

































Internal and External Factors to the Success of the Cuban Revolution

Boyuan Dong
University of Toronto
FAS, Latin American Studies & Spanish Specialist

Fidel Castro, the revolutionary 
leader of Cuba, gave a speech on 
the fourth anniversary of the 
Cuban Revolution, mainly focus-
ing on how to solidify the pueblo 
cubano under the revolutionary 
flag against the U.S. intervention. 
This paper aims to examine the 
Cuban revolution stand on the 
view from four years after Castro 
has died, to prove that what Castro 
has mentioned during his Fourth 
Anniversary Speech has been 
accomplished, as well as compare 
the revolutionary movements of 
its neighbours like Grenada, to see 
why Cuba could be the only 
successful example of socialism in 
the Western Hemisphere. The 
paper will focus on the social 
changes during the post-revolution 
Cuba based on the scholar 
research of Louis A. Pérez and 
John Walton’s comparison article 
between Grenada and Cuba.

A B S T R A C T

Keywords: US imperialism, 
Cuban Revolution, Fidel 

Castro, Cold War, 

B I O

Boyuan Dong is a fourth-year undergraduate student majoring Latin American Studies 
and Spanish. Currently his focus is on the narratives of affection in the contemporary 
Latin American Literature

© 2021 Boyuan Dong
Caribbean Studies Students’ Union, Canada - https://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/cquilt/

                       This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution- ShareAlike 4.0 International License. 
                       To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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    Fidel Castro, “Fourth Anniversary of the Cuban Revolution,” Castro Speech Database 2000 (Havana: January 2, 1963). 
https://www.marxists.org/history/cuba/archive/castro/1963/01/02.htm
    Fidel Castro, “Fourth Anniversary”
    Fidel Castro, “Fourth Anniversary”

 
       

 

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On January 2, 1963, one and a half year 
after the Playa Girón Invasion, before his 
supporters at Plaza De Revolucion, Fidel 
Castro gave a speech on what the Cuban 
Revolution had achieved during the four 
years since its outset. In his speech, the 
leader of communist Cuba denounced the 
former US President John F. Kennedy’s 
speech about the same event. Though both 
Kennedy and Castro mention the Bay of 
Pig Invasion, the similarities end there 
with Castro viewing the event as an 
imperialist invasion, intended to topple 
what the pueblo cubano has achieved since 
1959. Kennedy saw it not as an invasion 
but a liberation – with soldiers there to 
deliver freedom to a place where human 
rights were violated, interests of the 
domestic and international stakeholders 
destroyed, and individual dignity and 
freedom of expression had been eliminat-
ed.

To Kennedy, the state was subjugated 
under the dictatorship of Castro Castro. 
While Castro referred Kennedy in his 
speech as “the chief of pirates”  Kennedy, 
reproached Castro’s post-revolutionary 
Cuba as a “prison” surrounded by water 
where six million of the population was 
imprisoned. According to Castro’s speech, 
Kennedy had disavowed Castro’s revolu-
tion and all the reforms and campaigns 
carried on by him, while Castro addressed 
the revolution was a “victory” and exem-
plary to the people under the exploitation 
by imperialism . Though in the speech, 
Kennedy had negated all that was done by 
the revolutionary government, it would be 
unreasonable to deny all the achievements 

by Castro’s government, which by that 
time was backed by the masses and 
enjoyed high popularity.

Considering the context of these conflict-
ing narratives, this research seeks to 
analyze what Fidel Castro speaks about in 
his Fourth Anniversary Speech consider-
ing the accomplishments and the success 
of the Cuban Revolution in the context of 
the internal and external factors that 
pushed forward the revolution. Specifical-
ly, this paper considers that internally, 
Fidel Castro’s communist government 
implemented a series of campaigns and 
reforms that had visible and immediate 
improvement to the pueblo cubano and 
externally, a bipolarized confrontation and 
hostility helped the Cuban government to 
solidify its rule.

    Fidel Castro quoted Kennedy’s speech 
in his own, telling the audience that 
Kennedy believed that within the Cuban 
regime and its army there should be 
people who “hold to a faith in freedom and 
are filled with consternation at the destruc-
tion of freedom in their island and are 
determined to restore that freedom so that 
the Cuban people can again govern 
themselves” . While concurring, Castro 
and the Fidelistas had a vastly different 
approach to the restoration of freedom and 
self-governance . The elimination of 
influences from the United States was 
rapid and visible. The mass nationalization 
of foreign capitals had won Castro unprec-
edented support by Cubans who formerly 
suffered the large income distribution 
inequality and the exploitation by U.S. 

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      Fidel Castro, “Fourth Anniversary”
      Fidel Castro, “Fourth Anniversary”
      Fidel Castro, “Fourth Anniversary”
      Louis A. Pérez, “Cuba Between Reform and Revolution” (Oxford University Press: 2005). p. 224
      Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 224
      Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 224
      Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 225
      Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 229

 

       

 

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imperialism . To understand why Castro 
possessed such popularity, it is necessary 
to understand the situation in Cuba before 
revolution. With such, it becomes clear 
why Castro included an ironic use of 
Kennedy’s phrase “Cuban people can 
again govern themselves”  in his own 
speech.

The influence of the U.S. in pre-revolu-
tionary Cuba was omnipresent and formi-
dable. While Cuba’s major industries and 
foreign exchange were centered around the 
production of sugar, Cuba was not able to 
control its price . Moreover, its over-de-
pendence on sugar had increased its 
vulnerability to the fluctuations of the 
international sugar price. The consequence 
of losing influence over the market meant 
that when sugar prices increased, Cuba 
had a remarkably high cost of living when 
compared to North America . When sugar 
prices dropped, foreign investors rushed in 
and purchased real estate and shares of 
different sectors such as electricity and 
telecommunications further violating the 
sovereignty of the nation. The export-de-
pendent economy was in misery.

According to Pérez, most peasants and 
sugar field workers “lived in desperate 
conditions, without access to minimum 
educational, health, and housing facilities” 
. With an increasing number of foreign 
investors holding national properties, 
foreign business owners were able to gain 
more influence than local small-scale land 

owners as well as the Cuban middle class. 
Local industries faced a strong foreign 
competition with little or no government 
restrictions, like tariffs, to protect domestic 
enterprises . As a consequence of local 
industries crashing, workers and the 
middle class found it harder to maintain 
their lives because of the high cost of 
living and the scarcity of basic necessities. 
According to data provided by Pérez, 
one-fifth of the agricultural land was 
controlled by large sugar companies and 
“almost three-quarters of all land in 
production was held by only 8 percent of 
the farms (numbering 16,622)” . The 
tremendous inequality gave Fidel Castro 
an opportunity to win over the masses 
because the people who suffered in this 
increasingly worsening condition needed 
someone to lead them and eliminate the 
foreign influences which they deemed the 
cause of their misery. Castro promised just 
that and fulfilled his commitment to 
become the leader and expel all exploita-
tion that had harmed the Cuban people.

Since Fidel Castro, all properties 
controlled by Americans now became 
state-run and he achieved what Kennedy 
had mentioned – “Cuban people govern 
themselves” through sectors and properties 
no longer belonging to the Americans but 
Cubans. This is why Castro satirized 
Kennedy in his Fourth Anniversary 
Speech highlighting Kennedy’s compari-
son between US invaders and the indepen-
dence heroes like Marti, Bolivar and 

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      Fidel Castro, “Fourth Anniversary”
      Fidel Castro, “Fourth Anniversary”
      Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 243
      Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 243
      Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 253
      Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 245
      Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 273

 

       

 

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O’Higgins , whom Castro thought of as 
freedom fighters. To do so, Castro 
incisively pointed out the differences 
between these independence symbols and 
the intruders: 
“Marti who did not receive his funds from 
the Yankee treasury […] Of that Marti 
who did not come escorted by the Yankee 
fleet, nor was he preceded in his landing 
by Yankee bombers, of that Marti who on 
a stormy night landed in a rowboat almost 
by himself on the western shores” .

Beyond the recovery of sovereignty 
through the expelling of foreign presence 
after the revolution, a series of reforms 
and campaigns  (mainly agrarian reform 
and literacy campaigns) have also been 
widely considered as improvements that 
Fidel Castro’s government achieved. The 
land left by foreign investors was put to 
reuse after nationalization through the 
division of land to diversify national 
production. For large sugar mills, land that 
exceeded a given limit was nationalized, 
with compensation given by the govern-
ment “in the form of twenty-year bonds 
bearing an annual interest rate of 4.5 
percent” . Nationalized land was redistrib-
uted to state-run corporations or individu-
als with no land holdings while the 
communist committee also established the 
Instituto Nacional de Reforma Agraria 
(INRA)  in order to supervise and enforce 
the redistribution and production of land.  

During the nationalization, Castro did not 
face the difficulties many expected, 
because within the Cuban bourgeoisie 
class and the foreign capitalists there were 
internal conflicts. Landlords, large compa-
ny owners, sugar exporters failed to 
cooperate unanimously against Castro’s 
policies. Each one only focused on their 
own narrow interests and were frequently 
in conflict with other members of the 
bourgeoisie class . It gave Fidel Castro 
chance to break the entire upper class of 
Cuba when “the internal opponents were 
in disarray” and recover all properties 
under the name of the revolutionary 
republic.

Cuba also carried a thorough literacy 
campaign that none of the former govern-
ments were able to achieve. This contrib-
uted to the popularity of Castro and the 
success of the revolution. Castro described 
in his speech these literary campaigns 
carried out as part of the revolution. 
Students were dispatched to rural areas as 
volunteers to teach, fees were afforded by 
the government, elementary education 
became more universal, and higher 
education was no longer a privilege 
accessed only by middle to upper class 
families. In 1958, “almost half of all 
Cuban children aged six to fourteen years 
had received no education. Only a quarter 
RI�WKH�SRSXODWLRQ�RI�¿IWHHQ�\HDUV�RU�ROGHU�
had ever attended school” . The compari-
son before and after the revolution is 
surprising, as Pérez mentions: 

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      Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 233
      Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 244
      Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 243
      Francis Coppola, “The Godfather Part II”, directed by Francis Ford Coppola, (New York City: Paramount Pictures, 1974)
       

 

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“Almost 30 percent of the population of 
color over twenty years of age was illiter-
ate […] They suffered greater job insecu-
rity, more unemployment, poorer health 
care, and constituted a proportionally 
larger part of the prison population. They 
generally earned lower wages than 
whites” . 

In March 1959, Castro’s government 
legally abolished racial discrimination in 
all sectors. From education to entertain-
ment and tourism, services were open to 
people of colour, which provided an 
immediate relief to the tensions in the 
society. Income has been redistributed 
with an increase in workers and non-white 
people and a decline in landlords and 
officials . The disparity of income and 
literacy rate between cities like Havana 
and rural areas had decreased. During the 
campaign, thousands of men and women 
were mobilized across the island to 
eradicate illiteracy, which was praised by 
Castro as the revolutionary spirit of the 
Cuban people.  As a result, by 1962 Cuba 
had reported a literacy rate of 96% – one 
of the highest in the world.

A series of successful campaigns and 
reforms had proved that Castro’s govern-
ment was built to govern by the people 
and serve the people. Properties owned by 
the government officials of the former 
Batista government were all seized. 
Peasants received lands and education, 
ciudadanos got jobs, and non-whites 
acquired protection. Virtually all sectors 
had witnessed an increase in benefits and 
wages while luxury imports were restrict-

ed by the government in order to save 
foreign exchange, which was used to 
improve health and industrial sectors . 
Direct and immediate relief to the society 
gave Castro the supreme authority to rule 
the island and mobilize the people who 
followed his ideology. This was demon-
strated in American pop-culture and the 
1974 film The Godfather II where charac-
ter Michael Corleone sees a guerrilla 
fighter using a suicide attack to kill a 
Batista official, and notes: “The soldiers 
are not paid to fight. The rebels aren’t. 
They could win” .

    In Castro’s speech, he had denounced 
the version of “Free Havana '' and “Real 
Cuba '' suggested by John F. Kennedy, 
whose anti-communist ideal of Cuba 
deferred from Castro’s ideology of the 
method by which Cubans could and would 
govern themselves moving forward. The 
Free Cuba that Castro deemed a successful 
accomplishment was not recognized by 
the U.S. government nor the Cuban 
diaspora in the U.S. – especially in epicen-
ters of Cuban culture like Miami. The 
definition of Free Cuba has raised an 
immense discussion among Cuban Ameri-
cans. For example in 1999, they centered 
around whether the U.S. government 
should return Elian Gonzalez to his father 
in Cuba. Elian was a six-year-old boy who 
crossed the sea to enter the U.S. illegally 
from Cuba with his mother. While his 
mother died when their motorboat sank 
during the crossing, he had survived the 
accident, saved by fishermen in that area. 
His uncle in the U.S. saw him as a miracle 
and a survivor from the Castro’s Cuba and 

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     Lillian Guerra, “Elián González and the ‘Real Cuba’ of Miami: Visions of Identity, Exceptionality, and Divinity,” Cuban 
Studies, Vol. 38, 2007
     Lillian Guerra, “Elián González”, p. 4
     Lillian Guerra, “Elián González”, p. 18
     Castro Castro, “Fourth Anniversary”       

 

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wanted him to stay in the U.S.. The event 
was quickly known by the Cuban-Ameri-
can community, who had defended and 
protested to prevent the U.S. government 
from returning the boy to Cuba and his 
father. It dramatized, according to Lilian 
Guerra, the “creation and growth of what 
many Miami Cubans understand to be the 
‘real Cuba’ in the U.S.” 

The Cuban exiles in the U.S. did not 
recognize all achievements done after the 
revolution because they deemed them-
selves more Cuban than island Cubans. To 
them – just like Kennedy – Castro had 
changed the island from Cuba to a prison, 
and all who supported Castro and the 
revolution were automatically deprived of 
their Cuban identity. Thus, the problem 
was not merely whether the boy should be 
returned from the “real Cuba” to Castro’s 
regime but rather a question of “If Castro 
wants the boy, then we could not give the 
boy to him”. Most Miami Cubans ignored 
the literacy campaign, the raise of wages 
and agrarian reforms carried out success-
fully by the revolution because they were 
against Castro himself, thus all he had 
done they would oppose. For many of the 
exiles, Elian’s event showed that “the 
alternative patria, the "real Cuba", had 
finally been born” . Each side of the island 
Cubans and Miami Cubans considered the 
other traitors who did not live in “Free 
Cuba”. For the exiles, staying on the 
island and tolerating the revolution was 
passively admitting the legitimacy of 
Castro’s version of “Free Cuba”, which 
was considered an action of treason even 
if the majority of Cubans had chosen to 

stay on the island and defend the success 
that allowed Cubans to govern themselves 
on the island for the first time. To them, 
the Cuba of Cubans could only be 
achieved outside of Castro’s power and 
protected by democratic and anticommu-
nist values, such as in the those Castro.

The Cuban exiles in Miami have intention-
ally ignored the impact of U.S.. interven-
tions and its support of dictators as an 
avenue to protect its interests on the island 
since the 1901 Platt Amendment. The 
U.S.. presence in Cuba, which was erased 
by Castro, had impeded moderate political 
change facilitated through the collusion 
with local capitalists, elites and military 
dictators. Another reason that the Miami 
Cubans could not see objectively the net 
positive benefits of the regime was 
because many of them were supporters of 
former dictator Fulgencio Batista, whose 
interests in Cuba had been expropriated by 
Fidel Castro. Their identity and their 
building of a “real Cuba” proposed by 
President Kennedy neglected “Cuba's 
neocolonial history and the Revolution's 
nationalist goals and socialist policies”  as 
well as the half century of the U.S. occu-
pation and domination in Cuba. When 
Castro made fun of Kennedy in his speech 
quoting that “this flag will be returned to 
this brigade in a free Havana” , he 
revealed that the Cubans in the U.S. were 
exploiters and accomplices of the U.S. 
neo-imperialism who failed to attain their 
interests within Cuba after the revolution. 
They, as only a small number of the Cuban 
population, could not foresee the inevita-
bility of the Cuban revolution which was 

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     Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 271
     Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 275
     Merle Collins, “Are you a Bolshevik or a Menshevik? Mimicry, Alienation and Confusion in the Grenada Revolution,” 
Interventions 12 (1) 2010, p. 38
       

 

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backed by the Cuban peasant workers who 
outnumbered them. They stood for their 
class identity rather than their national 
identity, which left their political view of 
the “Real Cuba” or “Free Havana” at odds 
with the majority who benefitted from 
Castro’s policies.

    In addition to the internal reasons that 
determined the success of the Cuban 
Revolution, the external reasons have also 
contributed an important factor to the 
survival of the Cuban revolutionary 
government. After the U.S. has decreased 
the export quota of Cuban sugar to zero, 
Cuba allied with the Soviet Union 
(USSR), who offered its support to Cuba. 
Cuba purchased refined oil from the USSR 
and Cuba’s sugar was purchased by 
USSR. The Soviets provided not only 
material and financial aids but also techni-
cal assistance to construct Cuban national 
industrial enterprises such as telecommu-
nication, transportation and mining. 
According to Perez’s research, the “Soviet 
assistance was instrumental in building 
and modernizing an estimated 160 indus-
trial enterprises” . The outside support 
from the Soviet Union also provided 
quintessential relief to the shortage of food 
and medical facility supplies in Cuba. It 
helped the elimination of malnutrition in 
Cuba by guaranteeing a minimum daily 
foodstuff ration and “at least one hot meal 
at work canteens, school cafeterias, and 
hospitals” . Hospitals and medical instru-
ments were also built in rural areas, 
improving the equality of allocation of 
resources between Havana and rural areas. 

Cuba’s success in transitioning from what 
was virtually a U.S. colony to a commu-
nist nation is hard to duplicate in regional-
ly. The Cuban example is unique in 
international politics and has served as an 
outlier in Caribbean revolutionary thought. 
Considering the most similar example 
regionally, the following comparison 
between Cuba and Grenada highlights the 
extent of Cuba’s ability to withstand 
American hegemonic influence. Firstly, 
the leader of the Cuban Revolution was 
also a military leader. Castro had formed 
guerrilla troops loyal to him before the 
Cuban Communist Party (CCP) was 
established. He was the head of the army 
as well as the head of the party. It allowed 
him to gain the power to enforce the 
reforms and campaigns carried out and 
eliminate his opponents within the island 
and foreign powers who wanted to topple 
the regime. Grenada had the communist 
movements the New Joint Endeavor for 
Welfare, Education and Liberation (the 
New Jewel Movement or NJM). Its leader 
Maurice Bishop did not possessed any 
military forces. As a result, while the 
movement was able to achieve a ‘blood-
less coup’ it was not able to withstand U.S. 
military pressure when it eventually 
arrived. Bishop and the NJM allied with 
other parties to form the opposition in the 
1976 election. As Collins mentions, 
Bishop tried to “agitate as part of an 
official parliamentary opposition”  until in 
1979, he seized the nation when the 
former PM Eric Gairy was away at the UN 
in New York. The NJM gleaned control of 
Grenada by a coup d’etat but not a revolu-
tion, which means Bishop seized power 

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     Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 271
     Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 275
     Merle Collins, “Are you a Bolshevik or a Menshevik? Mimicry, Alienation and Confusion in the Grenada Revolution,” 
Interventions 12 (1) 2010, p. 38
     Phil Miller, The Secret Story, p. 106       

 

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from “within the rule”, a less violent and 
radical path compared to Cuba. Bishop 
was not able to eliminate his opponents 
completely and defend himself from 
foreign power because he was a party 
leader and did not fully control the defense 
force of Grenada, which made military 
officials more likely to cooperate with the 
U.S.. during the US subversion in 1983. 

Secondly, Grenada’s former metropole, the 
UK, still had the power of projecting its 
influences in the Caribbean while Cuba’s 
former metropole was not able to. After 
taking the nation, the NJM threatened to 
“nationalize British economic interests in 
the Caribbean, which were seen as compa-
rable with the UK’s investments in India” . 
According to the document from the 
National Archives in London and Over-
seas Policy Committee of the Britain’s 
Defence Secretary has an identical plan of 
invading Grenada once Eric Gairy’s 
government was toppled . While it is true 
that since the end of WWII Britain has 
granted independence for many of its 
former colonies, the newly independent 
nations in the Caribbean such as Jamaica, 
Grenada, and The Bahamas still faced 
immense foreign influence. As Miller 
suggested, the capital investment of UK in 
the Caribbean “which may be at risk from 
nationalization, of at least £250 million” 
which would be larger if “banking, 
insurance and oil industry” were included . 
Cuba avoided this colonial influence as the 
former metropole of Cuba, Spain, had just 
ended the military dictatorship of Francis-
co Franco and was focused on its path to 
democratization. Spain’s presence in 

Cuba, a colony it had left some sixty years 
before, was almost negligible. Thus, the 
international environment faced by 
Grenada was much more difficult than 
Cuba. Cuba could ally with the USSR 
without too much scruple while Grenada 
had to consider the consequence of its 
embrace of communism in perspective of 
not only the US but also the UK. 

Thirdly, Cuba’s geographical importance 
and natural resources were more important 
than Grenada, which made it able to attain 
support from the USSR as a vanguard to 
counter capitalism. Fourth, Cuba was the 
first country to have a socialist revolution 
which the U.S. was not too much aware 
of. After Cuba, the caution of the expan-
sion of communism of the U.S. became 
much higher. To let the case of Cuba not 
happening again, the U.S.. has increased 
its control over Latin America and the 
Caribbean to prevent “consequent political 
instability in the area which could be 
exploited by Cuba and other opponents of 
the United States” . After Cuba, the 
intention of the U.S.. to subvert any 
possible socialist or communist reform 
and revolution was reinforced.

    Combining the various internal and 
external factors above, one may begin to 
understand why Fidel Castro considered 
the Cuban Revolution as a victory. The 
revolution carried out a series of 
campaigns that effectively benefited the 
vast majority of Cubans. Income equality, 
health care and education were provided in 
spite of race, class, gender. The gaps 
between cities and rural areas had been 

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     Pérez, “Cuba”.p. 253

       

 

34

had been reduced. The people were united 
under the revolution with a strong leader 
that had eliminated their opponents and 
foreign power. Cuba was able to gain 
support because it was strong from within. 
The support from the Soviet Union was a 
factor but not the reason of the success . 
Seizing its ideal opportunity, the Cuban 
revolution was successful and it will 
inevitably remain successful – just as Fidel 
Castro has mentioned in his Fourth 
Anniversary Speech. 

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Works Cited

(January 20, 2022 / 09:38:42)

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