


































Microsoft Word - 5IvetaMartiryan_Literature Review gender and household labor.docx


CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2010, VOL. 2 (ISSUE 1: 43-52) 

Gender and Division of Household Labor 
 

 

Iveta Martiryan 

Department of Sociology 

California State University, Los Angeles 

 

 

This paper discusses numerous variables that impact the 

division of household labor between men and women—

income, race, education, gender ideologies, age, marital 

status, employment status, and presence of children in the 

home—and  sheds light on the unequal distribution of 

household labor between men and women, which impacts 

the overall well being and advancement of the female 

gender. 
 

 
1
Housework involving cleaning, cook-

ing, doing laundry, washing dishes, and 

shopping devours three to four thousand 

hours for the average housewife each 

year (Davis 1981). Since  a lot of  

women work full time in the labor 

market and spend an equal amount of 

time performing household chores, 

female housework performance has been 

labeled the “second-shift.” Researchers 

have become more and more interested 

in studying household labor division 

especially because female work 

participation reduces the amount of time 

women have to perform housework, 

placing more demands on men to pick 

up the slack (Batalova & Cohen 2002). 

However, despite working full time in 

the labor market, women spend more 

time performing household chores 

compared to their male counterparts. 

                                                           
1
 Iveta Martiryan is a graduate student at the 

Department of Sociology.  Her paper was 

originally submitted to SOC 497 Introduction to 

Graduate Studies, taught by Professor Gretchen 

Peterson in Fall 2009.   

Therefore, this paper will discuss 

numerous variables that impact division 

of household labor between men and 

women that include: income, race, 

education, gender ideologies, age, 

marital status, employment status, and 

presence of children in the home. It will 

also compare different living arrange-

ments between men and women to 

analyze how time spent performing 

housework changes or remains the same 

for both genders as they move through 

different stages in their lives. The types 

of household chores are also unevenly 

distributed between the sexes. A further 

investigation into male and female type 

housework will also be discussed. All of 

these factors combined appear to have a 

negative impact on females, who 

continue to perform most of the 

household labor. Therefore, this topic is 

essential and significant because it sheds 

light on the unequal distribution of 

household labor between men and 

women, which impacts the overall well 

being and advancement of the female 

gender. Moreover, researchers have tried 



GENDER AND DIVISION OF HOUSEHOLD LABOR by Iveta Martiryan           44 
 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2010, VOL. 2 (ISSUE 1: 43-52) 

to use different perspectives in their 

discussion regarding division of 

household labor in order to help explain 

the unequal distribution of household 

chores between the genders. Among 

these perspectives are the time-

availability argument, the resource-

power perspective, and socialization and 

gender role attitudes. This paper will 

discuss and analyze each of these 

perspectives in greater detail.  

Current division of household 

labor between men and women is neither 

fair, nor rational. It has been reported 

that in all living situations, women spend 

more time performing housework 

compared to men, while the gender gap 

is the greatest among married couples 

(South & Spitze 1994). This gender gap 

between men and women regarding 

division of household labor was very 

slim and perhaps nonexistent before 

ownership of private property came into 

existence. In “The Origin of the Family, 

Private Property, and the State,” Engels 

argued due to ownership of private 

property, sexual inequality became 

reality (Collins & Makowsky 2005). 

Before private property, the entire family 

worked and shared in housework duties. 

They also shared food and collaborated 

in the labor to create it. Men may have 

been held accountable for hunting 

animals, while women gathered fruits 

and vegetables. Overall, both sexes 

carried out economic tasks that were 

uniformly vital to not only their family’s 

survival, but the community overall. 

During these eras, community was 

fundamentally an extended family in 

which women’s domestic role was 

prized and valued (Davis 1981). 

However, ownership of private property 

brought changes in the family system in 

which women became dominated. As 

society transitioned from matriarchal to 

patriarchal, women were expelled from 

the public economic sphere and confined 

to household labor (Collins & 

Makowsky 2005). Moreover, the term 

“Housewife” had come to represent 

women as the custodians of an 

undervalued domestic life. However, this 

definition did not hold true for the flood 

of immigrant women who joined the 

ranks of the working class in the 

Northeast, nor the black women who 

were separated from their home to 

contribute to the slave economy in the 

South (Davis 1981). As a result, 

Nineteenth century U.S. society con-

tained both white women who worked 

tirelessly in factories for meager wages, 

and black women who worked 

incessantly under the oppression of 

slavery. Therefore, although the term 

“housewife” was only representative of 

the social conditions of the bourgeoisie 

and middle-class, Nineteenth century 

thought created the term housewife as a 

universal symbol for womanhood (Davis 

1981). 

 

The Effects of Diverse Living 

Arrangements and Marital Status on 

the Division of Household labor 

between Men and Women  

 

Today women have made great strides in 

the economic sector and education, but 

continue to perform a majority of the 

housework. In the past fifteen years, 

increasing number of scholars have 

conducted research on division of 

household labor. Throughout this time 

women have made significant changes in 

employment and income. Today more 

women are taking on the role of sole 



GENDER AND DIVISION OF HOUSEHOLD LABOR by Iveta Martiryan           45 
 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2010, VOL. 2 (ISSUE 1: 43-52) 

breadwinner. However, in light of these 

changes, household work is still 

dominated by women (Greenstein 2000). 

Women spend 33 hours per week on 

household tasks, while men perform 18 

hours (South & Spitze 1994). It has also 

been indicated that women who earn 

more money than their male counterparts 

perform a disproportionate share of the 

housework (South & Spitze 1994; 

Greenstein 2000). The reason for this 

may stem from female guilt, because as 

more wives are taking on the 

breadwinner role in the family, men may 

start to feel resentment. Therefore, in 

order to avoid inflicting any harm to the 

husband’s self esteem and supremacy, 

women may feel obliged to perform 

more housework. In households where 

females are the top earners, husband and 

wives possess a “concealing” process 

indicated by Goffman, to diminish the 

stigma of their “deviant” roles. 

Husbands in turn reduce their social 

interactions with others and remain quiet 

about their wives’ careers (Greenstein 

2000). Moreover, the gender gap 

remains the largest among married 

couples regarding household labor 

division (South and Spitze 1994). 

Perhaps the reason why a significant 

number of researchers solely focus on 

housework in married family circles. 

However, the discussion of labor 

division between men and women would 

not be complete unless all living 

arrangements are assessed, since 

different stages in people’s lives can 

help researchers compare the changing 

trends in the amount spent in household 

labor from one stage of an individual’s 

life to another, notably going from 

singlehood to joining the ranks of couple 

hood. Therefore, diverse living arrange-

ments that include: living alone, 

cohabiting, living with a spouse, living 

with friends or roommates, or living 

with relatives are important factors in 

discussing division of household labor, 

since people alter their living 

arrangements as they move through 

different stages in their lives. As divorce 

rates have increased, there are an 

increasing number of individuals living 

independently. For instance, today one 

in two marriages end in divorce, altering 

the couples living arrangements 

(Yodanis 2005). Moreover, more and 

more couples are deciding to cohabitate. 

Therefore, many argue it is important to 

also study cohabitating couples’ division 

of household labor because of the 

increasing number of individuals 

becoming cohabiters, implying marriage 

is not the only acceptable form of union 

between men and women (Batalova & 

Cohen 2002). 

 Studies indicate that cohabitating 

women do more housework than never-

married women. It is also highest in 

marriages and lowest among widows 

and divorcees. Meanwhile, men’s 

housework remains consistent for both 

cohabiters and married individuals 

(South & Spitze 1994). It only increases 

significantly for widowed men by 6.0 

hours (Gupta 1999). Moreover, 

cohabiting women do less housework 

than married women, while men reduce 

their housework performance sig-

nificantly upon entrance into marriage or 

cohabitation (Batalova & Cohen 2002).  

Therefore, men decrease their house-

work performance as they enter into 

couple households, but increase it when 

they leave couple households. The 

opposite holds true for women, who 

increase their housework upon entrance 



GENDER AND DIVISION OF HOUSEHOLD LABOR by Iveta Martiryan           46 
 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2010, VOL. 2 (ISSUE 1: 43-52) 

into couple households by more than 7 

hours, but decrease their housework 

when they leave couple households 

(Gupta 1999). Therefore, this indicates 

that a couple household regarding 

division of household labor significantly 

benefits men.  

 

The Impact of Education, Presence of 

Children, Age, Liberal Ideology, and 

Race on Division of Household Labor 

between Men and Women 

 

Additional variables have been tested in 

numerous studies to indicate whether 

they have an impact on the division of 

household labor between men and 

women. One of these variables is 

education. Among women, education is 

inversely related to housework, while for 

men the connection tends to be positive 

and significant (South and Spitze 1994). 

Education is considered an important 

factor in the discussion of housework 

because it has been argued that educated 

men and women possess a more 

egalitarian attitude, which can help 

create an equal division of household 

labor (South & Spitze 1994). For 

instance, studies indicate that for each 

additional year of schooling, housework 

time is reduced by an hour for women. 

Entering school also has an impact on 

housework time by 2.0 hours (Gupta 

1999). Another variable tested is the 

presence of children in the home. The 

addition of children ages 0-4 years old 

increases female housework by 3.3 

hours. However, as children grow to 

ages 5-11, it remains significant. For 

teen years, it is only the male teens who 

add to the women’s housework time 

(Gupta 1999). Therefore, the presence of 

children at home increases the amount of 

time spent on house-chores predominate-

ly for women, in which pre-teenagers 

produce somewhat more work than older 

children (South & Spitze 1994). Other 

variables that include younger age and 

liberal ideology are thought to have a 

positive impact on the attainment of 

equality between men and women 

regarding division of household labor. 

Additionally, married couples in which 

the wife earns more money, works full-

time, or in which the husband is not 

employed full time, possess a more 

egalitarian division of housework 

(Batalova and Cohen 2002). Moreover, 

there is a big variation in gender division 

of household labor across different races. 

It has been reported that white men 

perform a small share of housework 

compared to Black or Hispanic men-

even as white women continue to 

perform less housework than Black or 

Hispanic women. The reason for this is 

accredited to whites having greater 

economic resources that enable them to 

make use of more housework services 

(Cohen 1998). 

 

The Effect of Income on Division of 

Household Labor between Men and 

Women 

 

Another variable that impacts women 

due to performing a majority of the 

household tasks is income. Previous 

research has overwhelmingly shown a 

negative correlation between household 

responsibilities and wages in the 

workplace. It has been argued that 

women’s unequal responsibility for 

household work may be an important 

factor in explaining the earning gap 

between men and women (Noonan 

2001). The discrepancy in gender wages 



GENDER AND DIVISION OF HOUSEHOLD LABOR by Iveta Martiryan           47 
 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2010, VOL. 2 (ISSUE 1: 43-52) 

can be attributed to individual character-

istics that include work experience and 

tenure. This discrepancy is tied to gender 

differences in home production time 

(Hersch & Stratton 2002). The effort and 

energy spent performing household 

chores have an enormous impact on the 

amount of energy accessible for market 

work. It has been argued if effort placed 

in household work and wages are 

positively associated, the wages of 

workers who hold the most respons-

ibilities in performing household chores 

will decrease compared to the wages of 

their less overwhelmed counterparts, 

regard-less if their human capital 

characteristics and experience in the 

labor market are the same (Hersch & 

Stratton 1997).  The amount of time and 

energy spent on housework also has an 

impact on decision making factors 

regarding looking for jobs that have 

flexible work hours, a workplace closer 

to home, and less out of town travel 

requirements to help incorporate 

housework responsibilities with work 

requirements. This in turn suggests that 

these compensating disparities anticipate 

that jobs with these characteristics will 

pay far less (Noonan 2001). Moreover, it 

has been indicated that housework has 

the same impact on wages for single 

men, but has a negative impact on 

married women compared with married 

men. It has been suggested that gender 

divided house chores performed by 

married persons may be the prominent 

reason (Hersch & Stratton 2002). 

Therefore, housework has two distinct 

factors that include number of hours and 

type of tasks (Noonan 2002). 

 

 

Male and Female Type Tasks 

Regarding Household Chores 

 

Women not only perform more 

household chores, but the household 

chores performed by both sexes also 

differ. Thus, household labor is 

separated by sex (Greenstein 2000).  It 

has been argued that female housework 

is more repetitive and continuous which 

include: cooking, cleaning, shopping, 

washing dishes, doing laundry, and 

making beds. Therefore, since female 

tasks require daily performance, it could 

have an impact on the number of hours 

left to work in the labor market. These 

female tasks may also have to be 

performed during specific times 

throughout the day, which can hamper a 

woman’s ability to stay at work for 

longer hours to attend work related 

activities. These responsibilities can 

prevent women from gaining more 

experience and seniority at work 

(Noonan 2001). Moreover, male 

housework involving outdoor main-

tenance, yard work, and automobile 

repair, is more flexible in time and 

frequency (Gupta 1999). Men usually 

perform chores outside the home, which 

may not revolve around daily child care. 

It has been implied that male tasks are 

usually performed during the weekends, 

away from market work time. Therefore, 

due to the flexible and infrequent nature 

of male tasks, men are better able to 

acquire adaptable scheduling around 

paid work (Noonan 2001). Furthermore, 

Female type tasks devour more time for 

married women than for any other 

group. While regarding men, co-

habitating males spend 2.5 hours more 

per week performing traditionally female 

chores compared to married men, while 



GENDER AND DIVISION OF HOUSEHOLD LABOR by Iveta Martiryan           48 
 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2010, VOL. 2 (ISSUE 1: 43-52) 

married men spend more time on 

outdoor maintenance, generally known 

as male type chores (South & Spitze 

1994). Divorced and widowed men 

spend 6 to 8 hours more per week 

performing female-type tasks compared 

to married men. Overall, married and 

cohabiting men spend less time on 

female chores and more on male type 

tasks than men in other marital statuses 

(South & Spitze 1994). It has been 

reported that men perform 70% of the 

“male” tasks, where as women perform 

75% of the “female” tasks (Greenstein 

2000). Moreover, it has been suggested 

than an equal division in the amount and 

type of housework performed by men 

and women in the home is necessary to 

help narrow the gender gap in wages 

(Noonan 2001).  

 

Perspectives on Gender Division of 

Household Chores 

 

There are numerous perspectives formed 

by scholars who study division of 

household labor between men and 

women. The first is the resource-power 

perspective, which implies that work’s 

focal point resides in economic and 

social contexts, in which the husband 

and wife take into account their 

individual resources as bargaining tools 

over who will perform which household 

chore. However, it is suggested that a 

wife’s resources may be disregarded by 

male dominance at the societal level 

(South & Spitze 1994). Moreover, the 

reason why married men spend a certain 

amount of time performing household 

chores stems from their desires and 

ideology, rather than in relation to the 

resources of their wives (Milkie & 

Robinson 1998). Another perspective is 

the time-availability perspective, which 

stems from human capital theory. This 

perspective takes into account how much 

time a wife works outside the home and 

how much time she spends performing 

house chores. The time availability 

model however does not provide a 

complete explanation since most studies 

indicate that although employed women 

perform less hours of housework, the 

differences are too small (Greenstein 

2000).  An additional perspective is the 

socialization and gender role attitude, 

which implies that male and female 

behavior regarding housework stems 

from how men and women have been 

socialized to believe is appropriate male 

and female behavior (Batalova & Cohen 

2002). Moreover, it is suggested that 

although women’s ideologies are 

continuously being altered, men’s are 

not. The attainment of equal household 

labor division between both sexes relies 

heavily upon the employment of 

nontraditional (egalitarian) gender 

ideologies (Greenstein 2000).  

 

Distinction between Male and Female 

Satisfaction and Ideologies Regarding 

Division of Household Labor 

 

Research regarding household labor 

division has not only taken into account 

numerous factors, which include: 

income, race, and education; but also 

feelings, beliefs, gender ideologies, and 

marital conflict. For instance, inequality 

regarding division of house-hold labor is 

often connected with a woman’s sense of 

unfairness, depression, and marital 

dissatisfaction, where as men’s 

contribution in routine recurring chores 

is the primary reason for marital 

satisfaction (Lavee & Katz 2002). A 



GENDER AND DIVISION OF HOUSEHOLD LABOR by Iveta Martiryan           49 
 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2010, VOL. 2 (ISSUE 1: 43-52) 

wife’s dissatisfaction regarding 

household labor division plays a vital 

role in the emergence of conflict 

between spouses. For instance, 

dissatisfaction and conflict regarding 

household labor division may be a 

crucial component in explaining 

decreased marital satisfaction among 

wives after the birth of their first born 

(Kluwer, Heesink and Vliert 1996). 

Moreover, female perception regarding 

household labor division may vary 

according to what women were 

socialized to value in a relationship as it 

relates to their social and standardized 

principles of what is reasonable and 

rightful (Lavee & Katz 2002). Females 

who feel their husbands should take 

equal part in performing household 

tasks, and in turn pressure their husbands 

to take part in housework, create homes 

in which husbands perform more 

housework (Kluwer, Heesink, and Vliert 

1996). Therefore, Gender Ideology, how 

a person perceives himself or herself 

regarding market and family rules 

traditionally associated with gender, is a 

significant factor studied by researchers 

in determining equality between genders 

regarding division of household labor 

(Greenstein 1996). For instance, lower 

marital quality is linked to a more 

segregated division of labor for 

egalitarian women (Lavee & Kutz 2002). 

Meanwhile, a husband’s gender ideology 

is not linked to household labor division 

for men married to traditional wives 

compared to men with egalitarian wives. 

In actuality, a husband’s household labor 

performance decreases as gender 

ideology becomes more traditional. 

Therefore, men who are married to 

traditional women, have very little 

correlation regarding their gender 

ideology and share of domestic labor 

(Greenstein 1996).  

Division of household labor is a 

constant and vital process, which results 

from an interactive compromise between 

couples. Therefore, it requires research-

ers to not only look at the different 

characteristics of males and females as 

individuals, but to also take into 

consideration the interactions between 

them (Greenstein 1996). Husbands’ and 

wives’ dissatisfaction is often 

approached from an individual 

perspective (Kluwer, Heesink, and Vliert 

1996). However, studying the 

interactions between husbands’ and 

wives’ gender ideologies has allowed 

researchers to suggest that a major 

reason why women’s employment 

increase has not been followed by 

equivalent changes in husbands’ 

contributions regarding domestic work is 

because the husbands’ gender ideology 

has not kept up with those of their wives 

in the transition from traditional 

“separate spheres” ideologies to more 

egalitarian beliefs (Greenstein 1996). 

 

Gender Production in Everyday 

Housework 

 

It has been argued by many scholars that 

marital household is perceived as a 

“Gender Factory,” in which gender is 

produced though everyday housework 

performance (Batalova & Cohen 2002).  

Therefore, housework creates gender in 

the course of everyday performance of 

supremacy, compliance, and other 

behaviors symbolically tied to gender. 

Moreover, people’s perceptions of 

gender are usually crippled and lacking 

cohesion. Their implications of what 

they believe and how they feel 



GENDER AND DIVISION OF HOUSEHOLD LABOR by Iveta Martiryan           50 
 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2010, VOL. 2 (ISSUE 1: 43-52) 

translating into household behavior are 

contradictory (South & Spitze 1994). For 

instance, men have argued that both 

sexes should be equal, but fail to 

contribute to the development of 

equality when it comes to performing 

their share of the housework. Therefore, 

women continue to take on more than 

their share of the housework, since men 

continue to shy away from performing 

their half.  

 

Conclusion and Hypotheses 

 

Studies on housework have been 

twofold: one, researchers have focused 

on the number of hours spent performing 

specific household chores by both 

genders (South & Spitze 1994); while 

other researchers have focused on 

analyzing the impact of the division of 

household labor on gender ideologies 

and satisfaction among men and women 

(Lavee & Katz 2002). This paper 

analyzes both types of studies by 

numerous researchers to help provide a 

complete analysis regarding gender and 

division of household labor. Numerous 

variables were discussed in relation to 

their impact on the division of household 

labor between men and women. Among 

these variables were income, race, 

education, gender ideologies, age, 

marital status, employment status, and 

diverse living arrangements. All of these 

factors have an effect on the division of 

household labor between men and 

women. H1: educated men and women 

will contribute to greater equality in the 

sharing of housework. It has been argued 

that men and women, who have obtained 

an education, tend to possess a more 

egalitarian attitude, which can help 

create a more equal division of 

household labor (South & Spitze 1994). 

Another factor is the marital status of 

men and women. H2: Women who are 

single, divorced, or widowed will spend 

less time performing household chores 

compared to married women. The reason 

for this lies in the absence of a husband 

to clean after, thus leading to less 

housework performance. Meanwhile, the 

opposite holds true for men, since single, 

divorced, or widowed men perform more 

housework compared to married men. 

The reason is accredited to the absence 

of a wife, who can help clean, thus 

leading to more housework performance 

for men (South & Spitze 1994). A third 

variable that impacts the division of 

household labor is earning status. H3: 

Husbands married to women with almost 

equal earnings will perform the most 

housework. It has been suggested that 

although dependent wives perform the 

largest share of housework at 68%, 

housework performed by wives tend to 

reduce as their economic dependence 

decreases (Greenstein 2000).  It has also 

been argued that wives with no earnings 

perform forty five hours of housework 

per week, whereas wives who are the 

sole earners perform 30 hours 

(Greenstein 2000). Moreover, a fourth 

variable that impacts the division of 

household labor includes diverse living 

arrangements. H4: Couples who 

cohabitate before marriage will perform 

an equal share of housework. It has been 

implied that couples who cohabitate tend 

to possess a more egalitarian view 

regarding division of household labor 

(Batalova & Cohen 2002). H5: paid 

employment is another variable that has 

an impact, since women who are 

employed will reduce their housework 

performance. It has been argued that 



GENDER AND DIVISION OF HOUSEHOLD LABOR by Iveta Martiryan           51 
 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2010, VOL. 2 (ISSUE 1: 43-52) 

every additional hour of paid 

employment decreases women’s house-

work by seven minutes (Gupta 1999). 

H6: Age also has an impact on the 

division of household labor since it has 

been argued that younger people possess 

a more egalitarian belief regarding 

housework. Gender ideologies are a 

significant factor in discussing the 

division of household labor. H7: 

individuals who possess a more non-

traditional (egalitarian) belief regarding 

division of household labor will 

contribute to greater equality in the 

sharing of housework. It has been argued 

that couples who hold traditional views 

regarding gender and marital roles will 

live in traditional households, where the 

wife will perform most of the 

housework. Meanwhile, couples with 

less traditional views will possess a more 

egalitarian belief regarding housework 

performance, which will lead to greater 

female satisfaction and less marital 

conflict (Greenstein 2000). 

 

REFERENCES 

 

Batalova, Jeanne A., Cohen, Phillip N.  

2002. “Premarital Cohabitation and 

Housework: Couples in Cross-

National Perspective.” Journal of 

Marriage and Family 64(3): 743-

755.                              

Cohen, Phillip N.  1998. “Replacing  

Housework in the Service  

Economy: Gender, Class, and  

Race-Ethnicity in Service Spending.” 

Gender and Society 12(2): 121-248. 

Collins, Randall, Makowsky, Michael. 

  2005. The Discovery of Society.  

New York: McGraw-Hill, 

Davis, Angela. Women Race & Class.  

1981. United States: Random 

House, Inc. 

Greenstein, Theodore N.  1996. 

“Husbands’ Participation in 

Domestic Labor: Interactive Effects 

of Wives’ and Husbands’ Gender 

Ideologies.” Journal of Marriage 

and Family 58(3): 

585-595.       

Greenstein, Theodore N.  2000.  

“Economic Dependence, gender, and 

the Division of Labor in    

the Home: A Replication and 

Extension.” Journal of Marriage and 

Family 62(2): 322-335.                       

Gupta, Sanjiv.  1999. “The Effects of  

Transitions in Marital Status on 

Men’s Performance of 

Housework.”Journal of marriage 

and Family 61(3): 700-711. 

Heesink, Jose A.M., Kluwer, Esther S., 

Vliert, Evert Van De. 1996. 

“Marital Conflict about the   

Division of Household Labor and 

Paid Work.” Journal of Marriage 

and Family 58(4): 958-969. 

Hersch, Joni, Stratton, Leslie S. 1997.  

“Housework, Fixed Effects, and  

Wages of married   

Workers.” The Journal of Human 

Resources 32(2): 285-307. 

Hersch, Joni, Stratton, Leslie S. 2002. 

“Housework and Wages.” The 

Journal of Human Resources 

37(1): 217-229.  

Lavee, Yoav, Katz, Ruth. 2002.  

“Division of Labor, Perceived 

Fairness, and marital Quality: The 

Effect of Gender Ideology.” Journal 

of marriage and Family 64(1): 27-

39.  

Milkie, Melissa A., Robinson, John P.  

1998. “Back to the Basics: Trends 

in and Role        Determinants Of 

Women’s Attitudes toward 



GENDER AND DIVISION OF HOUSEHOLD LABOR by Iveta Martiryan           52 
 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2010, VOL. 2 (ISSUE 1: 43-52) 

Housework.” Journal of Marriage 

and Family 60(1): 205-218.   

Noonan, Mary C.  2001. “The Impact of 

Domestic Work on Men’s and 

Women’s Wages.” Journal of 

marriage and Family 63(4): 1134-

1145. 

South, Scott J., Spitze, Glenna. 1994. 

“Housework in Marital and 

Nonmarital Households.”  

American Sociological Review 59(3): 

327-347. 

Yodanis, Carrie. 2005. “Divorce Culture 

and Marital gender Equality: A 

Cross-National Study.” Gender and 

Society 19(5): 644-659. 

 
 


