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129 

Insecurity in Security: National Security in the 
Context of Tourism and Domestic Sustainment in 

the Caribbean 
Melissa Sobers 

 
 Melissa Nicole Sobers is currently a fourth year student pursuing her 

undergraduate degree in Criminology and Caribbean Studies at the University of 
Toronto. Her academic interests include studying the intersections between political 
activism and acts of youth resistance to various forms of neo-colonialism and 
Eurocentrism through a socio-legal lens. She is also fascinated by the ways in 
which such phenomena inform the cultural identity of certain groups in the context 
of the Caribbean.  Melissa is an executive member of Caribbean Studies Students 
Union (CARSSU). Her involvement is a manifestation of her drive to educate others 
both on the neoliberal issues plaguing the Global South and on the undervalued 
vast wealth of knowledge and cultural capital that exists in these regions. 

The islands of the Caribbean are encapsulated in a region of 
the world that is characterized by a great amount of irony at first 
glance.  Many islands are rich with minerals and natural resources, 
yet many others are poverty-stricken with fragile economies that 
hang in the balance.  The region has endless provisions, fertile 
ground, and lush vegetation and it is one of the largest net food 
importers in the world.  It is a domain that contributes a significantly 
less amount of carbon dioxide emissions than most of the world, but 
it faces the highest level of vulnerability to the effects of global 
warming.  Populations predominately from the developed countries 
of the world regard the Caribbean as a tropical paradise, a modern 
day Garden of Eden, as well as a place they often frequent in their 
daydreams. It is puzzling that such claims are made about a region 
that is statically considered to be the most violent and dangerous in 
the world due to skyrocketing crime rates in certain countries, 
specifically Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, and Guyana.  The point of 
irony that will be focused on here is premised on the fact that large 
amounts of social and economic capital is continuously poured into 
maintaining a level of security for tourists, and ultimately protecting 
the tourism industry while there is lack of centrality and capability as 
to providing adequate security for the regions own citizenry.  The 
problematic industry of tourism will be briefly analyzed to get a 
glimpse of where its connection lies with conducing criminality in 
host countries. With this context in mind, two dimensions of security 
will be discussed.  The first pertains to the implementations put in 
place to protect tourists while the second focuses on current security 



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measures used on national populations such as state of emergency 
declarations, national curfews and abuse of power by authorities.  
Finally, the globalization of security undertaken in the Caribbean will 
be examined.  Such globalizing practices claim to be legitimate 
attempts by a ‘collective force’ to curb heightened levels of violence 
and escalating murder rates.  Yet, these efforts seem to follow a 
habitual path that leads to functioning, effective security protection 
of foreign interests and traditional, malfunctioning security 
measures for regional societies due to a number of institutional 
conflicts and vestiges of colonialism.   

It is important to note that the region does not resemble a 
homogenous entity in regards to violent crime and murder, nor do 
official statistics directly reflect how dangerous the region as a whole 
may be.  Many islands demonstrate a homicide rate that increases at 
a relatively slower progression than their neighbors. Examples 
include Barbados and Dominica with a homicide rate of 11 and 10 
per 100,000 people in 2007 respectively (Bowling, 15).  
Contrastingly, places such as Trinidad and Tobago and Jamaica 
reveal much higher homicide rates of 30 and 59 per 100,000 people 
in 2007 respectively (Bowling, 15).  Despite such heterogeneity, most 
published work used to outline this discussion of security in 
Caribbean societies and the realm of tourism have assumed the 
opposite and generalized theoretical standpoint about the region.  
This is also because it is quite difficult to identify the specific 
practices of each country’s local security agenda.  Thus, taking into 
consideration that each island is unique and manifests conditions 
that set them apart from the wider Caribbean space, the aim of this 
discussion is to capture the general problems of security, tourism 
dependency, and crime that are commonplace within the region.  

Tourism can be seen in a very different light when its guise 
of providing opportunities for national growth and development to 
host countries is put to the wayside.  For the Caribbean, and other 
countries of the global south, tourism is the institutionalization of 
injustice. Being a tourist, described best by Jamaica Kincaid (1988), 
is a crime against humanity that has the power to enforce 
longstanding historical conditions of asymmetrical power relations 
that exist in social and economic forms. Countries have been 
cornered into accepting the industry as a main source of dependency 
for earning foreign revenue (Pattullo, 9).  This has caused the region 
to put the needs of tourists ahead of their own populations in order 
to sustain the business of tourism. The popular discourse that is held 



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is that tourism will provide a range of jobs to locals, use locally 
grown produce to be served in hotels, and generate hard currency for 
local vendors through their exchanges with tourists and with the 
receiving of tips.  This is hardly the reality when resorts and other 
tourist facilities become established in the region.  The World Trade 
Organization’s implementation of the General Agreement on Trade 
in Services (GATS) has allowed many transnational corporations in 
the business of tourism the power and legality to bypass the 
multiplier effect described above which could act as a linkage for 
foreign capital to flow into the region (Kalisch, 90).  

 Another leakage between tourism revenue and the local 
economy is the underproduction of the manufacturing sector for 
domestic use (Pattullo, 39). The fact that the tourism industry is 
directly affected by the fluctuation of other economies and exchange 
rates can put a great deal of stress on the inhabitants of a country as 
well (Pattullo, 47).  This ultimately puts the host country’s economy 
in a vulnerable position in relation to the dominant tourist-providing 
economies of the North and the seasonality of the industry.  
Although there is no hard evidence to claim that such exploitative 
practices of the tourism industry specifically contribute to the crime 
rate of host countries, it is basic human nature to have some level of 
social tension come out of areas that are continuously and 
systematically manipulated and utilized for the wealth and material 
benefit of others as well as foreign entities.  

 A more direct phenomenon that can be said to cause an 
explosion of frustration horizontally, subsequently manifesting itself 
in the form of crime, is the ‘demonstration effect’ that usually occurs 
as a by-product of tourism (Albuquerque and McElroy, 1986).  This 
happens when locals are exposed to the conspicuous spending of 
seemingly wealthy tourists on luxury amenities that are only 
imaginable and out of reach to citizens of the impoverished host 
country.  As explained by Villamil (1976) the demonstration effect 
occurs when there is “the disequilibrium between the fast rate of 
consumer preference shifts and the slow pace of productivity 
change”.  Tourists not only draw attention to the economic 
disparities that exists between their contact zone and that of the host 
country, they also demonstrate a sense of power and high status in 
relation to the locals.  As described by Benjamin Bowling (2010), the 
low wages that are paid to workers cause social tensions from a 
predominately black service staff catering to a white visiting 
population (48, Bowling).  This sort of ‘leisure imperialism’ or 



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‘natural hedonism’ acts to reinforce and perpetuate colonial 
stereotypes whilst degrading the cultural identity of the Caribbean as 
explained by Mimi Sheller (2004), thus contributing to the 
development of socioeconomic dysfunctions like sex tourism and the 
like.  

  With so many adverse effects accompanying the 
implementation of tourism in the region it is difficult to grasp why a 
state would logically want to protect and sustain such an industry.  
As explained above, the dependence these countries have on the 
business of tourism to generate foreign capital is paramount, thus 
blurring their vision of capably seeing any other way to overcome 
their underdevelopment, while regional collaboration and 
cooperation would be a much better suited answer to their woes if 
implemented properly.  A major way that local governments sustain 
an active tourism industry in their country is by avoiding bad 
publicity that could cause fear in tourists and potential investors who 
are interested in the region.  Crime against tourists is a major source 
of negative press against a country and is usually propagated to 
reflect the entire island as a barbaric and murderous domain which 
ultimately will produce detrimental effects for the rest of the 
Caribbean as well.   

In the 1980’s the victimization of tourists began to emerge 
as a problem in Jamaica, therefore the government saw a necessity 
in concentrating efforts and resources towards the security of 
foreigners despite the fact that the number of crimes against tourists 
was relatively minor in relation to the crime rate outside of the 
tourist enclave or rather, within the domestic sphere. Jamaica 
became the leading country in the establishment of enclave tourism 
which has been exported throughout the region since the 1980’s 
(Albuquerque and McElroy, 972).   

Enclave tourism is manifested in the form of all-inclusive or 
self contained resorts that virtually isolate tourists from contact with 
locals who do not work directly for the hotelier.  It is meant to create 
an ‘ecological bubble’, according to Erik Cohen (1978), which is 
essential for making the experience of the tourist smooth and in an 
accustomed environment. This includes the implementation of 
upgraded security strategies which comes at an expensive cost. 
According to Pattulo (1996) these efforts are “[f]unded partly by aid 
but also by expensive borrowing, they must all be paid for in the end 
by local people through some sort of taxation” (Pattulo, 31).  Tourism 



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chains such as Sandals and Couples implemented large fences and 
gates that act to secure visiting foreigners, keeping them in safely 
surrounded havens.  Large amounts of financial resources also go 
into the training and hiring of full-time security guards to surround 
the enclosed resorts, heightening the level of exclusivity felt by local 
citizens through the materialization of existing social boundaries and 
divisions. Not only do these measures keep tourists from 
experiencing crime, it also keeps them from experiencing a genuine 
cultural and physical sense of the island.  Enclave tourism has 
managed to extend its reach of discrimination by limiting the use of 
certain geographical areas, such as beaches, waterfalls, and natural 
gardens, to tourists only.  Local street vendors, service operators, 
restaurants and boutiques are unable to have any sort of contact with 
foreign visitors through these mechanisms, thereby making it 
virtually impossible to receive monetary revenue from these groups.  
This sort of separation adds to the horizontal animosity created 
between inhabitants and guests.   

As explained by Albuquerque and McElroy (1999), 
stakeholders of multinational corporations in the tourism industry 
and tourists themselves felt no sort of ambivalence or discomfort 
towards the security measures mentioned above, nor did they oppose 
to the appeal made by the Jamaica Hotel and Tourist Association to 
the Prime Minister in 1992 regarding the use of army patrols around 
resorts and other such tourism areas (Morris, 1992). Such 
propositions are far from sustainable in terms of keeping the tourists 
attracted to the natural beauty of the Caribbean and receiving an 
authentic island experience (Albuquerque and McElroy, 980).  These 
measures that ultimately act to create a state within a state do not 
speak to the rest of the country’s problem of crime. They artificially 
mask the real situation in order to market the region as being safe 
and enthusiastically content to be utilized and enjoyed by foreign 
bodies.  Overall, these security measures are not feasible because 
they diminish innumerable links that offer revenue to the local 
economy and are ultimately aimed at preserving the interests of state 
policies. These measures also strengthen the deepening frustrations 
of the marginalized citizenry and acts to displace crime to other parts 
of the society, thus adding to the dangers that locals face.   

With all the aforementioned institutionalized measures put 
in place for tourist protection, one may be surprised at the fact that 
no such centralization or effectiveness exists when it comes to 
security measures for the majority of the national body in the 



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Caribbean region.  With continuously swelling homicide figures on 
some islands in the region, governments have assumed a tough-on-
crime attitude that consistently wavers when it comes to 
implementation and effectiveness therein. There has in fact been 
millions of dollars spent on security in the Caribbean over the last 
two decades, yet it has not seemed to stop serious and armed 
violence in the region.  Funding for this national security has in fact 
managed to suck scarce government resources away from education, 
health care and poverty alleviation. The situation appears to have 
“escalated to bloody civil war proportions” with the highest homicide 
rates in the world (Bowling, xi).   

Thus far, the region has focused its attention on using 
prohibition regimes such as nation-wide curfews, states of 
emergency and basic attendant security practices, as well as 
concentrated numbers of officers in certain areas, usually protecting 
wealthy neighbourhoods most effectively.  These practices have been 
implemented with little reflection on the advice of criminological 
experts.  Curfews can have the effect of displacing violent crime from 
happening out on the streets to inside the home, most often against 
women and children.  This type of crime is much harder to 
investigate by authorities as it usually goes unreported due to the 
nature and circumstances of domestic crime and the relationship 
that exists between the victims and offenders.  The concentration of 
police officers in alleged ‘hot spots’ of criminal activity does not act 
as a legitimate effort either due to the fact that it can also displace 
crime to other areas of the country once criminals realize the 
elevated presence of security in those particular places.  There has 
also been the use of overt authority and abuse of power when police 
deal with citizens of lower socioeconomic status as a means of 
controlling them to prevent crime from eventually occurring.  This is 
seen in the broadening of powers for authorities to conduct search 
and seizure operations and make arrests on ambiguous grounds.  
Such regulations can most often have the adverse effect of 
stimulating crime instead of diminishing it by eroding the 
relationship between people and the state – represented in this case 
by law enforcement officials.   

This phenomenon is exasperated in Caribbean nations that 
are politically polarized and therefore already have a removed sense 
of trust for state affairs.  There are also no institutional mechanisms 
that act to deliver accountability and transparency to the public on 
the part of police forces, thus leaving more reason for communities 



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to feel unsafe and distrustful of their local state services. It can be 
said that the disproportionate manner in which security resources 
are arranged to better serve the privileged and elites of the Caribbean 
region ultimately speaks to the abundance and free amble of political 
corruption. According to Bowling (2010), “[a]t worst, government 
ministers and businessmen are seen as complicit, profiting 
personally from the organized crime that penetrates to the very heart 
of commercial and political life on the islands” ( Bowling, 5).   

Aside from political corruption and destabilization, it is 
difficult for these impoverished nations to match the financial and 
technological strength of international criminal organizations when 
implementing national security. Caribbean governments have come 
to realize that if the problem of crime continues to escalate at such 
an alarming rate it will scare away investment and curtail any 
potential for economic growth. Quite soon nations can slip into even 
worse social and economic deprivation on all levels of the social 
stratum.  In fact, the CARICOM Task Force on Crime and Security 
outlined in their summary report that the issue of security should be 
looked at as a “developmental and social issue”.  They have stated 
that, “Foreign investment, which is an essential requirement in the 
development process, is impeded by the social instability which 
exists in several member states. Social stability, on the other hand, 
can only be achieved if there is specific investment in the 
communities” ( Sanders, 389).  Therefore governments have recently 
been looking into transnational solutions for this omnipotent 
problem that has only intensified throughout 21st century.   

Transnational policing is a recent development that has 
been implemented to change the Caribbean’s organization of 
security.  It involves the collaboration of national police officers with 
other officers that are transatlantic.  The system works by having 
local police officials of a nation meet with overseas liaison officers.  
These officers are most often from the United States and Britain and 
are usually stationed in the Caribbean for three to four years at a 
time for the purpose of aiding local forces in developing ideas that 
will work for their situation of crime in their home country (Bowling, 
X).  An important aspect of this system is that developed countries 
with foreign interests in the Caribbean have offered to partially fund 
the implementation of new security measures suggested by liaison 
officers.  This system of policing can be looked at as a positive thing 
since its advice is most useful in the battle against a specific criminal 
problem that has started coming to light in the region.  This is the 



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problem of organized criminal activity being conducted by deportees 
coming from the United States and Canada where they have been 
exposed to advanced criminal skills that are unfamiliar to the 
Caribbean region’s police forces. 

With this new effort to formulate and introduce improved 
security measures to the region, many problems come to mind.  One 
issue is the fact that these foreign liaison officers have little 
contextual background knowledge regarding the region.  This makes 
it difficult for them to actually and pragmatically suggest a protocol 
that would work in the context of the Caribbean, keeping in mind all 
of its complexities and its place in history which ultimately 
contribute to its present situation.  This lends us the memory of 
previously exported ideas from metropolises that had adverse effects 
for the underdeveloped masses such as the economic teachings of the 
Chicago Boys in Latin America from the School of the Americas and, 
more locally, the operation of the Moyne Commission in the British 
Caribbean.  These officers tend to act with ‘occidentalism’, described 
by Maureen Cain (2000) as “presuming sameness in key cultural 
categories, practices and institutions” across the Caribbean region 
(Cain, 239).   

Another point of conflict is that the security measures 
devised by the liaison officers may not be effectively or successfully 
implemented due to the fact that their suggestions are based on 
systems that exist in well equipped, developed nations, not under-
resourced police units like those of the Caribbean (xi, Bowling).  
Although funding from international sources has been promised, 
negative implications have come out of this arrangement as well.  
According to Bowling (2010), “the security agenda is set by those 
who provide the resources, and although there are mutual interest, 
deployment is geared firstly to the interests of the metropolitan 
countries rather than those of the Caribbean” (Bowling, xi).  There 
has been an overflow of ideas geared towards preventing drug 
trafficking and drug-related crimes under the supervision and 
suggestions of liaison officers.  This is ultimately because United 
States, Canada and Britain are mostly interested in stopping the flow 
of drugs from reaching their shores above any other concern. 
According to Ronald Sanders (2003), “It is significant that, when the 
international community was providing assistance, the entire focus 
was on restricting the supply of drugs, with little or no attention to 
the problems that transhipment was creating for Caribbean 
countries themselves” (Sanders, 386).  Therefore we see that through 



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this push for transnationality in crime prevention, the Caribbean 
region’s national body is once again made into a secondary concern.   

Community policing has also been an idea put on the table 
for dealing with crime because of its ideological prevalence in 
Canada and the United States.  This approach of strengthening the 
partnership between citizens and police may look good on paper, but 
must be thought about critically in the context of certain Caribbean 
nations, especially those which are racially divided such as Trinidad 
and Tobago and Guyana.  There is also the question of how much 
organizational capability exists in local police services to propel 
community policing programs (Deosaran, 138).  This can pose 
systematic setbacks if the project is simply implemented without 
dealing with the social roots of the country’s problem.  A harsher 
mechanism that has been suggested includes regional associations 
among police, military, and Customs.  Their course of action has 
included the use of military force in towns and villages alongside 
police officials, but this has acted in some cases to blur the 
responsibilities of the police and military when it comes to 
maintaining order in society.  Giving these forces increased amounts 
of authoritative reign enables the consent to retain a culture of 
control as opposed to one that assumes the responsibility to be the 
caretaker of its citizenry (Bowling, x).  The aforementioned overseas 
liaison officers behind all of these projects ultimately add to the 
threat of neocolonialism by extending the global policing power of 
developed countries.  In other words, a link is created between the 
islands and the metropolis in a way that facilitates international, 
indirect governance (Bowling, 10).  Drawing on the historical 
undertones of this practice, Bowling (2010) explains that “reliance 
on the former colonial masters and the world’s sole superpower 
comes at a cost of national sovereignty and self-determination” 
(Bowling, xi). 

In contrast, there has been a push for regional collaboration 
to solve the problem of crime collectively, relying on other Caribbean 
nations who experience a similar struggle as opposed to neocolonial 
structures in developed, and unfamiliar countries.  Pooling resources 
to select the best officers from all regional forces to form a special 
response unit has been suggested.  The idea of regionalized 
transnational links between local police sectors is important because 
as Maureen Cain (2000) states, the crime-fighters would be 
“indigenous but globally aware”.  Antigua and Barbuda’s Prime 
Minister, Lester Bird, proposed in 2001 the formation of a Regional 



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Authority to devise anti-narcotic strategies to target the root of much 
of the Caribbean’s crime.  He also called for a Caribbean Drug 
Control and Crime Prevention Office (CDCCP), working towards a 
Council of Ministers of National Security.  “He envisaged that the 
Office ‘would be charged with the responsibility of devising and 
approving a regional anti-narcotics and crime prevention strategy; 
managing the policy including supervising the drug enforcement 
units; drafting common anti-narcotics legislation; negotiating 
cooperation treaties with other countries; executing an educational 
programme against drugs, and mounting a diplomatic démarche on 
behalf of all Caribbean states’” (Sanders, 387).  This call for regional 
mechanisms to deal with crime is a step in the right direction 
however, considering how unorganized and ineffective the 
CARICOM Single Market Economy and Free Movement of Persons 
Regime has been it is no surprise that this project has not been fully 
realized either. 

Regional entities that have in fact been formed include the 
Regional Security System (RSS) and the Association of Caribbean 
Commissioners of Police (ACCP) which act to curb civil emergencies 
as well as respond to natural disasters (Bowling, 10).  What makes 
these organizations problematic is that they are disguised under 
regional claims but are actually created and funded by American, 
Canadian, and British institutions, thus, once again, ‘he who pays the 
piper calls the tune’.  In other words, the role of security is skewed to 
center around the priorities of those supplying the financial or 
resource aid.  

 It is clear that the region of the Caribbean has come to 
depend for its livelihood on entertaining people who want care-free 
holidays to escape the harsh realities of life. Therefore it is 
understandable that some effective security strategies or provisions 
be made to protect visitors. However, the problem is that the system 
of tourism continually abuses and exploits Caribbean nations by 
inadvertently perpetuating crime among local inhabitants, thus 
making it ironic that governments allocate scarce national resources 
to protect such an operation at grave social costs to their own 
populations. The fact is that state interests of potential development 
in this derogatory system is the reason behind implementing 
expensive security measures, despite the great costs to domestic 
society.  The efforts used to fight the increasing crime rates or bids 
for protective measures for the citizens of Caribbean nations are 
sadly not as effective or as highly prioritized as those of the tourists.   



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Many factors contribute to the unsuccessfulness of national 
security practices beginning with political corruption and 
preoccupations on economic dependency.  Harsh, weakly informed 
apparatus of national curfews and the granting of more authority to 
officers for making ambiguous stop and searches and arrests also act 
to diminish any success at providing a safer environment.  The 
limited amount of resources available to Caribbean security forces is 
another major roadblock for making the region a safer place.  The 
globalization of security has not helped the local situation much 
either.  The foreign-centered agenda of overseas liaison officers, their 
lack of regional knowledge and historical information, and their 
incompatible suggestions for security in the Caribbean setting has 
done little to curb the situation of crime that locals fearfully face on a 
daily basis. There is also the major problem of deepening neocolonial 
ties with developed nations through the use of external aid.  
Although solutions have been ideologically and theoretically 
sketched out involving the regional Caribbean society, actual efforts 
and implementations have yet to arise in CARICOM’s agenda, 
making it impossible for citizens to hold out hope in their 
governmental systems.  The mechanism that have been implemented 
thus far have simply worn the mask of regionalism but are actually 
devised and funded by the metropolitan countries of Britain, Canada 
and the United States.  At this rate, the outlook on the Caribbean’s 
problem with crime is not hopeful.  This should act as a wake-up call 
for governments to truly pay attention at the detrimental effects that 
are emanating from sources of ‘development’ and ‘socioeconomic 
growth’, namely the tourism sector.  Instead of protecting this losing 
cause, governments should focus their attention on regional 
strategies for growth and sustainment which is their ultimate 
weapon for curbing the situation of crime.  

   

 

  



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