Research | Theoretical Works | Torres 77 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY FORUM VOL. 7 

Marx and the Question of Palestine 
Victoria Torres 

Department of Sociology 
 California State University, Los Angeles 

ABSTRACT 
May 15th is recognized by Palestinians around the world as Nakba 
Day (Nakba meaning ‘catastrophe’ in Arabic), marking the 
anniversary of the creation of the State of Israel on the same date 
in 1948, and the escalation of the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. 
Within 2 years (1947-1949), 15,000 Palestinians were killed, 40% 
of the Palestinian population became refugees, and Zionist forces 
had taken over 78% of historic Palestine. In 2025, 77 years later, 
we are witnessing the mass genocide of the Palestinian people and 
the destruction of Palestinian land by the Zionist state and their 
allies–-the United States being one of the most prominent. In this 
paper, the history and current state of the Palestinian genocide and 
the pro-Palestinian movement will interact with Karl Marx’s 
theories on superstructure and infrastructure, class struggle, and 
class consciousness. Positioning Zionists as the oppressive, ruling 
class and Palestinians as the oppressed will explain the influence 
of class struggle and economic infrastructure on the ethnic 
cleansing of Palestine and the pro-Palestinian movement that has 
followed. 
 
HISTORY OF PALESTINE 
In the 1600s, poet and colonist, George Sandys spoke of Palestine 
as “a land that flowed of milk and honey . . . adorned with 
beautiful mountains and luxurious valleys; the rocks producing 
excellent waters; no part empty of delight or profit” (Said 
1980:11). Said (1980) also notes that the native Palestinian 
population was composed of people who all spoke Arabic and 
were mainly Sunni Muslims, with a smaller sum of the population 
being Christians, Druzes, and Shiite Muslim. Native Palestinians 
were the prideful caretakers of their land and were responsible for 
the construction of the major cities in Palestine–Nablus, 
Jerusalem, Nazareth, Acre, Jaffa, Jericho, Ramallah, Hebron, and 
Haifa. Palestinian intellectuals and professionals organized social, 
economic, and cultural life around the issues of independence and 
anti-colonialism, which gave rise to a distinctly Palestinian and 



Research | Theoretical Works | Torres 78 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY FORUM VOL. 7 

pervasive form of resilience (Giacaman 2020; Said 1980). A 
Palestinian identity was created in opposition to the Ottoman 
Empire, British rule, and Jewish colonization. Despite the 
presence of native Palestinians and their efforts to maintain their 
land, outsiders viewed Palestine as empty land and deemed 
Palestinians as invisible (Embrick and Williams 2023). 

World War I marked the beginning stages of serious 
Zionist planning for the colonization of Palestine (Amar-Dahl 
2017; Said 1980). Zionism emerged because of the rise of 
antisemitism in Europe, to resolve the Jewish people’s 
statelessness, and to preserve the collective existence of the 
Jewish people (Amar-Dahl 2017). This marked a shift in focus 
from religion toward nationalism amongst Zionists. Leaders of 
Zionist organizations (Tahhan 2018) believed it to be “the 
principle that Palestine should be reconstructed as the National 
Home for the Jewish People,” (Said 1980:13) and through 
intensive Zionist lobbying, led British authorities to declare that 
the Jewish people were capable of giving Palestine “a place in the 
modern family of nations” (Said 1980:13). Other locations, such 
as South America and East Africa, were considered potential 
homes for the Jewish people; however, Palestine was selected 
because of Jewish connection to the Holy Land. 

In November 1917, Arthur Balfour issued the Balfour 
Declaration which declared its aim to establish a national home 
for the Jewish people in Palestine and was included in the terms 
of the British Mandate for Palestine after the dissolution of the 
Ottoman Empire, (Tahhan 2018). The initiation of the mandate 
expedited European Jews’ immigration to Palestine. From 1914 to 
1927, the Jewish population increased from 11% to 28% (Said 
1980). The mandate made an apathetic attempt to protect the civil 
and religious rights of the non-Jewish population in Palestine but 
refused to even acknowledge the native Palestinian population as 
anything other than non-Jewish (Said 1980; Tahhan 2018). Many 
speculate what influenced the Balfour Declaration (Tahhan 2018), 
and scholars debate that it was either to solve the Jewish problem, 
maintain British influence in the region, appease Zionist lobbying, 
and/or garner Jewish support in the war. The Balfour Declaration 
resulted in violent clashes between Jewish immigrants and native 
Palestinians and is cited as the precursor for the Nakba (or 



Research | Theoretical Works | Torres 79 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY FORUM VOL. 7 

‘catastrophe’). The Arab Revolt, which lasted from 1936 to 1939, 
destroyed more than 2,000 Palestinian homes, the placement of 
9,000 Palestinians in concentration camps, and the deportation of 
200 Palestinian nationalist leaders (Chomsky and Pappé 2015; 
Tahhan 2018). 

By November 1947, the British government turned over 
control of Palestine to the United Nations, ending its colonial 
project, due to the violence of Zionist armed forces. The United 
Nations adopted Resolution 181 which recommended a two-state 
solution for Palestine. Before the adoption of the resolution, Jews 
made up less than one-third of the population in Palestine and 
owned about 6% of Palestinian land (Said 1980). The United 
Nations and Resolution 181 granted Zionists 55% of Palestinian 
land, depriving Palestinians of key agricultural lands, seaports 
from Haifa to Jaffa, and major cities (Chomsky and Pappé 2015; 
Said 1980). This resolution was a confirmation of the political and 
economic power of Zionism. Despite being granted 55% of 
Palestinian land, Zionist leaders recognized that the creation of a 
monoethnic, monocultural Jewish state would not be achieved by 
purchasing land and homes but by force (Chomsky and Pappé 
2015). An idea that garnered fervent support amongst Israeli 
leaders. Therefore, the plans for the ethnic cleansing of Palestine 
were finalized on 10 March 1948, and on that same evening, 
Israeli military troops prepared for the systematic expulsion of 
Palestinians from large portions of the country (Chomsky and 
Pappé 2015). The order provided detailed instructions on how to 
utilize large-scale intimidation tactics, bombardment of villages, 
and explosives to remove Palestinians from their land and prevent 
them from returning (Said 2015; Chomsky and Pappé 2015). 15 
May 1948 marked the official end of the British Mandate and the 
beginning of the Israeli state. Annually, May 15th is recognized 
amongst Palestinians as a National Day of Remembrance for the 
loss of their homeland; for Israelis, this day commemorates their 
independence. Within 6 months, 750,000 Palestinians had been 
uprooted, 531 villages had been destroyed, and 11 neighborhoods 
were forcefully uninhabited (Chomsky and Pappé 2015). 

In 1948, a Jewish homeland was achieved via violent 
attacks on Palestinian political leadership, financial supporters, 
means of sustenance (wells, mills, land, etc.), and vital means of 



Research | Theoretical Works | Torres 80 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY FORUM VOL. 7 

production (Chomsky and Pappé 2015). Regardless of their 
victory, the Zionist project continues. The Naksa (or ‘the set-back’ 
in Arabic), commonly referred to as the 1967 Arab-Israeli War or 
Six-Day War, increased Israeli control of Palestine from 55% to 
85%. Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) gained control of East 
Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip and displaced 
430,000 Palestinians. About 50% of those people who had been 
previously displaced by the “Nakba” were displaced again. Under 
Israeli occupation, Palestinians became either refugees by 
relinquishing their right to return to historic Palestine or 
Palestinian Citizens of Israel (Farsakh 2016). 
 
PALESTINE TODAY 
In the 77 years since the Naksa and Nakba, Israel has controlled 
every aspect of Palestinian life, from where they can travel, to 
what they learn in school, to what services they can access, and to 
where they live. Life in occupied territories is characterized by its 
de jure discrimination, heavy surveillance, violent military, and 
constant threat of imprisonment or execution (Embrick and 
Williams 2023). Tensions between IOF and Palestinian resistors 
have persisted from 1947 to today, with thousands of bombs 
dropped and tens of thousands of lives lost in between. On 
October 7th, 2023, Hamas and other Palestinian resistance groups 
broke through a barrier around the Gaza Strip in response to 
decades of Israeli oppression. 1,139 people were killed and 250 
were taken as hostages. Israel retaliated by exclaiming that they 
would eradicate Hamas, and since the October 7th attack, IOF 
have killed over 42,000 Palestinians and buried thousands under 
the rubble. An Amnesty International USA investigation (2024) 
has concluded that Israel is committing genocide against 
Palestinians in Gaza. 

Since October 2023, all efforts towards an Israeli-Hamas 
ceasefire have failed repeatedly. 2.2 million Gazans have been 
displaced, some of whom are being displaced for a second or third 
time. The IOF have destroyed Gaza’s infrastructure (housing, 
schools, healthcare facilities, water and sanitation services, and 
the electricity grid). The United Nations Population Fund states 
that the genocide has worsened Gaza’s already severe poverty and 
that its socio-economic outlook is dire. Additionally, all economic 



Research | Theoretical Works | Torres 81 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY FORUM VOL. 7 

sectors have ceased production and sales, restricting access to 
humanitarian relief. The Amnesty International USA (2024:1) 
report finds that Israel is aware of the “irreparable damage it is 
inflicting on Palestinians in Gaza,” regardless of their claims that 
their actions to eliminate Hamas are justified. 
 
MARX, PALESTINE, AND THE PRO-PALESTINIAN 
MOVEMENT 
Existing literature (Aronson 1980; Embrick 2023; Englert and 
Bhattacharyya 2024) focuses on the ethnic/racial, historical, 
theological, resource struggles, and/or geopolitical dimensions of 
Zionist’s ethnic cleansing of Palestine. The theological argument 
states that Jerusalem has been the spiritual, religious, and national 
center of the Jewish people for thousands of years (Englert and 
Bhattacharyya 2024). Jews were exiled from the Kingdom of 
Judah, but it remains an important aspect of Jewish life. Historical 
arguments state that the Jewish rule of Israel dates back to 1000 
BCE and claims that Jerusalem was vital in shaping Jewish 
history, traditions, and cultural identity. The ethnic/racial 
perspective argues that Zionists use anti-Arab, anti-Muslim 
sentiments to garner the support of the West. Edward Said (1980) 
explains that Zionism is in complete correspondence with Western 
ideas about society and man. European Jews were expected to 
create “a civilization of sweetness and light out of the black 
Islamic sea” (Said 1980:25). This paper seeks to explain how 
capitalism and Israel’s interest in wealth accumulation have 
influenced the ethnic cleansing of Palestine and the current 
genocide. Karl Marx’s theories on infrastructure and class 
consciousness will provide an alternative perspective on the 
history and current state of Palestine. 
 
Infrastructure and Superstructure 
Karl Marx’s law of development of human history states that 
people must fulfill their basic needs before they can pursue 
politics, science, art, religion, and beyond; therefore, those who 
have access to a surplus of capital and control the means of 
production determine prominent societal norms and culture 
(Adams and Sydie 2001). Palestinians’ relationship to production, 
(in)access to wealth, and social structure are largely shaped by 



Research | Theoretical Works | Torres 82 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY FORUM VOL. 7 

historical, political, and economic contexts, specifically the 
impact of colonialism, occupation, displacement, and resistance. 
Before 1948 and the establishment of the state of Israel, 60% of 
the Palestinian population worked in agriculture (Said 1980). 
Land ownership and agricultural output were central to 
production, livelihood, and identity. Palestine was a feudal 
society, whose folklore, societal structure, cuisine, habits, 
customs, dialect, and culture were influenced by their connection 
to the land and were uniquely Palestinian (Said 1980). 

After the Nakba, the shift toward alienated labor and the 
Israeli government’s push for the privatization of Palestinian land 
transformed Palestine from a feudal, agricultural society to a 
capitalistic society with the Israeli bourgeois at the helm. The 
systematic destruction of Palestinian homes, villages, universities, 
cultural landmarks, religious institutions, and so forth, left tens of 
thousands of Palestinians displaced, jobless, and under Israeli 
occupation. The Israeli government had the power to seize the 
land of entire Palestinian villages and transfer ownership to the 
State of Israel (Falah 2004). Only a few Palestinians were 
fortunate enough to find jobs, afford housing, and reintegrate into 
the economy (Englert and Bhattacharyya 2024). This provided the 
Israeli government with a surplus of Palestinian labor. 
Employment opportunities for Palestinians consisted of 
construction or other labor-intensive jobs in Israeli-controlled 
areas; therefore, alienating Palestinians from the means of 
production, themselves, and their communities. Palestinians were 
forced to participate in the Israeli economy without reaping any of 
the financial benefits. Israel has ensured that Israeli Jews occupy 
the highest positions on the economic scale and that Indigenous 
Palestinians are excluded to maintain total control of Palestine 
(Embrick and Williams 2023; Marx and Engels 1978).  

From a Marxist lens, Israel’s ability to successfully carry-
out and “justify” the continual expropriation of Palestine is due to 
their control of the means of production, alienation of labor, access 
to a surplus of labor, and “ownership” of private property. Now 
that the Israeli Occupation Forces have claimed Palestinian land 
as their own, the Israeli capitalist class attempts to eliminate 
Palestinian norms, traditions, society, practices, and more to 
replace them with Israeli culture. A primary target being 



Research | Theoretical Works | Torres 83 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY FORUM VOL. 7 

education. Said (1980) explains that education for Palestinians 
deteriorated drastically under Israeli occupation due to a lack of 
teachers, inferior schools, use of Hebrew language over Arabic, 
and a stark change in the curriculum. The Israeli government’s 
education policies emphasize Palestinian decline, corruption, and 
violence, while simultaneously presenting Jewish history in the 
best possible light (Said 1980). An attack on Palestinian education 
is an attack on the promotion and preservation of Palestinian 
culture. However, the Palestinian people are at the mercy of the 
Israeli government. Their complete control over the economy 
places Palestinians in a vulnerable position where they are reliant 
on the State of Israel for survival. The Israel government, in turn, 
uses their power to ensure the subordination of Palestinians and 
their culture, while promoting Zionist ideology. Without the need 
for justification, Israeli Zionists have been able to carry out an 
ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people. Their accumulation of 
wealth in combination with the continual cultural extermination 
has produced a state that does not need to rationalize their actions. 

 
Class Consciousness and Resistance 
Marx’s concept of class consciousness refers to the recognition of 
one’s social position concerning larger economic systems, power 
dynamics, and inequality (Marx and Engels 1978). Amongst the 
working class, class consciousness allows for the realization of 
their exploitation and alienation for the benefit of the capitalist 
class. Working-class folks’ humanity is discounted in pursuit of 
the accumulation of wealth. The proletariat and capitalist class are 
two sides of the same coin; the wealthy are compelled to preserve 
their wealth, while the proletariats seek to abolish it. Collective 
action, birthed from social awareness, seeks to eradicate 
exploitation and oppression (Marx and Engels 1978).  

Class consciousness among Palestinians is shaped by the 
socio-political and economic conditions of Palestine. Class 
intersects with Palestinian national identity, geography, and 
external pressures to shape their class awareness and struggle 
(Englert and Bhattacharyya 2024). The Israeli occupation has 
created a heightened awareness of economic inequality and class 
struggle amongst Palestinians through their alienation from 
production (Embrick and Williams 2023; Englert and 



Research | Theoretical Works | Torres 84 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY FORUM VOL. 7 

Bhattacharyya 2024). Regardless of their alienation, class 
consciousness and a strong sense of identity remain powerful 
forces that are deeply ingrained in Palestinian culture. Said (1980) 
explains that Palestinians, since the Ottoman Empire, have 
consciously and consistently positioned themselves in collective 
opposition to colonial forces. He continues by stating that the idea 
of resistance gets content and muscle from Palestine (Said 1980). 
The preservation of Palestinian culture via poetry, literature, art, 
music, food, and so forth serves as a form of ideological 
resistance. Palestinian cultural and ideological resistance aims to 
transform material conditions. 

 
Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions Movement 
The Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) Movement employs 
non-violent punitive measures to put economic pressure on Israel 
to recognize Palestine’s right to self-determination. Palestinian 
political parties, unions, associations, coalitions, and 
organizations have come together to represent the interests of 
Palestinian refugees, Palestinians under occupation, and 
Palestinian citizens of Israel. There is a recognition of shared 
struggles and the importance of solidarity across class and national 
lines. Given that all efforts to convince or force Israel to comply 
with humanitarian law and end its occupation of the people of 
Palestine have failed, representatives of the oppressed class are 
encouraging boycotts and divestment against Israel. They are 
calling upon international civil society to pressure their respective 
states to impose embargoes and sanctions against Israel. 

The BDS movement is targeting the economic base that 
plays a vital role in funding and maintaining systems of 
oppression (Desai 2021). They have called for an escalation in 
boycott and divestment efforts, within the last year, in response to 
Israel’s escalation of violence against Palestinians. Their social 
media campaigns have worked to educate people around the world 
about the Palestinian genocide and encourage them to participate 
in the BDS movement, making them allies in the Palestinian 
struggle. Academic associations and student unions in the United 
States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and beyond have turned to 
their colleges and universities asking them to divest from Israeli 
businesses. The BDS movement is a clear example of class 



Research | Theoretical Works | Torres 85 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY FORUM VOL. 7 

consciousness because it recognizes Israel’s economic 
exploitation, its promotion of solidarity among oppressed groups 
(Palestinians and allies), and its efforts to dismantle systems of 
power (Desai 2021). BDS aligns with the principles of class 
struggle and demonstrates how economic resistance can serve as 
a tool for broader liberation. 

 
CONCLUSION 
An overview of the history of Palestine was included to provide 
context for its connection to Marx’s theories on infrastructure and 
superstructure, class consciousness, and class struggle. Palestine 
was positioned as the oppressed, working class, and Israel was 
posited as the oppressive, ruling class. Israel’s complete control of 
Palestinian land and means of production led to their complete 
control of Israeli-Palestinian society and culture, which promotes 
the oppression and dehumanization of Palestinians. Despite the 
efforts of the IOF and their Zionist allies, Palestinians continue to 
demonstrate unwavering resilience and faith that their land will be 
there once again. 
 

REFERENCES 
Adams, Bert N., and Rosalind A. Sydie. 2001. Sociological Theory. 

Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press. 
Amar-Dahl, Tamar. 2017. Zionist Israel and the Question of Palestine: 

Jewish Statehood and the History of the Middle East Conflict. 
Berlin; Boston: De Gruyter. 

Amnesty International USA. 2024. “Amnesty International Investigation 
Concludes Israel Is Committing Genocide Against Palestinians in 
Gaza.” Amnesty International. https://www.amnestyusa.org/press-
releases/amnesty-international-investigation-concludes-israel-is-
committing-genocide-against-palestinians-in-gaza/. 

Aronson, Ronald. 1980. “Never Again? Zionism and the Holocaust.” Social 
Text 3(1980):60-72. DOI: 10.2307/466344. 

Chomsky, Noam, and Ilan Pappé. 2015. On Palestine. edited by F. Barat. 
Harmondsworth, NY; Ringwood, ON; Auckland: Penguin Books. 

Desai, Chandni. 2021. “Disrupting Settler-Colonial Capitalism: Indigenous 
Intifadas and Resurgent Solidarity from Turtle Island to Palestine.” 
Journal of Palestine Studies 50(2):43–66. DOI: 
10.1080/0377919X.2021.1909376. 

Embrick, David G., and Johnny Eric Williams. 2023. “Alienation, Racial 
Capitalism, and the Racialization of Palestinians.” Critical 
Sociology 49(6):939–51. DOI: 10.1177/08969205231172730. 



Research | Theoretical Works | Torres 86 

CALIFORNIA SOCIOLOGY FORUM VOL. 7 

Englert, Sai, and Gargi Bhattacharyya. 2024. “Capital’s Genocide: A 
Conversation on Racial Capitalism, Settler Colonialism, and 
Possible Worlds after Gaza.” Journal of Holy Land and Palestine 
Studies 23(2):165–86. DOI: 10.3366/hlps.2024.0337. 

Falah, Ghazi-Walid. 2004. "War, Peace and Land Seizure in Palestine's 
Border Area." Third World Quarterly 25(5):955–975. DOI: 
10.1080/0143659042000232054. 

Farsakh, Leila. 2016. “Palestinian Economic Development: Paradigm Shifts 
since the First Intifada.” Journal of Palestine Studies 45(2):55–71. 
DOI: 10.1525/jps.2016.45.2.55.  

Giacaman, Rita. 2020. “Corrigendum to: Reflections on the Meaning of 
‘Resilience’ in the Palestinian Context.” Journal of Public Health 
42(2):440–440. DOI: 10.1093/pubmed/fdaa037. 

Marx, Karl. 1970. A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy. New 
York. 

Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. 1978. The Marx-Engels Reader. Edited by 
Robert C. Tucker. 2nd ed. New York: W. W. Norton." 

Said, Edward W. 1980. The Question of Palestine. 1. Vintage Books ed. New 
York, NY: Vintage Books. 

Tahhan, Zena Al. 2017. “More than a Century on: The Balfour Declaration 
Explained.” Al Jazeera.  

 
 
 
Victoria Torres (She/Ella/They) is a graduate student in the 
Sociology Department at Cal State LA. In May 2022, she 
graduated magna cum laude from Cal Poly Pomona where she was 
recognized with the “Outstanding Sociology Student” 
scholarship, conducted research as a President’s Discovery 
Fellow, and was the Vice President/Secretary for AKD, the 
Sociology Honors Society. At Cal State LA, she hopes to make an 
impact within the sociology department and beyond. Her research 
interests include gender, queer theory, Latinx/e sociology, social 
movements, and radical social theory. Victoria is grateful to the 
California Sociology Forum for the opportunity to publish her 
piece on Marx and Palestine. 
 
 


	Marx and the Question of Palestine - Victoria Torres