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CARIBBEAN QUILT 
2023 VOL. 7 NO. 1 
 

 100 

 

                                                                                  

 
 

                                                       

The Consequences of Colonialism to the History and 

Lives of the Garifuna People of St. Vincent 
 
Maria Fernanda de Almeida 

Centre for Caribbean Studies 

Faculty of Arts & Science, University of Toronto 

 
Maria Fernanda de Almeida is a fourth-year undergraduate student at the University of Toronto. She is pursuing a History & Political Science specialist 

degree and a minor in Latin American and Caribbean Studies. In 2021, she received the UofT Excellence Award for continuing research at OISE (The 

Ontario Institute for Educational Studies). Maria's writing and research interests revolve around Latin American and Caribbean political history, es-

pecially the impact of colonialism and civil wars on contemporary politics. In September 2023, she will start her masters degree in Global Affairs at 

the Munk School of Global Affairs and Public Policy. 
                                                                                  
 
KEYWORDS: 

Caribs 

Colonialism 

National Identity 

Historical Literature 

St. Vincent 

Garifuna 

Indigenous 

Yurumein 

 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
ABSTRACT 

                                                                                        
Garifuna people have lived on the Caribbean island of St. Vincent for over 300 years. Land ownership struggles, racism 

and discrimination and attempts at cultural erasure mark their history. This paper analyzes the relations and conse-

quences of colonialism to the current status of the neglect of the Garifuna of St. Vincent. It argues that the arrival of 

Spanish, French, and British to St. Vincent influenced the genocide of Caribs, the creation of stereotypes associated with 

their people, and the spread of academic literature based on false narratives of their stories. These consequences led to 

the current struggles that the Garifuna face on the island and in their fight to rewrite historical memory and knowledge. 

Finally, it is essential to recognize their progress in rebuilding an identity of self-recognition by restoring historical 

memory and demanding governmental recognition. 

 

 

The Garifuna people's origin and culture date back to 1635 

on St. Vincent. At that time, two ships carrying enslaved 

Africans to the West Indies were shipwrecked near the is-

land. Its survivors formed alliances with the indigenous 

people and established themselves there. Hence, the Gari-

funa, also known as the Black Caribs, developed their an-

cestral culture and heritage through the union of Africans, 

Arawaks, and Caribbeans throughout the centuries. They 

Caribbean Quilt 
Journal Homepage: https://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/cquilt/index 
 
 



CARIBBEAN QUILT 
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lived peacefully until the 18th century when the British and 

French started to dispute control of the island for economic 

gains and attack the people. Consequently, three wars hap-

pened in the region: the Seven Years' War, and the First and 

Second Caribbean Wars, which impacted the future of the 

Black Caribs in the territory and overseas. 1 . More im-

portantly, the period was marked by the British and the 

French's historical characterization of the Garifuna—with 

negative stereotypes and connotations—still associated 

with them today. Little academic research challenges the 

false historical narrative created by the colonizers and aims 

to tell the true story from the Garifuna point of view. There-

fore, this essay argues that colonialism caused the status of 

social neglect, discrimination, and cultural loss that the Ga-

rifuna experience. The arrival of Spanish, French, and Brit-

ish to St. Vincent influenced the genocide of Caribs, the 

creation of stereotypes associated with their people, and 

the spread of academic literature based on false narratives 

of their stories. These consequences led to the current 

struggles that the Garifuna face on the island and in their 

fight to rewrite historical memory and knowledge.  

 

The social and economic realities of the Black Caribs of St. 

Vincent have their roots in the arrival of the Europeans and 

the conflicts they initiated for colonial interests. Enslaved 

Africans who had survived the sinking of two Spanish 

ships in the 1600s became the first non-American group to 

settle on the island. They were also the first and foremost 

group to resist European colonizers during the next century. 

The region became a site of British and French disputes for 

control until 1763 when England gained power through the 

Treaty of Paris. However, more disagreements emerged. 

 
1Julie Chun Kim, “The Caribs of St. Vincent and Indige-
nous Resistance during the Age of Revolutions,” Early 
American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 11, no. 1 
(2013): pp. 118-129. 
2 Kim, “The Caribs of St. Vincent and Indigenous Re-
sistance,” p. 127-9. 
3 Kim, “The Caribs of St. Vincent and Indigenous Re-
sistance,” p. 130-2. 
4 Adrian Fraser, “Revisiting the Carib Story,” Caribbean 

Between 1772 and 1773, the British were forced to retreat 

due to the First Caribbean War.2 Taking advantage of the 

situation, in 1779, with support from the natives, France 

once again occupied the area. Only in 1783, with the Treaty 

of Versailles, the British regained authority over the island. 

Unsatisfied with external control, the inhabitants fought 

the British again during the Second Caribbean War in 1795. 

The close contact with Europeans and their limitation on 

social welfare and access to medication caused many Car-

ibs to die from starvation, distress, and epidemic diseases, 

such as yellow fever, that disseminated the population.3 

This time, a year later, the Vincentians were forced to sur-

render. The survivors were deported and sent to the island 

of Baliceaux, where many perished. Eventually, they were 

allowed to return to live under English colonial rule, except 

for the Black Caribs, who were sent away to the Roatán 

island on the coast of Honduras. This forced migration led 

to the spread of the Caribs to Central America.45 

 

Moreover, since colonizers' contact with St. Vincent began, 

the Garifuna people have been a target group. The Second 

Carib War gave rise to the debate on the morality of own-

ing land and enslavement, which forced the British to cre-

ate justifications for their forced acquisition of Garifuna 

land. They appropriated Columbus's characterization of 

Caribs as cannibals and spread narratives of their hostility 

and illegitimate right to the territory.6 The term "Carib" 

was created by the Spanish to differentiate the indigenous 

groups (Red Caribs) from the African descendants (Black 

Caribs). It was mainly a way to alienate the latter and por-

tray them with negative associations, terms, and narratives. 

For instance, Kim writes that William Young's An Account 

Quarterly 60, no. 2 (2014): pp. 57. 
5 Taylor E. Mack, “Cultural Maladaptation and Preadap-
tation in Colonial Honduras: Spaniards vs Black Caribs, 
1787-1821,” Journal of Latin American Geography 10, 
no. 2 (2011): pp. 189. 
6 Julie Chun Kim, “Natural Histories of Indigenous Re-
sistance: Alexander Anderson and the Caribs of St. Vin-
cent,” The Eighteenth Century 55, no. 2-3 (2014): p. 220. 



CARIBBEAN QUILT 
2023 VOL. 7 NO. 1 
 

 102 

of the Black Caribs in the Island of St. Vincent's (1795) was 

the first to use the Black-Red terminology. The British con-

tinued to use this characterization as an ideological strat-

egy to satisfy the conquest of the land.7 Nevertheless, the 

relationship between Africans and Amerindians strength-

ened during the first colonial years as slaves who success-

fully ran away from the English sugar plantations joined 

the indigenous communities. This impacted the decision of 

natives to also adopt the term Carib as a form of European 

resistance.8 Although the two groups were allies, history 

purposely separated and differentiated them to continue a 

narrative that explained the enslavement and land posses-

sion of the Black Caribs. Thus, the historical, social, and 

cultural genocide of the Garifuna started by the European 

in colonial times. Their economic interest in developing 

sugar plantations and continuing slavery caused them to 

target the Garifuna and influence history writing according 

to their financial interests. 

 

Furthermore, these narratives impacted the literature on the 

history of the Garifuna for centuries. Only contemporary 

scholars started to challenge and rewrite them as they 

pointed out the biases in historical accounts. In 1789, the 

botanist Alexander Anderson wrote on the effects of the 

Seven Years' War in St. Vincent and how the Caribs were 

responsible for the destruction of architecture, British plan-

tations, and the country's flora. He called them "infernal 

banditti" since they prevented him from completing his 

work.9 His accounts of the physical and mental effects that 

the massacres and the deportation caused on the Black Car-

ibs during the Caribbean Wars were justified by the logic 

that if they were to be on the island, war and destruction 

would continue. 10  Another work with the primary 

 
7 Kim, “Natural Histories of Indigenous Resistance,” p. 
222. 
8 Kim, “Natural Histories of Indigenous Resistance,” p. 
221. 
9 Kim, “Natural Histories of Indigenous Resistance,” p. 
217-8. 
10 Kim, “Natural Histories of Indigenous Resistance,” p. 

historical influence on the Carib's history is Charles 

Shephard's reports from the European point of view. He 

dedicated his piece to "the survivors of the Carib War," 

which, to him, were only the planters and soldiers. 11 

Hence, it includes stereotyped accusations against Caribs, 

such as allegations of cannibalism, which would influence 

future academic and research work and historical 

knowledge. Many still go back to these accounts instead of 

searching for contemporary literature, critics Hulme.12 

 

In addition, the main historical consequence is the creation 

of the term Black Carib and the negative association it gave 

to the people within society. As mentioned, the name was 

created by Spanish explorers, who divided the peoples they 

encountered in the Caribbean into the two groups of Ara-

wak and Carib to distinguish friendly from hostile natives. 

Any hostile groups were deemed Carib and portrayed as 

cannibals.13 In the eighth century, the British started nam-

ing the African descendants (their enemies) as Black Car-

ibs since they were viewed as ethnically different from the 

original inhabitants of St Vincent. In contrast, the Aborigi-

nals were called Red or Yellow Caribs. The terminology 

was first encountered in British reports focused on appro-

priating lands. Hence, the term black negatively references 

aggressiveness.14 Young's accounts have also influenced 

later versions and reports in identifying the population as 

predominantly African descendants of Black Caribs. He 

tells the story that the Red Caribs were the first to inhabit 

the island until the arrival of fugitive slaves from Bequia 

in 1675. The latter would become enslaved people for the 

indigenous communities. These enslaved people, however, 

belonged to a hostile tribe and eventually killed all the men 

and kidnapped the women, which explained the 

218. 
11 Fraser, “Revisiting the Carib Story,” p. 55-6. 
12 Fraser, “Revisiting the Carib Story,” p. 55-6. 
13 Kim, “The Caribs of St. Vincent and Indigenous Re-
sistance,” p. 121-22. 
14 Kim, “The Caribs of St. Vincent and Indigenous Re-
sistance,” p. 122. 



CARIBBEAN QUILT 
2023 VOL. 7 NO. 1 
 

 103 

significantly low number of Red Caribs by the time the 

British arrived in 1763. Young's book was dedicated to an 

English colony agent who was responsible for controlling 

the deportation of Garifuna from St. Vincent. Hence, Elsa 

Goveia describes his work as a "piece of settler history."15 

These narratives not only deemed the Garifuna of St. Vin-

cent as enemies but also as mere African interlopes who 

had no right to the island. In other words, it was a conven-

ient fiction to attack anti-British oppositions as they inhab-

ited the most fertile lands.16 Fraser points out that there 

has been no "comprehensive retelling of the true story,", 

especially on the history of all Caribs and their roles in the 

Second Carib War.17 In 1973, scholar Bernard Marshall 

pointed out that after 200 years of the war, the main work 

of reference was still dated back to 1795, a biased and un-

examined account.18 Later in 2005, Peter Hulme argued 

that the only stories being questioned and analyzed were of 

those British planters and allies, which revolved around the 

reasoning of white men's burden. It was a historical truth 

that had never been challenged. 

 

It was in the mid-20th century that a new academic trend 

emerged with intellectuals who included and considered 

indigenous sociological theorizing, which was a start to 

understanding the region and its movements of independ-

ence and wars and their national and postcolonial identi-

ties.1920 Scholars who managed to stay truthful and objec-

tive faced hardships. For example, Gullick wrote a "small" 

book on Black Caribs' cultural development during the 

19th century and early 20th century. However, Kerns crit-

icizes his work as it lacks enough documentation and pre-

sents false statements on relations between Caribs and 

 
15 Fraser, “Revisiting the Carib Story,” p. 55. 
16 Kim, “The Caribs of St. Vincent and Indigenous Re-
sistance,” 122-23. 
17 Fraser, “Revisiting the Carib Story,” p. 53-4. 
18 Fraser, “Revisiting the Carib Story,” p. 53-4. 
19 Rhoda Reddock, “Radical Caribbean Social Thought: 
Race, Class Identity and the Postcolonial Nation,” Cur-
rent Sociology 62, no. 4 (2014): pp. 505-7. 
20 Kim, “The Caribs of St. Vincent and Indigenous 

Europeans.21 Also, Frederick Ober's Camps in the Carib-

bees, written in the 1880s, focuses on the lives of those 

who remained on the island and were not exiled—becom-

ing a minority in their homeland. It is a central piece of 

research; however, the book was written when the Caribs 

suffered significant discrimination from society, and many 

denied their ancestry; hence it is also an incomplete 

work.22  

 

Contemporary scholars are the ones who obtained success 

in accounting and writing from the Carib's perspectives. 

Hulme is a contributor to the retelling of these stories. His 

work focuses on European accounts of those who lived 

closer and with more contact with the Vincentians, which 

makes their statements more accurate. His main study dis-

cusses the perspectives of French soldiers who militarily 

trained Caribs. More specifically, Emmanuel-Francois, 

marquis de Lambertye, who was part of the French Antilles 

service in the 1750s and Alexandre Moreau de Jonnes, 

whose memoir of his career as a soldier was published in 

1858. Scholars have mostly ignored their writings.23 Other 

disregarded reports are from French missionaries. Alt-

hough they have biases, they help balance and open the 

narratives for different interpretations as they all present 

diverse relationships with the Black Caribs. Fraser points 

out that the French in the 18th century enjoyed close con-

tact with the Garifuna as they lived among them, traded 

and provided military aid as opposed to the British, who 

had a more "antagonistic" contact heavily focused on the 

acquisition of lands and slavery.24 However, sociologist 

Paget Henry says there is still significant reliance on west-

ern literature that has historically compromised and 

Resistance,” p. 121-22. 
21 Virginia Kerns, “Exiled from St. Vincent: The Devel-
opment of Black Carib Culture in Central America up to 
1945 . C. J. M. R. Gullick.,” American Anthropologist 80, 
no. 2 (1978): pp. 434. 
22 Kim, “The Caribs of St. Vincent and Indigenous Re-
sistance,” p. 121-22. 
23 Fraser, “Revisiting the Carib Story,” p. 55-6. 
24 Fraser, “Revisiting the Carib Story,” p. 57. 



CARIBBEAN QUILT 
2023 VOL. 7 NO. 1 
 

 104 

excluded pillars of the Caribbean theory and the absence 

of ongoing feedback on the regional intellectual tradition.25 

Recent scholarship by Melanie Newton and Brooke New-

man was the first to emphasize the story of the indigenous 

side of the Carib Wars and the importance of race and in-

digenous land claims. This analysis is still new and lacks 

contributions.26  

 

This lack of knowledge in history might be unknown 

worldwide, but not for the Caribs. On his research trip to 

St Vincent, Twinn writes that people know the historical 

lies. As one interviewee said: "Even that story about Co-

lumbus coming here, Doctor Fraser proved that he couldn't 

have done that. He was in Spain, so how come he discov-

ered St. Vincent? They have been telling us lies for years." 

There was a general agreement that they had a history of 

bias, and people did not care to correct it.27 Therefore, to 

gather the historical truth, it is essential to understand the 

Caribs' history and perspectives from both sides: from 

them and the Europeans. These mythologies of division 

and origin influenced British views on Carib/Kalinago ra-

cial classification, their access to rights, and their strong 

resistance to colonization. Academic and historical litera-

ture significantly affects the development and creation of 

historical knowledge and consciousness and the formation 

of national identity. Current research needs more resources 

to continue challenging false narratives and offer justice to 

the story of the Caribs and the Garifuna. 

 
25 Kerns, “Exiled from St. Vincent,” p. 494. 
26 Heather Freund, “Who Should Be Treated ‘with Every 
Degree of Humanity’? Debating Rights for Planters, Sol-
diers, and Caribs/Kalinago on St. Vincent, 1763–1773,” 
Atlantic Studies 13, no. 1 (May 2015): pp. 127-8. 
27 Paul William Twinn. "Hegemony, Carib history and his-
torical consciousness in St. Vincent." Electronic Thesis or 
Diss., University College London (University of London), 
2008, pp. 213-4. 
 
28  Keri Vacanti Brondo, “A Garifuna Homecoming: 

Finally, although they managed to survive and maintain 

their culture alive, the Garifuna people and their descend-

ants overseas continue to suffer from these historical con-

sequences and fight for historical, political, and social 

recognition and change. The 2014 documentary Yurumein 

(Homeland) by Andrea Leland demonstrates the reality of 

the Black Carib now in St. Vincent and the lost contact 

with their American descendants. It shows the lives of the 

Garifuna people on the island while interacting with Caribs 

from Honduras coming to visit their ancestor's land for the 

first time. A fusion of culture and customs occurs as the 

film shows interviews with the people. Many say they are 

still affected by the cannibalism rumours. They are called 

"stupid, evil, warlike, ferocious, cannibal."28 The docu-

mentary also provides a story of the Carib's history and 

their attempt to challenge European narratives and suprem-

acy. It shows attempts to revive their culture and overseas 

linkage through their accounts of reclaiming historical 

knowledge and identity. Those who live on the island also 

talk about how they lost knowledge of the Garifuna lan-

guage as many tried to negate their ancestral identity and 

lack of written knowledge to pass it on. It shows how his-

tory affected their relationship and proximity to their own 

culture. Throughout the film, Vincentians and Catrachos 

connect through dance, music, food, and instruments to 

celebrate the future and remind others of the past.29 Their 

long-lost exchange of knowledge denounces the im-

portance of oral history and the impact of the written ones 

created by colonizers as both groups contrast in cultural 

Cultural Revival among the Caribs of St. Vincent, 
Yurumein Homeland: The Caribs of St. Vincent. Produced 
and Directed by Andrea E. Leland in Conjunction with 
New Day Films. Original Music by Andy Palacio, Rhodel 
Castillo, and Abuza. Still Photographs by Kingsley Rob-
erts; Edited by Tom Shepard, 2014.,” Current Anthropol-
ogy 57, no. 2 (2016): pp. 244. 
29 Mark Anderson, “Yurumein (Homeland): The Caribs 
of St. Vincent.” American Anthropologist 116, no. 4 
(2014): 860–61. 



CARIBBEAN QUILT 
2023 VOL. 7 NO. 1 
 

 105 

proximity.30 The documentary closes by exposing the cur-

rent struggles to rebuild history. The island of Balliceaux, 

where they were planning to build a memorial for the dead 

Caribs in the war, is for sale, demonstrating the current 

land dispossession black Caribs continue to encounter.31 

 

Besides, Smith and Rhiney’s study points out that Carib 

communities are still isolated and vulnerable to struggles 

like climate conditions. The study analyzes the impact of 

climate hazards on indigenous Carib communities on the 

island. Extreme weather, such as hurricanes, impacts their 

livelihood activities, especially in farming communities, 

for example, the hurricane Thomas in 2001. The authors 

explain that the causes of this vulnerability are rooted in 

historical economic neglect and political marginalization 

of these communities that live within lower social and eco-

nomic conditions and vulnerable geographic locations that 

depend heavily on agriculture to survive. Scholars argue 

that despite being the region that contributed less to green-

house emissions, Caribbean countries were early impacted 

due to their small geographical size, high concentration of 

settlements and economic activities along low-lying 

coastal areas, and more.32  

 

Another example of their isolation on the island is the sit-

uation of public transportation. Twinn gives the example 

that their public transport consists of small buses carrying 

less than 20 passengers. To go to Georgetown, the biggest 

town on the island, Caribs travelling from rural areas need 

to cross the Rabacca Dry River, a dangerous pathway that 

degenerates into a rock-strewn dirt track because of the 

lack of a bridge. Drivers must cross via a shifting ford that 

can rapidly be transformed into a dangerous torrent 

 
30 Brondo, “A Garifuna Homecoming,” p. 244. 
31 Brondo, “A Garifuna Homecoming,” p. 244-5. 
32 Rose-Ann J. Smith and Kevon Rhiney, “Climate 
(in)Justice, Vulnerability and Livelihoods in the Carib-
bean: The Case of the Indigenous Caribs in Northeastern 
St. Vincent,” Geoforum 73 (2016): pp.29-30. 
33 Twinn. "Hegemony, Carib history,” p. 188-9. 

following storms in the highlands. At one time, certainly 

in the early part of the twentieth century, there had been a 

footbridge over the river, and the failure of the government 

to build a new bridge capable of carrying traffic is seen as 

another instance of the Caribs being treated as second-class 

citizens.33 Thus, it also affects their identity as both Vin-

centians and Caribs, as anti-Carib attitudes remain. 

 

Nevertheless, one must acknowledge their success in sur-

viving and maintaining their culture alive during several 

attempts of cultural genocide and the fight for social and 

political reforms. They managed to spread overseas. After 

being exiled from St. Vincent, the Black Caribs migrated 

and spread across America; this phenomenon is due to cul-

tural preadaptation and maladaptation that define their suc-

cess and the Spanish' failure in surviving in the Trujillo re-

gion even though they arrived at the same time, for exam-

ple.34 The Carib population has one of the highest fertility 

levels in the world. Crawford writes, "the Central Ameri-

can Black Carib population has increased from fewer than 

2,000 persons in 1800 to approximately 70,000 at pre-

sent."35 In addition, different economic and political rea-

sons made the Caribs relocate on other temporal waves of 

migration. They went to places near Honduras and later 

spread to Haiti, benefiting from their French knowledge. 

Some began migrating into the Mosquitia, while most re-

mained in the Trujillo area.36 This constant reallocation 

enabled them to increase overseas contact and survive co-

lonialism.  

 

The Garifuna in St. Vincent has sought to situate them-

selves as people who live, fight, and exude their mixed cul-

ture of Arawak and black ancestry in a transnational 

34 Twinn, "Hegemony, Carib history,” p. 187. 
35 M. H. Crawford, “The Anthropological Genetics of the 
Black Caribs ‘Garifuna’ of Central America and the Car-
ibbean,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology 26, 
no. S1 (1983): pp. 161. 
36Crawford, “The Anthropological Genetics of the Black 
Caribs,” p. 166. 



CARIBBEAN QUILT 
2023 VOL. 7 NO. 1 
 

 106 

territory. Efforts include the government's newly imple-

mented reforms and policies to celebrate Garifuna culture 

and indigenous national identity. For instance, it recog-

nized Chief Joseph Chatoyer as its first national hero and 

former Garifuna leader during the Caribbean Wars. An-

other example is the discontinuation of the "Discovery 

Day" celebrations in the 1990s and replacement with "In-

digenous Peoples Day.37 This festival has strengthened re-

lationships between the island and other Caribbean coun-

tries and groups. Today, the official recognition of the Ga-

rifuna as part of a cultural diversity that until a few years 

ago was denied by the Indo-European mestizo nationalist 

discourse that prevailed in the region is a historic achieve-

ment. In 2001, UNESCO proclaimed Garifuna culture as a 

Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Human-

ity and recognized St. Vincent as the primary cultural site 

of their culture.38 Although the roots and consequences of 

the past are still seen and lived by them, they continue to 

fight for a rightful space and rights in their ancestral home. 

 

In conclusion, the written history of the Garifuna is heavily 

influenced by the European perspective and manipulated 

narratives. Due to the consequences of colonialism—its 

exploitation of labour, massacre, deportation and spread of 

false stories—caused the Garifuna of St. Vincent to be-

come a neglected population and lose contact with their 

culture. Today they are trying to rebuild an identity of self-

recognition by restoring historical memory and demanding 

governmental recognition. However, their case is complex. 

They carry indigenous and African identities, which insert 

them into movements and struggles on transnational net-

works and narratives of belonging around indigenous and 

black or Afro descendants' movements. 

 
 
 
 

 
37 Twinn, "Hegemony, Carib history.”  

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

38 Anderson, “Yurumein (Homeland),” p. 860-61. 



CARIBBEAN QUILT 
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