysis has shown that the quantity of published documents in the data set studied does not necessarily correspond to the authors of the relevant key concepts identified in the field (see discussion below). The most cited authors did not write the most documents in this data set. Citation analysis: Highly relevant documents. Today’s representation of violence in bioarchaeology has re- vealed several important key documents (Fig. 5) that continue to be relevant since their publication. Central to this map are the works of Lovell, Walker, and Di- etler (Dietler 2010; Lovell 1997; Walker 2001). Lovell and Walker represent standards in the development of methods and are also reviewing the interpretation of violence in the bio archae ol o gi cal record. No less quan- titatively relevant, however, are also other publications generating clusters around them (Lambert 2002; Larsen 2002; Martin and Harrod 2015; Müldner and Richards 2007; Torres- Rouff 2008; Tung 2012). Bibliographic coupling: Subfields of research. When the documents were clustered based on the similari- ties in their references, documents similar to the cita- tion analysis were centralized. A total of eight clusters, connecting n = 411 of 434 items to each other, suggest the development of eight large and small subfields that are partly overlapping and inter- acting with each other (Fig. 6). In the beginning de- cade of the selected documents between 1987 and 1996, very little exchange between research docu- mented in these publications happened (Supplemen- tal Fig. S1). Only between 1997 and 2006 did the first real clus- ter emerge (Supplemental Fig. S2), showcasing once again in its biggest accumulation mainly case studies but also reference works that have impacted the field until today (e.g., Lambert 2002; Larsen 2002; Lovell 1997; Walker 2001). The other documents are mostly grouped together based on type of trauma and cir- cumstances (e.g., head trauma in the Pacific region Figure 6. Cumulative visualization of documents in the bibliographic coupling analysis. Here, the documents are placed based on the similarity of references cited in their bibliography bodies. Clusters are indicated by color. Schattke et al. 97 possibly associated with cannibalism, trauma in Neolithic Europe; Degusta 1999; Orschiedt et  al. 2003), but also already slowly hinting at studying structural violence associated with shifts in societal structures and climate change in the next decades (Gronenborn 2006c; Hutchinson 1996; Lessa and Mendonça De Souza 2004). Additionally, collabora- tive projects and student– mentor relationships might have influenced how papers were cited. This development of slowly establishing numerous bio archae ol o gi cal subfields studying violence contin- ued between 2007 and 2016, where the field differen- tiated into seven clusters (depicted as seven different colors in Supplemental Fig. S3) that are content- wise already closely related to the clusters presented in the last evaluated decade. Several centered key concepts identified in the citation analysis, such as Tung and Dietler, are also emerging as relevant for the field for the first time (Dietler 2010; Tung 2012), while others are cementing their status as key concepts in this continuous representation through time, as already indicated by the citation analysis (Lambert 2002; Lovell 1997; Tung 2012; Walker 2001). However, this is not always the case, as one of the first documents studying structural violence in general, and the first one in this data set, was not clustered and thus repre- sented in both the third and fourth final cluster visu- alization at all (Angel et  al. 1987). Instead, it disappears during the development of the field, sug- gesting a differentiating establishment of new, differ- ent methods studying structural violence from the late eighties until today. Figure 7. Keyword analysis results of n = 85 author keywords used in publications between 1987 and 2024, showcasing the average publication year of the respective keyword on a scale from oldest (purple) to latest (yellow). To see how frequently the most common 30 keywords occur, please refer to Table 4. Violence in Bioarchaeological Literature: A Bibliometric Analysis98 In the most recent decade (Fig.  6), the first ap- pearing and three largest clusters evolve around topics on how to study violence. Within the first red cluster, the document with the highest link strength is Larsen (2002). Generally, the documents in this cluster focus on context- specific studies of violence, meaning the “classical” research on how and where violence is observed (e.g., Jordana et al. 2009; Kanz and Grossschmidt 2006; Müldner and Richards 2007). This is followed by the green cluster group- ing around Walker (2001), which also incorporates social theory (e.g., Dietler 2010; Gat 2015) and stud- ies within these theoretical frameworks (e.g., An- drushko and Verano 2008; Hurlbut 2000). A seemingly exclusive focus on structural violence is the third blue cluster grouping around Klaus (2012), surrounded by research about social inequality and gender differences (e.g., Cheung et al. 2017; Harrod, Thompson, et  al. 2012; Muñoz- Encinar 2019). The fourth and yellow cluster around Lovell (1997) shows similar documents grouped together as in the red cluster, but an influx of paleopathological analysis is visible (e.g., Judd 2002; Jurmain 2001; Van der Merwe et al. 2010). Looking at the content of the following clusters, they are then grouped to- gether based on their geographical research focus and are located throughout the other clusters, sug- gesting a high topical overlap with them. This is not surprising, as a local research focus requires a con- textualization within the local archaeological record, which would also be reflected in the refer- ence body. Keyword co- occurrence: Markers and fields. The con- tent analysis through author keywords revealed four methodological subfields that support the study of violence in the archaeological record. These are “bio- archaeology,” “palaeopathology,” “forensic anthro- pology,” and analysis through “taphonomy” (Fig. 7). There are no time period constrictions, although most research was linked to the “Neolithic” and “me- dieval” times (Table 4). The average publication years are more oriented toward the 2010s, hinting at a con- tinuous use of these keywords since they are calcu- lated as an average. An exception is the pre- 2000 keywords “fracture,” “urban,” and the oldest clus- tered keyword “pathology,” which not only denotes its own research field but also represents one of the oldest subfields in bioarchaeology (Aufderheide and Rodriguez- Martin 1998). Most importantly, however, the analysis revealed that bioarchaeology, since its beginning, seems to focus on the study of two types of violence: interpersonal and structural violence. Closely associated with structural violence are “women,” “institutionalization,” “inequality,” and “osteobiography,” whereas interpersonal violence un- surprisingly heavily associates with the field of foren- sic anthropology, “interpersonal violence,” “trauma,” and “male”. Bioarchaeology’s lens on traumatic and stressful contexts Trauma. Physical violence leaving evidence on the skeleton may be the most obvious because of its Table 4. Keyword analysis results, listing the quantitative representation of n = 980 keywords in the documents that appeared at least three times. Place Keyword Appearances Place Keyword Appearances 1 Violence 79 16 Medieval 9 2 Trauma 57 17 Sharp Force Trauma 9 3 Bioarchaeology 53 18 Cranial Trauma 9 4 Interpersonal Violence 45 19 Decapitation 8 5 Fracture 25 20 Gender 7 6 Paleopathology 24 21 Blunt Force Trauma 7 7 Warfare 22 22 Identity 7 8 Structural Violence 20 23 Health 6 9 Perimortem Trauma 15 24 Strontium Isotopes 6 10 Injury 14 25 Weapon 6 11 Conflict 12 26 Prehistory 6 12 Neolithic 11 27 Bronze Age 6 13 Taphonomy 10 28 Migration 5 14 Skeletal Trauma 10 29 Scalping 5 15 Forensic Anthropology 9 30 Embodiment 5 Schattke et al. 99 inherent bodily and visible nature. The keyword anal- ysis showed that the most often researched marker was “trauma,” mostly studied through “fracture” and “in- jury,” just a few ranks below them in terms of fre- quency. Other words that may refer to this include (traumatic) lesions, wounds, and injuries. As explained before, however, trauma does not necessarily have to manifest itself physically. The more direct and detailed keywords studying interpersonal violence (e.g., “de- capitating,” “scalping”) are becoming gradually more abstract when trying to cover the topics of structural violence. Here, the surroundings and circumstances of potential contexts of structural violence are the focus (e.g., “migration,” “health”) and studied through context- dependent proxies rather than fractures (“strontium isotopes,” “gender”). What markers ex- actly are being used to study structural violence does not become ultimately clear through keyword analy- sis. Rather, an idea is given of what concepts are being included in the study (e.g., “migration,” “health,” but also “gender” and “identity”), but no ultimate bio- archae ol o gi cal markers stand out in the analysis. Past research on a seemingly clear bio archae ol o gi cal term like “bone remodeling” has already highlighted the subjective differences in the reception and meaning of scientific terms in bioarchaeology and paleopathology (Wei and Cooper 2023). Stress. As indicated in the temporal and topical implications of the co- citation and co- occurrence analysis, bioarchaeology focuses on the study of in- terpersonal and structural violence. Notably, within this data set, structural violence is even the study fo- cus of the first two publications (Fig. 5; Angel et al. 1987; Kelley and Angel 1987). Because of the clear fo- cus on interpersonal violence in this data set and a lack of data on the markers of structural violence, it was zoomed in to the cluster from the citation analy- sis, focusing on Angel et al. (1987) and subjected to further manual content analysis. In it, the health, lifestyle, and occupation of a nineteenth- century Free Black community in Philadelphia, United States, are analyzed. Black people, enslaved people, and contex- tualization around hospitals continue to be the re- search focus in this cluster (Atwell 2022; de la Cova 2012; Halling and Seidemann 2017), but it is also studied how other marginalized groups like women (Stone 2012) and migrants (Harrod, Thompson, et al. 2012) were affected by structural violence in the past. Documents in this cluster offering general back- ground and methodology in what markers can be studied (Klaus 2012), as well as a more generalized conceptual approach (Zuckerman and Crandall 2019), were published way later than the works by Angel et al. in 1987, suggesting a development with- out referencing these works. Zuckerman and Crandall, in particular, offer a thorough background review of the influences social theory has had on bio- archaeology and consequently stress the implemen- tation of additional models and theories in what has previously been labeled “social bioarchaeology” (Agarwal and Glencross 2011; Zuckerman and Cran- dall 2019). Their analysis greatly reflects which skele- tal markers are associated with health, disease, and trauma, but also sex and gender can be studied, as well as the social impact(s) they themselves may have had on past populations. The manual cluster content analysis could show that structural violence is mostly studied through what can best be described as stressors, acting as “proxies for resource inequity” (Blevins et al. 2023). These are inevitably more complicated than study- ing the mere absence or presence of healed and un- healed trauma, and have therefore been represented diversely, mainly by lesions associated with certain diseases. More common markers researched were inflammation, porotic hyperostosis, dental caries, and dental enamel defects (Klaus 2012; Zoëga and Murphy 2015). However, these markers are nonspe- cific, appearing as osseous or dental manifestations in different conditions. This includes, for example, metabolic diseases like vitamin C deficiency and tu- berculosis (Atwell 2022; Blevins et  al. 2023). The presence of syphilis— more diagnostic— was investi- gated through a combination of bio archae ol o gi cal and historical analysis (Atwell 2022). The keyword analysis already suggested that the use of osteobiog- raphies, a (detailed) life history reconstruction based on various individual aspects, as reflected mainly by bone morphology, but also molecular analyses, synthesizes these interdisciplinary data at least on an individual level. Structural violence in bioarchaeology is, therefore, as the keyword occurrence had already indicated, also considering “social injustices” (Galtung 1969) in its approaches when studying human remains. These structural disadvantages can result from medical, cultural, and economic perspectives, where capitalist structures and practices are currently the most prev- alent, promoting political as well as societal instabili- ties (Farmer 2004; Springer 2011; Whitehead 2007). Stressors or markers of stress take time (months to years) to manifest in the skeleton. Physical trauma is an indicator of personally experienced violence, and stress markers are represented throughout the con- tinuously present societal marginalization caused by structural violence. These markers do not have to be necessarily indicative of one specific disease but can be general symptoms, as is the case for inflammatory reactions. In the herein reviewed documents, some diseases and their markers stood out (e.g., syphilis in Violence in Bioarchaeological Literature: A Bibliometric Analysis100 women), in their implications on both health and so- ciety. Additionally, compared to the study of inter- personal violence, there was an even higher degree of interdisciplinarity visible through the implementa- tion of ideas and concepts, especially from social the- ory and intersectional feminist studies (Atwell 2022; Zuckerman and Crandall 2019). This reveals the prevalence of a three- sided approach to study struc- tural violence affecting past populations, happening through bio archae ol o gi cal analysis, provenance re- search approaches, and historical contextualization of the researched human remains. Prevalent study type of violence in bioarchaeology The most prevalent study type in violence is popula- tion studies, meaning a focus on quantitative distri- bution of fracture patterns— or other indicators of violence— in the osteological record. This is in strong contrast to paleopathology, a neighboring field of bioarchaeology that studies pathological changes in bones, teeth, and, in special cases, soft tissues and hair when dealing with mummies or bog bodies. Here, a review of publication types of documents published in one journal yielded the prevalent type as case studies, highlighting the diagnostic nature of paleopathology over its demographic analysis (Bou- tin et  al. 2022). For this study, it was hypothesized that this must be the same case in the study of “vio- lence” markers, such as fracture patterns or stressors, and that the diagnostic distinguishment of perimor- tem versus postmortem fractures might have yielded similar scholarly discourse in the past. Instead, the results present an alternative perspective. This might be because fracture and injury patterns, the most studied markers concerning violence, as revealed in this study, can be interpreted with fewer contextual data than compared to paleopathological cases. Here, the observed pathological markers are mostly disease unspecific and gain their diagnostic meaning through contextualization with factors such as the presence of other pathological markers, malnutri- tion, or sex. Therefore, especially data- driven case studies with a focus on paleopathological method de- velopment and the identification of diagnostic mark- ers have a significant impact on academic research (Boutin et al. 2022). Comparison of aspects of qualitative versus quantitative literature reviews The advantage of conducting a network analysis of sci- entific literature lies in its quantitative approach, repli- cability, and comparatively faster speed compared to qualitative literature. It is easily conducted after setting the search parameters, and the development of a field can be repeatedly studied through different periods of time, taking various formal aspects into account, in- cluding relevant keywords, authorship, and demo- graphic author information. This can be best described as research metadata, which give information about the anchors and geographical placements of the field itself. Quantitative research is, therefore, especially useful to track interdisciplinary fields that draw from different subfields, subsequently developing its meth- odology. Research patterns and clusters can be de- tected and analyzed quantitatively, without bias, and are thus reproducible. Although this is lacking in the qualitative approach, this can be bypassed by subject- ing identified key concepts to a manual analysis to an- swer more specific research questions, as done for this study. However, the bibliometric analysis does not in- dicate whether a document was cited frequently due to agreement, disagreement or other controversies sur- rounding its theme. This interpretation needs to be done by contextualizing it into the past and present scientific discussion. Selecting keywords for document retrieval intro- duces bias, especially toward scientific outlets. Non- subject- specific documents and potentially revealing innovative data patterns were thus potentially excluded— however, “violence,” studied across disci- plines, yielded n = 250,247 entries in Scopus in March 2024 when globally searched for in the “doc- ument title, abstract, keywords” field. Our criteria also excluded so- called high- impact journals such as Nature, Science, and PLoS ONE. However, previ- ous research (Boutin et al., 2022) employed a com- parable approach, focusing solely on one specialized paleopathological journal. We also wanted to target a range of archaeological journals to gain a deeper understanding of violence in bioarchaeology. Addi- tionally, while the authors’ presumed awareness was based on the keyword’s presence, it cannot be ruled out that relevant documents were not included be- cause the corresponding indexing is missing. This is also the case even if all search criteria apply, but it may still yield documents that ultimately are study- ing violence “more” compared to other topics. Even though Michael Dietler’s (2010) volume, Consump- tion, Entanglement, and Violence in Ancient Medi- terranean France, hit all criteria for search and inclusion, it must be considered that its content mainly deviates from the scope of this study as it focuses on materialistic rather than osteological studies. And while it shows up with high citation scores in the analysis, its position in the clusters also indicates a small relatedness to the other documents within the data set. Schattke et al. 101 Two major reviews identified in the bibliometric analysis were conducted by Nancy Lovell (1997) and Philip Walker (2001), cited a total of n = 474 and n = 415 times, respectively, as multiple citations of one reference are counted within a document. These are qualitative reviews by skilled and senior scholars re- visiting the study of violence on human remains. Lovell (1997) reviews the methodological concepts necessary to diagnose skeletal fractures for each bone in detail. The fracture types, as well as proxi- mate and ultimate causes of injury, she argues, help in the paleopathological analysis and interpretation of trauma– connected paleopathology with violence. Lovell also focuses on bone development, mechani- cal properties, and the cause and effect of forces that could potentially cause fractures. The presentation of this information for each skeletal element is what makes Lovell’s review so impactful, demonstrated through its central placement in all bibliometric analyses conducted herein. In total, she cited 108 documents stemming from as early as 1910. Four years later, Walker (2001) provided an extensive re- view of not only the history but also the develop- ment of how human remains are studied in the context of violence. Directly asking what bioarchae- ology has contributed to the understanding of vio- lent behavior in the past, he illuminates the potential of bio archae ol o gi cal research, also drawing on the influences and methodologies from other fields like history and the social sciences. By proposing ways to connect bio archae ol o gi cal methodology and highlighting caveats for research, his review gains its main strength. In total, Walker references 110 further documents in his bibliography, providing insights into scientific literature published between 1906 and 2001, the year he published his review, al- though his first reference for an osteological refer- ence was Angel’s comparative work on fractures from the Neolithic to modern times from 1974 (An- gel 1974). Patricia Lambert’s review, cited n = 155 times, and Clark Spencer Larsen’s work (n = 132 times) address similar opportunities and challenges in the study of violence compared to Walker’s, al- though Lambert puts her scope on North America only (Lambert 2002; Larsen 2002). One major point of critique for qualitative reviews is that they might be biased through the authors’ prefer- ences for picking their own case references (e.g., Walker 2001). One advance, however, is their focus on the contents. Both Walker and Lovell provide sugges- tions for markers to study violence, while the author keyword co- occurrence in this study only provided di- rectional hints. Additionally, offering a huge citation database, the indexed contents on Scopus are not com- plete, as the outlets need to fulfill certain criteria to be indexed.2 This can also lead to the presence of dupli- cates. In the data set evaluated, three documents ap- pear through eight entries. In the first case, two documents with the same digital object identifiers (DOIs) appear as a journal article as well as a book chapter (Frazer 2007a, 2007b). This is similar to the second case, where three entries of the same publica- tion, indexed through different DOIs, appear in differ- ent outlets (Gronenborn 2006a, 2006b, 2006c). In the third case, an introductory book chapter was indexed three times in Scopus because of similar reasons (Ar- mit et al. 2006a, 2006b, 2006c). Because all entries ap- peared independently and already showed different numbers of citations, it was decided to consider all of these publications as independent of each other. It is not likely to be a mistake by the authors but rather an indexing mistake by Scopus wrongly classifying the entries multiple times under different publication types. That Scopus is not a complete database also be- comes apparent, for at least three documents could be identified that, while following the requirement for data selection, are not indexed in Scopus (e.g., Buckley 2000; Smith 1996; Williamson et al. 2003). Addition- ally, Martin and Frayer’s volume Troubled Times from 1997 did not hit any search criteria and was therefore not included in the data set, although it is a common reference (Martin and Frayer 1997). These are all con- sistent challenges in bibliometric network analysis, which are not exclusive to bioarchaeology. Otherwise, it could be shown that the quantitative literature re- view approach through bibliometric analysis is at least equal to the qualitative approach in terms of speed, re- producibility, and range of topics covered, and it even offers advantages. This includes providing visually ap- pealing networks of quantitative data through a clear visualization of complex bibliometric data, including more documents than the qualitative reviews observed here. This allows for a clear understanding of the influ- ences of different fields and neighboring disciplines in interdisciplinary fields such as violence in bioarchaeol- ogy, especially through the analysis of cluster contents. By referencing databases like Scopus, future research- ers can reproduce the analysis, thereby eliminating the possibility of reviewer bias, such as familiarity with the already known literature and specific approaches and methods. Last but not least, bibliometric analysis tools make scientific fields more accessible to outsiders and young scientists, helping them understand cur- rent and past concepts and providing more experi- enced scholars with an overview of their development, including potential input from previously unknown literature. To avoid the pitfalls mentioned above in the 2 https:// www . elsevier . com / products / scopus / content # 3 - selection - standards, accessed November 7, 2024. https://www.elsevier.com/products/scopus/content#3-selection-standards https://www.elsevier.com/products/scopus/content#3-selection-standards Violence in Bioarchaeological Literature: A Bibliometric Analysis102 retrieval of literature, it is recommended to define the search criteria precisely but with a certain openness. Initially, a selection of publication outlets and types should be made. Subsequently, a search for keywords may be conducted, with a certain degree of flexibility in terms of precision advised to aim for potentially previously unknown topics. The results can then be re- flected upon with the help of a qualitative addition of further publications, such as previous reviews, as done here. This is the optimal way to provide a multifaceted picture of the current state of debate in scientific fields. Violence in Bioarchaeology— Changes and Challenges The historical analysis of violence, briefly mentioned in the introduction, has shown that what is consid- ered violence is constantly changing and evolving, depending on societal, cultural, and personal influ- ences. Contemporary attitudes therefore also affect how violence is studied. In this data set, we found a high prevalence of author affiliations to the United States, suggesting not only a research focus from North American universities but also a dominance in the methodological development of the field. The number of publications studying violence has in- creased in the past decade, with a focus on analysis at the population level (Fig. 2; Fig. 4). While the funda- mental cornerstones for studying structural violence have been set since at least the 1980s, and the first two publications in this data set even directly refer to studying structural violence (Angel et al. 1987; Kelley and Angel 1987), the keyword analysis suggests an in- crease in this subfield only in the 2010s. This is also supported by the bibliographic analysis, which indi- cates that no cluster specific to the study of structural violence has been identified in the past decade. After a differentiation between interpersonal violence in bioarchaeology and structural violence in the social sciences (Accomazzo 2012), the question also remains if and how epistemic violence, a violence inherent in knowledge and power and proposed by postcolonial researchers such as Spivak (1988), will become a fu- ture bio archae ol o gi cal research subfield. Even more abstract than structural violence, it acts through the creation and transport of violence through knowl- edge (e.g., racial categorization promoted by science and followed by social discrimination). It is expected that in the future, with the rising self- awareness of bioarchaeology and especially its contribution to rac- ist ideologies and the treatment of minorities (Buiks- tra et  al. 2022; Roberts 2019), it will also look more closely at what bioarchaeology contributed to the cre- ation and establishment of epistemic oppression. The collection practices and often colonial contexts in- volved in the provenance of human remains collec- tions (Pollock 2023), the centerpiece of many bio archae ol o gi cal works, can already be interpreted and labeled as epistemic violence. Analyzing how epistemic violence is investigated in the bio archae ol- o gi cal context was only indirectly possible in this analysis. It can, however, be thematically situated closely to clusters and keywords that deal with or link to structural violence. For the future, a continuation of the increase in publications regarding the general study of violence in the skeletal record is predicted. The current global geopolitical tensions are perpetu- ating, especially the less tangible types of structural and likely also epistemic violence. Conclusion This work has analyzed how violence has been stud- ied in bioarchaeology using content and quantitative bibliometric network analysis. For one, it accounted for how the increasingly growing and fast- paced body of scientific literature can be used to quantitatively study an interdisciplinary field in a fast and easy way. It also showed how bibliometric metadata can be used to understand scholarly collaboration and pub- lication dynamics. The analyses presented here also, not surprisingly, showed that studies of violence have become interdisciplinary in bioarchaeology. Only a broad treatment of this topic can lead to an account that is capable of depicting the highly contextualized physical, social, and cultural factors and conse- quences of violence in the bio archae ol o gi cal record. In the past, this happened through consistent bio- archae ol o gi cal methods and without many changes in its paradigms. Therefore, the most unforeseen as- pect to be considered when studying violence in the future is the necessity to take the present societal and scientific challenges and changes into account while adapting them into the bio archae ol o gi cal research repertoire. A change of perspective on how and what we perceive as violence in our everyday lives could thus lead to research on how epistemic violence has affected human remains. This is particularly neces- sary when considering the origins of many osteologi- cal collections of human remains. Acknowledgments C. S. thanks Leo Capari for his support and intro- duction to the topic of bibliographic network analy- sis, as well as Paul Klostermann and Sheridan Strang for assisting in the manual classification of Schattke et al. 103 documents. This article was published Open Access with the financial support of the Natural History Museum Vienna. Supplemental Information Supplemental Figures S1–S4 can be found online. 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