




































44 

 

A Brief History of Race, Politics and Division in Trinidad and Guyana 
Kahlia Brown 

 

This essay will act as an analysis of the Indo-Afro racial politics of two west Indian countries: 

Trinidad and Tobago, and Guyana. I will give the circumstances that led to the migration of large 

numbers of East Indians as indentured servants to Trinidad and Guyana, specifically. I will also 

explain how these conditions led to a distinct form of government and society. Through tables of 

electoral data in Trinidad, the racial voting patterns will be observed, and I will elaborate on how 

political parties do or do not pander to their respective racial communities. Finally, I will 

conclude by addressing how the racial divide in these two large Caribbean nations impact 

Caribbean regionalism on a larger scale.  

 

Introduction 

 

There is a well-known history of the Caribbean that many will learn about through conventional 

schooling and the media. To provide some background, it is taught that in 1492, European 

colonizer Christopher Columbus sailed the ocean blue and discovered the “New World.” The 

“New World,” of course, was what is called the Americas today. It encompasses North and 

South America, as well as the Caribbean Islands scattered in between the two continents. In due 

time, European colonizers attempted to enslave the native populations of the Americas. This was 

done through the efforts of people like Bartolomé de Las Casas, who advocated for the peaceful 

conversion of indigenous populations, because they too were men with souls and their freedom, 

but who proposed African slaves as a means to compensate for lost labour forces (Anthony).  In 

the Caribbean, native populations were depleted to nearly nothing by a number of ways, 

including but not limited to the diseases and war that Europeans brought with them (Huxley 57).  

 

Soon enough, the Transatlantic slave trade was in full swing, with thousands of slave 

vessels controlled by the French, Spanish, English, Dutch, Portuguese, Danish and the US. It is 

estimated that, between 1519 and the mid 19th century, approximately 11 million people were 

taken from Africa and enslaved. Varying accounts report that 9-10 million of those enslaved 

arrived to the Americas alive. Of those millions of people, around 4.7 million ended up in the 

Caribbean. This number is significantly larger than that of British North America, whose 

numbers totaled only 361,100 (Eltis 23). The Caribbean islands were unique in the sense that the 

enslaved population outnumbered the native or European populations, this remains true to this 

day, with some exceptions.  

 

What followed is a history not as well known. Slavery was abolished in 1807, but this did 

not mean that slavery ceased to exist. On the contrary, the practice continued for decades after. 

During the time of emancipation, some plantation colonies had begun to dry up. The soil of 

Islands like Barbados, which was known for its high productivity, nor longer yielded as much as 

much as it once had. Planters began to look at islands that had not yet been overly exploited. One 

such island was Trinidad, which yielded 3-4 times as much product as its previously abundant 

predecessor, Barbados. Although slavery had been abolished, inter-colonial slave trade was just 

beginning. Planters migrated themselves and their enslaved Africans from the “Old Colonies,” 

such as Barbados, Dominica and Jamaica, opting to settle in the then more fertile lands of 



45 

 

Trinidad, Demerara (Now part of Guyana) and among others. There were laws against this but 

planters easily evaded them. Due to the ban on importing slaves, there were not enough labour 

forces in Trinidad and then Demerara. The abolition of slavery stood in the way of the success of 

planters. This consequently led to the search for new labour sources that would be used in the 

British West Indies.  

 

 May 30th is celebrated as a holiday in Trinidad and Tobago. May 5th is a holiday in 

Guyana. These two dates share the same origin: Indian Arrival day. In 1838, the first vessel 

carrying Indian indentured servants arrived in Guyana, while in Trinidad this happened in 1845. 

There are parallels between the Transatlantic slave trade and the encouraged migration of Indian 

populations to the Caribbean: the exploitation of Africans and Indians were viewed as solutions 

to labour shortages. Africans were forced to carry out the labour that was previously done by 

now dwindling Indigenous populations. Following the abolition of slavery, the workforce was 

once again depleted, so indentured Indian servants were recruited to take up the work. From the 

17th to the 20th century, India was a British colony.  

 

The 19th century was a particularly difficult one for some. Lower-class Northern Indians 

and displaced Bengalis found themselves in dire need of land and employment. Calcutta and 

Madras, both cities situated along the eastern coast of India, offered transport to British colonies. 

The Indians who migrated were referred to by the pejorative term Coolie. Coolie was a term that 

reflected their place in society. To be a coolie in the 19th century was to be an unskilled labourer. 

Some definitions trace the term back to the Tamil word Kuli. According to Gaiutra Bahadur, the 

term was first used to refer to South Asians by Portuguese sailors looking for labourers. 

However, Indians were not welcome in all British colonies despite considering themselves 

British subjects. Indians were only welcomed where it benefitted the British. An example of this 

can be seen in the case of the passengers of the Komagata Maru in 1914, a ship filled with 

British passport holders and war veterans who also happened to be Sikh Indians. The shipped 

docked in Vancouver, but all those who were aboard were refused entry and sent back to India. 

Indians were allowed to migrate to other British colonies such as Fiji and Mauritius, but 

primarily to Trinidad and Guyana. According to Lomarsh Roopnarine, “…about 2.5 million non-

Europeans – mostly East Indian and Chinese – but also a substantial number of Africans, 

Javanese, Japanese and Pacific Islanders were brought to the Caribbean…” (2003). Of that 

number, 238,000 indentured servants were sent to Guyana and 143,939 to Trinidad.  

 

There were conditions that came with labour migration: indentured servants were 

contractually obligated to work for their planter for up to 10 years, earning very little in wages. 

Edward Jenkins describes the ideal length of time for a term of indenturing: “I have been 

informed by the late Governor and by one of the principal planters of Trinidad that the one-year 

system works well, and, while encouraging independence in the Coolie, exercises also on the 

master a beneficial restraint, since he can only keep his best immigrants from year to year by 

kindly treatment” (1871). These were absolutely better terms of work than what the enslaved 

Africans received, but the planters or ‘Masters’ still retained control. The planters retained the 

right the punish their indentured servants for any infractions through imprisonment. Despite 

these clauses in their contracts, for many, being an indentured servant in the Caribbean was still 

better than being unemployed and landless in India. Indentured servants were rewarded for the 

contractual service with land and money. 



46 

 

 

This is when hostilities worsened between the emancipated black population and 

indentured Indians. It is a trend we still see today: employers seek out cheaper labour, thus 

abandoning those who were previously employed. This breeds resentment. Rather than paying 

the former enslaved people fair wages, the planter sought to exploit a new group for human 

capital. Emancipated people now competed for employment due to the Indians being exploited 

for their labour and doing the jobs that former slaves were once forced to do for free, and for 

which they still have seen no reparations. This understandably led to tensions between the two 

ethnic groups and resulted in isolated communities. Indian communities existed mainly due to 

the social pattern of those who share common backgrounds gathering together. This can be 

observed in any place where mass immigration of certain groups occurs; we can look to 

Toronto’s Little Italy for an example. But agglomerations like this are often also a group’s 

response to the hostilities of others.  

 

By this time coolie was used to remind those whose lives were shaped by colonizers of 

their exploitation. What made matters worse was that the white colonist did not want to 

encourage a relationship between its previous labour force its current one. Some Europeans in 

the Caribbean feared that the African population would encourage the Indians to incite riots.1 

Daurius Figueira describes one European Reverend’s views on the two races: “By Morton’s 

testimony to Norman in January 1885 it is clearly apparent that Morton views the Afro-

Trinidadian as a disruptive element, a hindrance to the attempt to constitute the East-Indians as 

Gunga Din/Coolie.” (2010, xxii). Europeans feared that the two groups would realize that they 

held power in numbers and hold back colonial attempts to domesticate their labourers. Note the 

reference to coolies: as previously stated, the word was used derogatorily against indentured 

servants the same way the n-word was used to label enslaved Africans. The words were and are 

still hurled between the Black and Indian communities in Trinidad and Guyana in order to 

belittle each other.  

                                                 
1 Figueira, D. (2010). The politics of racist hegemony in Trinidad and Tobago. iUniverse. 

 



47 

 

 
 

Figure 1. J. Murray Jordan - A Family In The Coolie Village, Trinidad, 1897 

 

The system of indentureship that created the racial divide in Trinidad and Guyana would 

continue to the early 20th century. However, when indentureship ended, Indians were in a far 

better position than their African counterparts had been when slavery was abolished. By the mid 

20th century, Indians were able to elevate their economic standing, now composing most of the 

‘urban’ middle class. Indians were able to do so because of the aforementioned land and money 

to start businesses they received. Africans, who had been in the Caribbean for much longer, 

received nothing and rarely experienced any upward social mobility, remaining in the lower 

urban class.  

 

In 1965, C.L.R James wrote West Indians of East Indian Descent. In it, he summarizes 

the prejudice and resentment that Indians and those he refers to as creoles, harboured towards 

one another. James quotes a man whose ethnicity he does not specify: “…An Indian got a job at 

the Base. Next thing every job in that department was held by an Indian. That is the way they 

are. They are all for each other, they think of Indians first” (1965). He goes on to further 

emphasize the division even in taxis. Indian drivers pick up Indian passengers and Indian 

passengers only enter Indian drivers’ taxis (with some exceptions, such as if an Indian and 

African were personally acquainted). These behaviours seem to reveal an odd form of racial 

nepotism that likely emerged due to the group’s instinct to congregate together and look out for 

one another. James, who was a very outspoken supporter of the Federation, encouraged 

nationalism instead, to consider the West Indians as a whole rather than East Indian-West 

Indians. He encouraged Indians to break the cycle of Indians and Africans being separated in 

politics. Though this thinking was absolutely necessary during this time, the populace was just 

not ready to hear it. James was always ahead of his time in his ideologies; he hoped for too much 

too soon. In the following decades, Trinidad and Guyana would prove that racial integration was 

nowhere in sight.  

 



48 

 

Guyana 

 

When Linden Forbes Sampson Burnham was elected as the first Prime Minister of Guyana in 

1966, the racially-divided voting patterns of the Indians and Africans of the soon-to-be 

independent country were already evident. During this period, the Afro-Indo populations were 

finally able to speak for themselves, exhibiting self-rule. Prior to Caribbean independence, many 

liberal thinkers—including Dr. Eric Williams (Trinidad), Cheddi Jagan (Guyana) and Michael 

Manley (Jamaica)—advocated for Caribbean independence and unity in the form of federation. 

The federation was a Caribbean regional group that aimed to unite the Caribbean in order to 

benefit the region as a whole when competing in the global market, amongst other things. In a 

lecture given by Trinidadian Marxist C.L.R James in 1958, the rising racial tensions are briefly 

mentioned:  

 

We heard that the East Indians in British Guiana were opposed to the Federation and these 

were the reasons given. They had a numerical majority over the other races, they hoped to 

establish an Indian domination of the colony; Federation would bring thousands of 

Africans (or people of African descent) from the smaller islands to British Guiana, these 

knew how to work land and how to build up from small beginnings. They would place the 

Indians in British Guiana in an inferior position. Therefore, the Indians were against 

Federation (1958). 

 

James also noted that these sentiments existed in Trinidad as well. As previously stated, the 

Indians who were brought to the Caribbean (often of their own freewill) were able to work for 

wages; additionally, they were given land and money. The Indians dominated in numbers and 

land ownership, and most wanted things to remain that way. 

 

Nevertheless, not all Indians believed that access to the same opportunities for Africans 

would mean a disadvantage for them. Cheddi Jagan, who was a co-founder of the PPP (People’s 

Progressive Party) and the child of indentured servants, wanted to unite the Africans and Indians 

of Guyana. He saw the two groups for what they were, people who had been exploited and taken 

advantage of by the colonial system. Indeed, his seemingly non-biased racial views were 

something C.L.R James would praise him for. 

 

Being a socialist, Jagan preferred to steer clear of racial politics; his ideologies were more 

in line with economic politics. However, Guyana itself did not reflect this. Jagan’s supporters 

were largely Indian, and once the PPP became a party run mainly by Indians, the party’s policies 

began to favour Indians. Despite Jagan’s initial dreams of uniting the populace of Guyana under 

the shared experience of oppression, the opposite happened, and he perhaps unwittingly became 

the political face of the Indo-Guyanese people, even though his politics did not necessarily align 

with their own sentiments. Indians supported Jagan because he too was Indian, a fact he clearly 

understood (Marsal, 33). To this day, PPP’s supporters are mainly comprised of Indo-Guyanese 

people.  

 

On the other side of the Guyanese race politics was Afro-Guyanese lawyer Forbes 

Burnham. For years, Burnham also belonged to the PPP. However, he eventually broke with 

them formed his own political party, the People’s National Congress, in 1957. I will not get into 



49 

 

the specifics of party differences, but Burnham enjoyed foreign support because he was less 

radical than Jagan. Prior to the split, the PPP was a party that united the two races that made up 

the 80% majority in colonial Guyana. Burnham’s choice to leave the PPP led to further racial 

divisions. Hintzen and Premdas write  

 

With the split, there began a slow but inexorable ideological about-face by Burnham 

that was to culminate, later, in support for capitalist, prowestern policies. The 

opportunity for power for the Burnhamite faction was prescribed in ways that offered 

no other options. Burnham was supported by the more moderate East Indians in the 

PPP who had close ties with the East Indian professional and entrepreneurial urban 

middle classes. More importantly, he drew his mass support from the predominantly 

urban, black lower-class population. (1983, 179) 

 

Although there were some anomalies, much like Jagan, Burnham garnered most of his support 

from those who shared his lineage. The PPP and PNC represented very different ideologies and 

forms of government, but this was not necessarily a fact that Indians or Africans considered 

when voting. 

 

Trinidad 

 

In Trinidad, independence was achieved a few years before Guyana, but the political situations 

resembled one another. By the time the honourable first Prime Minister, Dr. Eric Williams (a 

man of mixed race: French creole and Black),was elected, the two-party. ethnically-divided 

system was in place. Williams was not, however, representative of the country’s demographics 

as a whole, something that would work to his disadvantage in 1958. Colin Clarke states that in 

Trinidad, “The fact remains, however, that government and opposition in Trinidad, since adult 

suffrage was introduced in 1946, have been decided by racial blocks of majority (Creole) and 

minority (Indian) …” (1991, 48).  

 

Similarly to Guyana, pre-independence movements were largely composed of both ethnic 

groups who at the time shared a common goal. This momentary co-operation was not reflective 

of the racial politics in the country’s history. Once the country’s independence was attained, the 

two-party system was in place. Dr. Eric Williams, who is partially credited with spearheading the 

independence movement, was the head of the People’s National Movement party founded in 

1955. The main opposition party at the time was the Democratic Labour Party, which was a 

merger of three other parties ran by Bhadase Sagan Maraj (Indian) of the People’s Democratic 

Party, Albert Gomes (Portuguese) of the Party of Political Progress Groups and Tubal Uriah 

Butler (Afro-Grenadian) of the Butler Party. The DLP was composed of three different racial 

groups, an optimistic start, but the party was led by Maraj. Until the party’s split in 1971 (with 

the exception of Alloy Lequay, who saw the end of the party), the party was led by Indo-

Trinidadians and drew their support from the Indian middle class. When the PNM lost to the 

DLP in 1958, Williams attributed this to the Indian votes over which the DLP held the 

monopoly. The statistics prove that Williams was correct in his suspicions. 

 

TABLE 1 - Ethnicity and Voting in the 1958 Federal Election: Selected Polling Divisions 

 



50 

 

 

Division Number of 

Indians 

DLP Votes 

   

Tunapuna 3,427 3,402 

Curepe and  

St. Augustine 

3,140 4,284 

Tacarigua 948 911 

Arouca 1,567 1,454 

D'Abadie 313 272 

Piarco 277 300 

Caroni 1,272 1,313 

TOTAL 10,944 11,936 

 

 

TABLE 2 - Ethnicity and Voting in the 1958 Federal Election: Selected Polling Divisions 

 

Polling Division Indians DLP Votes 

   

52 136 135 

53 20 21 

54 169 170 

55 235 228 

56 184 204 

57 245 249 

60 315 313 

63 56 52 

25 54 54 

26 51 54 

29 49 50 

34 106 103 

36 306 298 

39 117 116 

40 117 115 

17 206 205 

122 243 241 

 

                          

TABLE 3 – Constituency and Ethnicity in Trinidad 

 

Constituency African Indian 

 % % 

   

Couva North 25 75 

Couva South 25 75 



51 

 

Tabaquite 40 60 

Naparima 40 60 

Siparia 47 52 

 

 

These tables, taken from Selwyn Ryan’s Social & Occupational stratification in contemporary 

Trinidad and Tobago, prove a clear correlation between racial voting patterns. Indians almost 

exclusively voted for the DLP. However, the same could be said about Black voters. Ryan 

provides the example of Laventille, where Williams won 93.5% of the votes because the area 

was, and still is, made up predominately of Black people (Ryan 114). So while Williams 

complained of Indians voting blindly based on race, those who supported him did the same.  

  

 I would like to say that things in Trinidad got better in the following decades, but that 

would be untrue. In 1972, a political split occurred within the DLP, which gave the rise of the 

United Labour front came as the opposition. It came as no surprise that the party was led by an 

Indian: Basdeo Panday. In 1995, Panday would become Trinidad and Tobago’s first Prime 

Minister of Indian descent. However, he was politically active for many years before that (Leung 

& Deuber 12). Later, in 1988, he would go on to form the United National Congress.  

 

Since then, the party has acted as the Indian opposition to the PNM. A more recent 

example of this can be found in the 1995 general elections in which the UNC defeated the PNM. 

By this time, the Indo-Trinidadian had surpassed the Afro-Trinidadian population, and tensions 

ran high. Neither party has openly state that it is pandering to its ethnic supporters, but both 

parties’ recruitment practices say otherwise. In 1995, the PNM and UNC sought to maintain their 

ethnic support at the micro level: 

 

It is at this level of intimate inter-personal communication that each of the two major 

parties made their communal pitch, invoking ethnic stereotypes, metaphors and 

prejudices so as to consolidate their support. In practically every case, the two major 

parties realized that the campaign canvasser, who was often a well known community 

leader such as a teacher, a church minister, a businessman, or a popular sport or 

musical personality, was of the same ethnic group as the local community he was 

active among.” (Premdas and Ragoonath 39-40).  

 

The parties organized community leaders in order to maintain or convert people. This was done 

essentially through fear mongering: Indians were scared with threat of African crime (Premdas & 

Ragoonath 39), and the Africans were told to beware of an Indian take over (see James 1965). 

This is a pattern that has not since been broken: the two races have continued to vote for their 

respective party, and each party blames the other for the short comings of the country, with racial 

prejudice lurking in the background. The PNM, DLP, UNR, UNC, etc. have all acknowledged 

that their votes lie with their ethnicities; they rely on this fact, using it as a crutch to obtain power 

through bigotry.      

 

Concluding Observations 

 



52 

 

The circumstances under which Africans were brought to the West Indies were atrocious. Indians 

being brought in as Indentured servants is not something that should be celebrated either; 

however, they were better off than the emancipated Africans. Indians migrated to the West Indies 

often to seek out better opportunities that they did not have in India, while enslaved Africans 

never had a choice. These circumstances ensured that Indians were more likely to succeed in the 

West Indies. After over a century in Trinidad and Guyana, Indians have used their privilege to 

make sure that their ethnic group prospered. By the mid-20th century, the Indian populations in 

both Trinidad and Guyana, were large enough to impact politics and form race-based parties.  

 

Around this time in Guyana, it is clear that Indians did not support Federation. Indians, 

given their social and economic standing at the time, did not want unity; instead, they wanted 

prosperity for their community. Indians went out of their way to support other Indians within 

their respective country of residence but could not adopt the idea of united nationalism, because 

this would include the Africans.  This inhibited not only national unification, but regional as 

well. If a country is divided by race and cannot be united internally, how can the it be expected 

to co-operate with neighbouring countries? The fact remains that Guyana and Trinidad and 

Tobago were and are countries divided along racial lines. During the independence and 

federation era, they were home to extreme racial unrest, and unprepared or unable to contribute 

to regional unity.  

 

C.L.R James voiced his wishes for the racially divided countries of Trinidad and Tobago 

in his lecture on West Indians of East Indian Descent: “The people, of all races, want to put all 

this behind them and begin a new life. That is why we want and must have the new party” 

(1965). He believed that the people of the West Indies wanted to move past governments that 

were divided by race, and he encouraged the formation of a new party that would represent all 

demographics. This is a feat that some have attempted to achieve; thus far, however, very little 

progress has been made moving away from the Indo-Afro two-party dominant systems of 

Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana.  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



53 

 

Works Cited 
 

Anthony, D. (2015, July). July 2015: Bartolomé de las Casas and 500 Years of Racial 

Injustice: Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective. Retrieved from 

http://origins.osu.edu/milestones/july-2015-bartolom-de-las-casas-and-500-years-racial-

injustice. 

 

Bahadur, G. (2013). Coolie woman: The odyssey of indenture. University of Chicago 

Press. 

 

Clarke, C. (1991). Society and electoral politics in Trinidad and Tobago. In Society and 

Politics in the Caribbean (pp. 47-77). Palgrave Macmillan, London. 

 

Eltis, D. (1972). The Traffic in Slaves between the British West Indian Colonies, 1807-

1833. The Economic History Review, 25(1), new series, 55-64. doi:10.2307/2599736 

 

Eltis, D. (2001). The Volume and Structure of the Transatlantic Slave Trade: A 

Reassessment. The William and Mary Quarterly,58(1), 17-46. doi:10.2307/2674417 

 

Figueira, D. (2010). The politics of racist hegemony in Trinidad and Tobago. iUniverse. 

 

Grace, S., & Helms, G. (1998). Documenting Racism: Sharon Pollock’s The Komagata 

Maru Incident. Painting the maple, 85-99. 

 

Hintzen, P. C., & Premdas, R. R. (1983). Race, ideology, and power in Guyana. Journal 

of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics, 21(2), 175-194. 

 

Huxley, G. L. (1980). Aristotle, Las Casas and the American Indians. Proceedings of the 

Royal Irish Academy. Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Linguistics, 

Literature, 57-68. 

 

James, C. L. R. "Lecture on Federation (West Indies and British Guiana)." Demerara: 

The Argosy Company (1958). 

 

James, C. L. R. (1965). West Indians of East Indian Descent. Retrieved from 

https://www.marxists.org/archive/james-clr/works/1965/eastindians.htm. 

 

Jenkins, E. (1871). The Coolie, His Rights and Wrongs: Notes of a Journey to British 

Guiana, with a Review of the System and of the Recent Commission of Inquiry (No. 

7432). Strahan & Company. 

 

La Guerre, J., & Girvan, C. (1972). THE GENERAL ELECTIONS OF 1946 IN 

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO. Social and Economic Studies, 21(2), 184-204. Retrieved 

from www.jstor.org/stable/27856528 

 

https://www.marxists.org/archive/james-clr/works/1965/eastindians.htm


54 

 

Leung, G. A., & Deuber, D. (2014). Indo-Trinidadian speech. English in the Indian 

Diaspora. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 9-27. 

 

Mars, P., & Young, A. H. (Eds.). (2004). Caribbean labor and politics: legacies of 

Cheddi Jagan and Michael Manley. Wayne State University Press. 

 

Meighoo, K. (2002). Basdeo Panday: A Political Biography. 

 

Premdas, R. R., & Ragoonath, B. (1998). Ethnicity, elections and democracy in Trinidad 

and Tobago: Analysing the 1995 and 1996 elections. Journal of Commonwealth & 

Comparative Politics, 36(3), 39. 

 

Reddock, R. (2008). Indian Women and Indentureship in Trinidad and Tobago 1845-

1917: Freedom Denied. Caribbean Quarterly, 54(4), 41-68. Retrieved from 

www.jstor.org/stable/40654698 

 

Roopnarine, L. (2003). East Indian Indentured Emigration to the Caribbean: Beyond the 

Push and Pull Model. Caribbean Studies,31(2), 97-134. Retrieved from 

www.jstor.org/stable/25613409 

 

Ryan, S. D. (1991). Social and occupational stratification in contemporary Trinidad and 

Tobago. Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies. 113-

118 

 

Tables and Figures: 

 

Figure 1. 

1. Jordan, J. M. (2008). A Family In The Coolie Village, Trinidad, 1897. photograph, St. 

James Town . Retrieved from 

https://www.flickr.com/photos/caribbeanphotoarchive/3099091860/in/album-

72157608769702677/ 

  

Tables 1, 2, 3 and 4. 

2. Ryan, S. D. (1991). Social and occupational stratification in contemporary Trinidad and 

Tobago. Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies. 113-

118 

 


