

































Limited to Recognition: The Trinidadian State and its 
Indigenous Population

Adam Rudder
University of Toronto
FAS Philosophy, Psychology and Caribbean Studies

One prevalent issue regarding the enfranchisement of Indigenous communities within 
the politics of the Caribbean includes the idea that such communities cease to exist. 
Though the impact of European colonization in the region proved to be destructive to 
Indigenous ways of life, this impact was far from exterminatory, and Caribbean govern-
ments and authorities who argue the contrary base their testimony upon groundless 
claims. This paper analyses the actions of Trinidad and Tobago’s post-independence 
government in curating a nationalist discourse based on the histories of its Afro-Creole 
population, and how that discourse was ultimately founded on a complete disregard for 
the country’s Indigenous population. The paper first delves into the colonial extinction 
narratives that have served to restrain Trinidad’s Indigenous community, then it investi-
gates various biological and historical evidence that prove Indigenous diffusion beyond 
the limits outlined in extinction narratives. Finally, Trinidad’s Afro-Creole-based nation-
alism is explored to gain insight on how such an ethnically-driven nationalism has 
hindered the concerns of Trinidad’s overall Indigenous community.

A B S T R A C T

Keywords:Afro-Creole, DNA, 
extinction, Indigenous, 

miscegenation, post-indepen-
dence, Santa Rosa, Trinidad 

and Tobago

B I O

Adam Rudder is currently in his fourth year of undergraduate study at the University of 
Toronto pursuing a double major in Philosophy and Psychology with a minor in Carib-
bean Studies. He is a Canadian-Trinidadian student whose research interests include the 
intersections between Caribbean religions and political thought, and the role that ethnic 
and race relations play in the cultural hybridity of the Caribbean. 
© 2021 Adam Rudder
Caribbean Studies Students’ Union, Canada - https://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/cquilt/

                       This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution- ShareAlike 4.0 International License. 
                       To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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    Maximilian Forte, “Carib Identity, Racial Politics and the Problem of Indigenous Recognition in Trinidad and Tobago,” 174.
    Arie Boomert, The Indigenous Peoples of Trinidad and Tobago from the First Settlers Until Today, 97.
    Boomert, 115.
    Forte, “Carib Identity, Racial Politics and the Problem of Indigenous Recognition in Trinidad and Tobago,” 175.
    Forte, 176.
 
 

 

1

Introduction
Throughout the Caribbean colonial era, 
extinction narratives were frequently used 
as a basis for dispossessing the region’s 
Indigenous community of their land — a 
theme that persisted with the emergence of 
postcolonial states in the mid-20th century. 
One such example of this can be seen in 
Trinidad, where the politics, history, and 
nationalism of the country centred around 
the culture of its Afro-Creole population in 
an attempt to unify the character of the 
nation. Efforts for an Afro-Creole nation-
alism hindered the state’s recognition of 
Indigenous concerns and ways of life 
however, and these efforts often grounded 
themselves upon narratives of Indigenous 
extinction. DNA and archaeological 
evidence have since shown that myths of 
Indigenous extinction are just that — 
myths; the Indigenous community in 
Trinidad is greater than history would 
report. This paper argues that despite the 
diffusion of Trinidad’s Indigenous com-
munity throughout the island, the post-in-
dependence government refrained from 
recognizing their concerns in an effort to 
preserve a nationalism that focused on the 
country’s Afro-Creole population. It will 
attempt to argue this by analysing the 
extinction narratives that have served to 
confine Trinidad’s Indigenous community. 
Next, the paper will investigate DNA 
evidence and historical writings that prove 
Indigenous diffusion beyond the limits 
outlined in extinction narratives. Finally, it 
will explore Trinidad’s Afro-Creole-based 
nationalism to understand how it has 
inhibited the concerns of the overall 
Indigenous community. 

The Development of Extinction 
Narratives
Myths about the extinction of Trinidad’s 
Indigenous community stretch back to the 
British Empire’s occupation of Trinidad at 
the end of the 18th century. Prior to their 
arrival, the island was shared between the 
Indigenous community and Spanish 
settlers. Maximilian Forte describes this 
Indigenous community as “a cosmopolitan 
mixture of people” who were “all assem-
bled under the label of Carib,”  a label that 
would help provide the foundation for 
later extinction narratives. Despite the 
Spanish’s numerous failed attempts to 
inhabit the island, Trinidad’s Indigenous 
population eventually eased their resis-
tance to European colonization and came 
to tolerate Spanish presence on the island.  
The Indigenous community was not fully 
subjugated to colonial rule, and the 
Spanish typically adapted to the lifestyle 
carried out by their cohabitants. Over time, 
however, the power of Trinidad’s Indige-
nous community waned as a result of the 
demographic decline of Indigenes 
throughout the Lesser Antilles.  The 
Spanish gained more power and estab-
lished missions across Trinidad, where the 
island’s Indigenous community would 
ultimately be confined. When the British 
seized control of Trinidad from the 
Spanish in 1797, they brought with them 
an “administration of race” that would aid 
them in their classification of the island’s 
inhabitants.  Trinidad became a slave 
colony under the British Empire, and 
Indigenes would work as free labourers on 
British plantations for the first four 
decades of British rule.  The British 

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    Forte, 180.
    Forte, 178.
    Forte, 176. 
    
 
 

 

6

Empire expressed similar behaviours to 
their Spanish counterparts, in that they 
continued the practice of relocating and 
assigning Trinidad’s Indigenous communi-
ty to various missions throughout the 
island. By confining Indigenes to specific 
loci of land, it gave the colonial adminis-
tration a means for classifying them 
geographically. Indigenous populations 
could now be calculated via inquiry of the 
missions’ residents. Furthermore, the 
British practice of racialization and the 
creation of hierarchies based on race 
provided an avenue to marginalize the 
Indigenous groups on the island. Race 
became another technique for calculating 
the colony’s Indigenous population, since 
racial mixture was viewed as a way to 
exempt someone of their indigeneity. The 
confinement of the Indigenous community 
to missions and the introduction of race 
allowed for the development of two useful 
extinction narratives for the colonial 
administration: extinction by miscegena-
tion and extinction by localization.

Extinction by miscegenation was a narra-
tive perpetuated by the British colonial 
administration in an attempt to hinder who 
could be recognized as Indigenous, and in 
turn, decrease the legitimacy of Indigenes 
claiming rights to land that the British 
sought to occupy. This extinction narrative 
is best captured in the words of Forte, who 
states that “the only real Carib is a pure 
Carib — and the only pure Carib is a dead 
Carib.”  The idea here is that the only 
people who could be recognized as 
Indigenous by the British were those of 
pure, Indigenous blood, and only they had 

any reasonable claims to the land. The 
colony of Trinidad was home to a number 
of different ethnic groups, including but 
not limited to people of African descent, 
European descent, Indigenous groups, and 
East Indians who would come to Trinidad 
in its post-emancipation era. Racial 
mixture mattered greatly to British author-
ities, as anyone who claimed Indigenous 
status lost the title if they were not of pure 
Indigenous ancestry.  Under the British, 
the Indigenous community enjoyed certain 
rights not accessible to the African slave 
population and as such, the Indigenous 
community sat on a higher rung of the 
British hierarchy of race.  Thus, racial 
mixture on the part of the Indigenes meant 
racial impurity for the colonial administra-
tion, and it would give them cause to 
divest Indigenous communities of their 
land and deny people access to their 
missions. This way, the population of 
Indigenous people residing on the 
missions would slowly but steadily 
decrease to a point where the British could 
claim Indigenous extinction, and more-
over, justify their dispossession of Indige-
nous land. Localizing the Indigenous 
community to specific missions also 
served the purpose of proving Indigenous 
extinction. The later, post-independence 
government of Trinidad would use these 
localizations to inadvertently continue the 
dangerous narrative of Indigenous extinc-
tion. 

The narrative of extinction was bolstered 
by the confinement of Indigenous people 
to missions across the colony of Trinidad, 
as this gave credence to the idea that a 
pure, Indigenous population had truly been 
wiped out and the only remaining ones 
were those on the missions. 

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    Forte, “Carib Identity, Racial Politics and the Problem of Indigenous Recognition in Trinidad and Tobago,” 187.
    Forte, 187.
    Jada Benn Torres et al., “Analysis of Biogeographic Ancestry Reveals Complex Genetic Histories for Indigenous 
Communities of St. Vincent and Trinidad,” 483.
    
 
 

 

10

As mentioned previously, the Spanish 
were the first to establish missions in 
Trinidad, beginning in 1697 when the 
“Capuchin Missions” became the desig-
nated territory for all “free native popula-
tions in Central and South Trinidad.”  
Though the British did not grant Indigenes 
this same title of freedom, they continued 
to use the missions as a means to constrain 
the Indigenous communities that were 
active on the island. This would have an 
injurious effect on the postcolonial society 
of Trinidad, as its government would 
continue the colonial practice of determin-
ing indigeneity based on residence within 
the missions. Throughout the 1970s, 
multiple administrations would come to 
recognize the presence of  Indigenous 
people in the Trinidadian borough of 
Arima.  The Santa Rosa First Peoples 
Community (SRFPC), formerly known as 
the Santa Rosa Carib Community, 
represents the Indigenous community 
present in Arima. The Trinidadian govern-
ment recognized the SRFPC as a limited 
liability company in the latter half of the 
20th century, designating the community 
as “‘representative of the indigenous 
Amerindians of Trinidad and Tobago.’”  
This designation is rather harmful, howev-
er, because by recognizing the SRFPC as a 
community that speaks for all Indigenous 
people on the island, the Trinidadian 
government bolsters the extinction narra-
tives that have kept Indigenes unrecog-
nized for so long. Indigenous concerns and 
practices are confined to the locus of 
Arima and the SRFPC, with no consider-
ation given to the concerns of other 
overlooked Indigenous communities in 

Trinidad. The SRFPC and Arima become 
the place of reference for outsiders seeking 
to understand indigeneity and its history in 
Trinidad. In turn, this extinguishes the 
history of the Indigenous folk located on 
other parts of the island, and the history of 
those who were banned from their Indige-
nous communities having been the product 
of miscegenation. Many extinction narra-
tives in Trinidad have been preserved 
through continued miscegenation between 
Indigenous communities and other ethnic 
groups, and through the localization of 
Indigenous groups to specific parts of 
Trinidad. As a result, these narratives run 
counter to evidence of Indigenous dissem-
ination, an area that will be explored in the 
following section. 

Indigenous Presence in Trinidad and 
Tobago
The analysis of DNA evidence and histori-
cal documentation by scholars and 
researchers alike have produced evidence 
that Trinidad’s Indigenous community is 
not only alive, but also extensive in the 
sociocultural makeup of the country. A 
recent study done on the biogeographical 
ancestries of Indigenous communities in 
Trinidad and Tobago found that patterns of 
genetic variation were consistent with the 
historical records of migration on the 
island prior to and after Spanish coloniza-
tion. Benn Torres et al. confirm that there 
were more than eight different ethnic 
groups in the Caribbean at the instance of 
European arrival,  bringing credence to the 
idea that the original inhabitants of 
Trinidad varied in ethnicity. As mentioned 
previously, the island’s first inhabitants 

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    Benn Torres et al., 488.
    Benn Torres et al., 490.
    Benn Torres et al., 491.
    Maximilian Forte, “Extinction: Ideologies Against Indigeneity in the Caribbean,” 48.  
    
 
 

 

13

were a cosmopolitan mixture, which raises 
questions about the subsumption of this 
group under the singular label ‘Carib.’ It 
can be argued that this unilateral labelling 
was simply a means to advance extinction 
narratives, as it became easier for colonial 
administrations to determine indigeneity 
based on whether the subject at hand was 
‘Carib’ or not. It also speaks volumes 
about the Trinidadian state’s appointment 
of the SRFPC as the representative for all 
Indigenous peoples in the country. Recog-
nizing the spokespeople for indigeneity as 
‘Carib’ implies an ethnic group identifica-
tion, and Benn Torres et al.’s research 
highlights why this identification cannot 
be made. 

The participants of the study were all 
selected from the SRFPC, their genetic 
samples were collected, and genealogical 
interviews were conducted. The results of 
the study found high median amounts of 
Indigenous-American ancestry in the 
SRFPC sample, along with African, West 
Eurasian, and East and South Asian 
ancestries.  The researchers note that the 
wide range of Indigenous ancestries found 
in the SRFPC sample was reflective of the 
gene flow of Indigenous groups from 
South America that moved between the 
coast of South America and Trinidad 
during the 19th century.   These results are 
further proof that there is ethnic diversity 
in Trinidad’s Indigenous population and 
that it is naive to classify the whole 
community as ‘Carib.’ Furthermore, the 
fact that African, West Eurasian, and 
East/South Asian ancestries were found in 
the SRFPC sample helps delegitimize 

claims of Indigenous extinction. If non-In-
digenous DNA is found in a sample of 
self-identifying Indigenes, then it is 
plausible to suggest that Indigenous DNA 
would be found in the greater population 
of Trinidadians who do not claim Indige-
nous ancestry. The high median proportion 
of Indigenous DNA in the SRFPC sample 
was reflective of the marginalization that 
Indigenous communities faced at the 
hands of the British Empire.   As such, it 
would come as no surprise if Indigenous 
ancestries were found in a random sample 
of the Trinidadian population, but further 
research must be done before one can 
make this claim unequivocally. Neverthe-
less, there are reasonable scientific 
grounds to suggest that the successors of 
Trinidad’s first Indigenes had disseminated 
throughout the island. The colonial 
practice of ostracizing Indigenous commu-
nities to various missions on the island 
support this claim, as the rules attached to 
miscegenation allowed for the dispersal of 
“racially impure” Indigenous populations 
throughout the greater society of Trinidad. 

Other examples of Indigenous continuity 
can be seen in historical documentation. In 
an article regarding the extinction myths 
perpetuated in the Caribbean, Forte makes 
mention of their incredulity. He highlights 
a major objection to extinction claims: 
Trinidad’s Indigenous inhabitants never 
lost a decisive war, signed a treaty, or 
ceded their lands. Forte’s assertion deau-
thorizes colonial claims of Indigenous 
extinction due to miscegenation, and 
postcolonial claims that Trinidad’s Indige-
nous populations were wiped out during 

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    Steele, “Visibility and Meaningful Recognition for First Peoples: A Critical Discourse Studies Approach to Communication, 
Culture and Conflict Intersections in Seeking Social Justice,” 494.
    Forte, “Extinction: Ideologies Against Indigeneity in the Caribbean,” 55.
    Boomert, The Indigenous Peoples of Trinidad and Tobago from the First Settlers Until Today, 147.
    Tracy Assing, email message to author, December 2020.
 
    
 
 

 

17 

colonization. Indigenous communities 
survived under the Spanish with the latter 
having to adopt Indigenous ways of living 
to subsist, while in the hands of the 
British, Indigenous communities were 
subject to the harsh realities of slavery, but 
still maintained their presence within the 
missions to which they were confined.  
Moreover, extinction by miscegenation 
fails to stand as a foundation for extinction 
ideologies, especially since miscegenation 
helps to expand Indigeneity rather than 
contain it. Admittedly, the colonial narra-
tive around miscegenation was used to 
contain Indigeneity, but in practice, and as 
evidenced by DNA analysis, miscegena-
tion serves as a method for expanding 
Indigeneity beyond an intra-ethnic scope. 
Further evidence of Indigenous dissemina-
tion can be seen in Spanish documentation 
of Indigenous communities at the time of 
their occupation. Throughout the 17th 
century, Spanish authorities confirmed that 
there were unknown numbers of Indige-
nous folk living in forested regions of 
Trinidad.  The practice of escape into the 
hinterlands was not uncommon to Indige-
nous groups throughout the Caribbean, as 
it was a way for them to survive the 
brutality of colonization. Having 
confirmed the existence of Indigenous 
populations in the forest regions of 
Trinidad, it becomes increasingly harder to 
defend narratives purporting Indigenous 
extinction. While there is little information 
documented about the lifestyles of these 
groups of people residing in the island’s 
hinterlands, one can reasonably conclude 
that these communities eventually re-im-
mersed themselves into Trinidadian 

society over the years.  This further 
validates the aforementioned claim that 
Indigenous ancestries may be found in 
samples of Trinidad’s current population, 
as Indigenes had a social reach that 
stretched beyond the confines of the 
colonial missions they were restricted to. 
Myths of Indigenous extinction lack any 
clear, valid evidence, and one may inquire 
into why such narratives were repeated in 
Trinidad post-independence.

Afro-Creole Nationalism and Its 
Repercussions
The post-independence government of 
Trinidad and Tobago was greatly 
concerned with nation-building and 
developing a national ethos, which had the 
negative effect of hindering Indigenous 
concerns. In personal communication with 
Tracy Assing, a member of the Indigenous 
community in Arima with close ties to the 
SRFPC, she discussed the fact that there 
were current initiatives being carried out 
by members of Trinidad’s Indigenous 
community regarding state recognition of 
loss of land, culture, history, language, and 
way of life.  The lack of state acknowl-
edgement on these issues may very well 
be due to the government’s initial efforts at 
nation-building after independence in 
1962. Bridget Brereton cites the narrative 
that is typically produced by former 
colonies in the development of a new 
nation: it is usually based around heroic 
anticolonial struggles, it culminates into 
the achievement of a formal nationhood, 
and it ignores internal divisions.  Brereton 
also points out that these narratives are 
generally ethnic in nature, and that they 

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    Bridget Brereton, “Contesting the Past: Narratives of Trinidad & Tobago history,” 170.
    Brereton, 171.
    Brereton, 174.
    Brereton, 176-177.
    Maximilian Forte, Ruins of absence, presence of Caribs: (post)colonial representations of aboriginality in Trinidad and 
    Tobago, 137-138.

 
    
 
 

 

21 

are employed in an effort to destabilize 
“linear nationalist histories” constructed 
by colonial powers.  By producing an 
ethnic narrative of the former colonies’ 
historiography, former colonies can 
counter any colonial documentation 
regarding their history. These narratives 
emerged in Trinidad post-independence 
and were heavily based on the experiences 
faced by the Afro-Creole population of the 
country. Much of this can be attributed to 
Eric Williams and his political party’s rise 
to prominence, as his scholarly works 
provided the foundation of Trinidadian 
nationalism as it is today.

Eric Williams’ History of the People of 
Trinidad and Tobago perpetuated an 
anticolonial, Afro-Creole narrative of 
Trinidad that would eventually permeate 
the nationalist discourse of the island. The 
book’s central theme was the devastation 
brought by colonialism, and the Trinidadi-
an people’s struggle to overcome that 
history.  While the book was unifying in 
that it acknowledged the subordination 
faced by all ethnic groups during colonial-
ism in Trinidad, the book projected a view 
that Africans and their descendants 
represented the most important ethnic 
group in the nation. Eric Williams would 
go on to become the prime minister of 
Trinidad where his political party, the 
People’s National Movement, would 
assume power for several years. Williams’ 
book became the hegemonic narrative of 
Trinidad’s past, and Afro-Creole arrange-
ments had come to be regarded as the 
defining culture of the nation.  To a 

degree, the Afro-Creole narrative was 
exclusive in that it pitted other ethnic 
groups as background characters in a 
rather multicultural nation. It also under-
played the contributions made by other 
ethnic groups to the development and 
history of the nation. The problem with the 
narrative is that it perpetuated an idea of 
Indigenous extinction that allowed the 
Trinidadian government to ignore calls for 
recognition of lost Indigenous culture. If 
one recalls Brereton’s model, one can see 
the role that the Indigene plays in the 
nationalism of Trinidad and Tobago. 
Postcolonial representations of the Indige-
nous community posit them as the primor-
dial heroes who first fought against 
colonization  — the first tenet of Brere-
ton’s model includes anticolonial, heroic 
struggles as the basis for formal nation-
hood in former colonies. By nationalizing 
the Indigene as the hero, the government 
recognizes the Indigenous community’s 
efforts in the fight against colonization, 
but it also serves as a model for how far 
Afro-Creole Trinidadians have come.  This 
conceptualization of the Indigenous person 
is based on narratives of extinction, where 
the martyrdom of the Indigene serves the 
foundation for Afro-Creole progress. 
Essentially, the Indigenous community had 
to sacrifice their culture, land, language, 
and way of life to allow later Trinidadians 
to embrace modernity. Thus, the Indigene 
does not only serve as a national hero, but 
also the bridge that allowed modern 
Trinidadians to engage in nation-building 
and nationalist discourse. To grant the 
Indigenous community the recognition 

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    Forte, 138-139. 
    Tracy Assing, The Amerindians. 

 
    

 

26

that they are asking for would be to deny a 
modern interpretation of Trinidad’s historiog-
raphy, a perceived backward step rather than 
one toward progress. The obsession over 
progress is a colonial attitude, perpetuated by 
the post-independence government of Trini-
dad, and Assing (2010) captures this attitude 
perfectly in stating the following: “houses 
take up spaces where [Indigenes] would have 
made [their] gardens.”

Conclusion
This paper has argued that Trinidad’s post-in-
dependence government’s lack of recognition 
of Indigenous concerns was due to the 
country’s ethnically-based nationalism 
founded on myths of Indigenous extinction. 
The essay has tried to prove this by outlining 
the relevant extinction narratives used to 
confine Indigenous populations on Trinidad, 
analysing DNA evidence and historical 
documentation as a means for disproving 
extinction narratives, and exploring the 
Afro-Creole nationalist rhetoric that has 
prevented government recognition of Indige-
nous concerns. Trinidad’s formation as an 
independent state presented the country with 
an opportunity to move forward in spite of its 
colonial past. However, in making the move 
forward from a colonial history and develop-
ing an anticolonial future, a country must take 
account of the lived experiences of their entire 
demographic, for to neglect even one of these 
histories is to perpetuate colonial practices. 
Trinidad is one of the more progressive 
Caribbean nations in its recognition of its 
Indigenous population; however, more work 
needs to be done to address internal divisions. 
With further education of the Indigenous 
community’s claims for lost land and culture, 
there remains hope that Trinidad will come 
together as one and be unified in any fight or 

push towards progress.

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Assing, Tracy. The Amerindians. Directed by Sophie Meyer. 2010; Port of Spain: 
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Benn Torres, Jada, Victoria Martucci, Melinda C. Aldrich, Miguel G. Vilar, Taryn 
         MacKinney, Muhammad Tariq, Jill B. Gaieski, et al. “Analysis of Biogeographic 
         Ancestry Reveals Complex Genetic Histories for Indigenous Communities of St. 
         Vincent and Trinidad.” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 169, no. 3 
         (May 2019): 482-497. 
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Boomert, Arie. 2016. The Indigenous Peoples of Trinidad and Tobago from the First 
         Settlers Until Today. Leiden: Sidestone Press.
Brereton, Bridget. “Contesting the Past: Narratives of Trinidad & Tobago history.” 
         Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 81, no. 3-4 (2007): 169-196. 
         https://www.jstor.org/stable/43390667.
Forte, Maximilian C. 2005. Ruins of absence, presence of Caribs: (post)colonial 
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