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A Home in Disorder is not a Home: Examining Race in Trinidad and Tobago 
Malek Abdel-Shehid 

 

Among its neighbours, the island nation of Trinidad and Tobago stands out due to its ethnic 

makeup. The population of most Caribbean nations is mainly of African descent; similar to 

Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago is evenly divided between Afro-Trinidadians and Indo-

Trinidadians. Unlike many of the other Caribbean colonies, Trinidad and Tobago were not 

extensive plantation economies until much later in the colonial period (Paton 291). This is one of 

the main reasons why the country presently hosts a proportionately lower Afro-Trinidadian 

population in comparison to other Caribbean countries. While other ethno-cultural groups reside 

in the country, the aforementioned groups have dominated the landscape in numbers since at 

least the early 20th century (United Nations Statistics Division). Afro-Trinidadians are generally 

descendants of enslaved Africans brought to the Caribbean to serve as plantation labourers; Indo-

Trinidadians are generally the descendants of South Asian indentured labourers brought to 

Trinidad to fulfill the same role following the abolition of slavery in the British West Indies. 

Trinidad and Tobago's long history of colonial subjugation has bred a modern social hierarchy 

highly tied to race. Racial categories centered around physical characteristics and created during 

the colonial period have been instrumental in the development of this social hierarchy. Its 

institutionalization within the country’s modern national political system has resulted in 

persisting legacies evident throughout modern Trinidadian society. I focus on the island of 

Trinidad (while still making occasional reference to Tobago) and argue that Trinidadian national 

unity has been hampered by the foundations laid by the plantation system and consolidated by 

the modern political system.    

 

 The colony’s plantation system was established by the Spanish, maintained briefly by the 

French, and consolidated by the British. It resulted in the exploitation of enslaved Africans and 

South Asian indentured labourers, with both groups coerced into vying for preferential treatment 

from their colonial masters. Because enslaved Africans arrived in the area before South Asian 

indentured labourers, the formation of their identity as “Afro-Trinidadian” occurred first. Despite 

both islands’ favourable environments for agriculture, the Spanish and French colonists were 

more concerned with their other colonies, such as Cuba for the former and Saint Domingue 

(Haiti) for the latter. Britain gained control of Tobago from France in 1763 and of Trinidad from 

Spain in 1797 (Segal 40). At the time, both island colonies hosted relatively small populations 

and were not major plantation economies (40). African enslaved peoples were brought to 

Trinidad largely in the early nineteenth century (Morgan 249). Segal’s research indicates that 

Trinidad hosted 10,000 enslaved Africans in 1797, with that number doubling by 1802 (40). Due 

to the nature of the transatlantic slave trade, Africans were often separated from their family 

members prior to leaving Africa and were further divided once they reached the Americas. Thus, 

it was not uncommon for newly arrived enslaved Africans to be surrounded by people of various 

African ethno-cultural groups (Morgan 249). Morgan claims that in the earliest stages of British 

rule, two thirds of enslaved peoples in Trinidad were taken directly from the African continent, 

ranging from Senegambia to Mozambique; ethnic identity disappeared quickly as people often 

married outside of their ethno-cultural group (249). Enslavement and forced displacement were 

instrumental in the erasure of African heterogeneity, replacing it instead with homogenous 

blackness.  



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Despite massive growth in Trinidad’s plantation economy, African people’s violent 

resistance to exploitation and rising costs managing the plantation system led to the abolition era. 

Paton discusses the drastic increase in the importation of enslaved Africans by British, French, 

and Dutch land owners due to approaching emancipation (291). Representing themselves as 

liberators, the European elite renounced its role in creating and upholding the system of 

enslavement and adopted a benevolent and salvific view of itself, thus erasing the contributions 

of oppressed people in achieving their own emancipation (Heuman 349). Subsequently, the 

colonies of Trinidad and Tobago, along with the rest of British West Indies, declared the 

abolition of slavery in 1834 (Pemberton et al). As a means of facilitating the transition between 

enslavement and freedom, British policy-makers believed that newly-freed Africans should be 

required to complete apprenticeships: forty hours a week of unpaid labour to their former owner 

for a period of six years (Heuman 349). As Africans generally opted to leave the plantation after 

ending their work period, plantation owners sought new sources of labour.  

 

This new labour source was comprised of enslaved Africans who were freed while out at 

sea, Chinese labourers, and South Asian labourers. The largest number of Trinidad’s indentured 

labourers were of South Asian descent; Heuman estimates that roughly 150,000 people left the 

British Raj for Trinidad (357). This migration can be divided into three main periods: 1838-1848, 

1851-1870, and post-1870; the majority arrived in the final era (357). This new group of 

indentured labourers were bound to their employer for a period of five years, followed by a 

period of ten years in which they were required to remain in Trinidad (357). The use of Indian 

indentured workers prolonged the life of the plantation economy, with drastic increases in 

production and diminished costs (358). Unlike enslaved Africans, South Asian indentured 

workers were compensated for their labour; Heuman notes that that they were exploited in other 

ways, such as poor wages or the “pass law,” which restricted an individual’s mobility to their 

designated plantation (358). Similarly, to Africans who were brought as enslaved peoples, but 

not to the same extent, South Asian communities were subjected to a significant blurring of their 

ethno-cultural distinctions. South Asian indentured workers in Trinidad originated in different 

areas; as such, they carried with them different cultural traditions, spoke different languages, and 

belonged to various castes (358). Differences between people, whether among Afro-Trinidadians 

or among Indo-Trinidadians, were not significant to European plantation owners, who generally 

treated all indentured labourers comparably (358).  

 

Trinidad and Tobago’s colonial history has heavily impacted later eras, especially in 

regard to present-day relations between ethno-cultural groups. Unlike its various European 

colonizer states, Trinidad and Tobago has existed for a mere sixty years as a modern independent 

nation-stat. Additionally, similarly to a significant portion of the Americas, the islands of 

Trinidad and Tobago have undergone a drastic demographic shift over the past few centuries; 

once populated entirely by the numerous Indigenous ethno-cultural groups of the Americas, 

many relatively-new nation-states are composed largely of non-Indigenous peoples. Both the 

Indigenous communities that persist and those that were erased have influenced newcomers to 

the islands of Trinidad and Tobago and vice versa. History demonstrates that the European 

colonists, particularly those of upper socio-economic status, were a highly exploitative and 

oppressive group. The Indigenous peoples of Trinidad and Tobago were another victim of the 

European colonial apparatus. As the Indigenous peoples of the Americas possessed physical 



Malek Abdel-Shehid 
A Home in Disorder is not a Home  

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characteristics such as lighter skin that more closely resembled the European body, they have 

historically been ranked higher than Africans and South Asians in European colonial racial 

hierarchies (Khan 406). While divisions among racialized ethno-cultural groups may benefit one 

or another for a short period of time, ultimately, the European colonizer, particularly of upper 

socio-economic status, stands to gain the most from the breakdown of solidarity.  

 

Although resistance to colonial rule coupled with the rising costs of colonial 

administration, eventually resulted in independence for Trinidad and Tobago, the legacies of 

European colonialism manifested themselves in the racial divisions of the modern era. 

Categorization into one of the country’s racial groups was based upon an individual’s physical 

characteristics; some relevant characteristics are skin colour, hair texture, and facial features. 

Much like other European colonial societies, an individual’s racial category determined their 

perceived morality; additionally, people with the lightest skin were held in the highest regard, 

while those with the darkest skin were considered sub-human. There are several terms that are 

part of the local vocabulary that have been used historically and others that remain in use to 

denote various racial categories. For example, “Dougla” refers to people of mixed African and 

South Asian descent. In addition to Afro-Trinidadian and Indo-Trinidadian, such terms seek to 

categorize the country’s population; however, there are several groups in Trinidad and Tobago 

who do not fit in the categories. Although modern Trinidad and Tobago prides itself on being a 

worldly and diverse country, the tendency of all groups to vie for representation and influence 

inevitably leads to division. 

 

Not unlike the previous hundred years, the pre-independence twentieth century was 

characterized by fluctuating solidarity and discord between Afro-Trinidadians and Indo-

Trinidadians. Local anticolonial movements sought to distance themselves from the strict racial 

hierarchy opting to pursue a collective “creole” identity, referring to the country’s ethno-cultural 

diversity (406). Historically, both groups pressured European colonists to consider their needs.  

The main issue was that when one group received more attention, the other generally perceived 

itself to be at a disadvantage. In 1884, the Hosay Riots resulted in a moment of collective terror 

for both Indo-Trinidadians and Afro-Trinidadians, after British colonial forces massacred both 

groups during the Hosay Muharram, a local Muslim celebration (411). The country has 

historically hosted a small Muslim minority composed of Afro-Trinidadians and Indo-

Trinidadians. Tubal Uriah Butler and Eric Williams, two prominent Afro-Trinidadian political 

leaders, provide two examples of discord between the groups. They claim that Afro-Trinidadians 

and Indo-Trinidadians do not mix, with the former speaking of the 1930s riot era and the latter 

referring to the 1960s and 1970s post-independence era (Segal 305). Another prominent example 

occurred in 1990, when a group of men involved in the Black Power Revolt of the 1970s, now 

operating as “Jamaat-al-Muslimeen,” implemented a successful coup against the sitting 

government (Maingot 530). Led by Yasin Abu Bakr, previously known as Lennox Phillips, the 

group took control of Parliament on August 27, 1990 (530). Despite the group’s mostly Afro-

Trinidadian composition, they had opposed the sitting Prime Minister, A. N. R. Robinson, who 

was Afro-Trinidadian yet worked extensively with Indo-Trinidadians. 

 

Since independence, politics have generally been dictated by ethno-cultural divisions 

rather than ideological frameworks. Led by Eric Williams, upper-class Afro-Trinidadians formed 

the People’s National Movement (PNM), which first won office in 1956 and led the country to 



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independence in 1962 (527). Unlike many of its newly independent neighbours, Trinidad and 

Tobago did not grapple with a major Marxist uprising, so Communist political parties did not 

receive popular support. Led by Basdeo Panday, the Left then opted to appeal to the South Asian 

population under the name United Labour Front (ULF) (528). Despite the fact that Williams’ 

vision and governance centered on diversity, economic growth, and democracy, two disturbances 

would strategically challenge his administration. Riots in Jamaica, sparked by the prevention of 

Walter Rodney’s entey into the country, and protests against discrimination by Trinidadian 

students at Sir George Williams University, both taking place in 1968, contributed to unveiling 

several domestic issues: high unemployment, emigration, and inequality, as well as general 

citizen discontent (529). Drawing inspiration from Negritude, Marxist-Leninism, and Cuban 

guerillas, local student-led protests erupted under the name “Black Power Revolt” (529). They 

sought Williams’ resignation and massive social and economic restructuring. Lack of support 

from the rural, middle-class South Asian population resulted in the quelling of the unrest by 1974 

(529). Drastic increases in oil production and exportation returned the country to a more unified 

atmosphere.   

 

 A central factor towards achieving just national unity is ensuring that residents have 

reached a consensus. If a national government makes decisions on behalf of its people yet does 

not consider everyone’s needs or the greater good, nor does it engage in practices such as 

community consultations, then there is no national unity. Instances of disagreement eliciting 

strong responses such as protesting or rioting serve as an appealing option for those who feel as 

though their voice has been neglected. Although the application of pressure reminds national 

governments to address requests made by their citizens, a lack of solidarity often contributes to 

the disintegration of progress. 

 

There are several scales, such as the local, the regional, and the national among others, 

that are composed of officials, elected and non-elected, who collectively aim to best represent 

their constituents. Trinidadians, like people all over the world, are multifaceted and highly 

varied; the components which make up their identities are politically and socially constructed 

and intersecting (Sylvie 492). Regardless of the scale at which they are operating, people have 

agency to influence their own lives and the lives of those around them (Sylvie 492). Attempts at 

resistance and solidarity between ethno-cultural groups became possible only when people began 

to view themselves as active agents capable of creating change. Despite the visible physical 

differences between various groups of people, criticizing the social and political constructs 

around them further encouraged solidarity.  

 

Despite the country’s lack of national unity and modern racial hierarchy, some cultural 

practices have been useful in combatting oppressive colonial structures.  Calypso is a popular 

musical genre of Trinidadian origin and a tool used most frequently by the Afro-Trinidadian 

working class to protest oppression by the European elite. The genre is known for having 

historically excluded Indo-Trinidadians; while Hindu Calypsos have existed since at least the 

1970s, the genre barely mentioned the existence of South Asians (Holton 194). Depending on the 

era and its most pressing issues, lyrics have ranged from segregation, to racism, to exploitative 

working condition among many others. The genre traces much of its foundations to West Africa, 

yet also contains some Hispanic, French, and British influences (194). One of the most 

prominent eras in the history of Calypso was the early twentieth century at the height of British 



Malek Abdel-Shehid 
A Home in Disorder is not a Home  

5 

oil production (198). The industry was greatly segregated with Europeans as a managerial class, 

Africans as labourers, and Indians were generally not present within the industry. The state did 

not provide any health and safety provisions to protect the lives of labourers, and private 

corporations did not provide labourers with proper equipment or a safe workplace (198). The 

workplace was segregated by race and class on the basis of attire, conduct, and appropriate 

behaviour while not working (198). Calypsonians have remained a tool by which ordinary 

Trinidadians could openly expose and criticize local and foreign elite. Whether acting as an artist 

or as a listener, the genre provides Trinidadians with agency and remains an important tool of 

resistance against neocolonialism.   

 

Another example is Carnival, a popular Trinidadian festival taking place annually on the 

Monday and Tuesday before Ash Wednesday. Locals refer to the parade portion of the festival as 

“Mas,” short for Masquerade, during which participants dress up in elaborate costumes, 

sometimes including masks. Participation in the festivities was historically associated with 

exercising freedom to practice one’s culture despite government provisions against such 

activities. Although the festival traces its oldest influences to French Roman Catholic Easter 

processions, the incorporation of African people, music, and costumes added a certain vibrancy 

to the European Christian custom (Segal 308). Other ethno-cultural groups such as South Asian, 

British, and Spanish among others have also become influential actors within the festival. 

Trinidadian Carnival has been compared to similar festivals around the Caribbean and Latin 

America. Contrary to Trinidad, Brazilian Carnival prides itself on showcasing whiteness while 

restricting Black expression; Martinique on the other hand invests heavily to reinforce Black 

expression yet seeks to mimic French identity (308). Along with Calypso, Carnival is an 

important tool in breaking down socially- and politically-constructed barriers between the 

country’s ethno-cultural groups. Calypso and Carnival have been instrumental in bridging gaps 

and building solidarity between Afro-Trinidadians and Indo-Trinidadians.  
 

 Trinidad and Tobago’s recent history has been dominated by its two largest ethnocultural 

groups: Afro-Trinidadians and Indo-Trinidadians. Although both groups have a shared history of 

oppression caused largely by a European colonial elite, the differences in treatment and level of 

influence throughout national memory has led to a fractured society. Rather than putting 

differences aside, the country remains staunchly divided between the two aforementioned 

groups, especially with relation to politics. While people come together during times of 

celebration such as Carnival and although a significant portion of the population self-identifies as 

mixed-race, disparities still exist in terms of homogenous communities; moreover, control over 

the government contributes to access to essential services and socio-economic mobility. 

Similarly to much of the Americas, Trinidad and Tobago is grappling with deconstructing racial 

hierarchies imposed during the European colonial era. One of the central persisting issues is the 

existence of political parties formed along and sustained by ethno-cultural divisions. Basing a 

country’s parties on ideological frameworks rather than ethnic ones would allow for the people 

of Trinidad to see that they have much in common with their neighbours of differing ethno-

cultural groups. However, in order for this process to take place, it is essential that the 

preferential treatment of one ethnic group over the other cease. Generally speaking, Trinidad and 

Tobago has a difficult path ahead; highlighting that people’s similarities supersede their 

differences will lead to national unity. 

 



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Works Cited 

 

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Region and Its Peoples (347-360). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 

 

Holton, G. E. L. (2012). Oil, Race, and Calypso in Trinidad and Tobago, 1909-1990. In W. H. 

Beezley & L. A. Curcio-Nagy (Eds.), Latin American Popular Culture Since 

Independence (193-204). Plymouth: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.  



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A Home in Disorder is not a Home  

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