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ISSN 2562-8429 

 
 

 

Book Review1 

The Putin Predicament: Problems of Legitimacy and Succession in Russia. ibidem-Verlag: 

by Bo Petersson, Stuttgart 2021, ISBN-13: 978-3-8382-7050-0, €34.90, paperback 

 
Reviewed by: Sofya Du Boulay, PhD 

 

The power of official discourse helps to shape and maintain the political legitimacy of 

incumbent regimes in modern autocracies. The Putin Predicament offers an excellent analysis 

of the evolution of Putin’s narratives during the past three decades, with a special focus on the 

turbulent period from 2012 to the COVID-19 pandemic. Petersson explores the dilemma of the 

seeming invincibility and durability of Putin’s leadership, addressing the issue of succession 

and the legal, economic, and moral basis for personalistic power justification. The central claim 

is that Putin built his authority based on charismatic legitimization through the construction of 

political myths as a method of his ideational self-expression and domination. These myths have 

been well received by the public, producing a coherent and convincing narrative structure that 

secured the support and trust of the popular majority for an extended period. Myths possess an 

“ideational power basis of the regime” (52) to account for its durability. As a gifted storyteller 

and communicator, the Kremlin chief was able to articulate and exploit new political myths 

about modern Russia’s supremacy.  

The book comprises eight chapters with a foreword by Carleton Associate Professor Paul 

Goode, progressing from an overview of the socio-economic context to the legitimation crisis 

of 2011-2012 in the chapter “Legitimizing Putin.” Understanding public discontent and mass 

demonstrations before Putin’s third term is critical as it indicates deep social dissatisfaction 

with the ruling regime and the lack of trust in the Medvedev-Putin power-sharing deal. Notably, 

the civil unrest of 2011-2012 was the largest outburst since the fall of the Soviet Union, and 

Putin’s popularity ratings remained low until the annexation of Crimea in 2014. The subsequent 

four empirical chapters explore political validation challenges in the international arena 

through the narrative of “Legitimacy through Othering” (chapter 4), domestic durability 

concerns in “Challenges from Within” (chapter 5), the response to the COVID-19 pandemic 

and the introduction of the Sputnik V vaccine (chapter 6), concluding with the postponed 

succession and constitutional reforms (chapter 7). The economic growth and regime efficiency 

that maintained Putin’s status quo during his first two presidential terms became impossible 

due to the downfall in oil prices and the post-Crimea sanctions. Therefore, alternative 

ideological strategies of legitimation were employed. The discourse of stability, national unity, 

and domestic order shifted to advancing Russia’s recognition abroad. 

The othering strategy described in chapter 4 distinguishes and crystalizes the collective self 

during critical political junctures. In 2000, Putin implemented a harsh othering narrative on 

Chechen separatists, accusing them of organized crime, weak statehood, and religious 

fundamentalism—the main issues of what the author calls “the wild 1990s” (71). The list of 

 
1 Book reviews are not peer-reviewed 



79             Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies, 16 (3)2023: 78-80  
ISSN 2562-8429 

 
Putin’s enemies increased over the years. Legitimization through othering helped him to justify 

attacks on the Yeltsin-era oligarchs, Georgia during the military conflict in 2008, Ukraine in 

2014 as well as the United States (71-72). Advocating for the rights of the Russian-speaking 

population, the Kremlin regime unilaterally used military force in Ukraine to support the 

referendum on Crimea’s reunification with Russia. The annexation of Crimea won high ratings 

for Putin among Russian nationalists and secured his status as a protector of ‘traditional 

values.’ The Crimean victory suggested that Russia could challenge American post-Cold War 

unilateralism and guarantee a new world order together with rising regional leaders: China and 

Turkey. On a national level, Putin destroyed the opposition, leaving virtually no space for a 

true political rival. His most outspoken antagonist, Alexei Navalny, used social media 

platforms to discredit the regime for corruption and nepotism. Notably, Putin has abstained 

from mentioning Navalny’s name during official press conferences, invalidating anyone 

outside the system and non-conformist opposition. Though Navalny’s political rating never 

rose beyond 4 percent, his YouTube documentaries about Putin and Medvedev significantly 

challenged their political legitimacy, gradually leading to the downfall of the latter. 

‘Legitimation from within’ is based on the myth of the phoenix—the cyclical restoration of 

order in Russia after periods of hardships and external conflicts. 

The COVID-19 crisis allowed regional state authorities to exercise higher executive 

responsibility despite an overarching tendency of central control. The Sputnik V vaccine 

became an export commodity and the symbol of Russian soft power. During the pandemic, 

Putin’s public image in social media changed from energetic and omnipresent to exhausted and 

barricaded behind the desk. The global health emergency, along with economic instabilities, 

made the constitutional reforms of 2020 possible. Allowing the exceptional right to remain in 

office for two consecutive terms, Putin’s presidential term could continue until 2036. The 

postponed succession became the central outcome of constitutional changes, along with the 

provisions to protect the 'traditional institution of marriage,’ the declaration of the superiority 

of the Russian law above international regulations, and a ban that would prevent any future 

president from holding foreign residence. The delayed succession resolves the immediate 

power transfer issue in 2024 but does not provide a durable solution. Putin’s predicament 

remains, leaving the Kremlin regime to decide how to transform the incumbent’s charismatic 

authority into a more sustainable ground for legitimacy. The book is well structured and written 

in a clear manner; it would be useful reading for students in political science, diplomats and 

anyone who wants to understand the ideological nature of the Russian regime and the evolution 

of its discourse during Putin’s rule.   



80             Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies, 16 (3)2023: 78-80  
ISSN 2562-8429 

 
Published by the Centre for European Studies at Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada 

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ISSN: 2562-8429 

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