


































The Freedom to Breathe:


 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2011, VOL. 3 (ISSUE 1: 133-152) 

The Freedom to Breathe: 
African Americans and Political Participation 

 
Leticia M. Gutierrez 

Department of Sociology 
California State University, Los Angeles 

 
Objective: This research assesses political efficacy, religion, affluence, 
educational attainment, network social ties, extended work hours, and 
number of children to determine political participation in the Freedom to 
Breathe campaign. The author seeks to establish the distinctness between 
residents of Oakland, CA who participated in a “Freedom to Breathe” 
campaign, organized by environmental justice group Communities for a 
Better Environment (CBE) advocating against excessive air pollution, and 
the remaining residents who did not participate in the campaign. 
Methods: A survey was mailed to Oakland residents who did not 
participate in the campaign by means of random cluster sampling. A total 
of 10 blocks was randomly selected from the area map and five 
households were surveyed from each block. For each selected block, about 
5-7 households were contacted for participation in the survey. Residents 
of the city of Oakland who had participated in the campaign were given a 
survey to complete at the headquarters of CBE during a weekly meeting. 
Results: We find that several contextual factors and social ties play a 
major role in mobilization of African Americans in this specific campaign. 
Avenues for future research are also discussed. 

 
 
INTRODUCTION  
 
1Environmental equity affirms that all 
people have the right to breathe clean 
air, drink clean water and not be exposed 
to environmental hazards that can affect 
their well being in anyway. 
Understandably, one can presume that 
people who are in the confines of 
environmental exposures would 
adamantly speak against such inequities. 
                                                 
Leticia M. Gutierrez is a graduate student in the 
Department of Sociology. Her paper was  
originally submitted to SOC. 590 Sociologic 
Research Seminar, taught by Dr. Gretchen 
Peterson in Winter 2011. 

However, this is not always the case. 
Most probably, those who do participate 
politically are people who become 
involved for several reasons such as 
feeling strongly about a particular idea, 
seeking to promote issues and causes 
that personally profit themselves, or self-
satisfaction. Conversely, people may 
choose not to participate because they 
feel happy or satisfied by the status quo, 
are uninterested or do not know much 
about politics, or believe that no one in 
power takes note of their views and that 
the government is indifferent to them. 
 This research is a continuation of 
my past research (Gutierrez 2008) that 



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CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2011, VOL. 3 (ISSUE 1: 133-152) 

assessed Latino political participation 
and found that several socio-
demographic factors as well as cultural 
inhibitors resulted in participation and 
non-participation in a candlelight vigil. 
This research, on the other hand, did not 
look at socio-demographic factors that 
influenced participation such as sex and 
age, but proffered that income does 
contribute to participation; other factors 
such as political efficacy and educational 
level were also assessed. Reasons for 
non-participation included variables 
such as respondents who work several 
hours in a workday and those that must 
care for children. These variables were 
assessed in an attempt at future research 
comparing Latino participation with that 
of African American.  

For this study, I attempted to 
understand some of the factors that 
influenced African American 
participation, specifically in an effort 
called the “Freedom to Breathe” 
campaign hosted by an environmental 
justice organization called Communities 
for a Better environment, better referred 
to as CBE. The campaign took place in 
the summer of 2009 and involved people 
of the community willing to stand in a 
high traffic area of East Oakland’s 
Hegenburger Corridor for two weeks, 
about four hours a day, to calculate the 
number of commercial and non-
commercial vehicles that dispensed toxic 
ambient pollutants as they went by; 
organizers, members, and volunteers 
took to the streets in an effort to combat 
air pollution in their community. The 
majority of the participants were African 
Americans with very little exceptions; 
Oakland residents were 36% African 
Americans at the time and were the only 
ethnic group evaluated in this research.  

 100 respondents were evaluated, 
all African American; half of 
respondents (N=50) did not participate 
in the campaign. All respondents were 
given a survey with a series of questions 
about variables such as political efficacy, 
income educational attainment, and 
social ties, all of which were 
hypothesized to prompt participation. 
Conversely, variables that pinpoint 
number of hours worked per day and 
number of children per family were 
hypothesized to be indicators for lack of 
participation in the campaign.  

I conceptualized political 
efficacy as the amount of political 
effectiveness or influence a respondent 
believed to have over political matters 
and outcomes. Affluence was categorized 
as personal abundance of money, 
property or material goods and was 
operationalized using a survey question 
assessing personal income. For the 
purpose of this study, $50,000 or more a 
year was categorized as “affluent” not 
because I believe it is an adequate 
income to live in affluence, but because 
of the fact that African Americans 
constitute the largest ethnic population 
living in poverty. Educational attainment 
was conceptualized as the level of 
schooling a respondent received. Being 
acquainted with an organizer or member 
of CBE was conceptualized to mean that 
the respondent was acquainted with a 
community organizer or member of CBE 
in any way (friend, acquaintance, 
removed acquaintance, etc.). Finally, 
working more than eight hour workdays 
meant that respondents had a full time 
job, continually worked over time, or 
had a second shift. Having more than 
two children meant that the respondents 
primarily cared for more than two 

Jonathan
Can I delete this?



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CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2011, VOL. 3 (ISSUE 1: 133-152) 

children whether they were their own or 
products of mixed families such as a 
stepchild or half-son or daughter.  
   
LITERATURE REVIEW 
 
Environmental equity for all is a 
fundamental right; no person should be 
exposed to health hazards regardless of 
his or her ethnicity or social class. This 
fundamental right is especially relevant 
to people who reside in the United States 
because under the law no one can be 
discriminated against. The importance of 
studying the rationale that produces the 
participation of people to struggle for 
environmental justice is an important 
assessment for community organizers, 
politicians and academics; 
environmental protections have been 
taken for granted by the unexposed and 
amply suffered by the overexposed. 
Studying these reasons for participation 
have helped organizers and state 
officials become knowledgeable of the 
limitations that force marginalized 
groups not to participate for the sake of 
their livelihood. Past research about 
environmental participation is rare and 
when it does apply, it seems to lack 
insight about the reasons people do or do 
not participate toward the betterment of 
their communities. Most key research 
found laid the groundwork for 
environmental inequities and were 
attentive to matters that pertain to groups 
who are affected, how they are affected, 
and what health concerns have been 
relevant to exposure--all literature that is 
necessary to piece together the linkages 
between environmental justice and 
inequity.  
 Minorities, specifically Latinos 
and African Americans, are among the 

most affected group, and have been 
consistently shifting into first place as 
most affected (Pollock and Vittas 1995; 
Grineski, Bolin and Boone 2007). Those 
with lower incomes have also been 
disproportionately affected. These 
impoverished minority groups have been 
exposed to many different types of 
hazards, including toxic exposure 
through source emissions like factories 
and industrial districts (Morello, Pastor 
and Sadd 2001; Schweiter and 
Valenzuela 2004; Pastor, Morello-F. and 
Sadd 2005), residential proximity to 
roads that causes higher levels of air 
pollution (Schweiter et al. 2004; 
Gelobter 1993), water contamination 
(Novotny 1995), and proximity to toxic 
waste production or disposal sites 
(Futrell 2000). The high exposures of 
these ambient toxins were observed to 
cause asthma, bronchitis, birth defects, 
learning disabilities, respiratory 
problems and even different cancers 
such as lung and brain cancer 
(Schweitzer et al. 2004; Pastor et al. 
2005; Morello-Frosch 2001). All 
aforementioned research necessarily 
helped approximate who has been 
disproportionately affected, how they 
have been affected, and what types of 
health risks result from such exposure. 
Previous research is necessary to be 
conscious of the basic information of 
environmental injustices in an effort to 
empower those affected.  
 More recent research based on 
environmental justice illustrates the 
importance of conceptualizing what 
environmental justice has come to mean 
and how a generalizable definition for all 
disciplines is necessary to address the 
unequal distributions of harms (Sze and 
London 2008).  Sze et al. (2008) assert 



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CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2011, VOL. 3 (ISSUE 1: 133-152) 

that a “critical analysis of power” need 
to be explored to uncover why the 
distribution of harms and opportunities 
related to environmental inequity have 
often been dispersed among minorities 
and the poor.  

Few examinations of how small 
sites and zoned areas of environmental 
inequity have been established (Boone 
and  Modarres 1999) look at their 
historical nature, mainly in the case of 
Los Angeles, before minorities moved 
in. The work of Boone et al. (1999) was 
concerned with the surrounding cities of 
Los Angeles for their examination, and 
they found that industrial zones were 
already allocated in the early 1920 and 
30s. Cities surrounding Vernon were 
established as predominantly wealthy 
and mostly Anglos–a population that 
then started moving toward the Westside 
once they discovered industrial zones 
were beginning to be created. Boone et 
al. (1999) claim that these blueprints 
were already established, making the 
neighboring city of Commerce 
predominantly industrial as well. 
Coincidentally, the authors minutely 
address the fact that at the time on the 
other side of Vernon, the city of east Los 
Angeles consisted of residents who were 
predominantly working class first 
generation Italians and Mexicans. 
Although this research did point out that 
industrial zones were already established 
prior to Latinos moving in, they state 
that no evidence showed that the 
decisions made by the zoning 
committees of that time had been based 
on the location of minority communities 
surrounding industrial zones. Although 
the literature did provide a useful 
assessment of the history of 
aforementioned industrial zones; this 

research does nothing more than to 
assert that minorities chose to live 
around these toxic facilities. The topic of 
this research is appreciated but does not 
cover the equal distribution of waste 
sites and other environmental exposures; 
it merely proclaims that environmental 
inequity is somehow predestined.  
 Other relevant research about 
environmental exposures included the 
need for focus on sustainable energy 
decisions (Rich, Edelstein, Hallman and  
Wandersman 1995). This research did 
not assess that minorities should become 
empowered to change their 
communities, even though health threats 
were prevalent, but sought to find that 
sustainable energy was more suitable for 
their focus. Other research focused on 
the need for multicultural organizations 
(Chambers 2007) and believed that 
members should be offered workshops 
on policy, leadership and technology, 
and building coalitions. It is my 
experience in CBE that community 
organizers have tried these strategies but 
the underlying issue is that many factors 
play in to why Latinos and African 
Americans do not have the opportunity 
to take part in these skill building 
workshops. Landmark research (Nelson 
1979) addressed the idea that researchers 
believed that ethnic participation in the 
movement was withering away. My 
present study will assess if, in fact, this 
is decidedly so. Significant literature 
conducted in Canada assessed social 
networking ties and political 
participation in the environmental justice 
movement, but specifically dealt with 
problems projected onto the wilderness 
(Tindall 2002). An established gap in 
research persists that does not 
adequately cover many factors that 



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CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2011, VOL. 3 (ISSUE 1: 133-152) 

affect (social networking ties, political 
efficacy) and lessen (long work hours, 
caring for children) the level of 
participation of minorities in the 
environmental justice movement. My 
past research, the only of its kind 
because it intertwined several theories of 
participation into one study, focused on 
Latino participation, and assessed 
various reasons people did and did not 
participate politically, but those factors 
had been limited to the Latino culture.   

The purpose of this research is to 
understand the reasons for African 
American participation or non-
participation in matters of environmental 
inequities, specifically among American 
Americans in Oakland, California who 
constitute 36% of the city’s population. 
The “Freedom to Breathe” campaign 
took place in east Oakland, California in 
the summer of 2009. This paper 
hypothesized the following: 
 

(1) Respondents with a high 
sense of political efficacy are 
more likely to participate in 
the campaign. 

(2) Respondents who earn over 
$50,000 annually or more 
will be more likely to 
participate in the campaign. 

(3) Respondents who have had 
earned a four year degree 
(BA, BS) will be more likely 
to participate in the 
campaign.  

(4)  Respondents who are 
acquitted with organizers or 
members of CBE are more 
likely to participate in the 
campaign. 

(5) Respondents who work more 
than eight hours per workday 

are less likely to participate 
in the campaign. 

(6) Respondents who have more 
than two children are less 
likely to participate in the 
campaign.  

 
 First, I hypothesized that those 
respondents with a high sense of 
political efficacy were more likely to 
become involved in the campaign 
because they were capable of being 
motivated enough to endorse their issue. 
I believed that if this issue has been 
widely known in the community, then 
people with the belief that they can make 
change in their community were more 
likely to participate. Second, I believed 
that African Americans who earned 
$50,000 or more annually were more 
likely to participate because of their 
presumed extra time for other activities, 
like making use of a gym membership or 
becoming active members of community 
groups, compared to those living in 
poverty. Next, I believed that those 
respondents who had earned a higher 
education degree, such as a BA or a BS, 
would be more likely to participate in 
the campaign because of the supposition 
that they would be more aware of the 
injustices of their city. Professionals 
would have more means of receiving 
information (television, Internet, etc.) I 
predicted that the respondents who were 
acquainted in any way with community 
organizers or members of CBE would be 
more likely to participate in the 
campaign because of their background 
knowledge about the subject and the 
campaign from the organizers or 
members. In addition, I expected to find 
that respondents who worked more than 
eight hour workdays would not have the 



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CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2011, VOL. 3 (ISSUE 1: 133-152) 

time to participate in the campaign either 
because they did not know about it or 
because they could not attend due to 
extended work hours. Similarly, I 
hypothesized that those respondents who 
had more than two children were less 
likely to participate because of lack of 
time (time after the workday would be 
dedicated to helping children with 
homework, preparing their dinner, 
driving them to extracurricular activities, 
etc) or lack of help to care for the 
children (babysitter, spouse, relative, 
etc).  
 
METHODS 
 
Respondents 
The 100 African American respondents 
in this study were all residents of 
Oakland, CA. For the purpose of this 
research, campaign participants were 
those respondents that took part in the 
“Freedom to Breathe” campaign in 
Oakland. Those respondents referred to 
as non-participants were residents of 
Oakland but did take part in the 
“Freedom to Breathe” campaign. The 
survey was distributed in two ways. 
Because of my affiliation with CBE (an 
environmental justice organization based 
in Huntington Park and Oakland), I had 
access to the campaign participants. 
Over the course of three weeks, I 
distributed the surveys at the 
organizations’ weekly meetings. A total 
of 50 surveys were obtained from 
campaign participants. As for the non-
participants, those who were also 
residents of Oakland but did not 
participate in the campaign had been 
surveyed by method of random cluster 
sampling. A site map of Oakland had 
been sectioned off into areas of 3-4 

blocks. A total of 10 blocks had been 
randomly selected from the area map 
and 5-7 households would be given a 
survey from each selected block. The 
survey was distributed to each block to 
ensure that our goal of 50 respondents 
purely of African American ethnic 
background would be collected. The 
survey questions were regressed using 
Pearson’s correlation coefficient and 
multivariate regression analysis, 
specifically logic regression because our 
dependent variable, political 
participation is dichotomous. 
  
Measures 

To measure if respondents 
participated in the campaign, they were 
asked, “most recently, there was a 
“Freedom to Breathe” campaign in the 
city of Oakland that took place in the 
summer of 2009, did you participate in 
the event?” The variable name [VAR: 
POLRALLY] and response categories 
included 0, which represented no and 1, 
which represented yes.  

Respondent’s political efficacy 
was categorized by the variable 
[VAR:POLEFFC] and was measured  
with the question, “how much impact do 
you think your participation in the 
“Freedom to Breathe” campaign will 
make?” Will make much difference was 
coded as 3, will make little difference 
was coded as 2, will make no difference 
was coded  as 1 and I don’t know was 
coded as 0.  

To measure respondent’s income 
[VAR:RINCOME] the following 
question was asked: “what is your own 
personal income last year?” Categories 
included: 1 signifying under $1,000, 2  
signifying $ 1,000 to 2,999, 3  signifying 
$3,000 to 3,999, 4 signifying $4,000 to 



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CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2011, VOL. 3 (ISSUE 1: 133-152) 

4,999, 5  signifying $5,000 to 5,999, 6  
signifying $6,000 to 6,999, 7  signifying 
$ 7,000 to 7,999, 8 signifying $8,000 to 
9,999, 9  signifying $1 0,000 to 12,499, 
10 signifying $1 2,500 to 14,999, 11 
signifying $1 5,000 to 17,499, 12 
signifying $1 7,500 to 19,999, 13 
signifying $20,000 to 22,499, 14 
signifying $22,500 to 24,999, 15 
signifying $25,000 to 29,999, 16 
signifying $30,000 to 34,999, 17 
signifying $35,000 to 39,999, 18 
signifying $40,000 to 49,999, and 19 
signifying $50,000 or more (categories 
were taken from GSS data year 2000, for 
income). 

Respondents were asked, “what is 
the highest level of education you have 
completed?” to address the respondents 
level of education. The response 
categories had been coded  as follows: 
did not complete high school was coded  
as 0, high School graduation/GED was 
coded  as 1, some college/2-Year college 
degree was coded  as 2, 4-year college 
degree (BA, BS), was coded  as 3, some 
graduate school or higher was coded  as 
4.  

To determine if a respondent was 
acquainted to any member or community 
organizer of CBE [VAR: CBEACQ] 
they were asked, “how did you hear 
about the vigil?” I read a flier was coded 
0, I read advertisements was coded  1, 
word of mouth (but not from members of 
CBE organizations) was coded  2, I have 
a friend in CBE (member or organizer) 
was coded  3.  

Respondents were asked, “how 
many average hours do you work a 
day?” To assesses how long their 
average workday was 
[VAR:WORKDAY]. Responses were 
coded as follows: 1-4 hours was 

categorized as 1, 5-6 hours was 
categorized as 2, 7-8 hours was 
categorized as 3, eight hours or more 
was categorized as 4.  
 Finally, to verify how many 
children respondents had, 
[VAR:CHILDS], they were told, “please 
indicate how many children live with 
you?” I have no children living with me 
was coded 1, 1-2 children was coded 2, 
and 3 children or more was coded 3.  
 
FINDINGS 
  
 Results of this study will be 
analyzed using bivariate and multivariate 
levels of analysis; in particular, 
Pearson’s correlation coefficient and 
logistic regression for dichotomous 
variables. Logistic regression will be 
used instead of OLS regression because 
OLS regression assumptions would have 
been violated with a dichotomous 
dependent variable.  
 
Bivariate 
 Respondents with a high sense of 
political efficacy are more likely to 
participate in the campaign.  I believe 
that political participation will be 
positive and significantly correlated with 
political efficacy largely because of the 
fact that people who believe they can 
create change would actively participate 
to create it. I also believe that 
respondents who earn over $50,000 
annually (affluent for the purpose of this 
study) will have a positive and 
statistically significant correlation with 
participating in the campaign. As for 
respondents that have some graduate 
education, I believe findings will show a 
positive and significant association with 
participating in the campaign. Graduate 



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CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2011, VOL. 3 (ISSUE 1: 133-152) 

students are more likely to inform 
themselves about the problems in their 
community. I seek to find that 
respondents who were acquainted with 
organizers or members of CBE will be 
positively and statistically significant 
when correlated with political 
participation. Respondents who work 
more than eight hours per workday will 
also have a positive and significant 
association with political participation; 
as a result, those parents with two or 
more children will be less likely to 
participate in the campaign.  Finally, 
respondents who have more than two 
children will also have a negative and 
significant correlation with political 
participation and therefore, will be less 
likely to participate because of the 
number of hours they must care for their 
children.  
 
Multivariate 
 I will find that political efficacy 
will be statistically significant at the 0.05 
level. I also believe that it will have a 
positive effect on the dependent variable, 
political participation, and net all the 
other variables in the model. I believe I 
will also find that the respondents’ 
income, specifically if it is $50,000 or 
more annually, will have a positive and 
significant effect on political 
participation. Respondents who make 
more than $50,000 will have more time 
and resources to participate in the 
campaign. As for having some graduate 
education, I also think that it will have a 
positive and statistically significant 
effect on the dependent variable, net all 
other variables in the model. Being 
acquainted or friends with a member of 
CBE will have a positive effect on 
political participation and will be 

statistically significant at the 0.05 level. 
Having social networking ties with 
members of CBE will be an avenue to 
gaining knowledge and interest in the 
environmental movement. Working 
more than eight hours will have a 
positive and statistically significant 
effect on the dependent variable. 
Respondents working more than eight 
hours will not have the energy to 
participate in activities in the evening 
nor will they be able to participate in 
hours of high traffic because they will be 
in that traffic or will be working a 
second shift. Respondents with more 
than two children will have a positive 
and statistically significant effect on 
political participation. Those 
respondents who must care for several 
children may not have the means to 
leave their children with a sitter or 
choose to spend more time away from 
them. 
 
DISCUSSION 
 

In this study, I focused on the 
participation factors that influenced 
African Americans to take part in the 
“Freedom to Breathe” campaign in 
Oakland, CA. This study is the only of 
its kind particularly because it seeks to 
underpin the reasons people participate 
politically in the field of environmental 
justice as well as account for some 
reasons people do not. Other research 
about political participation in 
environmental justice concentrated 
generally on empowerment and active 
communities in decision-making 
processes (Rich et al. 1995). The 
downfall of this research was that it 
placed more importance on the “capacity 
to resolve” environmental practices by 



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CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY JOURNAL, 2011, VOL. 3 (ISSUE 1: 133-152) 

being friendly with large corporations 
before the importance of political action. 
Although this may have worked for 
affluent communities that perchance 
learned about environmental exposures 
beforehand, this case has not been 
exemplar to that of minority 
communities (Boone et al. 1999). Other 
research focused on minority 
participation but addressed the need for 
sustainable energy instead of immediate 
action for those at risk of lifetime health 
defects and illness (Rich, Edelstein, 
Hallman and Wandersman 1995). Others 
focused on the need for multicultural 
organizations (Chambers 2007) and the 
mistake that other literature asserted 
about ethnic participation in the 
movement withering away (Nelson 
1979). My study showed that minorities 
that did have means (education, income) 
and desire (political efficacy, social ties) 
to participate would participate, while 
their struggling counterparts that 
indicated their need to work long hours 
and care for children were less prevalent 
in the campaign. This offers an 
important avenue for future research 
noting that unable participants may feel 
inclined to participate but due to several 
constraints have been unable to. 
 Political action is one of the most 
important forms of expression because it 
has been proven to create policy reform 
like in the time of the civil rights 
movement and the Chicano walkouts of 
east Los Angeles that inspired change 
that in turn benefited future generations.  
Some researchers assert that minorities 
moved into these industrial zones in 
early 20th century (Boone, et al. 1999) 
but even if that is the case, 
environmental inequity should not 

persist. Although this research is only 
the tip of the iceberg, so to speak, in 
assessing factors that influence minority 
participation in the environmental justice 
movement, it is unique in that it sought 
to understand why some people 
participate and others do not. Future 
research should develop a large-scale 
study that includes more factors and 
have respondents from several minority 
communities. Another interesting idea 
for future research would be to set up a 
qualitative study to better understand 
what factors influence participation and 
hinder any form of participation before 
creating a large scale quantitative study.  
 Limitations of this study include 
a minute number of variables correlated 
with our dependent variable, political 
participation. Political efficacy, 
affluence, educational attainment and 
social networking ties were offered as 
reasons for participation. Reasons for 
non-participation were only based on 
amount of work hours per workday and 
number of children. This study was 
limited only because of the fact that it 
sought to compare findings to those of 
previous research. Limitations aside, this 
research can give us a clear indication 
that minorities that have high levels of 
political efficacy, affluence, education, 
and social networking ties will 
participate politically, at least in this 
campaign. More research should try to 
recognize the reasons minorities do not 
participate in a problem that involves 
their health and well being, as well as 
the health and well being of their 
families.  
 
 

  



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